## The Project Gutenberg eBook of Niebuhr's lectures on Roman history, Vol. 3 (of 3)

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Title: Niebuhr's lectures on Roman history, Vol. 3 (of 3)

Author: Barthold Georg Niebuhr

Other: M. Isler

Translator: Havilland Le Mesurier Chepmell

Franz Demmler

Release date: March 27, 2025 [eBook #75732]

Language: English

Original publication: London: Chatto & Windus, Piccadilly, 1875

Credits: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK NIEBUHR'S LECTURES ON ROMAN HISTORY, VOL. 3 (OF 3) ***

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# NIEBUHR’S LECTURES
ON
ROMAN HISTORY

Translated from the Edition of Dr. M. Isler,
By H. M. CHEPMELL, M.A., AND F. DEMMLER, Ph.D.
IN THREE VOLUMES.—VOL. III.
London:
CHATTO & WINDUS, PICCADILLY.
1875.
v

## CONTENTS.

| Page
--- | ---
POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE PIRATES.
General review of the Roman Empire. Political state of the then known world, | 1
Venality of the Courts of Justice, the Lex Judiciaria of Aurelius, | 4
Restoration of the tribuneship, | 5
War with Mithridates, | 5
Lucullus, | 6
The war with the Pirates, | 8
Pompey terminates the war against Mithridates, | 10
CATILINE. CICERO.
Character of Catiline, | 12
Cicero, | 15
Cicero chosen consul, | 21
The Catiline conspiracy, | 22
Its suppression, | 23
Enmity to Cicero after his consulship, | 25
Cicero’s kindliness towards young men, | 26
P. Clodius, | 27
Ptolemy Auletes, | 28
C. JULIUS CÆSAR.
Biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch, | 29
History of the youth of Julius Cæsar, | 29
His character, | 31
Impeachment of Cicero by Clodius, | 35
Cicero goes into exile, | 36
viIs recalled, | 36
Consulship of Pompey and Crassus, | 37
Distribution of provinces under Pompey, Cæsar, and Crassus, | 37
Pompey becomes sole consul, | 38
Death of Clodius. Banishment of Milo, | 38
Cicero proconsul of Cilicia, | 38
Congress at Lucca, between Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus, | 39
THE GALLIC WARS.
Cæsar’s Commentaries, | 39
The Books, De Bello Gallico, and on the Alexandrine war, | 40
De Bello Africano, | 40
De Bello Hispaniensi, | 40
Expedition of the Helvetians, | 41
Population of Gaul, | 42
Arvernians, Æduans, | 42
The German tribes. Ariovistus, | 43
Cæsar’s conquest over Ariovistus, | 43
War against the Belgians, | 43
Cæsar’s treatment of the Usipetes, | 44
His war with the Veneti, Expedition to Britain, | 45
Cæsar crosses the Rhine, | 46
Rising of the Eburones under Ambiorix. Insurrection of Vercingetorix, | 46
Cæsar made prisoner by the Gauls, | 47
Cæsar’s treatment of Vercingetorix, | 48
End of the war, | 48
CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.
Situation of Cæsar at the end of the Gallic wars, | 48
C. Scribonius Curio, | 49
Demand of the opponents of Cæsar, | 50
Cæsar crosses the Rubicon, | 53
Pompey flies before Cæsar, | 54
Cæsar in Rome, | 55
Pompey goes over to Greece, | 55
Cæsar goes to Spain. Siege of Marseilles, | 56
Death of Curio, | 57
Cæsar nominates himself dictator. His legislation, | 57
Cæsar passes over to Illyricum, | 58
Defeat near Dyrrachium, | 59
viiTaking of Gomphi, | 60
Battle of Pharsalus, | 60
Flight of Pompey, | 62
Murder of Pompey, | 63
Cæsar in Egypt, | 63
Insurrection in Alexandria, | 64
War with Pharnaces, King of Bosporus, | 65
Cæsar return to Rome, | 65
Meeting of the troops in Rome, | 66
The African war, | 66
Battle near Thapsus, | 67
M. Porcius Cato of Utica, | 65
Cæsar appears before Utica, | 69
Suicide of Cato, | 69
Juba, | 70
The Spanish war, | 70
Battle near Munda, | 70
Cæsar’s triumph, | 71
Cæsar’s last enterprises and plans, | 72
Veteran Colonies. Colony at Corinth and Carthage, | 74
Legislation, | 74
Increase of the Patricians, | 75
Cæsar’s desire for the title of king, | 76
M. Junius Brutus, | 76
Cassius Longinus, | 78
Conspiracy against Cæsar, | 79
Murder of Cæsar, | 80
STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY, OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.
Indecision of the conspirators after Cæsar’s death, | 81
Cæsar’s will, | 82
C. Octavius, | 83
M. Antony, | 83
Cicero, | 84
Cicero’s letter to Brutus, | 88
War in Mutina, | 89
M. Æmilius Lepidus. Munatius Plancus, | 90
Octavius becomes consul, | 91
Lex Pedia, | 91
Meeting of Antony, Octavian, and Lepidus on an islet in the river Reno. Triumvirate, | 91
Proscription, | 92
Death of Cicero, | 93
viiiCharacter of Cicero’s writings, | 95
Battle near Philippi, | 97
Death of Cassius, | 98
Second Battle. Death of Brutus, | 99
Horace, | 99
THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.
Antony. Cleopatra, | 100
Destruction of the Julian colonies, | 101
Perusian war, | 103
Taking of Perugia, | 103
Peace of Brundusium, | 104
Sextus Pompey, | 104
War in Sicily. Peace of Misenum, | 105
Labienus, | 106
Asinius Pollio. Munatius Plancus, | 107
Antony’s campaign against the Parthians, | 107
Octavian takes up arms against Sextus Pompey, | 108
Lepidus forsaken, | 110
Battle of Actium, | 110
Fight at Actium, | 110
Octavian in Egypt, | 113
Death of Antony and Cleopatra, | 118
Feriæ Augustæ, | 114
ROME A MONARCHY. MEASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS POWER.
Monarchical power of Octavian, | 116
Octavian takes the surname of Augustus | 117
Reorganization of the senate, | 118
Jurisdiction, taxes, army, | 119
Constitution of the provinces, | 120
Ærarium, | 121
Lex Ælia Sentia, | 122
Extension of the Roman franchise, | 122
Police, | 122
Division of the town into fourteen regions, | 123
Præfectus urbi, | 123
The Courts of Justice restored into the hands of the Knights, | 124
Italy divided into regions, | 124
Cohortes prætoriæ. Auxilia, | 125
Increase of soldier’s pay, | 126
ix |
LITERATURE.
Perfection of the Latin language by Cicero and his contemporaries, | 126
Varro. P. Nigidius Figulus. M. Lælius Rufus. Curio. C. Licinius Calvus, | 127
Sallust. Lucretius. Catullus, | 128
Valerius Cato, | 128
Perfection of his metres, | 129
Dec. Laberius. Furius Bibaculus. Varro Atacinus. Asinius Pollio, | 129
Munatius Plancus. Hirtius. Augustan age. Valerius Messala, | 130
Virgil, | 131
Horace, | 133
Tibullus. Lygdamus, | 137
Cornelius Gallus, | 138
Varius, | 138
Propertius, | 189
Ovid, | 139
Cornelius Severus. Pedo Albinovanus, | 140
Livy. Dec. Laberius. P. Syrus. Valgius, | 141
Greek literature. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, | 141
PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS. BUILDINGS.
Character of Augustus, | 142
Livia. Agrippa, | 143
C. Cilnius Mæcenas, | 144
Marcellus. Julia. Death of Agrippa, | 146
Tiberius Claudius Nero. Lucius and Caius Cæsar, | 147
Buildings of Augustus, | 148
WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE EMPIRE.
War in Dalmatia, | 149
The Cantabrian war, | 149
New war in Dalmatia, Mœsia, Pannonia, | 150
War against the Alpine races, | 151
War in Germany, | 152
Nero Claudius Drusus, | 153
Tiberius, | 153
Marbod. State of civilization in Germany, | 154
Revolt in Dalmatia and Pannonia, | 155
xQuintilius Varus. Arminius, | 156
Battle in the Teutoburg Forest, | 157
Consequences of the battle, | 158
Germanicus. Agrippina, | 160
Death of Augustus, | 160
Extent of the Roman Empire, | 161
Legislation of Augustus, | 162
TIBERIUS.
Importance of the Imperial history, | 163
Sources. Tacitus. Suetonius, | 164
Velleius Paterculus, | 165
Early history of the Emperor Tiberius, | 165
Tiberius succeeds Augustus to the throne, | 168
Mutiny of the troops in Illyricum and on the Rhine, | 169
Abolition of the popular elections, | 169
War of Germanicus in Germany, | 170
Drusus, son of Tiberius, Germanicus, | 171
Piso. Death of Germanicus, | 172
Crimen majestatis. Informers, | 173
Death of Livia, | 174
Napoleon’s opinion of Tiberius, | 174
Ælius Sejanus, | 174
Macro, | 176
Death of Tiberius, | 177
CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.
Events of the childhood of Caius, | 177
His character, | 177
Suetonius’ life of Caligula, | 178
Prodigality of Caligula, | 179
Expedition against the Germans, | 179
Buildings, | 180
Murder of Caligula. The Republic is to be proclaimed, | 180
TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.
Character of Claudius, | 180
Historical works of his, | 183
Amnesty. Donativum to the soldiers, | 182
Rule of Slaves. Polybius. Narcissus. Pallas. Agrippina, | 183
Aqua Claudia. Buildings. Draining of the Lake Fucinus, | 183
Britain becomes a Roman province, | 184
xi |
LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE PROVINCES.
Influence of the Greek Rhetoricians, | 184
The elder Seneca. The philosopher Seneca. Pliny the elder, | 185
Lucan. Quintilian, | 186
Nero. Fabius Rusticus, | 186
Moral condition of the empire, | 187
NERO.
Natural talents of Nero, | 188
Burrhus. Seneca. Agrippina. Poppæa Sabina, | 189
Burning of the city of Rome. The golden palace of Nero, | 190
Execution of Seneca, and others. War in Britain and in Armenia, | 191
Insanity of Nero, | 192
Rebellion under Julius Vindex, | 192
T. Virginius Rufus, | 193
Servius Sulpicius Galba proclaimed emperor in Spain, | 193
Emperor in Spain, | 193
Galba’s march against Rome, | 194
Nero’s death, | 194
SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.
Dissatisfaction towards Galba, | 195
Galba adopts Calpurnius Piso, | 195
Murder of Galba. Otho proclaimed emperor, | 196
Vitellius proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier, | 196
Battle near Bedriacum, | 197
Vitellius becomes emperor, | 198
Rebellion of the Mœsian legions under Antonius Primus. The Syrian under T. Flavius Vespasianus. The Parthian under Licinius Mucianus, | 198
The Jewish war. Josephus, | 199
Vespasian, | 199
Mucianus, | 200
Battle near Cremona, | 200
Burning of the Capitol. Murder of Vitellius, | 201
xii |
T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.
Domitian, | 201
Helvidius Priscus, | 202
State of Gaul, | 202
Rebellion of Civilis, | 204
Character of Vespasian, | 204
Execution of Helvidius Priscus, | 206
Death of Vespasian, | 207
Titus, | 207
Buildings, | 208
Fire in Rome. Catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii, | 209
Domitian, | 209
Paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus, | 209
Endowment for Rhetoricians, | 210
Agon Capitolinus, | 210
State of literature. Statius, | 210
Condition of the army, | 210
War in Britain. Agricola, | 211
War against the Chatti, and other German people, | 211
War against the Dacians, | 212
Cruelty of Domitian, | 212
Delatores, | 213
Murder of Domitian. Forum Palladium, | 214
M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.
Nerva, | 214
Adoption of Trajan, | 215
Death of Nerva. Trajan’s accession to the throne, | 217
Character of Trajan, | 217
War in Dacia, | 219
War with the Parthians, | 219
Conquests in the East, | 220
Trajan dies at Selinus, | 221
ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.
Apollodorus of Damascus, | 221
Architecture under Trajan, | 222
Forum Ulpium. Trajan’s column, | 223
Later buildings, and castings, | 224
Literature. Tacitus, | 224
Pliny the younger, | 226
Florus, | 227
Greek literature. Dio Chrysostom, | 227
Plutarch, | 228
xiii |
HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.
Adoption of Hadrian, | 229
Remission of taxes, | 229
Outbreak of the Jews, under Barkochba, | 230
Hadrian’s journey through the provinces. Love for Athens, | 280
Hadrian’s melancholy, | 230
Adoption of Ælius Verus, and of T. Antoninus (Pius), | 231
Foundation of Roman jurisprudence, | 281
Literature. Lingua rustica, | 281
Contempt for the old writers, | 232
Hadrian favours Greek literature, | 282
Gellius. Fronto, | 233
African school. Apuleius, Tertullian, | 233
Greek literature, | 234
Lucian. Galen. Pausanias, | 286
Moles Hadriani. Hadrian’s villa, | 285
Hadrian as an author, | 286
T. Antoninus Pius, | 236
Wars on the borders, | 236
Insurrections. Earthquakes, | 237
Gaius. Sextus Empiricus. Appian, | 237
Manufactures of Egypt, | 237
M. Aurelius Antoninus, philosopher, | 237
Stoicism. Junius Rusticus. Epictetus. Arrian, | 289
War on the borders, | 240
L. Verus, | 240
War against the Parthians, | 240
Plague, | 241
War with the German nations, | 241
Rebellion of Avidius Cassius, | 243
Death of M. Aurelius, | 246
Gellius, | 247
COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.
Commodus. M. Perennis, | 247
Extravagance and cruelty of Commodus, | 248
Murder of Commodus, | 249
Pertinax, | 249
Didius Julianus, one of the prætorians, aims at the sovereignty, | 249
Clodius Albinus, | 250
xiv Septimus Severus, | 250
War of Pescennius Niger, | 252
Victory over Clodius Albinus, | 253
War against the Parthians, | 253
M. Bassianus Antoninus Caracalla, | 254
Julia Domna, | 254
Changes in the administration of Italy, | 255
Correctores, | 255
M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.
M. Bassianus Caracalla, Geta, | 256
Murder of Geta, | 256
Caracalla’s journey through the provinces, | 257
Massacre at Alexandria, | 257
The right of citizenship given to all the subjects of the Roman empire, | 257
Fondness of Caracalla for Alexander the Great, | 258
War against the Parthians, | 258
Murder of Caracalla, | 259
Macrinus, | 259
Julia Domna, | 259
Mamæa, | 260
Insurrection of Elagabalus, | 260
Macrinus conquered and beheaded, | 260
Elagabalus, | 260
Alexander Severus adopted as Cæsar by Elagabalus, | 261
Rebellion against Elagabalus. His death, | 261
Alexander Severus, | 261
His rule. Domitius Ulpianus, | 262
Advance of the Germans. Downfall of the Parthian dynasty, | 263
The Persians headed by one of the race of Sassan, | 264
War with the Persians, | 264
END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN, GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.
Mutiny against Alexander Severus Maximin, | 266
Murder of Severus, and of Mamæa, | 267
Maximin becomes emperor, | 267
Insurrection of the Gordians in Africa, | 268
Death of the Gordians, | 268
Maximus and Balbinus, | 269
Murder of Maximin, | 269
xv Gordian III., | 270
M. Julius Philippus, | 271
The thousandth anniversary of the city, | 271
Of Philip’s having embraced Christianity, | 272
Marinus, | 272
Decius, | 272
Spread of Christianity, | 273
STATE OF THINGS AT ROME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.
Freemen, | 274
Difference between imperial and senatorial provinces abolished, | 274
Art. Literature, | 274
Jurisprudence, Papinian, Ulpian, | 275
Curtius. Petronius, | 276
INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN. VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.
Rising of the Germans in the Roman empire, | 277
The Franks. Swabians. Goths, | 277
Combat of Decius with the Goths. His death, | 278
Gallus Trebonianus, | 278
Æmilianus. Valerian, | 279
P. Licinius Gallienus becomes the colleague of Valerian, | 279
War with the German people. In Mesopotamia and Syria. Imprisonment of Valerian, | 280
Death of Valerian. The thirty tyrants, | 281
Odenathus. Zenobia, | 282
The empire of Palmyra, | 283
CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS PROBUS. CARUS.
Death of Gallienus, | 284
M. Aurelius Claudius Gothicus, | 284
Victory of Claudius over the Goths. Claudius dies of the plague, | 284
Aurelian, | 284
Dacia resigned to the Goths, | 285
War with Zenobia. Longinus executed, | 286
National development of France, | 286
xviMurder of Aurelian, | 287
Tacitus, | 287
Probus, | 288
Carus, | 289
Carinus, | 290
DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN. HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.
Diocletian, | 291
Outbreak of the plague, | 291
Literature. Nemesian. Calpurnius. Lactantius, | 292
Arnobius. New-Platonism, | 293
Character of Diocletian, | 293
Diocletian takes Maximian as his colleague, | 293
New plan of administration of Diocletian, | 294
Galerius. Constantius, | 295
Revolt of Britain under Carausius, | 296
Reduction of Egypt. Campaign of Galerius against Persia, | 296
Persecutions of the Christians, | 297
Resignation of Diocletian and Maximian, | 297
Severus, and Maximus Daza, appointed Cæsars, | 297
Return of Maximian. Maxentius, | 297
Constantius, | 298
Licinius, | 298
Death of Maximian, | 299
War of Constantius with his colleague, | 299
Battle near Adrianople, | 300
Wars, | 300
Oppression of taxes, | 301
Change in the monetary system, | 301
Character of Constantine, | 302
His establishment of the Christian religion, | 302
His cruelty in the last years of his life, | 303
Constantinople, | 303
THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.
Constantine’s will declared a forgery, | 304
Constantine, Constans, Constantius, | 305
Magnentius, | 305
xviiVetranio. Gallus. Julian, | 306
Gallus made Cæsar, | 306
Julian made Cæsar, | 307
His successes in Gaul and Germany, | 308
Julian proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, | 308
Death of Constantius. The bishop Athanasius, | 309
Persecution of the Homoousians, | 309
Julian as a writer. His opposition to Christianity, | 310
Revolt in Antioch. Misopogon, | 312
War against Persia, | 312
Julian’s death, | 314
Jovian. Valentinian I. Valens, | 316
Gratian, | 316
Breaking in of the Goths and Huns, | 317
Reception of the Goths in the Roman empire, | 318
Insurrection of the Goths in Marcianopolis, | 318
Battle near Adrianople. Fall of Valens, | 319
Theodosius, colleague of Gratian, | 319
Campaigns with the Goths, | 320
Murder of Gratian. Maximus, emperor of the West, | 321
Valentinian II. Arbogastes. Eugenius, | 321
Battle near Aquileia, | 321
Rufinus. Division of the empire, | 322
LITERATURE, AND FINE ARTS.
Anvsonius. Epitomes. Grammar. Donatus. Charesius, Diomedes, | 323
Servius. Festus. Nonius Marcellus. Macrobius, | 323
Ammianus Marcellinus, | 323
Rhetoricians. Marius Victorinus Symmachus. Panegyrists, | 324
Claudian. Merobaudes, | 324
Sidonius Apollinaris. Renatus Profuturus, | 325
Christian Literature. St. Jerome. St. Augustine, | 325
Sulpicius Severns. Cælius Sedulius. Claudius Mamertus. Salvian Prudentius. Pope Hilary, | 326
Pope Leo, | 327
Greek literature. Historians, | 327
Eunapius. Priscus. Malchus. Candidus, | 327
Architecture. Mosaic, | 327
DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS. ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC. RADAGAISE. ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIANxviii III. BONIFACE. AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER. MAJORIAN. SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS. ORESTES. ROMULUS AUGUSTULUS.
Arcadius. Honorius. Stilicho. Rufinus, | 328
Alaric, | 329
Stilicho conquers Alaric near Pollentia, | 330
Restoration of the walls of Rome, | 330
Monte Testaccio, | 330
Radagaise driven back by Stilicho, | 331
Weight of taxation in Gaul, | 331
Bagaudæ, | 332
Conspiracy against Stilicho. He is murdered, | 333
Alaric appears in Rome. Capitulation. Alaric for the second time turns towards Rome, | 333
Attalus, | 333
Burning of Rome. Death of Alaric, | 334
Adolphus. Placidia, | 334
Constantine in Britain. Gerontius, | 334
Maximus. Constantius, | 335
Theodosius II. Johannes, | 335
Valentinian III. Placidia. Boniface. Aëtius, | 336
Boniface calls the Vandals into Africa, | 337
The Donatists, | 337
Genseric makes himself master of Carthage, | 337
Piracy of the Vandal fleets. The Huns, | 338
Aëtius. Battle in the Campi Catalaunici, | 340
Attila in Italy. Founding of Venice, | 341
Murder of Aëtius. Death of Valentinian III., | 342
Petronius Maximus, | 342
Pillage in Rome by the Vandals, | 342
Avitus. Ricimer. Majorian, | 343
Ægidius, Marcellinus, | 344
Anthemius. Olybrius, | 345
Ricimer conquers Rome, | 346
Glycerius, | 346
Julius Nepos, | 346
Orestes. Romulus Augustulus, | 347
Odoachar. End of the Roman Empire, | 347
Fine arts and literature, | 347

LECTURES ON ROMAN HISTORY.
1

## POLITICAL STATE OF THE WORLD THEN KNOWN. LEGISLATION. THE WAR WITH THE PIRATES.

The states of Europe at this time were as follows. The Roman empire comprised, besides Italy, Provence and part of Dauphiné, the whole of Languedoc with Thoulouse, and Spain with the exception of Biscay and Asturias, although the more distant peoples there were less under its sway. The war against Sertorius had thus far completed the subjection of Spain: beyond were the free Cantabrians, a numerous nation composed of tribes which were quite independent of each other. In Gaul, the Æduans had the ascendancy; yet most of the peoples were without any bond of union, utterly weak, and already overwhelmed by the German tribes. Dalmatia and Illyria were subject to Rome; but her rule did not reach far into the interior, and in the Bosnian mountains the natives still kept their freedom. Macedon, of which the extent was the same as it had been under its last kings, and Greece were Roman provinces. The inhabitants of Thrace, and the tribes north of mounts Scodrus and Scardus, were free.

In Asia, the Bithynian monarchy had been broken up, the last king, Nicomedes, having left his realms by will to the Romans. Mithridates had in Western Asia, Pontus and part of Cappadocia; and on the shores of the Black Sea, his dominions were still wider: the north 2of Armenia, the country north of Erzerum, Georgia (Iberia), Imeritia (Colchis), Daghestan, and also the peoples south of the Cuban were tributary to him; the Bosporus and the Greek towns in the Crimea were to all intents and purposes provinces of his empire; his influence was even felt as far as the Dniester, on the banks of which his supremacy was acknowledged, and his connexions moreover reached beyond the Danube into Thrace, even to the Roman frontier. The kingdom of the Seleucidæ had quite fallen to pieces, the disputes about the succession, after the death of Demetrius, having split the country into a number of small principalities which carried on feuds against each other with great fury: at last, Antiochus, a petty prince on the coast who could hardly keep his ground, applies in vain for help to the Romans. The other districts, longing for peace, are glad to acknowledge Tigranes as their king, who rules from the frontier of Erzerum as far as Cœle-Syria, over Great Armenia, Mesopotamia, Northern Syria, Hyrcania, Kurdistan, and part of Cilicia: his empire yielded him very rich revenues. In the East, it bordered on the Parthians, who possessed nearly the whole of modern Persia and Babylonia; in Eastern Persia and part of Khorassan, the kings of Bactria may at that time have been still in existence, unless the Scythians had already conquered these countries. Media also did not perhaps belong to the Parthians even quite down to the breaking out of Pompey’s war. Indeed their empire was very loosely connected; the Parthian sovereigns were in the full meaning of the word kings of kings, the provinces being ruled by their once tributary kings. The towns on the coasts of Phœnicia, and in Cœle-Syria and Judæa, were free: the princes (tetrarchs) of Jerusalem, of the race of the Maccabees, were independent, and even bore the title of kings. In Cœle-Syria, numbers of such tetrarchies had been formed.

Egypt under the Ptolemies was confined to its narrowest bounds, from the river of Egypt to Elephantine; 3yet it was very rich. Its kings had still a yearly revenue of 12,500 talents, as they were the sole owners of the land. But the state was exceedingly weak and disorganised, being under the most wretched and contemptible government. In Asia Minor, the Romans had of latter years acquired through P. Servilius Isauricus Pisidia, Lycia, and Pamphylia: these countries had until then been free; the first, since the war with Antiochus; the two last, since the settlement of the Rhodian affairs. Part of Cilicia was yet independent, each place by itself: here were the real nests of pirates. Cyprus was a dependency of the Ptolemies, but under kings of its own.

In Africa, after the death of Jugurtha, there was another king of the house of Masinissa on the throne of Numidia. His name, however, is unknown: for the inscription in Reinesius, which is said to have been in existence in the sixteenth century, and in which Gauda is mentioned, has not as yet been found again, and is therefore very doubtful. In Sylla’s time, a Hiempsal was lord of Numidia. The country was certainly confined within much narrower limits than it had been under Micipsa, and before the war with Jugurtha; but, it was still a kingdom. The province of Africa was governed by Roman proconsuls.

The Scordiscans and Tauriscans, those Gallic races which had formerly been so harassed by those who had sprung from the same stock with themselves, were dwelling on the banks of the Danube; higher up were the Boians, who were independent, and also the people of Noricum which was already subject to the supremacy of Rome. The German tribes can at that time have scarcely dwelt farther south than the Mayne; there was probably a line from that river and the Neckar through the Odenwald and the Spessart towards Thuringia. The boundary of the German nation in the east cut deep into Poland.

Although the institutions of Sylla could not be overthrown 4by Lepidus, yet there were many of them, particularly the transfer of the administration of justice to the senate, so hateful from the shameful manner in which they were worked, that even many of the well-meaning among the ruling party abhorred them, and openly declared themselves against them. The venality of the courts of justice was quite glaring: we may learn what their condition was from Cicero’s orations; it was such that honest men were ashamed of the vile abuse. To make the judges independent, was therefore the great question of the day. But while it was wished to wrest the jurisdiction from the grasp of the senate, there was also, on the other hand, some reason to beware of the knights; and therefore an expedient was sought for, to keep that immense privilege from falling entirely into their hands. In such times, the line of demarcation between the different ranks is formed only by landed or by moneyed property; as soon as people want to generalize, there is no other standard but this, although it is a thoroughly false one. Such a classification then becomes unavoidable: Rome was on this wrong road, as France is now. There was in that age, and very likely there had been even as early as the war of Hannibal, a census fixed for the senators; either of 800,000 or 1,000,000 sesterces, being at any rate more considerable than the minimum of the census equestris. Now the Lex Judiciaria of Lucius Aurelius Cotta (682) enacted that a number of senators, knights, and tribuni ærarii, chosen it would seem by the tribes from people of a lower census than that of the equestrian order, should in about equal proportions constitute the courts as a very numerous jury (Asconius on Cicero).[1] This was a great improvement; the judges indeed were still bad enough; yet they were after all infinitely better than those taken from the senate.

Moreover Pompey during his consulship, with the 5acquiescence of Crassus, made another great change. He restored the tribuneship to what it had been, so that the tribunes might even again propose laws, it being reserved to the augurs alone to interpose; besides which, the tribunes were to be again allowed to get curule offices when they had served their time, as had been the custom before the days of Sylla. Pompey saw that Sylla had made a blunder, and he wished to root out the evil at once, without being aware that it was only by going too far that the mischief had been done: for it is ever the fault of men of moderate abilities when in power, that they are always for running into extremes, and keeping no bounds. But any essential reform was in fact impossible, the tribuneship being a monstrous nuisance which it was necessary to abate.

This happened during the consulship of Pompey in the year 682; the further changes down to Cicero’s consulship (689), I leave until then.

The war with Mithridates broke out almost instantly after the death of Nicomedes, many provocations having been given on the side of the Romans: its immediate cause was the alliance of Mithridates with Sertorius. He was completely armed for war, as far as could be done by dint of money and great exertions. The rock on which his enterprise was to split, was his having Asiatics under him, he himself also being one; for Mithridates has been overrated in history. Whatever gold in masses could accomplish, he achieved; but it was to little purpose that he was ever sending new armies into the field, a thing which he was enabled to do by spending vast sums: he knew neither how to conduct a campaign nor to fight a battle. He overran Paphlagonia, and burst into Bithynia and Cappadocia, advancing as far as Chalcedon in Bithynia, into which he drove the Roman consul Cotta. His fleet had decided success; for he chased the Roman ships into the harbour, and took them, The Romans had still (it was then the year 678) the old soldiers of Valerius Flaccus, 6who had now been there for about thirteen years: these men were quite demoralized, their ranks were thinned by death, and their tempers soured by their having been kept as it were in banishment. Mithridates therefore, after taking Chalcedon and Heraclea, had the way before him open to the most wealthy and powerful town of Cyzicus, a place which maintained its fidelity to the Romans with the same determination which it had already displayed in former campaigns. He had posted his troops on the island upon which part of the city is built, being connected with the mainland only by a dyke: from this island and from the sea, he battered the town with all his engines. The people of Cyzicus, alone, and without any help from the Romans, beat off all the attacks of the enemy. In the meanwhile, Lucullus came to Asia. He was a staunch partisan of Sylla, and of melancholy importance in Roman history: more than any other Roman, he transplanted the luxury of Asia to Rome. He was distinguished as a general, and as Cicero thinks so highly of him, he must certainly have had some estimable qualities; but he cannot have gotten his great wealth by fair means. Whilst Mithridates was besieging Cyzicus, Lucullus took a very advantageous position in Phrygia, on the Æsepus; and there, by cutting off his supplies, he put Mithridates to such straits that he was forced to raise the siege, after which he was no longer able to keep his ground any where. Mithridates indeed carried on the siege of Cyzicus too long; yet he ought not to be blamed too harshly for it, since the same thing has happened with generals of higher name. All great generals have made blunders in their turn, with perhaps the solitary exception of the Duke of Wellington. But the king now at once retreats, vanishes entirely from our sight, and is in the heart of Pontus whither Lucullus follows him. Here also Mithridates does not know how to defend himself at all, or to make any sort of stand; nor even how to impede the enemy when it was besieging the towns 7which, like Amisus, Sinope, and others, bravely held out; nor yet how to relieve a place; but he lets himself be driven out of his country, and throws him self into the arms of Tigranes with whom he was allied by marriage. All his great armaments, his hundreds of thousands of hoplites were dispersed; all the most important towns of Western Pontus, the truly favoured part of the land, were conquered. Lucullus now followed him across the mountains into Armenia, and besieged Tigranocerta in the Arzanene, in the district of Erzerum. The Armenian army was in the first battle scattered like chaff before the wind, and Tigranocerta also was taken after a somewhat better conducted siege, which, however, did not last long. Tigranes fell back before Lucullus. Gibbon very justly remarks, that under circumstances which seem unfavourable, the character of a people will sometimes strikingly change; but that sometimes it will only change in some of its features, and not in others. The Armenians behaved on this occasion, just as cowardly as the troops of Xerxes had done against the Greeks, and they had shown themselves the same at the retreat of the ten thousand; but they afterwards improved so much, that in the times of the Eastern Roman Empire, until late in the middle ages, the Armenian soldiers were among the very bravest, and formed the flower of the Byzantine army. Armenia is a very cold country, so that we can still less account for the former cowardice of the nation, as Gibbon likewise remarks: the Highlands of Armenia are much colder than Germany; in the neighbourhood of Erzerum snow often falls as early as towards the end of September, and quite commonly in October. Yet it seems that other causes exercised their influence. In after days, the Armenians, since the spread of the Christian religion among them, became very important allies to the Christian Emperors against the Magians of Persia; and still later they distinguished themselves by their enthusiasm for the Paulician tenets. Lucullus went on as far as Mesopotamia, 8and took up his head-quarters at Nisibis, the Zobah of the 2d book of Samuel[2] (in the Vulgate, the 2d book of Kings), the seat of the Syrian kings in that country; which from the times of Diocletian became the border fortress of the Romans against Persia. Here Lucullus seems chiefly to have employed his power as proconsul for the purpose of enriching himself. At Nisibis, a mutiny broke out among his soldiers, headed by his brother-in-law, P. Clodius: (Lucullus had married one of his sisters.) This outbreak originated with the Valerian soldiers, who had obtained a promise at Rome, that those who had served twenty years should have their discharge. The actual period of service was in those days more and more prolonged, whilst in the times of the younger Scipio not more than six years of uninterrupted military service were exacted: the Valerians therefore had a very good right to demand their discharge. Yet Lucullus would not part with them; perhaps because he had not received the necessary reinforcements, and was not able to let them go. Clodius on this occasion played the mutineer, as he did during the whole of his life. Lucullus, thus checked in his progress, was obliged to retreat to Cappadocia: thither Mithridates again broke in, and he routed C. Valerius Triarius, and reconquered the greater part of Pontus. An outcry had already been raised against Lucullus, that he wanted to protract the war for the sake of enriching himself; and now that the campaign was unfavourable, he was compelled to yield the command to Pompey.

Pompey, in the meanwhile, after the conclusion of the war against Sertorius, had conducted that against the pirates. These must have been a nuisance of long standing; for the rough inhabitants of the coasts of Cilicia had been sea-rovers for ages: even as early as the Macedonian time, they are mentioned as such; so 9that they must already have had their strongholds there. The coast of Cilicia was also very well suited for this; for although there were some important and thriving towns, like Tarsus, there, the people mostly dwelt in small fortified places as at Maina. Formerly this coast land had been subject to the Syrian rule; but when the power of the Seleucidæ was broken up in the year 630, Cilicia became independent, and many robbers by land and by sea settled there, especially in Κιλικία τραχεῖα. In the war of Mithridates, they were encouraged by the latter to make prizes, and their daring was beyond belief: Cicero in his oration de imperio Cn. Pompeii (thus, and not de lege Manilia it is called in all the MSS,) gives an idea of the extent of this pest. From the coast of Syria to the pillars of Hercules, no man was safe anywhere; all the seas were swarming with the ships of the pirates. Those whom they took prisoners they dragged into their fastnesses, obliging them to ransom themselves; or else they sold them, or tortured them to death and threw them into the sea. In Italy itself, they sacked and conquered towns: they once even landed at Ostia whence they carried off Romans of rank who were walking about the shore, even prætors with all the state attached to their office. Rome depended on supplies from Sicily and other agricultural countries, and as these were very often intercepted, the city was in constant dread of a famine. Allied with the pirates were the Cretans, who had, at all times, been robbers like them by sea and land. The naval force of the Romans had much decayed; whereas the pirates had a countless number of boats, which, though small, were too strong for a merchantman. Pompey now received the command against this enemy, and this is the most brilliant period of his life. The fame which he acquired on this occasion is well earned: his plan of operations is quite excellent. He surrounded them as with a net in a battue, and hunted them out of the most distant spots; then, more and more closely contracting his own fleet 10until he drove them to Cilicia, he overpowered them in a battle, took their ships, and reduced their towns, transferring the inhabitants to other places; partly into larger Cilician towns and fruitful districts, where they might gain their livelihood, and at the same time be well watched; partly also into Greece, especially into the neighbourhood of Dyme, into Achaia and the wasted countries of the Peloponnesus.

This was a benefit to the world itself: for this Pompey deserved the everlasting thanks of all who dwelt on the coasts of the Mediterranean. Standing higher than ever in public opinion, he was in consequence of this popularity intrusted with the war against Mithridates. Nor had the Romans ever reason to rue this decision, though indeed they made victory much more easy for him than it had been for Lucullus, as he received considerable reinforcements. Mithridates lost in one battle all that he had regained, without the Roman arms having any great honour from it: he fled to Colchis, and from thence along the roots of mount Caucasus to the Bosporus. Pompey followed close at his heels, by what is now Erzerum, as far as Georgia and the neighbourhood of Tiflis, and the princes of that country did homage to Rome: one of the sons of Mithridates, named Machares, who held the kingdom of Bosporus as a fief, made a separate peace with the Romans; but when he heard that his father was approaching, he laid hands on his own life. Mithridates, who in his misfortunes, with eastern fury, freely vented his passions upon those around him, now became an object of hatred; his servants and children (of whom he had very many) trembled before him. Moreover, he had formed boundless plans: having still a great deal of money, he now conceived the vast design of going to Italy; and he wanted to stir up the Bastarnæ and other peoples on the banks of the Danube, to league themselves with him. When his soldiers heard of this, they could not but remark, that as yet none of his undertakings had been successful; 11and so they broke out into a mutiny at Panticapæum, being joined by Pharnaces the king’s son. The outbreak displayed all the dreadful features of an eastern insurrection; and therefore Mithridates put an end to his own life, thinking perhaps that his son would not rest until he knew his father to be dead. Pharnaces now made peace with Pompey, and he was not ashamed to send him his father’s body: Pompey, however, had it buried with kingly pomp. Pharnaces got the kingdom of the Bosporus and the neighbouring lands, as well as the country of the Cubanians; and this he kept until the later times of Cæsar: when, however, he ventured to mix himself up with the civil wars (se inserere armis Romanis as Tacitus expresses it), he met with his ruin. Pompey now turned his arms against Tigranes, who was glad to obtain a shameful peace by paying a large sum of money, and by giving up all his possessions with the exception of Armenia: even of this he had to yield a part to a rebellious son, but it soon came back to him. Syria he had to renounce altogether: it was reduced in formam provinciæ Romanæ. Pompey went as far as Egypt, and made himself master of Syria and Phœnicia: one of his generals even reached the country of the Nabathæan Arabs, where he received the homage of the Arab king Haret. In Judæa, Hyrcanus and Aristobulus were contending for the throne: Pompey declared for the former. Aristobulus was made prisoner, and led a captive in his triumph; the town of Jerusalem fell into the power of the Romans; the temple was held against them for nearly three months, and then it was taken and pillaged, but not destroyed.

The death of Mithridates happened in the year of Cicero’s consulship, the conquest of Syria in the following one: it is not certain whether Pompey’s triumph was at the end of the year 690, or in the beginning of 691. Pompey’s behaviour after the conclusion of the war was praiseworthy. He showed an animus civilis, and dismissed the whole of his army: he might have 12tried to do just what Sylla did, and made himself the tyrant of the republic. Of the extravagantly flattering honours bestowed upon him, he only once took advantage, and that was at the Circensian games. Thus far he behaved sensibly enough; but in other respects, his conduct in peace was soon such as to belie the name of Magnus, which had been conferred upon him by Sylla in war. His triumph was magnificent: among the trophies, there was a list of the tributes which the commonwealth had gained from the conquered countries. The numbers of these, however, as given in Plutarch, seem to me rather too small than too great: if we bear in mind the immense land-taxes which in the time of the Maccabees came in from Judæa and other districts in Syria, we cannot believe that these numbers can have been correct. It is true that the amount of the new revenue was larger than the sum total of all that had been levied until then; but it is also to be taken into account, that Syria was one of the finest and richest countries in the world.

## CATILINE; CICERO.

We now come to Catiline, who, as an English writer says of Cromwell, is “damned to everlasting fame;” a saying which is far more applicable to him, as even Cromwell was an angel when compared with Catiline. In Italian tales (in Malespini, for instance), he is so much the hero of crime, and become such a popular character, that the vulgar corruption of his name, which indeed is but a slight one (Catellina), has found its way into the Latin manuscripts. I refer you for his history to Sallust, who has written it with great truthfulness, giving every one his due, and doing full justice even to Cicero, without heeding the silly gossip of the people. He was himself, at that time, already a young man and 13capable of observation; and he also became very soon afterwards acquainted with the first men, such as Cæsar and Crassus.

Catiline, according to Cicero and Sallust, was indeed an extraordinary being, endowed with all the qualities of a great man in such times: he was of unequalled bravery and daring, and of giant strength of body and mind; yet so thoroughly Satanic a creature, that his like is hardly to be found in history, even though his oath, in taking which he drank the blood of a child mixed with wine, and caused his conspirators to do the same, may be but an idle tale. He had been a soldier of Sylla, and had greatly distinguished himself in his days: he therefore found himself in the same condition as the Terroristes and the Septembriseurs were under the consulship, after the eighteenth of Brumaire. After terrible civil wars, there remains for many persons who have allowed themselves the greatest excesses, nothing but to return to bloodshed, even though they have nothing particular to gain by it. It is altogether a doubtful question, and one concerning which I have not been able to form any positive opinion, what Catiline had in view. If we suppose that he had a definite purpose, to attain which his crimes were only as means, his object cannot be made out; but if crime itself was his object, then we may understand his character. We have only to represent to ourselves clearly the utter demoralization of that age: the anarchy of Athens which is so much spoken of, was nothing in comparison to that of Rome; it had settled down into forms of its own, and Athens was but a small state. But in Rome there were some hundreds, or at most some thousands of men, who were the masters of the world: these were divided among themselves, recognising no law, no order, and striving by hook or by crook to get their own ends, whilst the republic was a mere name and no one paid any regard to the existing laws. There were, for instance, heavy penalties denounced against bribery at elections, which moreover 14had often been re-enacted and increased; and yet every body knew that, except in extraordinary cases, as in that of Cicero, no one could be consul at Rome unless he spent huge sums. The Romani rustici had no weight whatever: besides the men of rank, the rabble alone had still some importance left; and it was employed by the leading citizens to fight their battles against each other. In such times, even a man like Catiline might in the eyes of very ambitious people seem to be a useful tool; and the accusation against Crassus, a man of most middling abilities, that he wanted to use him for his own ends, is to me not at all unlikely, although Catiline, had he been successful, would have certainly trampled him under his feet. If Catiline had any object at all, it was perhaps to become a second Sylla, a perpetual dictator with absolute power; and then he would not have troubled himself for anything more. Two years before Cicero’s consulship, he had already intended to murder those who were consuls at that time, and to make himself master of the republic. We know him in his most brilliant light from Cicero himself, the very man whom he hated above all others: for he says of him, that he had a magic power by which he fascinated and enslaved all who came near him; that it was not uncommon for young people, having been attracted by his gigantic qualities, to attach themselves to him; and that whoever had once been within his reach, had never been able to get out of his clutches. Cicero himself had defended Catiline before a court of justice. Catiline had been an officer of high rank under Sylla, and afterwards prætor, and an action (repetundarum) was brought against him from which he had a very narrow escape: it may have been on this occasion that Cicero was his advocate. On the whole, people had their eyes upon him, and his designs were dreaded, though no one had the courage to face him: it was believed that he would burn and pillage, if he once got into power. The most opposite characters, even many 15of Sylla’s partisans, were convinced that they, just as well as any one else, would fall his victims.

Cicero now stood for the consulship. Yet though his integrity and his transcendent talents commanded general esteem, his prospects were but poor. With the people indeed, he was a great favourite; but the men of rank opposed him as a homo novus; prætor he had been already. The well-grounded news, however, that Catiline and the conspirators meant to murder the candidates for the consulship, and the belief that there was no preventing the election of C. Antonius, an uncle of the triumvir, who was greatly suspected of a connexion with Catiline, induced the nobles to declare for Cicero. Thus he became consul in the year 698.

Cicero was born on the 3rd of January, in the year 647 according to Cato (649, according to Varro, which is easier to remember, as it reminds one of the year of Goethe’s birth);[3] he was a native of the municipal town of Arpinum, from which Marius also had come. Arpinum was by no means a small place; on the contrary, for a provincial town in the interior of the country, it was very large and important, and it was also one of those which are called the Cyclopian towns: now indeed it is only a poor place. All the men of Arpinum undoubtedly were proud of Marius, an impression which Cicero had shared from a youth, especially as there was some kind of relationship between his family and that of Marius. His own family was very respectable; in a petty feud in his town, his grandfather was on the side of the optimates. His father and grandfather were acquainted with the first families in Rome, and indeed with the enemies of Marius, with Scævola and others of the aristocratical party; so that the discord which runs through the whole life of Cicero, takes its beginning even then. To Marius Gratidianus he was also akin.

Of Cicero’s youth, we only know that he very early 16showed activity of: intellect, and soon began to write. His first tastes were poetical, the first things he wrote being poems in the old Roman form: (his “Pontius Glaucus” was written versibus longis.) In his poetry, he had all his life long the old Roman tinge, whereas his prose was altogether ahead of that of his age. What the first teaching then given in the schools was, one cannot quite tell: thus much only is certain, that instruction in the Greek literature and language was one of the earliest subjects in which youthful minds were trained; just as in Germany, in my time, children had first to learn French. Cicero came to Rome shortly before the outbreak of the Italian war, in his fourteenth or fifteenth year; the reason why his father sent him to Rome, was perhaps because Arpinum lay on the borders of the Italians. At Rome, he was much with Greek philosophers and rhetoricians, and with the most distinguished men of the republic: he was like one of the family in the house of both the Scævolas, and was connected with Crassus and others. He came in a time of the greatest excitement, which is one of the lucky circumstances of his life. It is very doubtful whether he was what we would call aide de camp to Sylla: he does not mention the fact himself; at any rate, it can only have been for a short time, and this military career of his had no influence upon the rest of his life, as his was anything but a warlike mind. He also studied civil law with the great lawyer Scævola: young men would get leave to be present in the Atrium of a jurisconsult, to listen to the legal decisions and advice which he gave there; just as in England one still learns the law to this day, and as was formerly done in France, a way of studying which is of infinite advantage for able minds. Although Cicero has been reproached with not having a systematic knowledge of the law, it was not an empty word of his when he said, “If I wished to get up the law, it would cost me only a few months;” for he knew an endless number of cases in point.

17If we compare Cicero’s veneration for his high born patrons, with his affection for P. Sulpicius, whose political views were diametrically opposed to those of his older friends, we are somewhat startled; but he follows up the truth wherever he finds it, and we may recognise in this the inward struggle of his mind. Those old gentlemen were very respectable; but they had not highly intellectual minds: P. Sulpicius was full of intellect, and as he was a partisan of Marius, there was a closer bond between him and Cicero, who felt a patriotic enthusiasm for Marius, and, when a youth, even sang of him in a poem. When the revolutions began, he was in no danger from either of the parties, as he was true-hearted and friendly to both; that of Marius protected him with good will, and that of Sylla was not fierce against him: he was grieved to see that the wrong was on both sides. Thus, although the distracted state of his country well nigh broke his heart, he worked by himself, making shift with a sort of neutrality. When the time of Sylla’s rule began, he was in his twenty-seventh year, and had already pleaded several causæ privatæ. The earliest of his orations is the one pro Roscio comœdo, which is much older than is generally thought, being several years earlier than the oration pro Quinctio, as Garatoni has proved. The oration pro Quinctio seems first to have drawn much attention to him, owing to the boldness with which he defended his persecuted client: still more did he gain the high esteem of the public by the oration pro Sexto Roscio Amerino, whom Chrysogonus, a freedman of Sylla, wanted to send out of the world. It needed a truly heroic courage for a young man not to be afraid of this dangerous favourite of Sylla, especially for one who was himself connected with the Marian party. He carried his point; but his friends advised him to leave Rome, that Chrysogonus might forget him. Thus he went to Rhodes and Asia, and completed his study of Greek. What he was deficient in, was the knowledge of mathematics, 18of which he had very little, whereas the Greeks at that time regularly made them a part of their education. Moreover, he never systematically studied Roman history, and its writers were not to his taste. He was fond of poetry, yet only in a limited style: his chief favourites in literature were the Greek historians Herodotus and Thucydides; he was also well read in Theopompus, Timæus, and the rest of these: he enthusiastically admired the Athenian orators, in reading whom he felt called upon to vie with them. He had the greatest facility for work, an excellent memory, readiness and richness of expression, all the talents of a speaker. The predominant faculty of his mind was wit, in which he was not equalled by any man of ancient times: it was striking, easy, lively and inexhaustible, what we should perhaps call the French manner.

As to his personal connexions, he seems in his youth to have been without any bosom friend: it was only in his later years that there sprang up that pure fine friendship with Atticus which was a true and sincere union. His brother, for whom he had indeed much brotherly affection and love, was a worthless man, and in no way whatever to be compared with him. Nor was he happy in his married life, having allied himself, chiefly at the instigation of his friends, to Terentia, a domineering disagreeable woman, who exercised an influence over him which strangely contrasts with the fact of his never having really loved her; for on the whole, owing to his affectionate nature, he was easily led by those around him. She egged him on to the most dangerous enmities, as for instance, that of Clodius. The men of the oldest standing all looked upon him with great esteem, but none of them had any hearty love for him.

On his return from Asia, Sylla was dead, the troubles caused by Lepidus were over, and a reaction against the tyranny of the oligarchs had begun. Such a reaction has in its outset a peculiarly refreshing and conciliatory 19influence; the most different persons agree, and become friends. An example of this was seen in France, from the year 1795 to 1797, when men of the most opposite kind united in their endeavours; and also in Germany, at the time when the people rose against French tyranny: of ten who had then been sworn allies, there are now perhaps not two together. The general feeling at Rome was against Sylla, although his party had still the ascendency. This shows how they lost their power: they resigned it themselves, being tired of it; just as the national convention did, after the death of Robespierre. Very likely, people at Rome felt at that time much more comfortable than they had any reason for being: the danger without from Spartacus was so great, that it was necessary to keep close together.

Although Cicero was a homo novus, and had not distinguished himself in war, he yet resolved to obtain the highest offices. One step after another was given him with the greatest goodwill of the people; and he acquitted himself in the most creditable manner, not for the sake of mere show, but from the bent of his noble disposition. He was thoroughly a man of honour, far above even the thought of anything like meanness: to put forth all his powers, and to display them most brilliantly, was his generous ambition. The necessity of making himself conspicuous in order to rise, was the source of that boastfulness with which he has been so often reproached, and which perhaps he would not have had under other circumstances. He distinguished himself by his accusation of Verres, but yet more by his defences; whereas the other great orators were always engaged as accusers. It is quite striking, how many he undertook to defend; but he also pleaded for people for whom I could not have said one word, but rather would have accused them. This was in many cases to be accounted for by his kindliness of soul; as for instance, there was in the defence of M. Æmilius Scaurus, the son, an apostrophe to the father, that deep hypocrite, who, in his 20later years, it is true, was really the worthy man that he had wished to seem in his earlier ones. Cicero had personally much admiration for him, having been kindly received by him when a youth; and it might perhaps have immensely flattered him to be noticed by such a man. Scaurus was a grand seigneur, the first man of the republic as princeps senatus and censor, and Cicero did not know him from history as we do. Thus I confess that a certain great statesman, in whose house I almost lived in my youth, appears to me in quite a different light from what he would if I had not personally known him. Cicero may after all have been chiefly led by the feeling, that he was sparing the manes of a man, who as it were had inaugurated him for life, the grief of having his son condemned. Vatinius he also defended, after having once pleaded against him. Vatinius, however, was not that bad man which he would seem from Cicero’s passionate speech; the latter had dealt his blows too hard. Cicero had forgiven him, as he could not but pity him when he was in such distress; and his gratitude to Cicero, as expressed in his letters, shows him to have been no villain. Cicero thought it a dispensation of providence, that he had power to take his part: the consciousness of being able to give protection by his talent, was the highest delight of his life. For having pleaded for Gabinius, he is indeed to be blamed; but this was a sacrifice which he made to the republic in order to gain Pompey over to the good cause, and it was very hard for him to do. For it was the misfortune of that age, that to do good, one had to be friendly to very bad people. It is a sad pity that this defence has been lost; but the oration pro Rabirio Postumo being a close continuation of the same arguments, we may form some notion of that pro Gabinio; he surely did not make out Gabinius to be innocent. The courts indeed at that time were not juries, whose business is only to find out whether the defendant is guilty or not guilty, and where a higher authority may step in and grant a 21pardon or commute the punishment; but the quæstiones perpetuæ had come into the place of the former popular tribunals, and combined both of these functions: they gave a verdict as to innocence or guilt, and also had the right of pardoning. This latter power must not be wanting in any state, summum jus being only too often summa injuria: as no one else had it in Rome, the courts of justice themselves had to be invested with it. This is the point of view from which we are to judge the tribunals and advocates of that time. When Kant in his Kritik der Urtheilskraft (Critical Enquiry into the Faculty of Judgment) assails the eloquence and the profession of advocate, he is in some measure in contradiction with himself; for even on this occasion, he has written with the greatest eloquence when inveighing against political, and still more against forensic eloquence. Before our (German) tribunals, eloquence indeed is not allowable: the question in our mode of administering justice being “guilty or not guilty,” the Judge has to throw aside anything that might beguile or mislead him. If, as has been often proposed, but cannot be carried out, there were a board which had to inquire whether there be room for pardon, a generous orator pleading for mercy would be very much in his place.[4]

Cicero having thus passed through the quæstorship, ædileship, and prætorship, was now, in his forty-third year, unanimously chosen consul. It cannot be denied that, at the end of his consulship, he became giddy; but he entered upon it with cheerful confidence, and the circumstances in which he was placed were exceedingly difficult. The tribunes everywhere abused their recovered power. The speeches against Rullus are some 22of the most brilliant examples of eloquence, when he demanded a small sacrifice from the people, and induced them not to accept the bounty which was proffered them in the scheme for the division of the lands. Moreover, when the sons of the proscribed (some of whom were of the first families, and had become impoverished, inasmuch as Sylia had deprived them of all prospect of office), had by the motion of a tribune been given to hope that they might recover their honours, he persuaded them concordiæ causa to renounce them. The person who from the very first withstood him, was Catiline. How Cicero was to be murdered; how he discovered those plots; how he saw into the secrets of the conspirators, without being seen himself; you may read in his own writings, and in Sallust. Matters came to such a pass, that Cicero found it necessary to attack Catiline in the senate; whereupon the latter left Rome, which was considered a great advantage. He betook himself to Tuscany where one of his partisans had gathered together some thousands of armed men, a number of vagabonds and outcasts, part of them Etruscans driven from their homes, others military colonists and such like. The accomplices, however, who had remained behind in Rome were men of the highest standing: among others was the prætor Lentulus, who had already been consul, but had been struck off from the list of the senate ambitus causa; so that he had once more to pass through all the offices, beginning at the lowest, to be able again to come into the senate. As to him, Cicero knew of his guilt for certain; in other cases, the connexion was very probable, though it was never proved; in that of M. Crassus, it was very likely. Julius Cæsar was also mentioned; yet Cicero believed him innocent: it is my conviction, that he could not have engaged in anything of the kind, the conspiracy being such, that this is not to be thought of. To get such evidence that the crime might, according to the Roman law, be delictum manifestum, Cicero made use of a stratagem. 23The envoys of the Allobroges, who since Pompey’s return from the war with Sertorius, were Roman citizens, and just then were present at Rome to negotiate a loan, and to obtain relief, he persuaded to disclose to him the offers made them by the conspirators: they were also to get the letters of these to Catiline, and then to give them up to him. The envoys being thereupon arrested, for the sake of appearance, by the prætor Valerius Flaccus, those letters were found among their papers. The punishment to be inflicted, was the question now mooted in the senate. According to the Roman law, there was no doubt but that, the identity of the signatures being proved, the culprits might be condemned to death, and this was moved by Dec. Silanus: but Cæsar argued that this would be a highly dangerous step; that great odium would be incurred by it, as one would have to return to the former mode of wholesale executions; that one should rather disperse the men, and keep them imprisoned for life in different places. I believe that, if in later years the question had been put to Cicero, what would have been best for the republic, he himself would have wished that Cato had not spoken, however honest a man Cato was: it was a misfortune for the republic that those men were executed. That the events are here very much crowded, must not surprise us; for the greatest things may happen within a few weeks. On the other hand, it startles us when Cicero in the oration for Sextius says, “what would have happened, if the conspiracy had been discovered later, if Catiline had had time during the winter, and thrown himself into the mountains?” This seems enigmatical; for those familiar with Cicero’s writings, are aware that he designates his triumph as Nonæ illæ Decembres, and in Tuscany it is certainly winter in December. Yet this comes from the derangement of the calendar; just as Cæsar also once betakes himself into winter-quarters in February.

Catiline had joined C. Manlius in Etruria. Cicero 24adopted the most excellent arrangement. Q. Metellus Celer, who was posted with an army in the ager Gallicus Picenus, marched to the northern slope of the Apennines, to cut off the passes which lead from Fæsulæ to Rome. C. Antonius, whom Cicero with wonderful cleverness had detached from the conspirators, and had quite neutralized by giving up all sorts of advantages to him, had likewise the command of an army; but whilst he was ill, Petreius, his lieutenant, led the troops into action. Catiline, as all retreat from Etruria to Gaul was cut off from him, was obliged to accept the battle. He died as he had lived, like a valiant soldier: the whole band fought like lions; they fell like the soldiers of Spartacus.

For this consulship, Cicero indeed got thanks for the moment; but instead of gaining for him lasting gratitude, it only brought upon him enmity and detraction. This is one of the saddest lessons taught us by the observation of human affairs. It is quite natural for a distinguished man to put forth his claims to acknowledgment; just as the striving after truth is a deep-rooted impulse of our nature:—a true saint, like Vincent de Paul, could alone have raised himself above such a weakness. Plato justly says, “the last garment which the pure man doffs, is the love of fame;” and when he does cast it off, he generally stands on most dangerous ground. When I bethink myself of the crying evil of our age, then I see with pain that there are so few who are bent upon seeking deathless fame: this wretched unsatisfying life, which is all for the present moment, leads to no good. He who yearns after glory from posterity, is sure to be a good man; and even his own age also must acknowledge, and must honour him. The only poetical genius among the Germans now living, Count Platen, has a painful longing after renown, and often speaks of his not being appreciated by the men of his day. Cicero was of a morbid sensibility: if it is in the power of a great man always to command and 25to act, he cares less whether he is honoured or not; but if he is only able to command the souls of men, and not their bodies, he is much more susceptible with regard to such matters. Cicero was keenly, and even morbidly alive to anything like a slight; any injury, or ill-will, any kind of envy upset him. Unhappily, he tried to overcome this by putting himself forward to show to the people what he was, sometimes chiding, and at other times remonstrating with them. They were certainly the vainest of all men, who in the most highly edifying language forsooth! have written on Cicero’s vanity: I am grieved at it, as I love Cicero as if I had known him, and also feel hurt by the scoffs which even the ancients already uttered against him. A source of great heart-burning to him, was the mortification which he suffered from Pompey’s indifference. He must have known very little of the latter before he went to Asia, and they can only have met during Pompey’s first consulship; on what terms of friendliness they were, cannot be known: at that time, Cicero was ædile. Afterwards, Pompey was for the most part absent, whereas Cicero was always at Rome. Pompey, full of his victories over Mithridates, thought of no one in all the republic but himself; and when Cicero wrote an unfortunate letter to him in Asia, in which he told him of the events in Rome, to make him aware of what he himself had done for the good of the country, he answered coldly: he took it as an offence, that Cicero should have presumed, in the face of his own achievements, to speak of what he too had done for his country. Another motive were the aristocratical airs which Pompey was pleased to give himself towards a homo novus like Cicero, although his own ancestor was but a low musician.

Hardly was Cicero’s consulship at an end, when he met with enmity. The whole college of tribunes in the following year, with the exception of Cato, was seditious: party names had no longer any meaning, and Metellus 26and Bestia, who belonged to the plebeian nobility, were playing the part of demagogues, and attacking him with the greatest impudence. His oration for Murena breathes the inward quiet joyfulness, which, just after his victory, made him happy for some time: it is by no means appreciated as it ought to be, and least of all by those jurists who have taken up the gauntlet as knights errant for the great lawyer Servius Sulpicius. People never bethink themselves of the state of mind in which the speaker is, but they are offended by trifling expressions; a thing which has often been the case with myself. This went on for centuries; no one understood how innocently Cicero here laughs at the Stoic philosophy as well as at the lawyers.

In his later years, Cicero displayed much kindliness towards younger men, whom he took by the hand and attached to himself; which was quite different from what most of his contemporaries did, Hortensius especially. Thus he behaved to Brutus, thus also to Cælius Rufus, a very opposite character; Catullus he likewise knew, and was most kind to; nor did he repel young men whom he found astray in evil paths, and whom he mourned over: such was the highly gifted Curio, a man whom he tried by every means to lead to better ways. In the epistles of M. Aurelius to Fronto, the Emperor says, “We have no word for φιλοστοργία, nor have we the thing itself.” This tenderness of heart which very few Romans had, this fatherly and friendly affection Cicero possessed, and therefore he was ridiculed as unmanly and soft: his mourning for the death of his daughter, arose from this inward depth of feeling. He was not a weak character; on the contrary, he showed in great emergencies a very decided strength of will: but he was a most impressible being, and easily upset; he needed “a nice and subtle happiness,” as Milton calls it, and thus the indignum utterly overpowered him. Friedrich Heinrich Jacobi was reproached with vanity, irritability, and weakness; he was just such a 27character, and in him Cicero often becomes clear to me.

The event soon happened which gave rise to the misfortunes of his whole life. The root of the conspiracy was torn up; but many fibres of it had still remained in the ground, and grew up again. P. Clodius was descended in the direct line from old Appius Claudius, being the youngest of the three sons of one Appius Claudius. The eldest of these, who bore the hereditary name of Appius, was a good-natured man, very superstitious, narrow-minded, and commonplace, though on account of his high rank he was raised to the first dignities. There were also two sisters, one of whom was married to Lucullus. Thus Clodius belonged to the very noblest aristocracy: but mere nobility was no longer thought of, and power was all that men cared for. In that profligate age, P. Clodius was among the most abandoned: he is one of those persons who have had most to do with the ruin of Rome. At the festival of the Bona Dea, which, like the Thesmophoriæ, was celebrated only by women in the house of the pontifex maximus, he smuggled himself in, in disguise, that he might meet with Pompeia, the wife of Julius Cæsar; but he was discovered, and tried for it. According to the true Roman law, the trial ought to have been before the spiritual court of the pontiffs, where he would undoubtedly have been condemned: but we see from this instance that the real jurisdiction, except in cases which were strictly ceremonial, must have been taken away from them. Clodius wanted to prove an alibi, and had the impudence to call in Cicero as a witness. The latter is said till then not to have had any quarrel with him, and the fellow was so dangerous that he ought to have contented himself with declining to give evidence; but Cicero, as we are told, to clear himself with his domineering wife of all connection with that family, not only bore true witness, but also gave free vent to his wit: he said things of Clodius in open court which 28put him in a ridiculous light, and could not but have caused his conviction. But Clodius had bought himself off from the condemnation of the Judges; he had actually lodged the money for his acquittal. For this day’s work, Clodius never forgave Cicero, and he thirsted for revenge.

Pompey now came back to Rome, where he renewed his former behaviour to Cicero, treating him not only with indifference but with scorn; and he encouraged Clodius to undertake something against him. Clodius, having now got a plebeian to make a show of adopting him, stood for the tribuneship, and was returned. Such transitiones ad plebem were quite lawful: even in former times, no adoption would have been needed at all; for one had only to go over to the plebs, as many patricians did, when all that was required was that the censor admitted them. But people had now no longer any clear notions in these things, and Cicero himself impugns the validity of that tribuneship.

One of the atrocities of the age was now perpetrated. Ptolemy Auletes, who on account of his utter worthlessness had been driven from Alexandria, came to Rome; and there he bargained with those who were in power about the price of his restoration. The people of Alexandria sent a counter embassy with the most bitter complaints, to prove his guilt; but Ptolemy was powerful enough, with the connivance of the leading men at Rome, to have those who were of highest rank in that Alexandrine embassy assassinated: Clodius had a hand in all this. His tribunate took place in the year after Cæsar’s consulship.

## C. JULIUS CÆSAR.

Cæsar’s consulship (693) is to be looked upon as the true beginning of the civil wars; its date is four years 29after that of Cicero. He had not been much talked of until then, although he enjoyed extraordinary favour with the people; as yet Pompey and Crassus alone were powerful.—The two biographies of Cæsar by Suetonius and Plutarch, are, strange to say, both of them ἀκέφαλοι.[5] In the former, there is wanting besides the real beginning, the dedication to the then præfectus prætorio, a fact which we have known since the year 1812. With regard to the latter, as far as I am aware, this has not been noticed before; but Plutarch could not have altogether passed over his ancestors, the whole of his genealogy, and the history of his boyhood and youth, so as to begin with Sylla’s attempt to have him divorced from his second wife. For this reason, we know hardly anything of his origin. The Julii were an Alban clan, and therefore in the earliest times of Rome belonged to the gentes minores: in the first ages of the republic they are often to be met with in curule dignities; but from the fourth to the seventh century, the gens is no where to be found. Notwithstanding their being patricians, they sided with the popular party. The sister of his father having been married to Marius, Cæsar clung from a youth to Marius and his memory; just as Plato did to the uncle of his mother. He was married to Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna, a union which Sylla wanted to break; but Cæsar, in an age when all men trembled, showed already the greatness of his soul, disdaining, as he did, to stoop and to forsake the wife of his love. Her dowry was taken from him, as the property of her father had been confiscated; and he had to put up with it: he had also to hide himself; and though he was not on the proscription lists, he was closely hunted, with Sylla’s knowledge, by what were called the Cornelians, and he had to buy his life. He was at that time still very young, having, according to the custom of the high born families, been married very 30early; yet there was something so extraordinary about him, that even the wild myrmidons of Sylla, and his most eager partisans, could not bear the thought of sacrificing such a fine young man. It was only, however, with great reluctance, that Sylla consented to his being saved from persecution. Cæsar now returned to Rome; but with all his boldness and determination, he was exceedingly guarded: it would have been happy for Cicero, if he had had Cæsar’s circumspection. As long as Sylla was alive, Cæsar, like an industrious youth who was going through his studies, had his attention wholly given to literature; and the greatest general of his age showed no military inclinations whatever. Nor did he serve any military apprenticeship: when he went out as quæstor to Spain, he at once took the command of troops; just as if among us, one who had never learned the drill, were to lead a brigade. So likewise did General Moreau, in his very first campaign, act at once as a general of division; Frederic II. also had never been in any school of war. After his quæstorship, Julius Cæsar became ædile, when he greatly distinguished himself by the pomp which he displayed, although he was by no means wealthy. But in these matters, he was very careless: to those who lent to him, he gave a pledge in his heart, to repay the debt tenfold, when once he should have come into power.

The opposite party were already losing ground in public opinion. He now boldly set himself up as the head of the remnant of Marius’ party: thus he made over his aunt Julia, the widow of Marius, a brilliant funeral oration, the first which was ever spoken for a woman. And as the conquering faction had unseemingly destroyed all the monuments and statues of Marius, Cæsar one night secretly caused the statue of Marius to be raised again in the Capitol, together with a Minerva which crowned it, and an inscription in which all his titles were recounted. This awakened such affright, that old Catulus was foolish enough to try and 31stir up the senate to take steps against him; but he did it in vain, as Cæsar was already too high up in public estimation. He then got the prætorship, and in 693, the consulate.

If we place Cæsar before our minds with all his qualities, we find in his character a great deal of openness and friendliness. He was a very kindhearted man, though not affectionate like Cicero; he wanted to have many friends, and there he was quite different from Cicero, who was very exclusive: he was indulgent, and formed friendships with many who were diametrically opposite to himself, and whose acquaintance was even hurtful to his good name. He was free of all envy and jealousy of Pompey, though he could not endure the assumed superiority of people who were infinitely below himself. Pompey could not bear that Cæsar should stand side by side with him, nor Cæsar on the other hand, that Pompey should set himself above him:

Nec quemquam jam ferre potest Cæsarve priorem,
Pompejusve parem.[6]

His genius was most versatile: he possessed an unexampled facility and power in all that could be done by intellect; he had an excellent memory, together with presence of mind, and the firmest reliance on himself and his good fortune, being confident that he must succeed in everything. Owing to this great facility, most of his acquirements were not the fruits of the toilsome drudgery of the school, but of the cultivation and exercise of his great talents: thus it was with his eloquence and his style. In the very fact that he owed nothing to art, and everything to himself, lay the chief secret of his wonderful power. He had made himself master of many branches of knowledge; for while they interested him, he devoted to them all his energy and attention. He was particularly remarkable for his acuteness 32and keen observation; and it is certainly no small honour for grammar that Cæsar was so fond of it: his work on analogy would very likely be as much superior to all the grammars of that time, as his history was to all other works of the same kind which are founded on personal observation. The same originality is also manifest in his strategical talents: his sound, strong intellect clearly marks its aim, and then finds out for itself the means of attaining it. He was no intriguer; of all those plots which were then so general, he knew nothing: on the contrary, he was the frankest person in the world, which was the very reason why he was often so little on his guard. Not a few of the arbitrary acts of which he was guilty, were merely the consequences of a former want of caution, of frankness and openness. His kindliness of soul, his mildness and humanity, he showed after his victory in a manner which could never have been expected from him; nor was there anything artificial in it. Augustus was an actor in all he did; but Cæsar was always true and open-hearted. Had he lived in times when the machine of the state was smoothly going on, and was not yet rusty and disorganised, when it was still possible to govern the republic with a strong, sound hand,—as for instance, in the days of Scipio; or, had he been born on the throne, he would calmly have gone through his career, and without destroying anything, have most brilliantly reached the goal. But he was thrown upon a time, when as Göthe says, “one must needs be either anvil or hammer;” and of course the choice was not difficult. Cato might dream as long as he liked, that there was still hope with the fæx plebis, and that the age of Curius and Fabricius were not yet over; Cicero might trim and tack about in this republic, if he chose; but Cæsar could not do otherwise than rule the circumstances in which he found himself, and he had unremittingly, untiringly to advance towards the mark which he had in view. That he was unscrupulous in his wars, cannot be denied: his 33Gallic wars are for the most part downright crimes; his conduct towards the Usipetes and Tenchteri was shocking, and towards Vercingetorix deplorable, it was dictated by an unhallowed ambition; yet he never did anything of the kind against his fellow-citizens. His behaviour to the Gauls may indeed be accounted for by what we know of the manners of the times. The ruling party at Rome behaved towards Cæsar, not only foolishly, but with utter injustice: they ought never to have hindered his offering himself from Gaul as a candidate for the consular dignity. If they had allowed him quietly to get it, matters would not only have gone on better than in Pompey’s second and third consulships, but all would very likely have passed off peaceably, and even perhaps beneficially for the republic. Had it in any way been possible to find a remedy for the disorders of the state, Cæsar was the only man to devise it, and to carry it out.

In his behaviour to Cicero, who during his consulship had offended him, he shows himself to be a very different person from Pompey, though Pompey’s vanity only had been wounded, whereas Cicero had everywhere leagued himself with the enemies of Cæsar. Yet the latter did not bear him the least grudge; but would gladly have taken him with him to Gaul, and there protected him.

As to Cæesar’s style, everybody knows that there is no greater master among prose writers in the γένος ἀφελές. The highest acknowledgment is what Cicero says of his eloquence: it is sermoni proprior, the most finished conversation of a highly educated man. Posterity has indeed been more just to Cæsar’s genius, than his contemporaries have been; Tacitus, however, discerned it.[7]

Cæsar was as a man possessed by fate, who rushed on 34with a headlong impulse of passions, though always benevolent and amiable: he thus got entangled in most unfortunate embarrassments. To this feature in his character belongs his extravagant prodigality; not for his own pleasures, but for the people, which made him dependent upon the rich, especially upon Crassus, who advanced him immense sums. If during Cæsar’s consulship, there had been a party which had wished honestly to attach itself to him, and to rid itself of Pompey’s influence, his year of office would have passed without a stain. It was in fact rather a loss of time for him; as his real object was the province, which, according to the custom of those times, he could only obtain at the end of the year. Vatinius, who was then tribunus plebis, with a violation of the laws which was become common in those days, caused Cisalpine Gaul and Illyricum to be given for five years as a province to Cæsar; and to this was afterwards added Transalpine Gaul, which at that time was not yet a province. Pompey until now had had his province only for an indefinite period.

Cæsar enacted several popular laws. He founded a colony in Capua which, since its conquest in the Second Punic War, had always been in a strange position: the buildings there, and the ground, were the property of the Roman republic; the houses might be held on lease, and the land was cultivated by hereditary tenants who had to pay the tenth of the produce. The state, however, might resume these grants at pleasure, and attempts had twice before been made to change the system: the former of these was in Cinna’s consulship, on the motion of M. Brutus; and the latter in that of Cicero, when Servilius Rullus brought it forward. Against this colony, Cicero had already spoken on that occasion; and when Cæsar now returned to the plan, he refused being one of the commissioners for founding it: Cæsar resented this as a very bitter personal affront, and the two were for some time estranged. Yet for all that, they 35would have been friends again, had Cicero chosen to go with Cæsar to Gaul. Cicero’s brother Quintus was with him there, and was treated by him with the greatest distinction. Cæsar afterwards tried in every possible way to show his good feeling towards Cicero; but the latter was induced by his evil star to remain at Rome.

Cicero had a great deal of trouble with Cæsar’s colleague, a narrow-minded and obstinate, but honest man. The next consuls, L. Calpurnius Piso and A. Gabinius, were ἄνθρωποι ἀλιτήριοι: all the evil that Cicero says of them is quite true. They bought of Clodius, by letting him carry without hindrance his detestable rogations which were to revenge himself on Cicero, the provinces of Syria and Macedonia: the former of these was for Gabinius, who wanted to restore Ptolemy Auletes; the latter for Piso. Clodius now impeached Cicero for having put Roman citizens to death without trial; and yet, as we have already remarked, it was a case of delictum manifestum, in which, by the lex Porcia, no further judicial proceedings were requisite. There were three leges Porciæ, the last of which had probably been brought in by L. Porcius during the Social War. In former times, any one could evade the popular tribunals by going into a municipium; but after the citizenship had been granted to the Italians, the state of things was necessarily altered. The question must now have been, whether men who were full Roman citizens were at all liable to capital punishment for any crime; and public opinion indeed seems to have answered it in the negative. By the lex Porcia therefore, either a Roman citizen could not be put to death at all; or if it must be, it was to be done on the spot. According to this, Cicero could only be proceeded against quod civem Romanum necasset, but not quod indemnatum Romanum civem necasset.

All kept aloof: Pompey went into the country, and would not see Cicero or his friends; Cæsar was in Gaul; Crassus had a bitter spite against Cicero for having 36been mentioned in Catiline’s conspiracy,—as was generally believed, with justice, but yet without Cicero’s having anything to do with it, as this was said by one of the witnesses. With the son of Crassus, however, P. Crassus, who was a very distinguished man, Cicero was very intimate; and he loved him notwithstanding all his father’s enmity. Cicero could not abide the day of his trial, or he would have been lost: the concilia were now in truth little better than the rakings together of the dregs of the Roman market and streets, and such meetings allowed themselves to be guided by a leader in any way he liked. Cicero had therefore to leave the city to save his life. The senate, bad as that body was, mutually encouraged each other, showing great sympathy for Cicero. Clodius, however, followed up his victory, as he saw that the government was quite cowed. He pulled down Cicero’s houses; he destroyed his villa; he put up his property for sale, though not a soul would buy it; and on the ground where his house had stood, he built a small temple to Freedom. The place on the Palatine where it stood, I made out within about fifty paces, and I was there often: in the reign of the emperor Claudius, the house was rebuilt; but it was burnt down again in Nero’s fire. Not only was Cicero himself outlawed, but likewise all those who should give him shelter or abet him. Thus he was not able to go at all to Sicily, the prætor there, with whom in former times he had been on friendly terms, having allowed himself to be intimidated: he therefore went to Macedon, where he lived with the quæstor Plancius, who behaved to him like a brother. Clodius now kept his word to the consuls. Gabinius and Piso got the provinces which he had promised them, whilst he himself with the greatest shamelessness laid hands on whatever he listed. This went on as long as his year of office lasted. In the following year, public opinion declared so loudly for Cicero, petitions pouring in from all sides, that he was regularly recalled, and received with a 37triumphant welcome which consoled him for the moment;—nay, he deemed himself happier than ever. Yet for all that, his misfortune had made a deep impression upon him: the speeches which he made just before the year of that calamity, especially that for Flaccus his assistant in the affair of Catiline, are clouded with anxiety, and with bitter grief at the reward which he received from his country, a sorrow which even endangered his life; and this imparts to them a peculiar interest. The very next year, that happiness was already at an end. The internal condition of Rome became worse and worse. Pompey fell out with Clodius, and showed himself friendly to Cicero. Pompey and Crassus now wanted to be consuls, against the wishes of all viri boni; and they carried their point, as Saturninus and Glaucia once did. To intimidate Domitius, Cato’s brother-in-law, who likewise stood for the consulship, they had him waylaid early in the morning, as he was going home, and his servant, who went before him with a torch, stabbed before his eyes; thus showing him what he was threatened with, and warning him to withdraw from his competition: he was forced to give way.

Now that these two pillars of the aristocracy had thus become consuls, they managed, by means of a Lex Trebonia, to have provinces granted them. From this time, the gentes of the Italians are met with more and more in the Fasti. Trebonius is a Lucanian name: to the same class belong men like Asinius Pollio, Munatius Plancus, and others, who likewise came from Italian towns. The Trebonian law gave Spain with the legions quartered there, to Pompey for five years; and to Crassus, the war against the Parthians. This time, sin was its own punishment: for Crassus found his death in that war, and Pompey also was brought by this illegal measure to his fall. To gain the consent of Cæsar, the possession of his own province was prolonged to him likewise for five years. It is a melancholy fact, that Cicero felt obliged from his experience 38to speak in favour of this assignment, thus making a painful sacrifice to necessity.

The anarchy and confusion daily increased. In the year 701, the elections were stopped, and what had never been done before, Pompey was elected sole consul. While in this capacity, he brought in several laws, especially concerning the res judiciaria, the details of which, however, cannot be made out: thus much is known, that the number of the knights from which the jury was taken was considerably increased, and the pleadings extended. There was also a law passed against ambitus, which indeed is a ridiculous one; but it was only intended to check those cases which were too gross.

It was shortly before this consulship of Pompey, that Annius Milo, who was of an old Roman Syllanian[8] family, and the deadly enemy of Clodius met the latter on the road from Rome to what is now Albano. Each of them, as was then the custom of men of rank, was accompanied by a great retinue; and in the scuffle which then arose, Clodius was mortally wounded. On this, a dreadful tumult broke out, and Milo was arraigned as a murderer. Pompey was against Milo, whose consulship he wished to prevent; he therefore sided with the party of Clodius, and took such measures, that Cicero, when pleading for Milo, for the first and only time, lost his presence of mind. Milo had to go as an exile to Marseilles: he returned from thence during Cæsar’s war, and perished, having engaged in an insurrection against the latter.

Thus far goes on the history to the tenth year of Cæsar’s proconsulship: he now stood for the consulship, and was thwarted in this by all sorts of sophisms and cabals. During the last years, Cicero had been forced 39against his will to accept the proconsulship of Cilicia. It was a very dangerous position: on the one hand, he was afraid of the country being overrun by the Parthians, who since the death of Crassus had been let loose; and on the other, he could not bear to live in an out-of-the-way corner, where even the rudiments of Greek learning were hardly to be met with, and the gentry themselves had only a short time before been captains of pirates. The overthrow of Crassus happened in the fifth year of Cæsar’s proconsulship.

The peace between Pompey and Cæsar, which lasted during the absence of the latter, was made in a congress at Lucca between Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus, all three of whom came thither with a strong body of followers, and settled about the fate of the commonwealth. If may be imagined what must have been the condition of a state in which such things could have happened. Pompey then married Cæsar’s daughter Julia, who, however, died not long afterwards in child-bed: her infant daughter soon followed her. This broke again the connexion: had it lasted, Cæsar would certainly not have undertaken any war. He was a man of so much heart, that he would no doubt have rather borne with anything, if by the war his daughter and grand-daughter were at all likely to be injured.

## THE GALLIC WARS.

Cæsar’s Commentaries and Hirtius’ supplements are written with such conciseness and terseness, that to abridge them still more would leave nothing but a reduced miniature outline; and therefore I refer you to the work itself. The oftener one reads them, the more one recognises the hand of a great master. There remains, however, much to be done for him: a critical edition is much wanted. With regard to the Gallic 40war much good is to be expected; not only from the manuscripts already collated, of which there are many, but also from those not yet collated, the number of which is still greater. The Italian ones, especially those at Florence and in the Vatican, are some of them very old, and have for the most part not yet been made use of; the English ones, the majority of which have been collated, are of very inferior value. The manuscripts of the books De Bello Gallico are not to be traced to one single family, as is the case with those De Bello Civili: in these little is to be gathered from the collations; the same gaps are found in all of them, and they are likewise ἀκέφαλοι, the first words being patched in, in the later times of the middle ages, to hide the defect a little. Davis and Oudendorp were very well aware of this. As for the other books, I put them up some time ago as the subject for a prize essay, but without success: I will tell you my opinion about them. The appended book on the Alexandrine war, and the last on the Gallic war, in their style and manner evidently betray the same author, that is, A. Hirtius, a most accomplished man, to whom we may certainly give the credit of something so sterling. To think of Pansa is quite preposterous. It is one of the most excellent works which we have in the range of Latin literature; the language is most highly classical, being the Latin then spoken by the first men of the day. Very different is the book De Bello Africano, which I unhesitatingly ascribe to C. Oppius. It is indeed clever, written by a very good officer, and thoroughly trustworthy; but the style is much less elegant. Oppius was the companion of Cæsar in all his wars, and one of his dearest friends. Once, while on a journey, they both put up for the night at the same cottage, when, Oppius being ill, Cæsar gave up to him the only disposable room in the house, and he himself slept in the passage. Such traits are quite unstudied, showing us Cæsar as he really was. Who wrote the book De Bello Hispaniensi, 41heaven knows; certainly a man who did not belong to good society, its language being the genuine vulgar idiom of the common Roman soldier: it is an extract from the diaries which a dull fellow kept during the war, and it is a curious and odd performance of its kind.

When Cæsar came to Gaul, the country was in great commotion. Languedoc, Provence, and only since a short time, Dauphiné also and Savoy, were subject to the Roman sway; the Allobroges called for Cæsar’s protection against the inroads of the Helvetians. This is one of the strangest events in the whole of antiquity. A man of high rank prevails upon the whole of the nation to break up, and to conquer new abodes in the then distracted land of Gaul, promising to lead them into fine countries where they might live like gentlemen, whilst the conquered people were to till the fields. He might perhaps have felt some dread at the spread of the Sueves in the Alps, as they would have been obliged to defend themselves against them at a disadvantage, or have to place themselves under the protection of Rome. Such a thought as this conceived by an individual is not a thing quite so unheard of; but that he could have made the whole nation destroy its towns and villages, and that after his death, they still followed up his plan, is certainly surprising. Yet they did it, and marched with the Tigurini into Southern Gaul. How Cæsar now negotiated with the Helvetians; how he blocked up their road to the Roman province, and having beaten them in two battles, obliged them, after a terrible slaughter in which the Romans revenged themselves on the Tigurini for the Cimbric devastations, to capitulate to him; is not only generally known, but also told very circumstantially in the first book of the Commentaries. The power of the Helvetians having been broken, the remnant returned to their home: it was an awful end of a fantastic scheme. What may be said to explain and excuse it, is the then situation of Gaul, which, quite 42different from the present compact country of France, was parcelled out among a great number of distinct tribes. One must distinguish the Aquitanians, who were Iberians, in Guienne; the mingled Iberians and Celts, in Languedoc; the mixture of Celts and Ligurians on the Rhone; the Ligurians on the coast of Provence; and further in the interior of France, the Celts or Gauls. Yet all the people between the Garonne in the south, and the Seine and the Marne in the north, were not Celts: there certainly were Cymri or Belgians already in Basse Bretagne. Their alleged emigration from Britain in the fifth century is fabulous. These Cymri were strangers to the true Gael or Celts. It is not surprising that they kept their ground in Brittany; for originally they had their abodes all along the north of the Seine and the Marne, but were afterwards severed from each other by the Celts, who pushed on from the south to the north.

In the remaining parts of free Gaul, the Arvernians were of old the ruling people; all the rest were dependent upon them, even as the nations of the Peloponnesus were on Sparta. And just as afterwards in Greece, Athens put up for the hegemony; so likewise the Æduans rose by the side of the Arvernians, being encouraged by the Romans, who were true to their policy of dividing: they sided with the Romans in the war which, in the year 631, the Allobroges and the Arvernians waged so disastrously against Rome. It was then that the Æduans got the name of brothers and friends of the Roman people, and they grew powerful at the expense of the Arvernians. They were now great for some time; but at length the Sequani rose in Franche Comté, and on this occasion a German tribe, the Sueves, burst into Gaul: the Arvernians never raised their heads again. Gaul was an exhausted wretched country. Owing to the many emigrations which there had been, its population may have dwindled; although, on the whole, emigrations, if they be not too extensive, will not weaken 43a country, even if they have drained it of two-thirds of its inhabitants, as the loss will be made up in about seventy to eighty years. What may have then induced the German tribes to cross the Rhine, is buried from us in the night of oblivion. Very likely, even before the Gallic conquest, they had once their dwellings as far as the Alps: in the Valais, according to Livy, ere yet the Gauls had settled there, there were Germans who must have been overpowered by the Celts: as conquerors, the Germans never came thither. Ariovistus, who was in the country of the Sequani, took for his Sueves part of the arable land, some of which they tilled themselves, and the rest they made the conquered inhabitants farm for them: this policy was afterwards always followed by the Germans. Against him, the Æduans and the Sequani called upon the aid of the Romans, and it was the very difficulty of the enterprise which emboldened Cæsar to engage in it. Situated as he was, he ought not to have done it; for the year before his consulship, Ariovistus had actually been acknowledged by the Roman people as a sovereign king. Cæsar marched against him notwithstanding, and won a decisive victory near Besançon: most of the Sueves were destroyed, and the remnant again crossed the Rhine, whither Cæsar at that time was too wise to follow them. There was now, not only the whole country of the Gauls beyond the Alps under his rule, but also Cisalpine Gaul, down to the frontier of the Romagna; Illyricum, as far as Macedon; and on the side of the Barbarians, quite boundless tracts. Here he had seven legions, and all the auxiliaries he could get from the allies. We of course hear no more of real socii, but merely of auxilia, which were quite a different thing: the socii were armed in the Roman manner, and were true legions; whilst the auxilia were formed into cohorts, and for the most part retained their national weapons.

There must now have been something which led the Belgians to dread that Cæsar would attack them: from 44his Commentaries, it appears as if the Gallic peoples had always been mistrustful and ill-disposed, without any reason at all. All the Belgians between the Seine, the Marne, and the Rhine, with the exception of the Remi—who were the most distinguished among them—were arrayed in arms against the Romans. I suppose that the Remi intrigued with these last, that they might thus get the other Belgian tribes under their clientship. The weakness of the Gallic and Belgian nations lay in their not having a free population: they had only priests (Druids), knights, and serfs. These last on many occasions could not forget that they were fighting only for their masters, and not for their country, although they often indeed behaved bravely;—sometimes they even fought with the courage of lions, but there was no steadfastness in it. Of a people like the Nervians, one might almost surmise that they had no serfs. This Belgian war Cæsar decided in two battles, on the Aisne and on the Sombre; whereupon he invaded Brabant, then the country of the Nervians. They stood their ground most nobly, but yet they were almost entirely exterminated.

The Æduans and the Arvernians now silently acknowledged the supremacy of the Romans; and most of the peoples of Gaul, as far as the Ocean, were completely subdued. Cæsar was already spreading his troops in extensive winter-quarters among the Belgians, from whom he expected to meet with a stouter resistance. Thus he got into collision with the Germans, the Usipetes and the Tenchteri, having crossed the Rhine, and made war against the Belgians on the Meuse. Ever ready to take advantage of such an opportunity, he fell upon them; and here he committed the worst act of his life. Having entered into negotiations with these tribes, he got their chiefs to come to him, threw them into prison, and then attacked the host which he had thus deprived of its leaders—a base deed which he tries in vain to justify. This business was brought before the 45senate. Cato was for having Cæsar given up to the Germans as one who had broken the law of nations, a motion which of course came to nothing.

He also turned himself against the Veneti in Brittany, a seafaring people at the mouth of the Loire: on this river, he built a fleet with which he overpowered them. The whole of this campaign was conducted by him with remarkable skill; yet here also, as in the whole of the Gallic war, he behaved with great cruelty. Soon afterwards, he went on his first expedition to Britain, where the tin mines of Cornwall had already been known for ages. Tin is even now chiefly brought from England and the East Indies (from the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Banca); a little only is found in the Hartz and the Erzgebirge. The Phœnicians did not fetch it from India. An immense quantity of tin was used in ancient times, as it was by an alloy with it that copper was made fusible. Brass was only of late invention, considerably later than bronze, for the founding of which, however, tin is required. Bronze is very old indeed, being met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in the tabernacle of Moses already. The trade in tin was carried on through a twofold channel; either by Cadiz, which was by sea the whole way, or else by land, through Narbonne and Nantes. About the rest of Britain nobody cared. The country at that time was thought at Rome to be quite inaccessible, and Cæsar became smitten with the fancy of conquering these untrodden lands. Booty there was little to be gained in that undertaking, as he did not go near the tin districts, and Kent and Sussex, which he invaded, were very poor: the Romans are said to have found there neither gold nor silver, whereas in Gaul there was a good deal of money in circulation. He nearly lost his ships, which, being badly built, could hardly make their way in these foreign seas: the ebb and flow of the tides, especially the strong tides of the Channel, was what the Romans knew nothing about. After having defeated 46the half-naked and badly-armed barbarians, he made their seeming submission a pretext for going away again. A second expedition was as unsuccessful: yet he penetrated beyond the Thames, above London, very likely to the neighbourhood of Windsor, got some hostages, and returned. Scarcely, however, had he left the island, when that show of obedience ceased.

Twice also did Cæsar cross the Rhine, and that in our own neighbourhood, against the Sigambri and the Sueves; both times, however, without obtaining any advantage. Yet that it was possible to advance so far into those wild forests, is much to be wondered at: as the Westerwald is in fact the western part of that immense tract of forests, which reached to the heart of Poland, and for some time formed the southern border of the Germans against the Celts. Ambition only could have led Cæsar to seek for conquests in those countries.

While Cæsar was in Britain, the oppression of the Romans, and the lawlessness of the soldiers, caused the grand rising of the Eburones under Ambiorix: this was the most propitious undertaking which this people could have attempted. A whole legion under L. Titurius was annihilated, and another under Q. Cicero nearly so. Had not Cæsar given up his somewhat Quixotic expedition to Britain, Q. Cicero would even have been utterly lost; luckily, however, he returned. On the other hand, the Aquitanians were conquered by Crassus; and thus Cæsar, in the beginning of the seventh year of his proconsulship, was master of the whole of Gaul. An insurrection then broke out which had been long brewing, that of Vercingetorix, and among those tribes which until then had always been faithful to the Romans. This war, from its vastness, from the rage and dogged determination of the Gauls, and also on account of Cæsar’s great generalship in it, highly deserves indeed to be read. Cæsar here overcame, by sheer superiority of talent, armies which far outnumbered his own. Headed by the Æduans and Arvernians, who, before that had always been jealous 47of each other,—the Æduans, however, rose somewhat later,—the peoples from the Saone to the Ocean, and from the Loire to the Cevennes, were in open revolt: the Arvernian Vercingetorix showed himself worthy of the choice which his nation had made of him. The outbreak of the war was attended with barbarity and cruelty: in Genabum, the present Orleans, all the Romans who happened to be there, were massacred. Cæsar was then in the north of Gaul; but he instantly started for the south, the Belgians in his rear remaining perfectly still. He reduced Orleans and avenged the murder of the Romans, and he also took Bourges, after a long siege and a very brave defence: then he penetrated into what is now Auvergne. Near Gergovia, above Clermont, the war was for some time at a stand. Cæsar himself suffered a defeat, in which he lost a legion, and found himself obliged to raise the siege. The Æduans also having now risen, the seat of war was transferred to Alesia, between Autun and Langres, in their country. This town, into which many thousand Gauls had thrown themselves, Cæsar besieged with the utmost skill: on the other hand, he was pressed upon by the great Vercingetorix with a powerful army. In one of those skirmishes which took place in many points with varying success, Cæsar was once made prisoner by the Gauls; but good luck, or rather providence, which had destined him to great things, enabled him to escape owing to the folly of a Gaul. This was the account which Cæsar himself gave of this matter.[9] But it is much more likely, that just as Napoleon, in May 1800, bribed an Austrian patrol into the hands of which he had fallen when reconnoitring, Cæsar also got off by offering money to a Gallic soldier. If he told the man that he would give him a million, the fellow would be sure to let him go free, as Vercingetorix would at most have given him a dram. When, however at last 48the war was protracted, and the famine in Alesia had risen to the highest, so that the troops of the Gauls became discontented and deserted; Vercingetorix had the nobleness of mind to stand forth in the city, and say, “that they should yield him up on condition that their lives were spared.” This stamps him as one of the greatest men of antiquity. He went and gave himself up to Cæsar, who again behaved vilely. Though Cæsar ought to have been more than a common Roman, and to have treated him generously, sending him to a libera custodia; he bound him in chains, kept him for his triumph, and then had him put to death. This is one of those stains from which indeed Cæsar is not free.

After this, there were still some smaller insurrections. There was a rising of the Belgians, but the time for it was past; and moreover there was one of the Bellovaci, in the neighbourhood of Beauvais and Chartres: yet it was now very easy for Cæsar to conquer them. We see clearly that it was the will of Providence to make the Roman Empire great, and to gather all the nations then known under its sway. Had Vercingetorix, who could not have been unacquainted with the state of affairs at Rome, kept back the outbreak in Gaul for a couple of years, until the heartburnings between Cæsar and Pompey had brought on the civil war, Gaul might perhaps have recovered her freedom.

## CIVIL WAR BETWEEN CÆSAR AND POMPEY.

The way in which Cæsar was situated with regard to the republic at the end of his time in Gaul, was indeed so unhappy, that it was not in the power of man to bring matters to a good and joyful issue. If it was difficult even for Scipio, after his victory, to live as a citizen, and he did not quite know how to conduct himself; how much more for a man who, for nearly ten years, 49had been used to rule over vast tracts of country with the absolute power of a prince. Such a habit is hard to get rid of, as we may perceive in the less important things of our every-day life, wherein the change from one situation to another is often fraught with endless difficulties. All that Cæsar could have got lawfully, was a second consulship: this, however, as affairs then stood, was nothing but an empty honour; for what could he have done with himself and with the republic? He could indeed have only employed his great intellectual faculties by devoting himself in utter retirement to study. He had not been in Rome for ten years; and all that he heard from thence from those who came to him, was hateful to him, and showed him the government in a contemptible light. To live on a footing of equality with inferior, and some of them bad men, was what he could not think of without disgust. Matters therefore were in such confusion, that they could not possibly have righted. His opponents, instead of taking steps towards reconciliation, showed, on the contrary, symptoms which must have vexed him to the utmost. M. Marcellus, the consul of the year 701, let slip no occasion of annoying Cæsar: for instance, he had caused a man from Como, to whom Cæsar, by virtue of the full powers given him, had granted the citizenship, to be flogged like a common criminal, merely to insult and mock at Cæsar. In the following year, C. Marcellus, a cousin of the former, was consul with L. Æmilius Paullus, C. Scribonius Curio, being also tribune at the same time. Of him we have still some letters among those of Cicero: he was a young man of great talent, but of the most consummate profligacy. At first, owing to his family connexions, he belonged to Pompey’s party; and he was then considered as even a decided and very bitter enemy of Cæsar. But Cæsar knew that Curio was over head and ears in debt,—as much as two million dollars, we are told, which may give us some measure of the magnitude 50of the Roman fortunes, as well as of the vice and prodigality of the times,—and he is said to have gained him over by paying his debts. He likewise bought over the consul Æmilius Paullus with an immense sum: from this we may see what a mockery of a government the system of provincial administration was. The accounts were only given in after the triumph had been celebrated: this had been the case since the earliest times, and it still remained so, even now that the imperia were held for such long periods. What the proconsul had gotten for himself, was not thought worth looking into: he had merely to show that he owed nothing to the army, and to account for what the senate had placed at his disposal from the ærarium. Æmilius Paullus built with those millions the Basilica Æmilia in the Forum, an edifice to which those noble pillars undoubtedly belonged, which, as Nibby supposes, stood in the Church of St. Paul until the calamitous fire in the year 1823.[10] Curio was uncommonly clever and adroit, and he put on an air of perfect impartiality: at first, he even sided against Cæsar; then, against both Cæsar and Pompey; at last, he flung off the mask, and declared for Cæsar.

With the next year, Cæsar’s proconsulship was to expire. He now, after a lapse of ten years, stood for a second consulship, and asked for a triumph beforehand; so that he might keep his army together, and disband it when that was over, as Pompey had done after the war with Mithridates. He wanted to be allowed to become a candidate at the consular election while still in his province,—an irregularity which had crept in during the seventh century,—and then to lead his army to Rome, and triumph. To prevent such a thing, it had been the rule, we do not know for how long, that no one who had an army should stand for the consulship. His opponents therefore demanded that he should 51lay down the imperium; disband his troops, that is to say, give up his triumph; and stand for the consulship as a private person. Had he thus delivered himself into the hands of his enemies, he was convinced that he would have lost his life. Curio now moved that Cæsar and Pompey should both disband their troops, and come to Rome as private persons; which was the fairest proposal. But the friends of Pompey maintained that, as the term of his imperium was not yet come to an end, he ought not to be placed on an equal footing with Cæsar. It was the misfortune of Italy that Pompey, who was dangerously ill, did not then die: he was indeed so popular, or so dreaded, that all Italy prayed for his recovery. Pompey seemingly was ready to submit to the humiliation, though indeed he complained bitterly of the slight put upon him. Curio’s motion was carried by a majority of three hundred against about twenty;[11] but the consul Marcellus cancelled the decree. The aristocrats of that day professed to uphold the decrees of the senate, whereas in reality they wanted to rule the senate with a rod of iron; and so they did not even scorn the help of the rabble, being in every sense of the word populaciers, if it suited their ends: they would raise an outcry against rebellion, and yet they were the rankest revolutionists, if matters did not go on quite as they wished. Thus the party of Lamennais, as soon as the government does anything that they dislike, at once begin to preach regicide and revolution. I have heard men of the extreme right in France talking like Jacobins, uttering it as their opinion that the people of the very lowest class were gifted with an immense deal of sense, and that they showed the highest interest in the welfare of the country. Curio also did not make his proposal from any good motive: this he cannot have credit for, being one of those to whom the worst confusion is the most welcome state of things.

52The next year, the tribunes were all of them the hireling creatures of Cæsar; and among these was he who was afterwards the frightful triumvir Antony. Pompey had received the command of Italy, and been authorized by the senate to raise an army for its safety, which, however, he was too indolent to do. On the first of January, in the year 703, the distribution of the provinces was again discussed in the senate; and as Pompey had troops in the city, it was decreed under his influence, that Cæsar should lay down his imperium. The tribunes protested; but so far was their protest from being heeded, that they were even threatened with personal violence by the consuls: having perhaps magnified the danger, they fled to Cæsar at Ravenna, on the frontier of the province of Gaul. Cispadane Gaul had, at that time already got the Roman franchise; but it belonged notwithstanding to Cæsar’s province. At Rome, Pompey and his friends swallowed the most absurd reports. It was said that Cæsar’s army was most highly disaffected, that it wanted to be disbanded; that it was weak in numbers; that it was worn out by wars:—in short they believed whatever they wished. Cæsar had in those parts not more than five thousand men with him, partly in order not to alarm the province, partly because he did not wish to strip Gaul of troops; now, at length, he gave orders that every one should march. What is indeed most inconceivable, is that the Gauls were now quite still, and did not move, whereas they had revolted when they had ten legions to keep them down: they very likely thought that the Romans would themselves destroy each other. Cæsar had before that already given up two legions, which were to go to Syria. Even at the end of the year, he was still negociating: he had offered to retain the command of Illyricum and Gallia Cispadana only, with two legions, or even one alone, on the sole condition that Pompey should likewise resign his imperium. All was, however, rejected: Pompey was to be left entirely out of the question, 53and the letter of the law was to be carried out. Now that the tribunes had arrived at Ravenna, the senatus consultum was brought, in which Cæsar was ordered to come to Rome, and to give up his army to Domitius Ahenobarbus: this made him afraid of being prosecuted as soon as ever he came to Rome by himself. Passion then got the better of him, and he resolved upon starting for Ariminum. It is probably on the other side of Ariminum, in the neighbourhood of Cesena, that the bridge over the Rubicon was: the people about these places disagree as to which of the small rivers was the Rubicon. He was still wavering, not knowing whether he should sacrifice himself, or violate the law and save his life; for even then he seems to have thought much more of his safety than of dominion. There he stood in deep emotion, until he made up his mind to cross the river. Thus he arrived at Ariminum, which had opened its gates to him. In all that part of the country, nothing was prepared against him: people fancied that the times had not changed; and that the troops would abandon Cæsar, and go over to Pompey, because the latter had formerly been so popular with them. But Pompey had had his day; Cæsar’s soldiers even shared the emulation of their general, and were proud of their victories. There is not a more remarkable contrast than that which thirty years had brought about. Sylla’s war had lasted even to the third year, and throughout Italy the two parties were struggling most fiercely against each other; but now, there was not a man who cared so much as to raise his hand. Cæsar’s small army overran the whole of Italy, without meeting with any resistance, as would also happen in these days: the habits of the municipal towns were at that time quite as unwarlike as those of modern Italy. It may have had something to do with it, that Sylla’s legions in the military colonies were no longer inclined to such a civil war: from party motives, they ought in fact to have sided with Pompey; but it was perhaps the great general 54whom they liked best. What, however, turned the scale, was the utter want of any thing like public feeling: people no longer felt any interest either for one party or the other, as they were perfectly aware that there was now no regard for law, and that matters could not become much worse; and to lose life and limb for Pompey’s sake alone, was what they were by no means willing to do. Pompey had hoped to make an effect upon the people by high sounding words, and to pass off shadows for realities: no soldier’s heart could have beaten for him, as it might indeed for Cæsar. He had given himself airs as if he could have raised legions by stamping on the ground; but when he heard that Cæsar was already marching on the Via Flaminia, he as well as the senators had no other thought but that of flight. They had only a small army under the command of Domitius Ahenobarbus, the one who was to have taken Cæsar’s province. The latter now reached Rome without any further check. A short time before, Cicero had returned from Cilicia, and he was now the mediator of a peace; but although his counsels were the very justest and wisest, no one would listen to him. Pompey’s party took it into their heads, that at present it was much better not to defend themselves at Rome; that they ought by all means to let Cæsar make himself hateful in Italy; and that Pompey, whose lieutenants, M. Petreius and Afranius, were in possession of Spain, should draw all his forces (seven legions) thence, and concentrate them in Greece, and call to his aid all the moneyed resources of the east: Spain and Africa were theirs; Gaul would likewise declare against Cæsar; and the reaction could not fail to come. Thus they calculated very nicely, how they were to crush Cæsar in Italy. Pompey now went to Brundusium, and with him all the troops which had not fallen off. L. Domitius was besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, on which his men made a capitulation for themselves. Cæsar gladly took most of them into his own army, and allowed 55the rest to go whithersoever they liked; thus leaving every one the choice of rising for him or keeping quiet. Domitius was completely deserted. At Rome, Cæsar was waited for with fear and trembling. Pompey had declared that whosoever was not with him, was against him; and every one who wished to stay in Rome, was threatened by his partisans with prosecution and proscription after the victory. From Cicero’s letters, one may see the monstrous way in which the Pompeians wanted to tyrannize over the opinions of the people.

Cæsar went from Corfinium to Brundusium. Pompey had wanted to keep this town, that he might have an arsenal, and a landing-place in Italy; and he hoped that his rival would not venture upon besieging it. Cæsar had hardly a ship, while Pompey, who was master of the east, had at his command the whole of the seafaring part of the world then known. The latter had collected his fleet in the harbour of Brundusium, where Cæsar attacked him with such resolution, that, having the open sea behind him, and ships at hand, he was obliged to withdraw from the place, and to betake himself to Illyricum. This was of great importance to Cæsar, as Brundusium was faithful to the Syllanian interest, which Pompey represented. Cæsar now had the treasury at Rome forced open, as the keys had been put out of the way: he took out the money, nominated magistrates, and dealt as an absolute monarch with the opposition of those who, like the tribune Metellus, wanted to play the farce of liberty. The people of the capital now expected scenes like those which had been witnessed in the time of his uncle Marius; but whoever chose to trust him was quite safe: he did not even utter a bitter word against any one. But it was not the same in Italy, whenever he could not be present; for his soldiers, and not a few of his officers, committed a great number of outrages, owing to which the feelings of many were turned against him. With his wonted great activity, after having arranged at Rome all that was to 56be settled, he went through the south of Gaul to Spain, where the generals did not even march to meet him, or block up the way over the Pyrenees. His army was far less than that of his opponents, which consisted of seven legions; and he even left part of it behind for the siege of Marseilles, that city having wanted to keep neutral. He may have had some particular reason to be hard upon it, and perhaps he still bore it an old grudge: he now called upon it to declare for him, and on its refusal, he detached two legates to attack the place. The description of this siege in the second book of the Bellum Civile is very interesting, as it shows us the system then in use, which was very different from the Greek one. After a long siege, and not till Cæsar’s return from Spain, the Massilians were forced to surrender. Cæsar did not destroy the town, nor was he guilty of any outrage against it; but the inhabitants had to give up their arms, and had long to suffer the loss of their freedom. The triumph over the Massilians is one of the most shameful things ever done, as they had always been the staunch allies of the Romans.

Afranius and Petreius made a stand against Cæsar near Lerida in Catalonia, and he had to employ the whole of his art, the victory which he gained being properly speaking, a moral one: he caused such a desertion in their army, that they were obliged to treat. Afranius, a commonplace man, was for coming to terms, but Petreius spurned the very thought: he even inflicted heavy punishments on the soldiers who wanted to place themselves in communication with Cæsar. This was, however, of no avail: he saw that the legions would desert him altogether. The two leaders therefore made a capitulation for themselves, and for M. Varro, by which they agreed to evacuate the whole of Spain; and they were allowed to go free with those who did not wish to serve under Cæsar, which, however, most of the men did. Thus Cæsar became master of the whole of Spain.

Cato had left Sicily, of which he had had the government 57as prætor, and Curio had taken the command there. The latter went from thence to Africa, where he was opposed by the Pompeian general Varus, and by Juba king of Mauritania, a client of Pompey. This expedition of Curio’s came to a sad end, partly owing to the desertion which broke out among his legions, partly owing to his unskilful generalship, and to various disasters. Curio at last was killed in a battle with Juba, and most of his soldiers were scattered and cut to pieces: some of them made their escape to Sicily. Cæsar had nominated himself dictator; in what form, cannot be made out with certainty, there being much discrepancy in the accounts which we have. He did everything as expeditiously as possible, and he passed several welcome and just laws. Among others was one concerning debts; a thing which is always necessary whenever there is an extraordinary fall in the value of every kind of property, so that a debt in money ceases to be what its nominal value expresses. A commission was appointed, before which all who had land in Italy might have it estimated, and thus made available to pay off their debts. This was often done under such circumstances; and no doubt the statement is also true that the interest was deducted. A number of other enactments were also made to meet the wants of the moment. And now that he had brought his army back to Italy, and considerably strengthened it by forming the troops which had gone over to him into legions, he marched forthwith to Brundusium. It was already about a year since Pompey had left Rome, and had gathered around him all the Romans whom he had been able to gain over: he had moreover an immense host of auxiliaries, and a fleet with which, as Cæsar had nothing to oppose to it, he might have been master of the sea, had not his lieutenants been so wretched. He wintered in Thessalonica, and his army in Macedon: his chief strength lay in his fleet, as the people of Rhodes and other places, and also many of the subject 58Greek towns still kept up their ships:—even the whole naval power of Egypt was at his disposal. Having collected all this force, he placed it under the command of Bibulus, Cæsar’s colleague in the consulship; and thus he hoped to make the passage by sea impracticable for Cæsar, so that he would have to go by land through Dalmatia, where he would have had to encounter M. Octavius, Pompey’s best general. But in this also, Cæsar tried to strike awe into the enemy, and he succeeded: to reach Illyricum, he was not afraid to use whatever vessels he had, or anything that could only float upon the sea. Bibulus was an able man, personally very praiseworthy, who did not neglect his duty, but he was deficient in that peculiar activity and watchfulness which in such cases are indispensable. One of the distinguishing features of Cæsar is that, whenever the utmost speed was necessary, though his forces were not quite complete, he would, without even a moment’s loss of time, at once strike the blow with whatever he chanced to have at hand; and he would try and gain a firm footing until he had collected the whole of his army. Thus he passed over to Illyricum; and thus he afterwards made his appearance in Egypt without the force which could support him, and later again in Africa: this is one of the marks of a great general, who calculates not only what he risks, but likewise what he can effect by it. Quite unexpectedly, he appeared with a small squadron at Oricum, a town on the farthest borders of Illyricum and Epirus, behind the bay of Acroceraunia; he landed, reduced the place, and immediately set out to attack Apollonia, which opened its gates to him. His name went before him, nor did any one suppose that he had only a few thousand men with him. Near Apollonia, he took up a position; but when an attempt of his against Dyrrachium had failed, Pompey tried to drive him back and to surround him. As Cæsar’s orders to send the troops immediately after him had not been fulfilled, he tried in this dilemma 59himself to cross, in a twelve-oared boat, over the dangerous, stormy sea; but after having struggled for a whole day against the currents and the waves, he was at last obliged to yield to the storm. Although his commands to follow him were most peremptory, his lieutenant Gabinius, whose heart failed him, disregarded them: he went round the gulf through Dalmatia, where he was afterwards routed by Octavius, and slain. Mark Antony, on the contrary, who ventured to pass over, led the troops most successfully close by Pompey’s fleet; for Bibulus had a short time before fallen ill, and he was now on the point of death. Thus did Antony, with the loss of only a few ships, make his passage to Illyricum. But for all that, Cæsar’s force was far inferior to that of Pompey, who was stationed near Dyrrachium; and yet he advanced against him, and ventured to hem him in by throwing up lines and bastions round Dyrrachium. This was an undertaking which Pompey could very easily let him go on with; for he got his supplies by sea, while Cæsar had no other provisions but those which he could collect by forays into the neighbouring country. Here Cæsar tried to finish the war; but he was unsuccessful, being repulsed with considerable loss in a coup de main against Dyrrachium: Pompey showed determination, and made himself master of part of the lines, so that the blockade had to be given up. The soldiers were so disheartened that day, that Cæsar despaired of the issue: they were certainly in a wretched plight, as they had to feed on grass and roots. Grass means here as much as salad: the poor in the south very often eat such herbs with vinegar and oil, which indeed the soldiers had to do without. Cæsar afterwards said, that he would have been routed on that day; and that Pompey would have conquered, if he had known how to make use of his victory. But Pompey had grown sluggish, and he had lost the faculty of doing anything to justify the pretensions which he put forth. After this rebuff, Cæsar was unable to go on with the 60war there any more; and so he ventured upon an expedition which, had it failed, would quite as much have been classed among fool-hardy freaks as the march of Charles XII. to Pultawa. Leaving Pompey in his rear, he betook himself to a country where he had nothing to rely upon, but every inch of ground to conquer: he broke up from Dyrrachium. No doubt Pompey expected that he would now turn towards Illyricum, and there unite himself with the troops of his party: but far from doing this, he went to the high mountain ranges between Epirus and Thessaly, and without stopping, to Gomphi, near the pass from Janina to Thessaly, and took it by storm. By this means, he restored the confidence of his soldiers, as they refreshed themselves with the booty. The panic caused by the destruction of this town, opened to him the whole of Thessaly. Pompey, who had such a superior force of soldiers, ought now to have gone to Italy; and the more so, as those legions of Cæsar’s which had been formed of the troops which had gone over to him in Spain, had partly become mutinous again, while Cæsar, with the fleet which he had, could never have reached Italy. But those who were about Pompey, were now so full of joy at Cæsar’s having got into a trap by going into countries from which he had no way out, that they went after him. Terror, however, paved the way for Cæsar: he was quite comfortably off in luxurious Thessaly, and having everything in plenty, he was enabled to recover himself. He took up his position near the rich town of Pharsalus, where for some days the two armies were facing each other, and manœuvring: he again got into a very bad plight, as he was in want of provisions, and Pompey’s cavalry was much stronger than his own. Here again it was now the opinion of the cautious, that Cæsar’s army should be allowed to wear itself out more and more by the distress in which it was; and this was the opinion of Pompey himself. But his followers were so childishly intoxicated with their hopes of victory, that 61they looked upon this judicious advice as disgraceful. The senators, who knew nothing whatever of war, deliberated with regard to the battle, how they would after the victory divide the advantages among themselves; and growing warm, they quarrelled together about who was to have the pontificate and the other offices of Cæsar, and also the estates of his partisans about to be proscribed. Cæsar was very anxious for a speedy decision, being most confident of victory; for he despised Pompey, such as he was then, and all his officers, They, on their side, deemed it a shame to delay the battle; and they forced it on in such haste, that Cæsar had hardly time to call back three legions which he had sent out to forage.

Of this battle there are very different accounts, the best of which of course is that of Cæsar himself; but we may believe Asinius Pollio that the numbers which he gives are exaggerated. We may take it for granted, that Cæsar had no more than twenty-two thousand infantry against forty thousand infantry of Pompey, who had also an immense number of Greeks and Asiatics as auxilia: these, however, were of no use whatever, being somewhat ashamed to display their incapacity on a field where Romans were arrayed against each other. In cavalry also, Pompey was far superior to Cæsar in numbers; but the latter had Gallic and German horse, whilst Pompey had young Roman volunteers, who perhaps faced an enemy for the first time, and were like children against a host of veterans. The story of the faciem feri, miles! is not to be taken literally. Cæsar had also trained his infantry to stand the shock of the cavalry, and the onset of the Pompeians was repulsed by the cohorts; he then made the Gallic and German cavalry charge the enemy, which decided the battle: they broke Pompey’s left wing, so that his right, which until then had fought with considerable success, was likewise forced to retire. All fled into the camp, and there these foolish men believed that the day was now 62over. But when they saw that the foe did not stop at all to plunder, and that in close order they were attacking the camp, the greatest confusion and rout ensued; Pompey started up like a madman, and calling out, “Not even here will they leave us quiet!” ran away. All dispersed, no one thinking of rallying so much as one cohort. The booty was immense, as the camp of Pompey was found to be furnished with Asiatic luxury; the tents were bowers, fitted up with carpets and costly furniture. The Gauls and Germans gladly availed themselves of the opportunity to revenge themselves on the Romans: but Cæsar had already issued an order during the battle, that no one should be hurt who did not flee nor offer any resistance; and thus most of them threw away their arms, and whole cohorts surrendered. It is known from Foggini’s Kalendarium, that the battle was fought on the tenth of August,[12] according to the calendar of that time: this cannot indeed be the real day, which at all events ought to be dated in June.

Pompey fled to Larissa, and having got on board a ship, arrived at Mitylene, where his wife Cornelia was staying: his intention was to go to Cilicia and Cyprus, and from thence to the Parthians, a most shameful resolution! This, however, was opposed by his friends, and he saw no other plan, but to flee to Egypt. The right thing would have been to have gone to his fleet which was still untouched, and with it to maintain Africa; but his spirit was quite broken, and he determined to apply to the king of Egypt. Ptolemy Auletes, whom Gabinius had restored with Pompey’s connivance, was dead: as he was under obligations to Pompey, he had sent him a fleet, which, however, had now returned home after the battle. He had left two daughters, Cleopatra and Arsinoë, and two sons, who were 63younger: one of these had somewhat passed boyhood, while the other was still a child. The elder of the sons was by his will, according to the custom of incest which was rife among those Macedonian kings of Alexandria, to marry his eldest sister Cleopatra, and to rule with her in common; but being very imperious, and wanting to have everything for himself, he expelled her, and war broke out. She fled to Syria; and on the borders of Syria and Egypt, near Mount Casius, Ptolemy also, with his guardians Pothinus and Achillas was encamped. Pompey’s unlucky star brought him to this very coast. On this, L. Septimius, who had been left by Gabinius as commander in Egypt, advised Ptolemy to murder Pompey, and by this sacrifice to bribe Cæsar to give him the crown of Egypt. Such advice was quite to the taste of those Alexandrian rulers. L. Septimius was sent with a boat to go out and receive Pompey. Though all his companions had their suspicions roused, and he himself felt uneasy, yet Pompey was so entirely without a will of his own, and so stupified, that after all he chose to go into the boat: there he was stabbed, and his corpse was cast unburied on the strand.

Cæsar, continuing his pursuit without stopping, hastened with a few followers to Egypt; another great piece of daring! On his arrival, they brought him the head and ring of Pompey: history has not forgotten his tears. I will not deny that this death saved him from some anxiety; for how could he have made peace with Pompey?—the war could not end in any other way, but with his destruction;—yet for all that, judging from the disposition of Cæsar’s heart, I believe that his tears were sincere. He buried Pompey: to have erected a monument would have looked like a farce; but his family raised a small, humble monument over him. The name of the Pompeii still existed to the time of Tiberius; then it disappears. The emperor Hadrian found the statue taken away, and set up in a neighbouring temple, the monument itself being nearly buried in the 64sand; and he had it restored. An epigram on the subject, consisting of two distichs, is one of the most beautiful left us from antiquity: it is certainly genuine, although the second half has been called in question.

Marmoreo tumulo Licinus[13] jacet, at Cato nullo,
Pompeius parvo: credimus esse Deos?
Saxa premunt Licinum, levat altum fama Catonem,
Pompeium tituli: credimus esse Deos.

Cæsar now went to Alexandria whither his troops were to follow him; but his orders could not be carried across to Rhodes, as in the Mediterranean the Etesian gales blow from the north-west for about fifty or sixty days, until the dogdays, and the ships could not work their way against the wind. In the meanwhile, Cæsar had to stay in Alexandria among the most insolent and licentious populace in the world, one in which the vices of the east and the west were combined: the Macedonian Greek population had been mostly exterminated in the reign of Ptolemy Physcon, and the Alexandrine-Egyptians only remained, who were a detestable race. This rabble now became bold: as Cæsar had only so few with him, the eunuch Pothinus, the regent at that time, resolved to overpower him. Cæsar was in possession of the royal palace, where he entrenched himself as Ferdinand Cortez did in Mexico. An insurrection broke out; and the palace was set fire to, on which occasion the library of Ptolemy Philadelphus was burnt: the struggle in the streets was terrific. The account of how Cæsar then maintained himself,—making head against the immense danger which assailed him; destroying the entrance to the harbour to the dismay of the Alexandrians; taking the island of Pharos, and holding his ground there until he got reinforcements;—is given by Hirtius in a most graphic and attractive style. At last, Cæsar succeeded in making himself master of Alexandria, and the elder Ptolemy was accidentally 65drowned in the Nile: in short, the Alexandrians surrendered, and Cæsar, glad to have done with the war, declared Cleopatra queen, by whose arts he had been enslaved, and bestowed upon her the whole of the country.

Having now learned that Pharnaces king of Bosporus had invaded Pontus, and defeated Domitius, one of his legates; he hastened thither, attacked the enemy on the very day that he came up, without even allowing his troops to rest, and the Asiatics were routed and scattered. It was then that he wrote to Rome the celebrated “Veni, vidi, vici.”

Cæsar now, for the first time since his departure from Brundusium, returned to Rome; and there he set many things to rights. He paid great regard to his adherents, and also appointed a provisional government, which was much wanted; for his party was a medley of all sorts of people, who aimed at the most different ends and objects, and during his absence had undertaken the most contradictory things. In the meanwhile, the insurrection of Milo, Cælius Rufus, and Dolabella, had taken place, and been quickly put down: of this I shall say more further on.

He did not wait long at Rome. Servility proffered him the next extravagant honours; the whole power of the state was given him. Yet it must be said that men’s minds were very favourably disposed towards him on account of his unexpected mildness, whereas Pompey, had he been victorious, would undoubtedly have shed seas of blood. As far as he possibly could, he protected every one of the opposite party; and he also told the chief men about him, that each of them had free leave to rescue one of the proscribed, and all such were reinstated in their honours: with respect to their property, however, these had much to suffer, as it was not in his power to put a stop to all the robberies of his partisans. A great number indeed, still remained in exile; yet by degrees he let them all return.—The 66honours granted him by the senate, were bestowed three different times: I shall treat of them collectively when we come to his last stay in Rome.

While he was still at Rome, he had to deal with a most dangerous commotion among his troops, who were eagerly waiting for their triumph. His favourite legion, the tenth, which he had left behind in Italy that he might take it with him to Africa, broke out in open mutiny; and the veterans demanded, not only the payment of their arrears, but also the money and allotments of land which had been promised them. Sallust, whom Cæsar had sent to them, was ill-treated, and some senators were slain: the danger therefore was great. Cæsar had then the courage to let them come to Rome: he ordered them to lay aside their pila, but to keep their swords; and now he fearlessly made his appearance in the midst of them. When he harangued them in the Forum, his intrepidity, and the confidence which he showed in them, made such an impression on them, that they became quite tame. He treated them with contempt, addressed them as Quirites, and announced to them that he dismissed them: he would, however, allow those who wished to share the honour of the campaign to enlist. Upon this, all those who before had been loudly clamouring for their dismissal, almost with one voice entreated him to let them continue in his service.

He again went with a small army to Africa, where Cato and Q. Scipio, the father-in-law of Pompey, Afranius and Petreius, stood forth as the leaders of the whole party. Cato had not been present at the battle of Pharsalus: he had gone from Dyrrachium to Corcyra, and from thence to Cyrene. Here he got together a number of scattered Romans; but his army was much more distinguished for the rank, than for the bravery of its soldiers. Cyrene had hardly the honour of being a Roman province; there he was quite cut off from the rest of the world: he therefore made one of the most dreadful of forced marches, through the African desert all round 67the Syrtes, by Tripolis to the province of Africa. He was offered the chief command of the army, which was a respectable one; but he declined it, and only kept the command of Utica. Allied with him was Juba of Numidia, who ruled over the greater part of Jugurtha’s empire: in Mauritania, Bogud was king. In the latter country, there was also a Roman adventurer, P. Sitius of Nuceria, a remarkable character, and a man of great energy: he had formed a regiment of stray fugitives and deserters, which had gotten king Bogud the victory against Juba, and the ascendency in Africa. (I have treated of this Sitius in my edition of Fronto.) He attached himself to Cæsar, who promised to restore him to his civil rights; and he made war upon Juba, while Cæsar established himself in Tunis. The latter, having gradually received the reinforcements for which he was waiting, marched likewise against his foes. The campaign lasted several months without being decided, until Cæsar took his position near Thapsus, a peninsula with a fortified town. The enemy under Petreius, Afranius, Scipio, and Juba, occupied the isthmus, surrounding him with overwhelming numbers, and thus cutting him off from the mainland. But Cæsar broke through, first defeated the Romans, and then Juba, on the same day, and scattered their hosts. As soon as the battle was won, the soldiers went over to him in throngs: Juba was so utterly done for, that he fled from his kingdom. All was lost: Juba and Petreius took away each other’s life; Cato remained behind in Utica with a Roman garrison.

If there be indeed a great man in Roman history who deserves his fame, it is Cato. Cæsar has tried to disparage his virtue; but this arose from a pardonable feeling of irritation. After Cato’s death, Cicero wrote his celebrated laudatio M. Catonis;—would to heaven that we had it still! we should be able to discover from it Cicero’s inmost soul. This work does great honour, as well to Cicero, for having had the courage to write it, 68as to Cæsar for having borne with it: one sees how sincerely people believed in Cæsar’s magnanimity. When Cæsar says that Cato had harmed him by his death, as he had thus robbed him of the pleasure of pardoning him, not a word can be added: on the other hand, one may easily believe that Cæsar still felt hurt by Cicero’s eulogium. He therefore wrote the Anti-Cato, in which he may have displayed a bitterness of passion which in real life, he would certainly have as little shown to Cicero as to Cato himself. There was nothing that he so much wished for as Cato’s friendship, though indeed Cato could not have given it him. The Stoic philosophy did not raise up any heroes among the Greeks, except the great founders Zeno and Cleanthes himself; but while not one Greek statesman professed it, among the Romans, all the great and virtuous public men were either its disciples, or at least, like Cicero, its admirers. It would be the most detestable misconstruing of human virtue, to call Cato’s integrity in question; yet it is quite another thing to say that Cato, with his principles and his philosophy, did infinite harm to the commonwealth. He wanted stoutly to uphold every existing institution, and to allow of nothing that bordered upon arbitrary power. It is well known that Cato estranged the Roman knights from the senate, and made enemies of them, thus tearing open the wound which Cicero with very great difficulty had succeeded in closing: he refused to grant the publicani a request which was not at all an unfair one, merely because he deemed that this would be favouring them. This caused a breach which was never healed. On another occasion, Cato was for voting the execution of Catiline and his accomplices; which was quite in accordance with the laws, but a most unhappy measure for the republic. He did not pay the least regard to existing circumstances, and the consequence was, that he made them much worse. But his personal character was above all blame: profligates 69might rail at him; but no one dared to slander him, and in this he stood above those times.

Cato had found little happiness in his party, even when Pompey was alive; and now that he was dead, his situation was quite wretched. They were going on in Africa in the most savage manner, and it was with very great trouble indeed that he saved Utica: they had wanted to plunder it, on pretence of the inhabitants being friendly to Cæsar, but in reality to preserve the goodwill of the soldiers. For this, the inhabitants of Utica considered Cato as their saviour, and the town remained quiet, as he had pledged himself that it should. When Cæsar appeared before Utica, Cato advised every one not to prolong their resistance. The generals, and those who were able to bear arms, had fled; so that the garrison consisted mostly of old people and gentlemen of rank: he therefore counselled them to throw themselves on Cæsar’s mercy, bidding even his own son go out and do it. Here he in a fine manner showed himself inconsistent, the father getting the better of the Stoic: he said that he could not indeed live now, he who had seen the better days of the republic; but that his son, who had never known the republic, might embark in the new state of things. The night before the town was to open its gates, he retired to his room and read the Phædo, surely not to find in it the strengthening of his belief in the immortality of the soul, and of his hopes:—of this he had no need; for as a Stoic he believed in immortality, and moreover the Phædo itself does not give this faith to those who have it not:—but as in terrible moments one must find breathing-room for one’s feelings, so he sought for support in the example of a great man, and he very likely was much more taken up with that part of the work in which Socrates’ death is told. He took leave of the world, turning his mind to the contemplation of the last hours of one of the most virtuous men on earth.

He then gave himself the deadly wound. But he fell 70from the bed in the agonies of death; and when his son and his friends tried to recover him, having pretended to slumber, he tore the wound open, and let his bowels gush out.—The reduction of the other towns was easy enough.

The son of Juba surrendered to Cæsar, and afterwards had such an excellent education bestowed upon him at Rome, that he became one of the most learned men of his time. As he undoubtedly was master of the Punic language, the loss of his books on historical and geographical topics, is very much to be regretted; for in the historical ones, he must have given the substance of what the Carthaginians have written.

At Rome, there was a quarrel between Antony and Dolabella, the son-in-law of Cicero, to whom he caused much grief: both of them were equally bad. Cæsar therefore went thither, and quieted them. From thence the successes of Cneius and Sextus, the sons of Pompey, again called him away to Spain, whither these had betaken themselves from Africa, that they might join a newly formed legion of his which had revolted. Southern Spain had taken up arms for the Pompeians; but not with hearty agreement among themselves, as in the days of Sertorius. This struggle was by far the hardest of any which Cæsar had to go through; it is quite extraordinary, how, when all was exhausted, the people now fought with a rage which had not been seen until then. The beginning of this war may be read in the barbarously written Bellum Hispaniense. After Cæsar had been obliged for several months to put forth all the resources of his mind, to carry on the war within a very limited area in Andalusia and Grenada: the seat of the contest was chiefly in the exceedingly strong fastnesses of the mountains north of Grenada. Cneius had the chief command, and he showed himself here a far more able general than his father had been. In the battle near Munda, the anniversary of which was yesterday (March 17), Cæsar’s fate hung upon a thread: his troops 71were breaking, and he was already giving up all for lost, when in his despair he jumped from his horse, and placed himself in the way of the fugitives, calling out to them that if they wished to flee, they should cut him down, and not oblige him to outlive such a day. Suwarow behaved very much in the same way at the battle of Kinburn, in the year 1787, when his soldiers refused obedience in an undertaking which he had ordered, because they thought themselves lost. As they now were flying, he cried out to them, “Run, run, and leave your general to the Turks, as a keepsake of your cowardice!” With the greatest trouble, Cæsar stopped his soldiers; but thus he only restored the battle, and he owed his victory to the Mauritanian auxiliaries, who attacked and plundered the Pompeian camp, which was hardly guarded at all. For when Labienus marched with a legion against them, to save the camp and drive them off, the other troops, thinking this to be a retreat, fell back, but did not run. Cæsar had, after the battle, to destroy them one by one: Cneius was wounded and cut down; Sextus remained with the Celtiberians, among whom he hid himself until the death of Cæsar, some time after which he once more played his part in public life. It was several months before Cæsar had reduced the whole of Spain.

On his return from Africa, Cæsar had already had a triumph of four days: there was the Gallic triumph, the Pontic, the Egyptian, and the African one over Juba, in which no Roman general was mentioned. He had now a Spanish triumph, in which the Spanish towns were individually named. The former one had highly pleased the Romans; but this one hurt their feelings, notwithstanding all the presents given to the people and the soldiers, as it was evidently a triumph over their fellow-citizens, although none of them were named. Velleius Paterculus states the amount of the treasures which Cæsar had brought in triumph to Rome, to have been sexies millies (six hundred million sesterces = twenty 72millions of Prussian dollars). This sum is not at all incredible: even if Cæsar gave to every soldier twenty thousand sesterces (nearly seven hundred dollars), and for all these presents spent even as much as thirty or forty million dollars, which are to be added to that sum, the account is indeed by no means unlikely. But Appian as he is generally understood, states a sum which is quite enormous, even six and a half myriads of talents, which would be a hundred million dollars. But here we are not to think of Attic, but Egyptian, that is to say, copper talents; and thus, though the whole amount does not indeed quite agree with what Velleius tells us, there is no longer any exaggeration. Justus Lipsius did not know how to reconcile this discrepancy.

Cæsar returned in October 707. The last five months of his life were spent partly in his preparations for a Parthian war, and partly in making a number of arrangements in civil affairs: even as early as his return from Africa he had regulated the calendar, and thus done away with a source of intolerable favouritism. In the last times of the republic, it was quite a usual thing to intercalate a month at pleasure by a mere ordinance. Curio in fact had fallen out with the senate, because he too wanted to have a month intercalated for himself, and the pontiff refused.

It is one of the inestimable advantages of legitimate, hereditary, time-honoured, and unquestioned government, whatever may be its form, that it may sometimes outwardly remain inactive when the state is concerned. As in most cases it interferes only where it is absolutely necessary, and it seems to let things take their own course, it meddles very little with people’s affairs; and thus it is also able to allow a much higher degree of individual liberty. A government, on the other hand, which is called a usurpation, and is but newly established, has not only to try and hold its own, but also, in all that it undertakes, it has to prove its inherent right to govern, and to establish its reputation. Those who 73are placed in such a position, are forced to act from a most grievous necessity; and if this was the case with any one, it was with Cæsar. What could he have undertaken in the centre of the empire? Modern governments may do many things of which the ancients had no notion; and indeed that much cried down, and in many respects baneful system of centralization has still this good effect, that it gives the activity of rulers a wider range. There remained in truth no measures to be carried out by Cæsar, either in Italy or in the provinces; and as he had for fifteen years been accustomed to the most prodigious exertions, he was now as it were in a state of sloth, unless he could employ himself abroad: he must undertake something which would engage his whole soul; rest he no longer could. His first thought was war, and that in countries where since the time of Alexander, the most brilliant military glory was to be earned,—where the unburied bones of the legions of Crassus were still to be revenged,—against the Parthians. The Getæ also had spread in Thrace, and Cæsar wanted likewise to check them. But his grand design was to destroy the empire of the Parthians, and to extend that of the Romans as far as India; and in this he would undoubtedly have not been unsuccessful. He already felt so near the result, that he began to think of what was to be done afterwards; and therefore we may consider the statement as a very likely one, that he then meant to march through the defiles of the Caucasus and ancient Sythia into the land of the Getæ, and to return through Germany and Gaul. These plans of his had all of them a gigantic range: he had other projects besides which were quite as grand. The harbour of Ostia was bad, and large sea-going vessels could not come up the river; he is therefore said to have intended to cut a canal from the Tiber, above or below the city, and through the Pontine marshes as far as Terracina, which should be navigable for large ships to sail up to Rome. He likewise undertook many things 74which were done at once; so much indeed, that we hardly understand how he could have accomplished the whole of it during the five months which he had still to live. The veterans having now retired, he followed Sylla’s unfortunate precedent, and founded a number of colonies for them throughout Italy: the old soldiers of Sylla, or their children, were many of them driven out, thus reaping the reward of their own cruelty, or that of their fathers, to the inhabitants of the municipia. In Southern Gaul, Corinth, and Carthage, he likewise established colonies again. Corinth, however, was a colonia libertinorum, a thing which it is not easy to account for: everything in the place remained a medley, and it has never risen since to any real prosperity. He also wanted to cut through the isthmus, a plan which I cannot quite understand; owing to the state in which hydraulic architecture was then. The work might indeed have been executed by means of a succession of locks. That these, however, were employed in great canal works among the ancients, we have no proof; yet they were known to them. They were brought to their present perfection, as late as in the fifteenth century, by the Netherlanders.

With regard to the state, he enacted several measures; among others, that of restoring the jus honorum to the children of those whom Sylla had proscribed. He had received from the senate the dictatorship for life, the consulship for ten years, and the right of filling up at once half the offices which the centuries had to give, and recommending for the other half those whom he wished to be nominated; so that henceforth the election was a mere sham. The tribes still had their elections free. Moreover, he made several laws for the relief of debtors, and such like purposes. He raised the number of the prætors to ten, and afterwards to sixteen; that of the quæstors to forty, which was now more than was wanted for filling up the vacancies of the senate: this he had also enlarged, though how much is uncertain.[14] 75He gave the citizenship to whom he pleased, and he chose into the senate whom he pleased; so that he filled it with his partisans, which caused much dissatisfaction. Yet it is a striking fact, that at the time of his death, the majority of the senate did not consist of Cæsarians. It is moreover very remarkable, that in all his measures there is no trace to be found of his ever having wanted to modify the constitution, and to put an end to anarchy; for all his changes are in reality but trifling. Sylla meant to do this: it is true that he did not attain his end, and the way in which he set about it was most stupid; but he at least felt the need of it. Cæsar seems not even to have thought upon a remedy for the evil: for his increasing by a special edict the number of the patricians, and his adding new patrician families to the old ones, is a case which has no connexion whatever with the constitution. He did not admit a whole gens into the patrician order, but individuals only and their children; just as one is ennobled in our days. This had no other object than to provide for the filling up of the priestly offices: the new ædiles Cereales even remained limited to the plebs. Had Cæsar died in peace, the state would have been in the same disorganization, as if he had never lived; perhaps it would have been still worse off. His sound sense and his powerful understanding told him, that the solution of the problem was not so easy as Sylla had dreamed; that, on the contrary, it was very difficult, the first condition being that he should become a prince, a condition which of course would seem quite intolerable even in the eyes of many of his partisans, who were quite ready to go on with him as fellow-rebels. And in Cicero’s books de Republica, we may remark throughout his conviction that the Rome of his day could not possibly remain any longer as it was, and that it wanted a king; yet Cicero undoubtedly 76said to himself the whole time, that no one would listen to his advice.

The title of king had a great charm for Cæsar, as it has had indeed for many a practical man, Cromwell among others. It was so managed that when Cæsar at the Lupercalia had seated himself on the suggestum, Antony offered him the diadem, to see how the people would take it; but Cæsar made a show of declining it, as the people were alarmed, and thereupon a general shout of applause and praise burst forth, which now made it impossible for him to do what he wished. Antony then had the diadem put upon the statue of Cæsar; two of the tribunes, however, Cæsetius Flavus and Epidius Marullus, took it down. Cæsar’s real feelings now betrayed themselves; for, he looked upon this as a personal insult, and having lost all command of himself, wanted to have them arrested: the least that he could be prevailed upon to do, was to deprive them of their office and banish them. This made an immense sensation. On the other hand, he had himself committed a fault, perhaps from absence of mind. When the senate issued those extravagant decrees which conferred upon him unlimited power, and a deputation from the whole body now brought them to him, he neglected to rise from the curule chair, and saluted them but very slightly. This want of courtesy people did not forgive, who had granted to Cæsar everything that he could have wished, but still expected some sort of acknowledgment in return. Cicero, who certainly was no democrat, wrote soon afterwards, turpissimi consulares, turpis senatus, populus fortis, infimus quisque honore fortissimus. The first part of this is true, the latter part exaggerated.

During the last year of Cæsar’s life, Brutus and Cassius were prætors, both of whom had formerly been among the leaders of Pompey’s party. Brutus was a nephew of Cato. Livia, the mother of the latter, had, after the death of her first husband, married Servilius 77Cæpio; so that Servilia was Cato’s half-sister: Servilia was a profligate woman, unworthy of her son and brother, and she did not even care for the honour of her own daughter. Brutus indeed had very few eminent persons in his family after it had become plebeian. In the first years after the Licinian law, some Junii are to be found in the Fasti; but they are not above mediocrity: at a later period, the family had become truly contemptible. M. Brutus especially disgraced his house: after having carried on the business of an informer (accusationes factitabat), and acted a vile part in the time of Marius, he was put to death by Pompey in Gaul. Thus, although indeed no Roman family was so illustrious as to its gens, Brutus was by no means one of those who have been raised by great and fortunate circumstances. The training of his youth had, however, much effect upon him: his uncle Cato, whose daughter Porcia he afterwards married,—it is uncertain whether this was still in Cato’s lifetime,—had devoted him from a child to the Stoic philosophy, as if it were a religion. Besides this, he had qualities in which Cato was wanting, who had a certain scrupulosity and puritanism about him. Brutus was free from such qualms as these; he had also a finer and more versatile mind, not only endowed by nature with the happiest gifts, but likewise highly cultivated. Cato was not one of the distinguished orators, which Brutus certainly was; and had the latter lived longer, he would undoubtedly have been one of the first writers of Rome. Cicero had quite a fatherly affection for him; he saw in him a man who, he hoped, would one day become the head and heart of the state.[15] Cæsar’s attention also had been drawn to Brutus whom he had known and loved from a child: it is indeed quite natural that he should have shown fondness 78for so extraordinary and so amiable a mind; for he had as little of the feeling of envy as Cicero himself. The stories which have gone about of a connexion of a different kind, have been devised by some stupid fellow. Brutus had fought on the side of Pompey at the battle of Pharsalus, and Cæsar immediately afterwards inquired if any one knew what was become of him; on this Brutus wrote to Cæsar, who being quite rejoiced to see that Brutus wished to live, fully trusted him, and gave him the government of Cisalpine Gaul, where he greatly distinguished himself.

Cassius was considerably older than Brutus, to whom he was related. He was a good officer: he bore a very high character in the army; and he had as quæstor, after the death of Crassus, held Syria against the Parthians: yet he was not better than the common run of Cæsar’s officers. He too had been in the ranks of the Pompeians, and when Cæsar, as he was pursuing Pompey, passed over to Asia, he was lying with a squadron of galleys in the Hellespont. Cæsar boldly went in a boat into the midst of his fleet, and asked him to go over to his side, which he did. Cæsar pardoned almost all his enemies: even Marcellus, who had mortally offended him, he forgave at the intercession of Cicero; and as far as in him lay, he tried altogether to do away with the consequences of the war. This year, Cæsar had appointed both Brutus and Cassius to the prætorship, which in fact was a troublesome office, affording but little gratification: the only honourable and lucrative prætorship was the prætura urbana which formerly was given by lot.[16] This latter dignity both of them now tried to get. Cæsar gave it to Brutus, and this caused a quarrel between Brutus and Cassius.

A meeting of the senate having been appointed for the fifteenth of March, there was a report that the motion was then to be brought forward to give Cæsar the 79crown. Cassius who both hated Cæsar of old, and also wished to revenge himself upon him for not having got the prætura urbana, made the first advances to Brutus, and sounded him as to whether he would conspire against Cæsar: in the night, inscriptions were left on Brutus’ tribunal and house, which bade him remember that he was a Brutus. Brutus at once held out his hand, and agreed to be reconciled. They enlisted several others, Cæsarians as well as Pompeians, a complete fusion of parties having taken place. Two of the chief conspirators were old generals of Cæsar, Decimus Brutus and C. Trebonius, both of whom he had raised to high honours: they had served in the Gallic war, and had been jointly commissioned to crush the noble town of Massilia. The number of accomplices is unknown; but the conspiracy indiscriminately comprehended people who had fought against each other at Pharsalus (704). No proposals were made to Cicero; but it is a pitiful calumny to say that his courage was mistrusted: to slander a great man in such a way, is really shameful.[17] They might have been quite sure of his courage; what they feared were his objections. Brutus had as fine a soul as any one could have, but he was passionate; Cicero, on the other hand, had arrived at mature age, and had become a sadder and a wiser man: his feelings moreover were of such extraordinary delicacy that he would never have betrayed his benefactor to whom he owed his life, a man who had always behaved towards him in the handsomest and noblest manner, and who had particularly distinguished him before the world as his friend. Nor could the conspirators conceal from themselves, that the undertaking which they were plotting could not but displease a wise man. Goethe 80has branded the murder of Cæsar as the greatest folly which the Romans ever committed; and never was a truer word spoken.[18] Hirtius and Pansa, two generous and wise men who were well aware that the republic needed to become settled, and not to be stirred up again, had advised Cæsar to look to himself, and to keep a body guard; but he disdained to do this, saying, that he would not wish to live, if he had always to think of preserving his life. He knew well that Brutus might entertain such a thought against him, and he spoke of it to his friends; but he would add, that his health had indeed been too much impaired, and Brutus would surely wait until that frail body of his had gone to decay. And it was the general belief that Cæsar would soon transfer his power to Brutus, as the most worthy to succeed him. It was while these things were going on, that Porcia, when she saw that Brutus was harbouring an important secret, and that he did not make her his confidante, inflicted upon herself a deep wound with a knife. The wound brought on a fever, the cause of which she hid from her husband; and it was only when he repeatedly pressed her, that she at last disclosed it, thus giving him a proof of her discretion. Cæsar went to the curia, although his own forebodings, the dreams of his wife, and the prophecies of the Haruspex had warned him of his death: Dec. Brutus basely enticed him thither. The conspirators were at first seized with fear, lest their plot should have been betrayed. Plutarch now beautifully tells us, how C. Tillius Cimber forced his way up to Cæsar, and worried him with his importunity, until he got angry; how Casca struck the first blow; and how Cæsar was murdered by twenty-three stabs. He lost his life in his fifty-sixth year, or after its completion.—I am not yet quite clear as to this 81point; but the latter seems to me more likely, judging from the time of his first consulship.—He was born on the eleventh of July, and died on the fifteenth of March, between eleven and twelve o’clock.

## STATE OF ROME AFTER THE MURDER OF CÆSAR. TRIUMVIRATE OF ANTONY, OCTAVIAN, AND LEPIDUS. DEATH OF CICERO.

The conspirators were so far from having formed a deliberate plan, that they were not even agreed as to what was to be done next. In the first moment, Cassius demanded that Antony should die; but Brutus was against it, declaring that it was enough that one man should have died. In this Brutus was evidently wrong, as many besides ought to have been slain, to set everything right: at all events, Antony should have been killed, if even a shadow of the republic was still to be kept up; for indeed it was he, and men like him, who had made Cæsar’s rule hateful. He had been his chief instigator to take the diadem, and it is generally acknowledged that, if left to himself, Cæsar would have done nothing but good. In the height of the tumult, most of the senators took to flight, a few openly declared for Brutus and his companions, as tyrannicides. Cicero was one of these, which shows no small courage on his part. On neither side were people at all aware of what was next to follow. One might have believed that the people would have been full of exultation after Cæsar’s murder, as public opinion was against him, ever since he had aspired to the diadem; yet there is nothing more changeable than man: now that the thing which they had wanted was done, the same people who a few days before had wished for Cæsar’s death, were bewailing and lamenting him. The tumult lasted for some days. Cæsar had been murdered on the fifteenth of March; on 82the seventeenth, the senate met to deliberate on the steps which were to be taken in a time of such great excitement. In this meeting, Antony behaved quite differently from what had been expected, holding out his hand for a reconciliation: people indeed did not trust him; yet they believed that he was forced by circumstances to act in this way. Cicero came forward as an adviser, and it was decreed that an amnesty should be granted for all that was past; just as they did at Athens after the time of the thirty tyrants. There was much consultation about what was to be done. Brutus and Cassius, as public opinion was against them, had betaken themselves to the Capitol to escape from the storm; and from thence they began to negotiate: there were many of Cæsar’s soldiers in the city, others thronged in, and the commotion was very great. The resolutions which were come to, aimed at reconciliation; but they were full of contradictions to each other. Whilst, on the one hand, there was a strong feeling of admiration for the murderers, the decrees of the senate took quite the opposite turn. The proposal that Cæsar should be declared a tyrant, and all his acts be repealed, was not only rejected by the senate, through fear of the veterans, but divine honours were even conferred upon him, and the validity of all his ordinances expressly acknowledged. The motion had been made that his will should be annulled; but his father-in-law, L. Calpurnius Piso, with persevering impudence, carried that it should be ratified, publicly read, and executed. Cæsar had bequeathed to the soldiers, and to every single individual of the Roman people, great sums from his immense treasures; with this one would be sure to rekindle the enthusiasm of the soldiers and of the populace for him who was dead. Some had wisely requested that the burial should be quite private; yet this also was overruled, owing to the boldness of the faction and the cowardice of the senate, and it was ordered that he should have a stately funeral in the Campus Martius. The corpse in an open bier, according 83to the Italian custom, as is still the case at this day, was set down in the Forum before the rostra; and there his nearest kinsman Antony, who was allied to him by his mother Julia, delivered the oration, thus working powerfully on the minds of the fickle and capricious people: he not only recounted Cæsar’s great achievements, but he afterwards showed the wounds, and held aloft the bloody toga pierced by the daggers. At this sight, the people became so frantic and enraged, that instead of bearing the dead body to the Campus Martius, they at once built up a funeral pile of the benches and whatever wood besides chanced to be at hand, and there they burnt it: they then tore a man to pieces, whom they had groundlessly mistaken for one of the conspirators, and they stormed the houses of Brutus and Cassius. These had already come down from the Capitol on a promise which Antony and Lepidus had made on oath; and now they betook themselves to Antium, whilst others went down to the provinces of which they were governors. Dec. Brutus withdrew to Cisalpine Gaul which had been promised him by Cæsar; there he meant to take the oaths of the legions, and to make sure of them: M. Brutus was to have had Macedon; Cassius, Syria.

The events of this year (708) are so complicated and various, that it is quite impossible to relate them in order. Fr. Fabricius gives a detailed account of them in his life of Cicero: the knowledge of them is of importance for the Philippic orations.

Cæsar had in his will made the grandson of his sister Julia, C. Octavius, his heir ex dodrante after the payment of all legacies; the remaining quarter he had bequeathed to his wife’s relations: Antony and L. Piso, were not among the heirs. Cæsar’s aunt Julia, had been married to Marius; his sister Julia, the wife of M. Atius Balbus, had a daughter Atia, who was married to C. Octavius, the son of C. Octavius: this last was a worthy man, and but for his early death, would have 84risen to the consulship. Whether these Octavii belonged to those who in former days had acted a part in history, especially the colleague of Tib. Gracchus, is a point which I do not clearly know. I am, however, inclined to deny it, as they are spoken of too positively as having been ordinis equestris. At the time of Cæsar’s murder, C. Octavius was in his nineteenth year, having been born on the 23d of September, 689. Cæsar had taken an interest in this young man after his return from Spain; for hitherto he does not seem to have bestowed any attention upon him. He had settled that he was to accompany him in the Parthian war, and thenceforth remain with him to finish his education: until then, he had sent him to Apollonia in Illyricum, to get Grecian learning there. The Greek language was at that time quite common among the Romans: Cassius and Messalla spoke it to each other;[19] and in Cicero’s letters there are long passages in Greek, without the writers being themselves aware of it: Cicero’s Greek, however, has sometimes a peculiarly foreign air about it; it would be interesting to make this at once the subject of an accurate research. When Octavius had heard the sad news, he came up to Rome, and presented himself to Antony as Cæsar’s heir, ready to enter upon his inheritance. This was a most unpleasant arrival for Antony, who had the most urgent reasons not to let the property go out of his hands: for as he was answerable for it, he had to look sharp that no mistake should be made, and that it should be most faithfully administered; just as was the case with those with whom Napoleon had deposited the five millions. Octavius is the first example which I know of in history of an adoption by will; afterwards, this was very often done. Antony now tried to deter Octavius: he as well as others represented to him that he had better give it up, telling him that he was still too young: his mother and his stepfather 85had allowed themselves to be intimidated. But he already had Agrippa for his adviser, a man of whom, at a later period, there is a great deal of good to be said, but whose conduct at this crisis brought sad consequences upon the republic. But for Agrippa, Octavius would have played quite a different part: he would have let himself be intimidated; or else would have been overpowered, and Brutus would at last have been obliged to take upon himself the dictatorship, though perhaps under a different name, as the dictatura had been abolished for ever by a decree of the senate. Octavius now attached himself to those by whom he hoped to strengthen himself against Antony; and as, of course, he could not league himself with the murderers of Cæsar, he made particular advances to Cicero, whose hands were clean in that affair, and who allowed himself to be entrapped by the deep cunning of the young man: for he deemed it impossible that one so young should be false; and he always tried to see what he wished, to find in Octavius a disposition to consult the good of the commonwealth. Thus arose this connexion.—Octavius carried his point, and Antony had to give up to him the will and the inheritance, that is to say, as much of the latter as was still left; for Antony had already made away with the greatest part of the sums which Cæsar had deposited with him. The ill-feeling between Octavius and Antony now ran very high: each suspected the other, and perhaps with good reason, of trying to murder him. To so great a height had the excitement risen, that Cicero resolved to go away to Athens, until the first of January of the following year, when Hirtius and Pansa were to be consuls: the former of these was a very worthy and able man, and really his friend, whilst Pansa was much less eminent, being only a commonplace soldier.

This summer Cicero displayed the greatest intellectual activity. He began the books de Officiis; he wrote the ones De Divinatione, De Fato, De Gloria, the Topica, and also that huge quantity of letters, many of which 86are no longer extant. I do not know of any person, who was so intensely laborious as Cicero, was at that time. A common man will under such circumstances be stunned; he only thinks with terror of what is before him: Cicero, on the contrary, was aware of everything that was going on; but instead of letting himself be made the slave of events which he could not check, he turned all his thoughts to the intellectual world. This activity was the recreation which he found in this grief; it shows the wonderful strength of his soul. Contrary winds obliged him to stop at Rhegium.

Antony had, by means of decrees which he had wrung from the senate, given Macedonia to his brother Caius, and Syria to Dolabella, who, after Cæsar’s death, was consul with him: for himself, he had chosen Cisalpine Gaul. All at once, he turned round, and seemed to be quite another man: he showed himself friendly to the optimates, and most ready to conciliate men’s minds; and he enacted laws which aimed at peace. When Cicero was told that Antony was doing everything that one could wish, his friends earnestly begged him to return, and to reconcile himself with Antony. Had Cicero, on his arrival, ventured to appear in the senate, notwithstanding the risk there was of his being murdered in it; and had he brought himself to speak there to Antony, as if he could trust him; he might have prevented a great deal of mischief. Antony was embittered against him, and hated him; but he would perhaps after all have consented to make friends with him. On the whole, Cicero was guilty of a blunder in so loudly expressing his too just abhorrence of Antony’s utter profligacy. Antony, though a bad man, might still to some extent be gained over; he was at least an open character. Octavian, on the other hand, was a thorough hypocrite; and there was much truth in his last words at Nola, when he asked, whether he had well acted the comedy of his life: for it was all a part which he had got up most carefully and deliberately, and which he 87played with uncommon skill. Dissimulation was the master faculty of his mind. Antony, profligate as his life was, still did some good-natured, and even generous actions: Cicero could not have made a worse choice between the two. He may likewise have uttered things, which gave deep offence to Antony, and very often have made him the butt of his wit. However this may be, when Cicero did not show himself in the senate, Antony broke out against him in the most unseemly manner; and this called forth the second Philippic, which was never spoken, but written, and being immediately circulated, was devoured with the greatest admiration. As Cicero no longer deemed himself to be safe at Rome, he now went into the country.

Towards the end of the year, Antony betook himself to Cisalpine Gaul: Gallia Transpadana likewise had already received the franchise from Cæsar. During the whole of the summer, he went on in the most outrageous manner: on the strength of the senate having confirmed the acta Cæsaris, he did what he listed, pretending that he was acting according to commands which he had found among Cæsar’s papers. He granted to colonies immunity; gave others the franchise, and to some the jus Latii; chose his creatures into the senate; and all for money. In the same way, he had distributed the provinces.—In Spain, there was Asinius Pollio; in Gaul, M. Lepidus and L. Munatius Plancus. Antony betook himself to his province, where he tried to tamper with the legions of Dec. Brutus, but without success. The Transalpine and Illyrian towns showed themselves at first very friendly towards him; but his debaucheries and extortions estranged them from him. In the beginning of the year 709, the two consuls whom Cæsar had still nominated, Hirtius and Pansa, entered upon their office,—so far did Cæsar’s power reach even now!—and the senate assigned them the provinces of Gaul and Italy, to carry on, in common with Dec. Brutus, the struggle against Antony. Octavius had beguiled 88Cicero to get him the power and insignia of a prætor. Antony having, on the other hand, recalled the legions from Macedonia, whither they had been sent by Cæsar to be employed against the Parthians, two of them went over to Octavian; and they formed the nucleus of his force against Antony, and afforded protection to Cicero and the other patriots, although there was no one whom they hated so much. In the meanwhile, Brutus and Cassius had gone to Greece.

To the last year of Cicero’s life (709), belong the last Philippics, which come down to the end of April, besides several of the letters ad diversos, and also those to Brutus. This collection of epistles, as is well known, consists of two portions: an older one, which was very likely found in the same manuscript with those ad Quintum fratrem; and another, which has first appeared in the Cratandrina, and is stated to have been found in Germany. With regard to these last letters, there is a difficulty which cannot be cleared up. Whether they were forged in the sixteenth century, or, whether they are really old, I am not able to decide: if they are forged, he who did it has produced an incomparable masterpiece. And as for the other letters to Brutus in the first part, there is likewise a great dispute whether they be genuine or not. That they are very old, even as old as the first century, there can be no doubt; yet for all that they may very easily have been fabricated, even as early as the reign of Augustus, or at least in that of Tiberius: they are written by an ingenious man who had a very good knowledge of that age. It is nearly a hundred years since the question of their genuineness was first mooted by an English editor. Wolf was fully convinced that they were spurious; but I would not assert it so positively. I should however be glad if they were not genuine, of which I am morally convinced, as I am also with regard to the oration pro Marcello; yet there are still great doubts on the subject. These letters show some misunderstanding between Brutus and 89Cicero; and although we must not implicitly rely on them, yet they date so near the time itself, and are written so much from contemporary sources, that they may be looked upon as authorities.

While the first months were passing, Antony was besieging Dec. Brutus in Mutina. All in those parts had now declared against Antony. Modena must at that time have been of very great extent, since Brutus with all his army lay in it. Antony however, who was very much superior to him in numbers, having nine or ten legions, could have starved him out; and he was going to compel him to surrender, when Hirtius and Pansa, and C. Octavius as prætor, came up with three armies to his relief. Hirtius and Octavius first posted themselves in the neighbourhood of Bologna, whither Pansa followed with reinforcements: Octavian only had veterans; the rest were newly raised legions inferior to those of Antony. The latter having marched against the enemy to prevent the junction with Pansa, the troops of Pansa and especially the legio Martia which had been sent forward to his aid, heedlessly let themselves be drawn into a sort of irregular fight in which Antony at first had the worst of it, and then the better. When he was on the point of turning this advantage into a decided victory, Hirtius came up with reinforcements, and won the day. We have still extant an official bulletin of this battle, which was sent to Rome, and of which perhaps something must be abated. Pansa was severely wounded. As Antony did not stir from his lines, and the position of Dec. Brutus was by no means improved; the armies united, and ten or fourteen days afterwards Hirtius undertook an attack upon the camp of Antony: he broke through the upper lines, and took the camp; but he himself was killed in the battle. Dec. Brutus, however, had in the meanwhile made a furious sally, and joined the troops of the senate; so that Antony was obliged to give up the siege. He might still 90have kept his ground; but he entirely lost his head, and resolved upon leaving Italy.

At the end of April, things looked very cheerful in Rome, were it not for the death of the two consuls. Octavian’s reputation was then already such, that people suspected him of having had the wound of Pansa poisoned by his surgeon, and Hirtius killed in the battle, in the midst of his soldiers, by assassins: it is true that his moral character was by no means too good for such things to be ascribed to him; at any rate, great suspicion attaches itself to him, as those deaths left him the stage quite free. To the consuls who might have followed, the republic could not have intrusted itself. Under these circumstances, C. Cæsar, as he is now called, took the command of the armies of the two consuls, and Antony, whose army was dispersed, crossed the Alps with a small troop. It would now have been in the power of M. Lepidus—an abandoned fellow whom Cæsar unfortunately had been intimate with, and who after his death, in defiance of all right, had managed to get the pontificatus maximus—and of Munatius Plancus, to put an end to the whole affair, as the two were staying in Gaul, and might have crushed Antony: but this they did not wish. Lepidus would not have raised a hand against Antony. The latter—perhaps it was a got up farce,—was received in his camp, and proclaimed imperator by his soldiers and those of Plancus. This happened in the course of the summer, that season beginning in Italy as early as the seventh or eighth of May.

In this orphan state of the republic, Octavianus unmasked his real sentiments, and got his veterans loudly to demand that the consulship should be given him. Before that, he had applied to Cicero, proposing that they should be consuls together, in which case he would be entirely guided by Cicero’s advice. But Cicero did not fall into the snare: he saw that everything was hopeless. These last months after June were the most unhappy 91ones which he had ever known; so that it is no wonder that he got so tired of life, and would not even try to escape from death. The veterans with threats demanded the consulship for Octavian; but Cicero spoke against it quite as resolutely as any other senator. Surely here are no signs of cowardice, for which his excessive sensibility has indeed too often been mistaken!—They were, however, at last obliged to give way, and on the 19th of August, Octavian had himself proclaimed consul, together with his cousin Q. Pedius. There was now no more hope left for the lovers of their country: the senate was ready for slavery, and Cicero withdrew himself altogether. One of the first acts of the new consuls, was that frightful Lex Pedia by which criminal proceedings were instituted against all the accomplices in the murder of Cæsar. Judges were appointed, who were pro forma to summon Brutus, Cassius, and the other conspirators; and as these last, of course, did not surrender, they were condemned for contempt and proscribed:—they were outlawed and a price was set on their heads. This was quite against all Roman law; for whoever of his own free will renounced the republic, might always save his life. Dec. Brutus, whose army had been made disaffected by Octavian, fled to the borders of Gaul, and there he was murdered by a guest-friend. Octavian also reproached the senate with having ill-treated him, and with having slighted him after the war of Mutina; yet as he had the potestas prætoria, the senate could not indeed have done more for him than it did.

It was now November. Antony returned with Lepidus and Plancus and their army, and Octavian marched to the neighbourhood of Bologna to meet them. Lepidus, however, acted as a mediator, and the three came together on an islet in the river Reno, where they agreed to share among themselves for five years the government of the Roman world as triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ. The idea of such a magistracy was not a new one, as it 92had already been legally instituted once before, after the time of the Licinian law,[20] under quite different circumstances: it is also possible that on some other occasion there may also have been something of the kind. Italy was to be administered by them in common with consular power: of the provinces, Lepidus was to have Spain and Narbonnese Gaul; Antony, Cisalpine, Lugdunensian, and Belgic Gaul; Octavian, Africa, Sicily, and Sardinia. With regard to the eastern provinces nothing was settled. And likewise they first began with publishing a proscription of seventeen persons. Antony gave up his uncle as a victim; Lepidus, his brother,—or rather he demanded his death; as for Octavian, the historians say that it was only after a struggle that he made up his mind to sacrifice Cicero. Yet this cannot by any means have been hard for him to do: on the contrary, it must have been a relief to him to get rid of a benefactor, whom he had so beguiled and deceived, and to whom he had so often made vows of gratitude and of devotion to the republic. And moreover, this is only stated by Velleius and those writers who follow the historians of the Augustan age. How Livy treated this part of history, we unfortunately do not know for certain; but it is very likely that he was more free-spoken than others: we are told that Augustus called him a Pompeian, and a fragment also of his with regard to Cicero displays much boldness. It is, on the whole, astonishing how openly the writers of Augustus’ times—Asinius Pollio for instance—spoke out what they thought of the state of things in their day: this was partly because it was looked upon as the opinion of private persons, and perhaps also because these writings were not immediately circulated. A second proscription followed of a hundred and thirty senators, which was afterwards still further enlarged. These lists were much worse than those of Sylla. These last were the 93offspring of party spirit alone,—plunder was only a secondary object, or at most it followed as a thing of course; nor was it even for Sylla’s own benefit,—whereas now in most cases there was less of revenge than rapacity. Men who had never given any offence whatever, were made victims because they were rich, and of every one who was proscribed the goods and chattels were confiscated.

Cicero was in his Tusculan villa when the proscription list came out. He was undecided whether he ought not at once to await his death; yet he let himself be persuaded by his brother to flee. They went to the sea coast as far as Astura, to look out for a ship; and thence his brother returned, only to be murdered. Cicero took a fishing boat; but being tired of life, he had not the least wish to escape, and the murderer was welcome to him. Much as he honoured Cato, he did not think it right to lay hands on his own life: he therefore wished to leave it to Providence, whether he should flee to Sextus Pompey, who was already master of Sicily, or to Brutus, or any where else. Had he got to Sex. Pompey, he would have very likely died a natural death; for he would have lived to see the time when the latter made his peace, and all the proscribed persons of note who were with him returned to Rome. But Providence willed otherwise. The wind was contrary; he became sea sick, and found his wretched life not worth having: the sailors wanted to put back, and he allowed them to land near Mola di Gaëta, in the neighbourhood of one of his estates, to wait till the storm was over. Here he was betrayed by one of his own people, and a centurion, Popillius Lænas,—a man of a very distinguished plebeian clan, whose crime was perhaps exaggerated by the rhetorical invention that Cicero had once defended him,—overtook him. Cicero’s friends had prevailed upon him to let himself be carried away in a litter; but when his pursuers had come up with him, he ordered it to be set down, and, forbidding his slaves to fight for him, he 94himself stretched out his head to receive the deathblow. He died on the seventh of December 709, with great courage. His son, who was at that time with Brutus in Macedonia, still behaved in such a way as to give hopes of what he would become: he afterwards plunged into the lowest sensuality, and the coarsest debauchery. For all that, he was a man of much intellect, and he had his father’s wit; but he wanted all the moral qualities, which distinguished the first Cicero.

I recommend to you Middleton’s Life of Cicero: it is written not only in a very fine style, but also in a very fine spirit, whereas Hooke is revoltingly unjust to Cicero, and his diffuse work after all is only patchwork. Until the time of my youth, Cicero was ever revered as a great name, like a god before whom one bows the knee, albeit a θεὸς ἄγνωτος. Throughout the whole of the middle ages also, he stood high in men’s esteem: great minds, like Dante, St. Bernard, Petrarch and others, knew how to enter into his ideas, and could admire him. This feeling rose even to a greater height at the time of the revival of learning. The mania of the Ciceroniani in the sixteenth century is well known: it was held to be quite a heresy to use a phrase which was not to be found in Cicero. Some have been made quite dull by it; others, on the contrary, have thus formed a noble style: of this Manutius is an instance. Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a reaction began: people neglected, and even disdained the Latin language and literature, whilst the study of Greek got more in fashion. This was carried still farther during the first ten years of this century, when distinguished philologists would look down upon Cicero with scorn, and sneer at his twaddle, especially in his philosophical writings. Nowadays an enlightened and just estimation of Greek and Latin philology seems to have come into vogue. The philologist’s true standing, according to Quintilian’s saying, is to be judged of by his love of Cicero’s Latin: on the whole, nothing better can be said 95of him as a writer than this passage of Quintilian. Yet his style is not without its faults: in his earlier writings, particularly in the speeches against Verres, there are passages which are quite unworthy of him, and which he himself also afterwards criticised so severely in his Brutus. In his latest writings, on the other hand, he has not gone down, nor become dry; but there is always a freshness about him. The real spring-time of his life was the time of his prætorship and consulate. After his return, the oration pro Cælio is particularly distinguished; in the later ones, we must take the distress of the times into account. The famous second Philippic, as compared with the rest, has in my opinion been much overrated by the rhetoricians: wherever he gives himself up to vehemence, he exaggerates, which was not natural to him. His mind in fact was thoroughly benevolent, and wherever he shows himself in this light, he is finest. M. Seneca in the Suasoria gives us opinions on Cicero by Livy, Asinius Pollio, and Cassius Severus, which are most remarkable.

Cicero’s death ends for us this unhappy year. During its course, Brutus and Cassius had more and more established their power in the east: the former had made himself master of Macedonia, and been acknowledged by the legions; the latter whilst Cassius was in possession of Syria, had hemmed in Dolabella near Laodicea, and compelled him to surrender. This fellow, though he had at Rome as consul suffectus overthrown the statue of Cæsar, had afterwards, when in Asia, killed Trebonius, who indeed, like Decius Brutus, had formerly been Cæsar’s friend, and therefore was one of the most guilty of his murderers: for this, he was now condemned as a traitor, and put to death. Cassius was still most highly popular in Syria owing to the Parthian war; the legions declared for him, and the whole of the country submitted to him. At the end of the year, Brutus and Cassius were masters of the whole of the east, of the Adriatic sea, of Macedonia, and of Achaia, 96as far as the frontiers of Egypt. Brutus kept C. Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, as a prisoner in Macedonia; but when the tidings came of the proscriptions at Rome, he had him executed.

In the unfortunate issue of the war of Philippi, we may see the irresistible sway of what the ancients called fatum: one untoward circumstance followed close upon another, and everything which seemed to promise well took an unlucky turn. This was especially the case with the long expeditions of Brutus and Cassius in Asia. Though indeed these were of some advantage to them in bringing in money and soldiers, as they could both of them increase their resources and make conscriptions; they became notwithstanding the cause of their mishap. The chastisement of Xanthus in Lycia by Brutus, the taking of Rhodes by Cassius, and other things of the same kind, belong rather to the later Greek history than to this. Whilst they were training and recruiting their troops, they ought indeed to have kept themselves in Macedon and Greece, and have made it impossible for the triumvirs to bring together large masses; they would have compelled them to march a long way round through Illyricum, and should the enemy have landed at last, they might have prevented them from undertaking anything. Thus the chances would have been considerably in their favour. Fortune was likewise against their fleet. The two commanders, Statius Murcus and Domitius Ahenobarbus, who were stationed in the Illyrian waters, do not seem to have neglected anything; but the wind was fair for the triumvirs, and they landed two or three times in several squadrons on the Illyrian coast, and advanced from thence to Macedon. Here Brutus and Cassius had no troops, although they were not at all in want of soldiers; so that they must have withdrawn them to Thrace. It was not until the armies of Octavius and Antony had established themselves in Greece, and had subdued the whole of it, that their two antagonists concentrated their forces in 97Asia, and passed over the Hellespont into Macedon. Near Philippi, in the neighbourhood of the gold mine of Pangæus, there is between the mountains and the sea, where the road leads from Amphipolis to Thrace, a narrow defile which the triumvirs had occupied. Brutus was guided by a faithful Thracian ally, and so he turned the pass, and encamped over against the enemy near Philippi: the fleet was in the western seas. Before he started for this march, Brutus, either at Sardis or at Abydus, saw the vision which called itself his evil genius, and announced that it would meet him again at Philippi. The question now was, what was to be done. Cassius, an experienced general, rather shrank from bringing matters to a quick decision; but the general voice of the army called for the attack. The troops stood faithful to their generals, and no desertion took place: it would therefore have been possible to protract the war. Had Brutus and Cassius caused themselves to be joined by their fleet, which they did not know that they could do, and then acted for a considerable time on the defensive, Octavian and Antony would very likely have been forced for want of provisions to retreat; but unhappily they determined upon giving battle. In the army of Brutus and Cassius were the Romans of the highest rank; the greater part of these had been proscribed. Most of those who had saved their lives were now with them; only a few were with Sextus Pompey in Sicily, who had a large fleet of pirate ships, with which, however, Brutus and Cassius, as men of honour, and, even for the simple reason that they would thus have made themselves hateful to the people, would not unite themselves. The battle was fought; Brutus leading the left, Cassius the right wing (or rather, according to the ancient way of speaking, the left and right horns; for the term wing supposes a centre, whereas there were two separate armies, which were drawn up close together). In the battle, the fatum again showed its influence. Brutus overcame the enemy with great ease; 98and the one who distinguished himself most under him, was M. Valerius Messalla, a very young man, whom Cicero much loved, and whom he had recommended to him. In the reign of Augustus also, Messalla afterwards bore a high character. Brutus opposed Octavian; Cassius, Antony. Octavian is generally accused—Antony taxed him with it in his letters, and in public—of not having taken the least share in the battle; his army was utterly defeated. The excuses which are pleaded for him are very sorry ones; but as the command had devolved upon Agrippa, it certainly had not fallen into worse hands. In the Julian centre, a stout resistance was made; the right wing, however, was undeniably beaten, and the camp of Octavian taken. That of Cassius was not forced; but his troops were routed before it. Owing to the centre standing its ground, it was not possible to see the success of the army on the left wing; so that Cassius was led to think that all was lost. He sent an officer to bring him a report of the state of things on the other side, and after waiting a very long time for his return, matters appeared to him so desperate, that he bade his servant take away his life. The suspicion was already afloat among the ancients, that the slave behaved as a traitor, and did this without being ordered. Brutus was very downcast about the issue; twenty days passed, and both parties were still in the same position to each other as before: all was not yet lost. Had Brutus known that on the very day of the first battle his fleet had gained a complete victory, he would certainly have sent for it, and would have remained firm to his plan of keeping on the defensive. He had much trouble to get provisions, and it pained him to see that his troops were as lawless as those of the enemy: he had been obliged to promise them the plunder of Thessalonica and Lacedæmon in case of victory. On the day only that he yielded to the wish of his army to decide the war at once, he heard from the prisoners of the victory of his fleet; 99but low-spirited as he was, he would not believe it,—the messengers sent to him had been intercepted,—and he let himself be brought to an engagement. In this battle, his troops did not behave with the same gallantry as before, and they were signally beaten: Brutus escaped with a small band to a hill. As he could not reach the sea, and life would only be to him a most heavy burthen, he called upon his faithful servants to do the last duty to him; and on their refusing it, he fell upon his sword.

He was only in his thirty-seventh year when he died: at the time of Cicero’s consulship therefore, he was fifteen years old.[21]

Antony at that time saved many a life, whereas Octavian displayed a cold-blooded sneering cruelty which was revolting to the feelings: of this the strangely impartial account in Suetonius bears evidence. Antony had the body of Brutus solemnly buried: it is true that he likewise caused the son of Hortensius to be put to death, as he laid to his door the execution of his brother Caius. Most of the proscribed who were still alive, now killed themselves. Strikingly enough, among these was the father of that Livia who afterwards became the wife of Augustus, and the whole of whose family belonged to Pompey’s party: her first husband, Tiberius Claudius Nero, even tried to get up an insurrection in favour of the last of the proscribed.

After the battle, the fleets were still untouched. The army took service with the conquerors; many of the soldiers were scattered, many also returned unobserved to Italy; especially the young volunteers, among whom was also the poet Horace. From Athens, where he was pursuing his studies with other young Romans, he had joined the army of Brutus, who gave them appointments 100as tribunes. He was afterwards very badly off, until he was recommended to Mæcenas by whose means he got his pardon.[22]

## THE PERUSIAN WAR. PEACE OF BRUNDUSIUM. PEACE OF MISENUM. EVENTS DOWN TO THE BATTLE OF ACTIUM. END OF THE CIVIL WAR.

Octavian led his legions back to Italy. Antony remained in the East, and was really master of all the countries on the other side of the Adriatic. Immediately after the victory, he behaved everywhere with humanity, and what was heard from Italy of Octavian was more terrible than what those countries suffered from him: moreover the provincials were well accustomed to ill usage, which in this case was after all such as might be borne. In Greece, he was forbearing; in Asia Minor only, he extorted immense contributions; the inhabitants there had had already before to pay to Cassius the tribute for the next five years, and now Antony demanded new ones. Yet these countries were always sure to recover after a short time.

While he was on his way through these provinces to Cilicia, he summoned Cleopatra to come to him: in this he was either led by the fame of her beauty, or by pride. Cleopatra, conscious of her irresistible charms, repaired 101fearlessly to him, although she had formerly supported Cassius, and done many things besides which must have given offence. With a fairylike pomp, on galleys bedecked with gold and purple, she sailed up the Cydnus to Tarsus, where she invited Antony to a banquet, who was quite dazzled by this enchanting scene:—there were but few Romans who understood how to display such splendid luxury. He fell irretrievably into her nets, and she went about with him in Asia, and he accompanied her to Alexandria.

Whilst he now lay there in the chains of Armida, but not as Rinaldo, there arose in Italy a new misfortune which sprang from his love affair with Cleopatra. Octavian had led back his legions, and his veterans were about as insolent as in the times after the death of Commodus: it is surprising how for two centuries these wild beasts, in whose hands was the fate of the empire, still let themselves be kept under as subjects. Octavian had promised them the most flourishing municipal towns and colonies of Italy,—one cannot for certain make out which: in 710, the battle of Philippi took place; and in 711, the founding of the Julian colonies. (I trust that I shall one day ascertain these military colonies, with tolerable exactness.) Every one knows that Cremona, which had at first been a Latin colony, and afterwards since the lex Julia, a municipium, had become now—perhaps ever since the time of Sylla—a military colony: it was on this occasion that Virgil’s life was endangered. The allotments of those days far exceeded the old proportions: the fields around for many square miles were parcelled out, and a common soldier got from fifty to a hundred jugera, a centurion double, a tribune three times as much. If however, the territory of a place thus doomed would not suffice, there was cut off from a neighbouring district as much as was required to complete the assignments; for the soldier was everything. Thus when Cremona was allotted, a great part of Mantua was taken in, which otherwise would not 102have been divided; and Virgil moreover lived about three (Italian) miles from Mantua: from the distance between the two towns, one may learn what was the extent of such assignments. One can hardly form an idea of it! All the landed property was entirely taken away from the citizens, and given to the soldiers, from whom the countryman of course generally had his piece of ground again to farm; and perhaps he bought it all back, in the course of time, when the new possessor had lived too wastefully.

In Italy there now arose the greatest despair. Places which had not offended in the least, nor ever once withstood the Julian party, were confiscated just as much as those which had sided with the Pompeians. Among those who were driven out, there were no doubt in many instances the sons of the old soldiers of Sylla: these were ready to rush to arms, and were only looking about for some one who would put himself at their head. Two men now declared for them. One of these was the consul L. Antonius, a brother of the triumvir, who was seeking for an opportunity to overthrow the rival of his brother, in which he was chiefly set on by Fulvia, his sister-in-law. Fulvia was a termagant, a furious bloodthirsty woman, profligate but clever: to Antony she was attached with passionate love, and she had also been faithful to him ever since she married him. The late Queen Caroline of Naples, the wife of Ferdinand, was by no means unlike her. Fulvia had been a deadly enemy to Cicero; now she was jealous of Cleopatra, and brooding over schemes for putting everything into confusion, so as to bring Antony back to Italy. In Præneste she gave out that the oppressed should be protected. In the same manner, Tib. Claudius Nero, the husband of Livia, had stood forth in Campania, and he seems to have done it out of humanity and justice. Octavian, however, never once lost his head. He was a coward; but by degrees he had accustomed himself to look difficulties in the face, events having matured him, and 103therefore, thanks chiefly to Agrippa, he now behaved with prudence and address. He turned himself to his veterans. Those generals of Antony who were near at hand, showed themselves undecided; C. Asinius Pollio in Gaul and Illyria, would not declare for Antony, though in his heart he was for him; and thus Octavian succeeded in isolating L. Antonius, who with part of the old soldiers, with refugees, senators, and knights, and also with Fulvia, betook himself to Perugia. There they were blockaded by Octavian, and as peace seemed hopeless, they held out to the last: at length, driven to it by the most frightful famine, and left by M. Antony to their fate, they capitulated. L. Antonius betrayed his party, made up with Octavian, and was allowed to go free with Fulvia who now withdrew to Asia. The veterans went into the service of the young Cæsar, having hopes of new assignments of land, as he promised to take care of them as he would of his own men; the newly levied soldiers also went over to him: and thus there remained only the unfortunate senators, knights, and inhabitants of Perugia, who were obliged to surrender at discretion. Three hundred of these, all of them men of rank, were offered up like beasts of sacrifice at the altar of Divus Julius; Perugia was set fire to, and burned to ashes, either during the pillage, or owing to the despair of the inhabitants. The town was afterwards rebuilt as a Julian military colony, under the name of Augusta Perusia, as it is still called on solemn occasions.

From the year of the Perusian war (712), dates Virgil’s fourth eclogue, which is in praise of Asinius Pollio under whose protection he then was, probably at Mantua: Asinius was, at that time, all but an enemy to Octavian, and very near taking up arms against him. Now that all was over, Antony, who had concentrated his troops in Greece, went across to Brundusium; and there, by the mediation of Mæcenas and Cocceius, a peace was concluded between him and Octavian, by 104which the civil war was put off for nine years. To this period belongs Horace’s journey to Brundusium. (The greatest part of his poems were written in his early youth, or at least before the battle of Actium: his most poetical time was about his thirtieth year.) As a bond of peace, it was agreed that Antony should marry Octavia, the widow of C. Marcellus, and half sister of Octavian,—not indeed by Atia, and therefore not of the Julian house, but by the same father. In the midst of a most corrupt age, and in a bad family, she was a noble-minded woman,—a sad example of the hard fate to which persons of the highest rank may be subjected. She was an exemplary wife: in her behaviour to C. Marcellus, she was spotless; and such she was also to Antony, who neglected her in the most shameful way. An excellent mother she also was; but she had the misfortune of losing her dearest son, the hope of the Roman people: of her children by Antony, the Antonia who was afterwards married to Drusus, the son of Livia, seems alone to have been worthy of her. Antony got the empire of the east as far as the Ionian Sea,—the self-same division which was projected under Severus, nearly settled under Diocletian, and at last established under the sons of Theodosius; the west was given to Octavian; but Lepidus was to have Africa, and doubtless Sicily also and the islands between those countries.

But Sicily was then in the power of Sextus Pompey, the younger son of the great Pompey. He had, after the battle of Munda, collected a force among the Celtiberians, and in the year of Cæsar’s death he carried on an indecisive war against Asinius Pollio. When the amnesty was decreed, at which time he was at Marseilles, he was recalled together with the rest by the senate; the value of his father’s property was to be refunded to him, and the imperium oræ maritimæ was promised him. This imperium, however, he had first to create. When the proscriptions came out, he was in great danger: Antony was in possession of his paternal 105mansion on the Carinæ, and for the sake of it, he was already trying to have him killed. He did not therefore venture to come to Rome, but surrounded himself with all sorts of adventurers, and gathered together a swarm of pirates such as his father had crushed,—in fact the sons of these, and even in some instances the self-same men: he was their natural patron; for, according to Asiatic custom, the conquered placed themselves under the protection of the conqueror. Thus he made himself master of Sicily, which was still quite a Greek island: his pirates too were either Greeks or hellenized Asiatics. He was joined by Statius Murcus, with part of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius. With the rest of it, Domitius Ahenobarbus carried on the war for two years under his own auspices; after this, he united himself with Asinius Pollio, and by him was reconciled to Antony, to whom also he then attached himself. Antony had, even before the battle of Philippi, been foiled in an attempt on Sicily, and moreover Sextus Pompey had very much strengthened himself since; Antony therefore and Octavian now began to treat with the latter by themselves, taking no heed of Lepidus, whom, without asking his leave, they confined to Africa. There was a peace made near the headland of Misenum. Pompey went to them on shore, and trusted himself to them with some generosity; they, on the other hand, with a magnanimity which was otherwise foreign to them, went on board his flagship, and partook of a meal with him. One of his commanders wanted on this occasion to cut the cables of the anchors, and to seize them; but Pompey ordered that it should not be done. By this peace Pompey had Sicily, and as it is stated in an account very likely to be true, Achaia likewise, together with Sardinia, given up to him; so that he had the heart of the maritime dominion. In this possession he peacefully maintained himself for four years.

Sextus Pompey is said to have been sermone barbarus. He was indeed a rough fellow, and had lived abroad 106from his earliest youth; but we see in what a corrupt and neglected state the vulgar tongue must at that time already have been. People only who were highly educated spoke well; it was a particular refinement, a perfection of language, which, if not carefully cultivated, was very liable to degenerate before long. Cicero tells us of the sermo urbanus of the time of Lælius, and remarks that the ladies of that period spoke an idiom of uncommon elegance.[23] But now this refined style was already gone off, as is the case at the present day nearly everywhere, even in England and France. Sextus Pompey was a mere condottiere like Antony and others: he thought of nothing beyond maintaining himself in Sicily and those parts, the restoration of the republic being no concern of his. By the peace of Misenum, all the proscribed were allowed to return to Rome.

Peace having been thus restored, Antony turned to the east, where Labienus had fled over to the Parthians. The latter was one of those men whose fate does not inspire any sympathy: he was a seditious tribune in Cicero’s consulship, and afterwards a tool of Cæsar’s usurpation. His family also was a seditious one: his uncle had been slain with Saturninus, and he had tried to avenge him upon C. Rabirius, one of the few still living of those who with Marius had stormed the Capitol, thirty-seven years having passed since then. Labienus was an intriguer from inclination, not from need, as he was very rich: he threw himself into the arms of Cæsar, and distinguished himself as an officer in the Gallic wars. Afterwards, it is not known for what reason, he went over to Pompey, to whom he remained faithful. Then, after the battle of Pharsalus, he went to Africa, and from thence to Spain; after which he again makes his appearance in the army of Brutus, takes a part in the battle of Philippi, and at last betakes himself to the Parthians. He now led a Parthian army 107to Syria, and these barbarians, when commanded by one of Cæsar’s comrades, achieved things such as they had never done before: yet after gaining several victories, they were at length driven back by Ventidius.

The same family policy as that of Labienus is met with at that time in more instances than one. That Asinius Pollio was so determined an enemy to Pompey, Cicero, Brutus, and the other Pompeian senators, whose characters he must otherwise have liked, whereas the Cæsarians were not at all to his taste; was owing to nothing else but personal feeling. It so happened that when Pompeius Strabo, the father of Cn. Pompey, overcame in the Social War the Picentines and Marrucinians, the prætor of the Marrucinians was slain, Herius Asinius, the father or grandfather of Pollio (very likely his father; for he also called his son again Herius Asinius). For this reason, he looked upon Cæsar’s party as the Marian one, and attached himself to it as such. This was also the case with Munatius Plancus, a man of distinguished intellect, and not to be slightingly spoken of; but whom in other respects I cannot uphold. He was a Tiburtine, and all the inhabitants of Tibur, Præneste, in short, all the Latins, were thoroughgoing partisans of Cinna; so that Munatius quite naturally became a Cæsarian, as Cæsar, who was Cinna’s son-in-law, might in truth be deemed the representative of his party.

Antony now again withdrew to the East, and being separated from Cleopatra, he lived for some time with Octavia, until he obliged her to go back to Rome. Whilst he now stayed in Asia, and sometimes also in Alexandria, he was allured by the hope of Asiatic trophies; for the Romans still smarted under the disgrace of the overthrow of Crassus. The Armenian king Artavasdes had made advances to him. The whole of the Parthian empire consisted of a number of distinct kingdoms, which in reality were vassal principalities, and not mere satrapies of the king of kings who kept his 108court at Ctesiphon near Seleucia. Antony marched with a large army through Armenia and Aderbijan to Media, the true Irak Ajemi; and there he besieged the town of Phraata. (The geography of those parts we know very little of.) His plan was wretchedly devised. Owing to the impassable nature of the ground, he had left his battering engines behind, with two legions under the legate Statianus to protect them; this depot was taken by the Parthian sovereign Phraortes, and the two legions were cut to pieces. Afterwards the main army also was so closely pressed, that Antony, having narrowly escaped the fate of Crassus, had to retreat to Armenia: the fourth part of his army had been annihilated, and most of his baggage entirely lost. Antony now returned to his revels with his paramour, to whom he gave Cœlesyria, Judæa, and Cyprus for her empire, a thing which highly disgusted the Romans. To that kingdom, as the coins of Cleopatra show, the puzzling name of Chalcis is given, which I cannot account for in any way: it is certainly to be understood of this realm, and not of the tetrarchy of a later day.

The life of Antony by Plutarch is a very lengthy one; but there are many very remarkable accounts in it, which he had still heard from his grandfather or great grandfather, especially about the frightful distress which there was in Greece: the parallel with Demetrius is very happy. To this period belong the stories of the profligate way in which he spent his time, squandering in eastern luxury and pomp the sums which he had extorted from the nations. The only feeling that one can have with regard to Antony, is that of satisfaction that all is over with him. Here he forgets the shame which he had suffered in war. Fortune, however, was yet once more favourable to him; for the king of Media besought his protection, and showed himself inclined to acknowledge his supremacy instead of that of the king of the Parthians.

In the meanwhile, Octavian took up arms against 109Sextus Pompey. The soul of this war was Agrippa, who built a fleet on the Lucrine Lake, which he converted into a sort of harbour, where he exercised his ships: a fair ground of quarrel did not exist. Twice was the fleet destroyed by storms: when it was restored, Agrippa gained a glorious victory near Mylæ (Milazzo); but at Tauromenium, Octavian’s ships were utterly routed before his eyes, the commanders of the Pompeian fleet, to crown his disgrace, being freedmen, Mena (Μηνᾶ = Μηνόδωρος, not Mænas; we know the name from Horace’s Epistles)[24] and Menecrates. Octavian’s troops had landed under Cornificius, one of his most faithful servants, and had likewise been beaten, almost indeed annihilated: Agrippa retrieved matters. Another fleet was built, and now Agrippa won a great naval victory. Pompey left Sicily, sought the protection of Antony, and staid for some time in the Levant. Antony was favourably inclined towards him; but whilst he wavered as to whether he should receive him or have him executed, Pompey, owing to one of those fatal orders, was murdered by a proscribed person in Phrygia, a deed which was yet more shameful, as he had formerly made it a point in the peace of Misenum, that all the proscribed should be reinstated. Whether the house of the Pompeii became extinct with him, or whether the consul Sextus Pompeius in the reign of the emperor Tiberius was a descendant of his, is more than I can say.

Cæsar was now master of Sicily. He had called on Lepidus to give him aid from Africa; but the latter, who was discontented with the smallness of his share, and insolent on the strength of the power which belonged to him, had delayed, and had only come over at last with a considerable army, when matters had already become very much entangled. He then began to quarrel with Cæsar for the possession of Sicily; and he 110seems to have been quite in the right, if in such a division of robbers there can be any question at all of right. But Lepidus had neither the respect nor the love of any one, not even of his own soldiers; and therefore Cæsar, who was his superior in determination and address, betook himself into his camp,—the boldest feat of his life!—and called upon the soldiers to declare for him. The thing succeeded: the daring recklessness of the step, perhaps also the feeling in favour of Cæsar’s adopted son, but more especially the hope of a great donation, such as Lepidus was not able to give, had its effect. Lepidus was forsaken by all the world. Octavian assigned him Circeii for his abode; and thus the whole of the west was united under him. In that dreary place near the Pontine marshes, which is only beautiful from the sea-side, Lepidus passed the rest of his life, having the title, but not the power of a pontifex maximus.

The immediate cause of the war which ended with the fight at Actium, was the divorce of Antony and Octavia. The latter had brought to him very rich presents, military stores, and troops which she had raised for him, and had gone with them to meet him to Athens; yet he would not see her, but ordered her to hand over the presents to his officers, and then to go back to Rome. There, however, she was not to dwell in his house, although she had even the children of Fulvia with her; and when moreover she still went on living as his wife, he sent her a letter of divorcement, and married his paramour, which was a great outrage in the eyes of the Romans. The war now began under circumstances which left no doubt whatever as to what its end would be. Antony indeed had formerly been a much superior general to Octavian; but the best commanders were now on the side of the latter, who could also recruit his legions, which his rival had not the means of doing, as he ruled over quite different races of men, and could get nothing better than deserters to fill up the ranks of his army with. Where 111Antony seemed to have the advantage, was in his fleet; for the Phœnician and Greek nations were at all times far more seafaring than those of the west: had these resources been for ten years in the hands of an able man, they might have given him power; but owing to the carelessness with which Antony had wasted his means, they were useless. The fleet of Octavian consisted of the remnants of Pompey’s, and also of the ships which Agrippa had lately built: these last were small sailing vessels, whereas Antony had immense rowing galleys fitted up with towers and additional decks, rather as if for fighting by land, than for manœuvring by sea. Agrippa, who to all intents and purposes was Octavian’s admiral, displayed from the very first quite an extraordinary activity.

At the entrance of the gulf of Ambracia, near the Corinthian colony of Actium, Antonius collected his fleet; so that in the event of a favourable issue, he might have the passage open to Italy: the fleet of Octavian was lying off the Thesprotian coast. As the fleets faced each other, thus also did the two armies at the entrance of the gulf of Prevesa. Agrippa undertook several detached enterprises, and by taking Leucas and Patræ in the rear of the enemy, made it uncommonly difficult for them to get provisions. In the battle, the strength on Antony’s side was greatest; and if perhaps he could not have conquered, he might at least have stoutly disputed the victory, had not Cleopatra and the Egyptian ships taken to flight with womanish cowardice, at a moment when nothing as yet was lost. Whether Antony thought in his jealousy that Cleopatra meant to sacrifice him and gain over Octavian, or whatever it was; forgetting everything else, he followed her in a fast sailing vessel, and was received in her royal ship. The whole of the fleet which remained, being thus bereft of the strongest ships, was now destroyed by that of Agrippa. All was then lost. Antony was in despair: between him and Octavian no peace was possible; for the conquered 112there was nothing left but to die. Three days was he angry with Cleopatra, whom he had followed to Alexandria; but her power of bewitching him was so great, that he made it up with her again. He still tried to deceive himself as to the terrible condition in which he stood: he hoped that his land force would be more successful, as it was very much attached to him. It is remarkable how faithfully in these wars the troops still clung to their leaders: it was quite different under the Macedonian successors of Alexander, when, even on the field of the battle, the soldiers would pass over from one side to the other. After Antony had left his troops, though hard pressed by Agrippa, and in spite of all Octavian’s great promises, they held out with unshaken fidelity for six days, nor would they believe that he was not to return; but when Canidius, his lieutenant, also deserted them, they acknowledged Octavian as imperator. With this the war was ended: whatever Roman legions there were still in the eastern provinces, yielded without a struggle; though indeed there were some trifling exceptions, owing to personal motives.

The battle was fought on the second of September 721. This ought to have refuted those later writers, like Gellius and Macrobius, who did not see with their own eyes, and who would have it that the old rule was still held, that no battle could be fought on the days after the calends, nones, and ides, without its being unlucky for Rome. At that time, the whole state of affairs was unpropitious; but yet, all circumstances considered, the victory of Octavian over Antony was the most fortunate thing that could have happened. What Horace says of it, is perfectly just; and no man of sense, let him think of Octavian what he will, could have had any other wish than that he should conquer.

Eleven months passed before the war was quite over. Octavian went back to Italy, where new commotions had broken out; for the veterans, who were as unruly as ever, were again crying out for allotments of land. 113Agrippa took possession of the eastern provinces; but it was not until the spring of the following year, that Octavian marched through Asia Minor and Syria to Egypt, so as to force the claustra of the country, near Pelusium. There was probably a secret order from Cleopatra to open the gates of the place, as she was afraid of war: it is very likely that as a vain woman she felt sure that she should be able to enslave Octavian, even as she once did Cæsar who was so much against her. The only thing that she seems to have been afraid of, was that the war would be prolonged, and that Octavian would come to Alexandria quite implacable. But Octavian made an attack likewise from the other side, from Parætonium in Libya. This, however, was not feasible for a large army; for although there were fortified towns in that quarter, the country between Cyrene and Alexandria is one of the most inhospitable regions in the world. Here Antony had still a number of Roman soldiers, both cavalry and infantry, with which he wanted to make a sally; but the troops went over to the enemy, all but a few who had no hope left, like Cassius of Parma, one of the murderers of Cæsar. Antony therefore made up his mind to die; but his end was cowardly and pitiful: the deadly thrust was not strong enough, and he lingered on for a considerable time, slowly bleeding to death. Cleopatra had shut herself up in her palace with all her treasures: Octavian wished very much to get her alive for his triumph; but it was feared that she might choose the death of Sardanapalus. On the first of August 722, the day that Antony died, Alexandria capitulated; and on the morrow, the gates of the town were opened to the Roman army. Cleopatra kept the dead body of her lover in her room: she wavered between the hope of gaining Octavian, and the feeling that she ought not to live any longer. Proculeius, an officer of Octavian, of whom also Horace makes honourable mention, gave her his word that her life should be spared, and tried to persuade her 114not to do any harm to herself: but when she saw that Octavian would not on any account let her come before him, but treated her like a slave; when she got no answer to her prayers, that she might still have the countries given to her by Antony,—for Egypt, for her treasures, nay even for a life of freedom,—then it was, that after having tried several sorts of poison, or not having ventured to try them, she put the asps on her bosom, and so killed herself.

Thus ended the civil war and the triumvirate: in fact, there had for the last years already been no more triumvirate, as Lepidus had been set aside. Augustus was now sole ruler of the Roman world. The first of August was by a decree of the senate appointed for ever as a holiday, under the name of Feriæ Augustæ:[25] the month of Sextilis henceforth had the name of August, even as Quintilis, in which Julius Cæsar was born, had been called after him July. Augustus would have liked better to have had September, in which he was born, named after him; but as all the great events of his life had happened in August, and in that month he had also first entered upon the consulship, the preference was given to it. These Feriæ were celebrated with banquets, festivities, garlands of flowers, and the like, and were still observed in the days of Placidia, and even down to the reign of Pope Leo the Great. It was in fact a political festival, but accompanied with libations and other religious ceremonies, all of which were kept up on that day to the latest times. For this reason, the festival of Vincula Petri[26] was (according to Beda and Biondo of Forli) appointed for the first of August. In the church of S. Pietro in Vincola on the Esquiline, in the baths of Trajan, the chains with which 115the apostle St. Peter was bound in Rome, as well as those which he wore at Jerusalem, are deposited; and the public secular holiday, with its feasting and revelry, still remains, just as it was on the Feriæ Augustæ of old. Even now, whoever is in any sort of clientship in the later meaning of the word, visits his patron on this day; the servants in the houses of acquaintances have presents given them, as it is with us on the first of January; and the people spend the money which they get in treating themselves. When first I lived in Italy, I was very much annoyed at this impudence, until I found in Biondo that it was the keeping up of a most ancient custom. There are many of these usages in modern Rome, which have their origin from the remotest antiquity. Down to the last century, it was still the practice to carry a carved image of the Virgin on a certain day out of the city, and to wash it in the river Almo, as was formerly done with the image of Cybele. A number of such old customs are now become obsolete; for instance, an image was carried from one church to another, and back again, by way of paying a visit. The festival of the first of August has been called, all through the middle ages to this very day, Feragosto.

Here ends the old Roman history: the last contest was the death struggle, and from henceforth the history changes its character. Here I hope also to end my (large) work. The events which followed, down to the fall of the empire, may most suitably be divided into the histories of the several emperors, the first of whom the ancients themselves quite rightly deemed Augustus to have been; for Augustus he was now already called. Yet there is still to be described the transition from an usurped tyrannis into a regularly constituted monarchy.

116

## ROME A MONARCHY. EASURES OF AUGUSTUS FOR THE CONSOLIDATION OF HIS POWER.

Augustus had already been more than once invested with the consulship. His first was in 709; the second, which he immediately afterwards resigned, was ten years later; two years afterwards came his third; the others, down to the eleventh, followed year by year: he was altogether thirteen times consul. It was soon after the end of the war of Actium, that he behaved as if he wanted to lay down his power as dictator. This was, as every body knew, a farce; nor could he have been taken at his word, as the whole army had sworn obedience to him, and besides the soldiers, no citizens were under arms. And no man in his senses could have wished him to resign his authority: for, if under far more favourable circumstances, when very many eminent men were living, and people were still quite accustomed to the republic, the free constitution had not been able to stand its ground, and the state was ruled by individuals; how should it now have held its own, if Augustus had given up his power: some one else, and very likely some more unworthy person, would have been placed at the helm; and thus there would only have arisen new civil wars. The senate therefore may have been quite in earnest when beseeching him; and Augustus may also have put on a serious face, as he hoped thus to have his former cruelties forgotten. To show the exact date of the rise of his power might be impossible, or at least very difficult. The name of Imperator 117was now—this was a peculiar form of flattery—given him as a prænomen; so that instead of C. Julius Cæsar Octavianus, he was now called Imperator Julius Cæsar Octavianus: from thence, Imperator was always the prænomen of the Roman emperors; as we may see from the coins. In the second century, this was forgotten: in official style indeed one said Imperator Antoninus Augustus, but otherwise Imperator M. Antoninus Augustus as well. Octavian in fact wished to have Romulus as a kind of agnomen; but as some took umbrage at this, it was resolved on the motion of L. Munatius Plancus—who now distinguished himself by his flatteries, just as had been done among the Greeks with regard to their Macedonian rulers—to call him Augustus, which the Greeks at once translated into Σεβαστός. The dictatorship was offered to him; but he declined it: this may have been owing to superstition, from which he was not free. It is possible that Sylla’s and Cæsar’s ends frightened him; but perhaps also, the thing seemed to him to be too straightforward, and it pleased him as it were to play with it. But he was named consul every year, if he chose: they wanted to make him sole consul; but he refused it, and rather wished to have two consuls to help him: this again was opposed by the senate; “one besides him was already too much.” At the same time, the proconsular power out of Rome was given him over the whole of the empire, and he could always exercise it by deputy; so that he was enabled to give away the provinces at his pleasure. With the censorship, he got the privilege of excluding from the senate, or calling into it, any one whom he chose. By virtue of his office of tribune, he could annul the decrees of the senate, and interfere with every act of all the magistrates: moreover it gave him the provocatio from all judicial decisions, which is the source of the modern appeal. He was tribune for life, and as such had the right of calling the senate together, of making motions, and of putting matters to the vote: this first 118began in the seventh century, and no one was now startled at it.[27] To Lepidus he left indeed the name of pontifex maximus; but after his death, he had that dignity also conferred upon himself, and thus he engrossed the whole authority of the spiritual law. Moreover, he had, by means of the tribunician and censorial powers, the supreme control over the ærarium; so that, by an artificial accumulation, all the powers of government, with the exception of the administrative ones of the præetors and consuls, were concentrated in his person.

When Augustus, after the battle of Actium, tried to give a new form to the state, he, for the sake of appearance, went back in everything to the ancient form. Cæsar took into his own hands half of the elections, and at last even all of them; but Augustus restored the elections which were held by the comitia, though the Candidati Cæsaris now stood, of whom it was an understood thing that they were to suffer no repulsa. The poets of that time, for instance Horace, speak of the ambitio Campi, and of the uncertainty of the elections, in language which one could only have used in the days of the republic; and there is some truth in it: for Augustus did not give himself the trouble, or did not take it upon himself to meddle with all the elections. This was so much the case, that owing to Egnatius Rufus in particular a tumult arose; as the latter, in defiance of the person who represented Augustus, and in violation of the leges annales, stood for the prætorship, just after he had been ædile; and also, immediately after his prætorship, for the consulship: to such a degree was the show of liberty kept up! Yet, after all, assemblies of the people were in reality confined to those elections. Of plebiscita no mention is made in earnest in the reign of Augustus: for we cannot reckon that to be one, which Pacuvius, a tribune, brought forward to have the month of Sextilis called August. Of 119laws, there were several passed: the form in which this was done, was that a decree of the senate was laid by the consuls before the centuries, and approved of by the latter. This, as there is reason to believe, may have lasted until some time in the reign of Tiberius, to judge from the Lex Julia Norbana: afterwards we do not hear any more of laws properly so called.

Cæsar had already introduced a host of adventurers into the senate, and Antony a great many more; and it was just the same in the times of the triumvirate. Augustus now caused it to be made known, that those who felt that they were not fit for the senate, had better to leave it of their own free will; so that he might not have to strike them off the list: whoever acted thus should be treated in the most considerate manner. A few only, not more than about fifty, did so. As this was not enough, he put out a great many more: but not to hurt their feelings, and because he feared for his life from their offended vanity, he left to them the latus clavus and the first seats in the theatre; which was a great consolation for those wretches. He raised the census senatorius, which for an indefinite period had been double the census equestris, to a million sesterces: at the same time, he behaved liberally, and to those whom he wished to keep in the senate, he made up what was wanting from the public means. The senate had until then its regular sittings three times a month, and extraordinary ones only when summoned; Augustus reduced these to two, and gave it holidays during the months of September and October. Even now, the whole of October is still the vacation time at Rome; after the end of September, no more business can be done: under the emperors, all the courts of law had vacations in the autumn, which was a thing quite unknown in the days of the republic. In the senate, nothing else could be taken in hand but what the consul laid before it, as to him belonged the jus relationis. Augustus, however, was also princeps senatus; and as such he revived the 120claim he had by the old forms to the jus relationis, a right which had been dropped in the later times of the republic. He now formed for himself another and more select council of state, which had previously to discuss all those matters that were to be brought before the senate. Anything like a debate in the senate is no more to be thought of: all that was proposed, was sure to pass; there was nothing else done but making fine phrases and compliments.

The extraordinary powers which Augustus had, he caused to be given him, after the battle of Actium, first for ten years; then, for five; then, once more, for five; then, three times, for ten years: in the very beginning of the third decennium, he died. The tribunician authority he had given him for life. The senate had formerly been, for their Roman subjects, the supreme court to judge political crimes; and this privilege Augustus left to it, so as to shift the odium thereof from himself upon the senators: it afterwards became their chief business. With the taxation, the senate had nothing whatever to do, as Augustus had the control over the finances of the whole empire, and could raise or lower the taxes. In Italy itself there was no land-tax, even as with us there is none on the seignorial estates; but indirect taxes were paid, and of these there was a variety, as, for instance, on legacies and bequests, and when slaves were made free. Even as the hereditary Stadtholder of Holland was Captain General and high Admiral, so was Augustus master of the whole army, that is of the forty-three or forty-seven legions, and of the innumerable auxilia, about 400,000 men in all: over these, the senate had not the slightest power, not even over the enlistment of them. The provinces in which no troops were regularly stationed, and which therefore did not belong to the military department, (Italy, as the country of the sovereign people, was excepted from all these regulations,) came under the care of the senate: these were Asia, Africa (so far as it was not subject to 121Juba), Gallia Narbonensis, Hispania Bætica, Achaia, Macedon, Bithynia, Cyprus, Crete, and Cyrene.[28] For himself, Augustus kept by far the larger and richer share, namely, Spain, all but Bætica; Gallia Lugdunensis and Aquitaine; the countries north of the Alps, Rhætia, and Vindelicia; Dalmatia, Pannonia, (Thrace had a king,) Mœsia; Pontus, (Cappadocia had a king,) Cilicia, Syria, and Egypt: the revenues of these provinces may have hardly been sufficient to keep the armies which lay there in fortified camps. The senate had two proconsular and ten pro-prætorian provinces; but it was not until five years after a man had been consul or prætor, that he could be admitted to cast lots with those who were to preside over the provinces. Augustus made some wholesome changes with regard to the arbitrary rule which was exercised in the provinces; certainly in his own provinces, yet very likely also in those of the senate. Until then, all governors had unchecked power to take whatever they pleased: he was the first to assign fixed appointments to these functionaries. His governors, whom he chose indiscriminately from the senators, viri consulares, prætorii, and knights, were called legati Augusti: as we learn from coins and inscriptions, their official title was legati pro Consule, Prætore, and so forth. The senatorial governors were as before, for one year; those of Augustus, for an indefinite period; for four, five, or even ten years. This was a very happy change for the provinces; yet the ones which had an imperial governor, were much better off than those which were senatorial: in these last, we are sorry to meet with actiones repetundarum; even as late as the second century; in fact their whole establishment was but a pageant for which the subjects had to pay dearly. There was a double ærarium, that of the senate, and that of the emperor: how far the latter had also the disposal of that of the senate, is more than we 122can tell. Among the proofs of Augustus’ thoughtfulness, are to be reckoned measures like the Lex Ælia Sentia, by which a stop was put to those disgraceful emancipations which brought down the franchise to the very lowest slaves. The way in which the Roman citizens were spread far and wide, was prodigious: the franchise reached much beyond the frontiers of Italy, and Narbonnese Gaul, and a great many places in Spain, had likewise the privileges of citizenship. Such provincials could not, however, get into the senate. Yet even to this rule there were exceptions: as early as in the days of Cæsar, some of them had been brought into it; and under Augustus there were yet more, especially from Provence, where Latin was spoken very early, so much so indeed that the country itself was called Italia altera.[29] The number of the capita civium, as is given at that time,—somewhat more than four millions,—seems to us frightfully small; for we are not to look upon it as that of the fathers of families, as all free men who in their sixteenth year had put on the prætexta must be reckoned therein. One quite shudders at the falling off of the population, and by this again we learn how great was the rage and fury of the civil wars.

Among the praiseworthy regulations which he made, are also those about the police of Rome. The state of the capital was awful. Since the days of Sylla and the proscriptions, no one at Rome was sure of his life, nor was there any kind of police: to see this, we have only to read the orations of Cicero pro Cluentio, pro Milone, pro Sexto Roscio Amerino; in Suetonius, we meet with accounts of bandits (grassatores) openly showing themselves in Rome with their short swords. Augustus, with great determination, put that down. We see what consequences will arise, when old institutions are allowed to go on without being modified according to the wants of the times: that which at first was wise and 123expedient, in after days becomes perverted and mischievous. Augustus made a new division of the city. Rome had kept all its municipal arrangements even as Servius Tullius had left them: it had four regions, and also the liberties of the Aventine, as a sort of suburb: the real suburbs were quite neglected. These four regions had vici, and this perhaps was also the case with the other districts: all police matters there were under the charge of the ædiles plebis, which was quite insufficient. Augustus, without troubling himself about what was old town, new town, pomœrium, and so forth, now divided the whole extent of the city, as it was then really inhabited, into fourteen regions: over each region he placed a magistrate, and it had likewise a number of vici, every one of which was presided over by a magister vici. This division proved excellent, and by it security was restored in Rome. Owing to the extension of the empire, the Roman magistrates, who at first had been the magistrates of a city, could now no longer give their time to city business; and therefore several magistratus minores had been established: but these offices had no authority, and they were in the hands of freedmen, as no man of any rank would have anything to do with them. Some years after the battle of Actium, Augustus instituted a præfectus urbi in whom the whole of the city administration was concentrated: this place he bestowed according to his own pleasure; L. Piso held it for twenty years. The good done by this magistracy, and his most happy choice of the person who filled it, was one of the chief causes which gained for him the affection of the inhabitants of the capital. Moreover he set up a sort of Gensd’armerie, vigiles, cohortes urbanæ, which had to act and to be at hand whenever it was wanted; as when there was a riot, a fire, in short, anything serious. The men were in barracks, thus forming a sort of garrison which he might keep without its making any show. He also established a præfectura ærarii, very likely, not only for his own ærarium, 124but also for that of the senate: at least, the imperial treasury afterwards absorbed the other which had formerly been managed by quæstors. For all these offices he chose, from a εὐπρόσωτος αἰτία, equites Romani, not senators: these last, cringing and fawning as they were, still had a mighty opinion of their own dignity.

By a lex Julia, the courts of justice had been entirely restored into the hands of the knights. This law he maintained; but he prodigiously increased the lists of the jury (the decuries), inasmuch as for petty cases he admitted persons of less fortune than the census equester required.

Italy had accidentally grown into one mass. At first, it had not reached beyond the south; but by little and little it had been stretched further to Cisalpine Gaul: Etruria and Umbria thus belonged to it, whilst the Rubicon was the boundary between it and the provinces. Augustus now extended it, as was right, to the Alps, and this Italy he divided into a number of regions. What was the meaning of these regions, cannot be made out; but one would almost believe that they must have had some reference to the quæstors, of whom, at that time, there were forty to collect the revenue, and also ten prætors. Whether presidents besides were given to such districts, like the consulars appointed by Hadrian, and the correctores under Severus; is a thing of which there is no trace to be met with in the reigns of Augustus and his immediate successors. By this I do not, however, mean to say, that they had not some sort of authorities over them; for the supposition that the region must have had a corresponding office is so very natural. At a later period, we find in inscriptions and in books very many notices, which bear upon the subject; but at this time, none whatever.

Augustus had a huge private fortune. He possessed whole principalities, of which Josephus gives us a very striking example in the will of Herod, who bequeathed his property to the family of the Cæsars: such kings 125and tetrarchs very often left all that they had to the emperors. The stewards of the countries which belonged to these last, were the procuratores Cæsaris: they were generally knights, but never senators; they might even be imperial freedmen, though perhaps this was not yet the case under Augustus. In the provinces, the emperor was so absolute, that Augustus, for instance, changed the whole registration of land in Gaul without asking any body’s leave, were it only for form’s sake. The soldiers all swore fealty to the emperor, certainly also to the imperium populi Romani; but no one was bound to the consul. The establishment of the prætorian cohorts was no innovation. There had been such troops from the earliest times, being a sort of guards or orderlies, like the “guides des généraux” during the French revolution: they are to be met with in the Punic wars, and also in the civil wars, on both sides; and they had arisen out of the former evocati. Augustus had taken them back with him, and had founded twenty-eight military colonies, as a means of checking any popular movement; and that he might likewise curb these veterans themselves, he formed the cohortes prætoriæ, which in Italy represented in fact the armed Roman people: they were chiefly enlisted, or raised by conscription, from the districts of Latium which had been the strongholds of the Marian party. At first, he kept them scattered in Italy, so as to cause no alarm; but by degrees they were drawn nearer and nearer, until at last the castrum prætorium before the city was built. Under Augustus there were about eight thousand of them.

Formerly the provincials were called to arms only in cases when a province was threatened; henceforth from the subjects of all the provinces of the emperor, many of whom had the lesser Roman franchise, cohorts were formed, which we hear of under the name of auxilia, and which may have made up about the half of the army. Socii are no more spoken of at all. The legions, 126with regard to the organization of which in those days one is quite in the dark, had to serve a regular term of sixteen years; afterwards, they still remained for some time under the vexilla as a reserve, and then they were to have land assigned them. This system of allotments was Augustus’ work, as was also the increase of pay. Hitherto the soldiers had got the old pay of a hundred and twenty denarii, or twelve hundred asses, yearly; Cæsar doubled, and Augustus trebled it. This was, after all, not much, about sixty dollars of our money; and as the price of everything at Rome had then immensely risen, it was not a large pay for fellows like these who had the throne in their gift. Still, owing to the number of soldiers, it was a burthen which the state could hardly bear, as even Tiberius, who was a very able ruler, already acknowledged.

## LITERATURE.

Roman literature reached perfection through Cicero and with him, even as our own did through Lessing, and we may almost set down the year 680, when Cicero was in the prime of his life, as the epoch in which it made this step; the language shared likewise in this decisive advance. However much there may be of the beautiful in earlier times, yet there is always something wanting, even in Cicero’s first writings; but all that was coarse and clumsy is now thrown off, and nothing remains but the pure and polished language. With the greatest justice, the Latin of Cicero has been acknowledged as the very best: it is, after all, the language which was spoken by the well educated in his day, and had we more of Cornelius Nepos than the Vita Attici, there again we should also find Ciceronian latinity. As yet, Latin prose had been altogether weak and unequal, being sometimes spun out, and sometimes cramped: Cicero alone 127gave it its perfection. His influence also on his contemporaries is incalculable: there is no doubt but that the finish of Cæsar’s style is to be attributed to him and to his age.

There was then a host of distinguished writers and men of genius; and though of some of them we know but little, they are not for that the less eminent. I do not, however, mean to say that all who at that time were remarkable in literature, are to be reckoned among the classical writers; some of them, especially the older contemporaries of Cicero, are quite in the spirit of the earlier age: thus among us, Winkelmann, as to his style, belongs to the period before Lessing. So likewise Varro, who for his immense learning and reading in Roman matters—in what was Greek, this may not have been so great—had such a high renown, is, in all that is left of him, not at all like one who lived in the same age with Cicero: he is as strong a contrast to him as Mascov, Mosheim, and Reimarus were to Lessing. Nigidius Figulus also was very likely a writer of the same kind. The real bloom of Roman literature consisted of men who were younger than Cicero, and whom he beheld springing up around him. One of these was the orator M. Cælius Rufus, whom we may still judge of even from his letters: his language was like that of Cicero for excellence. Curio’s letters do not make the same impression upon me: yet they are not of importance enough for one to be able to give a positive opinion about them, and I would rather trust Cicero’s own judgment, who assigns him a very high rank. C. Licinius Calvus, a contemporary of both, was an orator and a poet as well: him also Cicero greatly esteemed; and if Quintilian does not think favourably of him, Tacitus, on the other hand, says that he really had talent as an orator.[30] He died young. Sallust was considerably 128younger than Cicero, and of the same age with Cælius, Calvus, and Curio: he went his own way, living in the past, and the language and style of his contemporaries remained foreign to him. As he was not conversant with the language as it was spoken, it is no wonder that his style has quite a different air from what we find in theirs: as an historian, he is all that one could wish. That Priscian charges some of those men with archaisms, is nothing at all against them.[31]

This was truly the age of the poets. Living at the same time, but not quite of the same standing, were Lucretius, Catullus, and Calvus, the rival of Catullus, the greatest poets of that day. Lucretius, whom men have long tried to exclude from the poets altogether, is now at length acknowledged in his high excellence as such; not but what, had he chosen a more favourable theme than that wretched philosophical system, he might have done far greater things. But the greatest poet Rome ever had, is Catullus. He never strains after words or expressions: poetry flows from his tongue, it is with him the very language which the impulse of the moment brings out; every thought, every word of his, is the expression of what he actually feels. He has the same perfections as the Greek Lyric poets down to Sophocles, and is fully equal to them. Other poets there were, who, though undoubtedly his inferiors, were still eminent. If we had C. Helvius Cinna; if we had other poems than those still extant of Valerius Cato (whose 129 Diræ are still very doubtful); if we had Valgius,[32] and Ticida; we should read them with considerable pleasure, we should acknowledge still more that the age was rich in distinguished men, even though they were not equal to Catullus: and this is certainly more than can be said of any other period. Poetry is now becoming inured to the strict rules of metrical forms: the greater poems are composed in hexameters; the smaller lyric pieces, in foreign or Greek measures; and the old Latin forms are laid aside. The hexameter is rightly constructed, and the cæsuræ carefully observed: in trifles only, the Roman poets of those times have some peculiarities to which they take a fancy; as for instance, in the construction of the pentameter. Dec. Laberius, the well known composer of mimes, no doubt was very original: this sort of poetry consisted very much of improvisation, being like the Sermones of Horace. Furius Bibaculus was very pleasing; Varro Atacinus, the translator of Apolonius Rhodius, is by no means to be despised. Comedy had quite gone down, not even mediocrities being mentioned.

This full bloom of poetry fades away at the time of Cæsar and Cicero’s death, and a new generation takes the place of the old one. Few eloquent men of that period survive; Asinius Pollio, for example, who when Cæsar died, was about thirty-four years of age, and therefore had already formed his mind. As a writer, however, he belongs to a somewhat later date, after the war of Brundusium; for it was not till then that he had completely retired from public life. From the fragments of him in Seneca the father, we may gather that his style was very unequal, but that he sometimes could write very well, especially when impelled by passion; as he did with justice against the Pompeians, and with great injustice against Cicero. His was a soured and embittered nature, without any kindly feelings. Another 130skilful orator was Munatius Plancus. Hirtius indeed still belongs to the former age, but is not the less excellent: he is a most elegant writer, although his whole life was spent in the midst of arms. Asinius Pollio is the connecting link between the two generations (which might be called proventus,[33] φορά); just as Lessing is between Klopstock, Winkelmann, Kant, Kästner, Gellert, Cramer, on the one side, and Göthe, Voss, Friederich Leopold von Stolberg on the other, not reacting upon those who were older than himself, but paving the way for the rising generation. Thus Asinius stands between the time of Cicero and Virgil; for the latter may indeed be mentioned as his contemporary.

It is a very just remark, that it is incorrect to speak, as we do in Germany, of the Augustean age; we ought only to call it the Augustan age, Αὐγούστειοι being met with in Greek authors[34] only. Except in the case of Livy, prose had entirely fallen off: besides him, there was only Messalla, of whom, however, nothing is left to us. And the cause of this lay in the state of things at that time, as is shown by Tacitus in his excellent Dialogus de Oratoribus. Prose was in times of old always developed by oratory; it was poor as soon as people ceased to speak in public. For this, however, there was no more a free opportunity: the rostra were dumb, the curia was hushed, and if there were still any speeches, they were only λόγοι ἐπιδεικτικοί,—dismal signs of the times! The only field therefore for prose was history, which was written by Asinius Pollio and Livy: Valerius Messalla alone, who was much older than Asinius, and about the same standing as Virgil, was of any importance as an orator. It may also be that he was more remarkable for his nobleness of mind and his personal excellence, than for extraordinary talent.

To the first half of the reign of Augustus, belong the 131brilliant days of Virgil and Horace, and of many other contemporaries of less eminence. In Horace poetry is still lyric; but afterwards it loses this character. It adapts itself more and more to the Greek; the old licences of metre are altogether set aside, and the Greek being law in everything, it is a mere translating of the Greek: it is Grecian poetry in Latin words. The language—except in particular cases, for the sake of embellishment,—carefully eschews every obsolete phrase, and the written phraseology is in perfect harmony with the spoken one. Though Virgil says olli, aulai, he never does so in the Bucolics and Georgics, but in the Æneid; and that from the same grammatical reasons which the Alexandrian writers had for their rules for the Greek epic style.

Virgil was born on the fifteenth of October 682, and he died in 733, on the twenty-second of September; Horace was born on the eighth of December 687, and he died the twenty-seventh of November 744. We cannot allow of the adoration with which the later Romans regarded Virgil: he is wanting in that fertility and richness of invention which his theme required. His Eclogues are far from being a happy imitation of Theocritus, as they try to produce something on the Roman soil which could not be there. Theocritus’ shepherds have sprung from true Siculian, and not from Greek materials; they bear the stamp of genuine nationality: Daphnis is a Sicilian hero. But when Virgil wishes to transfer them to the sky of Lombardy, he places Greek names and Greek peculiarities in a spot where they could not exist at all. More happy is his didactic poem on husbandry: he keeps himself in a middle sphere, and one cannot speak otherwise than in its praise. The whole of the Æneid, from the beginning to the end, is a misconceived idea: but this does not prevent its being full of beauties in its details; and it also displays a learning from which the historian can never glean too much. No epic poem can be successful, unless it be a lively, hearty 132narrative of some achievement of which the whole story has become a kind of national heir-loom. It is a silly remark of a still living historian, that an epic poem would never tell with the people, unless the subject were sufficiently old: if the events are such as every one knows, and as can be made to receive a certain impress of originality without losing their own distinguishing character, then they are fit for epic poetry, and for the arts in general. This is the reason why subjects from Sacred History are so well adapted for the historical painter: it is because the beholder understands at once what the artist wants to represent, and is able to bring to mind the whole of the associations with which the picture is connected. Subjects from mythology are far more hazardous, inasmuch indeed as the artist himself, and with him the many, are too little acquainted with them, and they cannot therefore but seem somewhat unmeaning: in ancient times, however, such mythological subjects were as much household words among the people as the Sacred History is with us. Generally known events in modern history would now be perfectly well suited to be dealt with by the artist. So long as in a nation there be legends which every body is sure to sing and know by heart, there will always be something which one may choose as one thinks good, and pick out as the subject for an epic poem. Thus the epos makes choice of a single part, whilst the cyclic poem, on the other hand, takes in a whole series of tales. Such is the wretched Pharsalia of Lucan. Virgil took a Latin story, and dove-tailed it into Greek legends; whereas had he wanted to have anything out of the Roman legends, he ought to have treated it in the Italian style: this might indeed have been very difficult, as that kind of knowledge was no longer general; but it would have been the only means of making a poem with much life in it. Virgil is one of the remarkable instances of the way in which a man can miss his true calling. His was lyric poetry. The little poem on the Villa Syronis 133and the Si mihi susceptum fuerit decurrere munus, show that he would have been a poet like Catullus, had he not made the mistake of wishing to write nothing but Grecian-Latin poems. It is a pity that posterity so much overrated the very work which was but a failure; yet we may well account for it, as people were not able to compare it with Homer, whom they did not know at all, and its extraordinary beauties had their full effect. Nor was the superiority of Catullus acknowledged until the end of the eighteenth century. The first who spoke without prejudice about Virgil, was Jeremy Markland: amidst a terrible outcry, as if he had committed high treason, he openly said what he thought. It was certainly no affectation that Virgil wished to burn the Æneid; that poem was the task of his life, and he had in his last moments a feeling that it was a failure. I am glad that he did not do so; but still we must in all things learn to keep our judgment free, and even then we cannot but love and honour him. It may be that the tomb on Posilipo, which during the whole of the middle ages was already shown as that of Virgil,—yet I know not why,—is not his, and that the laurel on it may have been replanted many a time; but notwithstanding, I have gone to see it as a pilgrim, and the laurel branches which I also plucked off at his grave, are dear to me as relics.

Venusia, the birthplace of Horace, was a Latin colony, founded between the third Samnite war and that of Pyrrhus. This town, which had always been true to the Romans, is mentioned by Appian (whose accounts of this are very trustworthy) among those which revolted in the Social War: it must therefore have lost its Latin character, and, like the other peoples in those parts, have rather become Lucanian and Oscan in feeling. Horace says, that he went to school with the sons of centurions: this is a hint that Venusia must have been a military colony, and in fact one of Sylla’s, which may be accounted for by that rebellion. Moreover, when Horace 134wrote the second book of his Sermones, a new military colony must have been established there; for Ofellus, whom Horace when a boy had still seen well off, had had his allotment of land given away to a soldier. Horace’s father was a libertinus; the cognomen of Flaccus, if the father had it as well, would prove that he was not of foreign, but of Italian race: his father may indeed have been taken prisoner in the Social War, and sold for a slave; for otherwise the children of freedmen have different names. The father gave his son a very liberal education: when Brutus came to Greece, Horace, who was twenty-two years old, was staying at Athens whither his father had sent him. He with several other young Romans entered the army, and, what was an immense honour for the son of a freedman, was promoted by Brutus to be a tribune. This raised a good deal of envy; but it shows him to have been a distinguished young man, as there were at that time not more than six tribunes to every legion. After the battle of Philippi, he made his escape like many others, and was perhaps under the protection of Messalla; then he went to Rome, where he was recommended to Mæcenas, who soon became exceedingly fond of him, interesting himself for him even more than he did for Virgil: this kindness of Mæcenas, Horace received with great gratitude. Mæcenas made him a present of a small farm on the Sabine hills, where, as he had indeed but few wants, he lived retired and happy: in his latter years especially, he was almost always there. The life of Horace by Suetonius is very interesting; and from this work, as well as from the poet’s own writings, Wieland in his commentary, particularly on the Epistles, has said many very fine things on his personal character and his position in the world, and has cleared him of many a calumny: he has shown that Horace deserves the reproach of being a flatterer far less in truth than Virgil, as unfortunately we cannot help allowing. His praises are the outpouring of a general feeling, which he very fairly shared with 135other persons of his day. Wieland moreover points out how he tries to keep himself from being dependent on Mæcenas, and to push the golden chains aside as far as he could do so without seeming ungrateful. Augustus was not at all pleased when Horace did not dedicate to him the first book of the Sermones, and also when he wanted to have him for his secretary and he declined it: he could not have hidden from himself, that Horace was one of those who, notwithstanding all the good that he had done, would not forget his former life, and always judged of him by it. Wieland calls our attention to a letter of Augustus, in which he betrays how much he felt Horace’s indifference, and says, An vereris ne apud posteros infame tibi sit quod videaris familiaris nobis esse? We can hardly have the odes in chronological order: some of them were written very early, perhaps even as far back as the time that he lived in Athens: of many indeed it is impossible to give the exact date; and though most of them were composed before the war of Actium, the first three books were not published till afterwards. Some of the Sermones also belong to a very early period: the earliest that we have of his, is perhaps the banquet of Nasidienus, that is to say, Salvidienus, according to the undoubtedly correct remark of the scholiast; just as Malthinus stands for Mæcenas, so that the fictitious name has the same quantity as the real one. Against a man who had become unfortunate, Horace would not have written after his execution; and therefore the poem must date soon after the battle of Philippi, 710. To the last years of his life belong the fourth book of the Odes, and the second of the Epistles.

Horace, as a poet, was once admired beyond all bounds; but for the last thirty years or more, he has not had justice done to him. His imitations from the Greeks are of wonderful beauty, and they have also much in them which is his own. Yet for all that he has many faults. When searching for an original expression, 136he sometimes contents himself with another which is none of the most appropriate or the most terse: if one keeps this remark well in mind, many of Bentley’s emendations fall to the ground. Moreover he has two great failings. One is quite annoyed at his misappreciation of the earlier writers; the times had quite changed, and hence he took a dislike to many things because they were strange in his day, more especially to archaisms. How he could have been blind to the merits of Plautus, is quite inconceivable: the age to which he belonged had wrought on him the same effects which difference of nationality has on other men; many an expression may have quite gone down to the common people, and thus have become vulgar, so that Horace was shocked by it. This feeling may have been much increased by his disgust at those who made a ridiculous parade of quaintness, playing the same farce as the exaggerated admirers of the middle ages among us. And besides this, painful is the impression which is made upon us by the irony of Horace’s Epicurean philosophy, owing to which he, in fact, looks upon everything as a folly, and tries to sneer at everything, treating what is most venerable with irreverence: this becomes at last a bad habit with him. Yet there is excuse for this in the age in which he lived; in better times, it would not have been thus. One sees in him a mild and quiet man, who in truth was always constrained and reserved; the wild, reckless Catullus, with his loud laugh, and his loud wailings, comes more home to our hearts: the same tone which there is in Horace may also have been that of Menander, and the latest Athenian comedy. Horace did not choose to let his heart bleed, and thus he puts us indeed into a sadder frame of mind. When a real good is lost for the people, one should not deaden the feelings to it, and try to make the world thoughtless; but one should carry the grief for it within one’s breast, and let it have free course, yet without cherishing or artificially fostering it. “He 137who has lost a real good,” says Friederick Leopold Von Stolberg, “has often much left to him, if he retains the consciousness of what he has lost.” Horace with all this is still ever noble and amiable: he has only misunderstood an unhappy age. He lived nearly to his fifty-seventh year.

Of the same standing as Horace was Tibullus an Eques Romanus: he was one of those whose fortune had somewhat suffered in those stormy times. The year of his birth is unknown to us: from an epigram which is ascribed to Domitius Marsus (Te quoque Virgilio comitem non æqua, Tibulle, &c.), we merely gather that he died soon after Virgil. Yet there is some doubt about that epigram: the way in which Horace addresses Tibullus, seems to bespeak a contemporary. Of Tibullus, the first two books are not to be doubted; but the third cannot possibly be his, although the name of the author can hardly be Lygdamus: for it may only be substituted for the right one, as being of the same quantity. Thus it is also with the names of women: that of the mistress of Propertius, whom he calls Cynthia, was Hostia; that of Tibullus’ Delia, was Plania. Owing to party spirit, people will not admit the truth of Voss’s remark, that in the third book there is quite a different metrical character, and also quite another turn of expression: he who does not see this, is in my opinion no judge of questions either of grammar or of metre. A distich has been rejected as spurious because it clashes with the chronology of Tibullus: the poet of the third book was born, like Ovid, in 709, under the consulship of Hirtius and Pansa, as he says himself:—

Natalem primo nostrum videre parentes,
Cum cecidit fato consul uterque pari.

These verses cannot be struck out. The fourth book is just as little Tibullus’ own: the panegyric on Messalla is the production of some poor fellow who was in want of a patron, and certainly not that of a knight. Both books, 138the third and the fourth, are by authors who are inferior to Tibullus. The smaller poems which bear the names of Sulpicia and Cerinthus, may be Tibullus’ own; but they are almost too good to be his: there is too much strength and boldness in them. To me, Tibullus is an unpleasing poet: this womanish and maudlin grief, this unantique sentimentality, are mistaken tones of Mimnermus, which to me are unbearable; and above all, in a Roman.

Somewhat older perhaps than Horace was Cornelius Gallus, a man of rank who had also tried his fortune in war, and whom Augustus had appointed governor of Egypt, in which post indeed he behaved shamefully. He must, however, have had his amiable qualities, as Virgil was so fond of him, and introduced his praise in the fourth book of the Georgics: it was to replace it, that the poet had afterwards to put in the episode of Aristæus. Having been convicted of very disgraceful things, Gallus put an end to his own life. He had translated Euphorion, and written elegies, of which, however, one line only remains. He must have been a distinguished poet, though what goes under his name, all but a few fragments, is not genuine. If he is called durior, this perhaps implies that he had the old language and versification of Catullus and Lucretius, which Quinctilian might indeed have found harsh.

One who also lived at the same time as these men, was Varius. Of him we have unfortunately but a few verses; the ancients, however, ranked him with Virgil and Horace among the great poets of that age; he was especially renowned for his tragedy of Thyestes. This is a very unhappy subject; and I am afraid that there was a good deal of rant in that piece, and that it stood in the same relation to Greek tragedy as the Æneid to the Iliad. The tragic poets of that age in all likelihood no longer had before them the old Athenian tragedy, like Pacuvius and Attius, but the Alexandrian; for what was called the Pleias, was certainly something 139quite different from the old tragic poets. One may get an idea of it from Seneca, whose pieces are certainly not of Roman home-growth, but evidently formed after foreign models: his lyrical part is limited to anapæsts, and very rarely contains quite simple strophes of four lines. If I had the choice, I would rather have Varius’ poem De Morte than his tragedy.

This was the noble group of the poets of that age, such as seldom have met together in this world. These poets Augustus found living when he made himself master of the state; they have passed the shortest part of their lives under his rule. But now a second generation arose, which is really to be called the Augustan. It begins with Propertius, whose poems are evidently imitations from the Alexandrian school; whereas Horace kept to the older lyric style, although Virgil already begins to follow somewhat in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus. Propertius must have been born about 700. He was a native of Umbria, and his youth was about the time of the assignments of land: it was his ambition to be the Roman Callimachus or Philetas.

Much greater than he,—in fact, of all the Roman poets whose works have come down to us, by far the most poetical after Catullus,—was Ovid, born in 709. Virgil is evidently disheartened by his lot; Horace’s mind was painfully distracted in another way, as he fondly loved Brutus; Tibullus, with his feeling heart, was weighed down by evil times; Propertius was so affected by the early loss of his property, that free enjoyment of life and perfect ease never returned to him: but as for Catullus, on the other hand, the unbounded freedom of his humour sprang from the independence of his fortune. His father must have been one of the most eminent men in his province; he was a guest-friend of Cæsar. Ovid was born with one of the most happy dispositions that heaven can give, at a time when the troubles of the Perusian war could only reach him in 140his cradle; he was in his thirteenth year when Cæsar Octavianus conquered at Actium: thus his lightheartedness and cheerfulness arose from the circumstances of the age in which he lived. On this we are all of us dependent: my own tone of mind is quite different from what it would have been had I been born thirty years sooner or later. Ovid was a young man of rank and wealth at Sulmo, who began the world adorned with every gift of mind and body: a greater facility no man could have, and in this respect, he is among the very first poets. In Schiller’s poems, one may every where remark his struggle with the forms of verse, and the toil with which he worked; whilst in Goethe’s early productions, everything is as if written off-hand. The Greek lyric poets also are never far-fetched; it is as if they could express themselves only in the way in which they did, and in none other: Horace, unlike them, is plodding, and it is but seldom that anything, as it were, bubbles out of him. In Ovid, all comes fresh from the heart: his faults, which also run through his poetry, are well known. The cause of his misfortune is a riddle which no human sagacity will ever be able to make out; and the endless stories which have been spread about it are but so many absurdities. The utter depression of his mind during his abode in Tomi has been turned into a reproach against him; but I am rather struck with admiration, that in this dreadful exile among barbarians, his freshness and liveliness forsook him so little.

One of his contemporaries was Cornelius Severus, of whom we have a fragment which strengthens the opinion that had he lived longer, he would have become an eminent epic poet, infinitely superior to Lucan.

Pedo Albinovanus must also have been distinguished. Whether he is the author of the poem to Livia on the death of her son Drusus, seems not to be so certain as is generally believed.

Livy was born in the consulship of Cæsar, 693, and 141lived to his seventy-fifth, or seventy-seventh year;[35] he thus reached far into Tiberius’ reign. I have already spoken of him before. History was the only thing that one could then write in prose; eloquence had sunk into wretched declamation, or mere lawyer’s pleading. He was fifty years of age, or somewhat older, when he began to write his history. The unfavourable opinion which Asinius Pollio gave of him, certainly arose from party spirit, as the latter could not abide anything that was Pompeian. Livy’s great fame, in which no one of his day has equalled him, is all built upon his historical work; and this is the reason why he is not once mentioned in Horace: very likely, he lived at first as a teacher of rhetoric in complete retirement. A man came all the way from Cadiz to Rome to see him.

In the literature of the Cæsarian period, I forgot to mention Dec. Laberius, who was very distinguished and original as a writer of mimes. If men like Laberius and P. Syrus acted their mimes themselves, these were evidently a kind of improvisation, a description of poetry which was akin to the sermones of Horace, and partook very little of the peculiarities of dramatic verse. P. Syrus also ranked very high. Comedy had at that time quite gone off; we do not even meet with mediocrities. Of tragedies, the Thyestes of Varius only is mentioned.—Valgius also belongs still to the time of Virgil.

The political weakness of Greece in those days, before the might of Rome, is not greater than the absolute nullity of Greek literature as compared with the richness of the Roman one. The Greeks were then nothing but rhetoricians and grammarians, though these certainly deserve an honourable mention: of poems, there are none worth speaking of; even of epigrammatic talent there never yet was such a dearth: only a few wretched epigrams date from that age. Dionysius of Halicarnassus stands alone 142as a man distinguished for sense and judgment: it is therefore not to be wondered at, that the Romans in this respect also felt superior to the Greeks; and they did not perhaps feel it as much as they should have done. In the latter days of Augustus, literature again went down hill most rapidly; and under Tiberius it had completely run itself out. Those who were the leaders of taste, and brought on the silver era, were Greek rhetoricians, mostly from the Levant. From old Greece, as far as I know, Plutarch is for many centuries after Polybius the only writer of eminence.

## PRIVATE LIFE OF AUGUSTUS. AGRIPPA. MÆCENAS. FAMILY CONNEXIONS. BUILDINGS.

The very many statues and busts which yet remain of Augustus, bear out the statement of Suetonius, that he was an uncommonly fine man. His decora facies he still had even in his old age; we may trace the likeness in his busts throughout the different periods of his life. He is so beautiful that I very nearly got his bust; but his personal character deterred me. He was however a remarkable man in every respect. What he was reproached with by the ancients, was want of courage; but this is an imputation which is easily made, especially if there is some foundation for it after all; yet there were, on the other hand, instances also in which he undeniably showed courage. In the war of Philippi, there is indeed some ground for such a charge: at Mutina, he perhaps was guilty of treachery; but in the Pompeian war, no reproach of the kind attaches to him. He was a bad general, and had no more luck in the field than he had in his domestic relations. His falseness and cruelty, I have before described; yet he had also his good qualities: he was a friend to his friends, and put up with many things from them; which considering 143his pride, is very surprising: towards Agrippa and Mæcenas, he was neither faithless nor unthankful. In his domestic relations, he was regardless of character. He had at first been betrothed to Antony’s stepdaughter Clodia, but the match was broken off; then he married Scribonia, who bore him Julia of unhappy notoriety; and then he put her away, and compelled Tib. Claudius Nero, who had once been proscribed as a partisan of Brutus, and who was also one of the best of the family of the Claudii, to give up to him Livia. Livia, whose ambition and thirst of power for her own family knew no bounds, and who shrank from no crime, had gradually gotten the most absolute sway over Augustus. However much he sought to bring back purity of morals, he himself was a thorough profligate; and this Livia winked at. They were married to each other nearly fifty years; and the longer they lived together, the greater became her power. She must have been wondrously beautiful in her youth, and amazingly clever: for a long course of years, she strove with quiet patience to get the dominion for her race; and for this purpose she estranged Augustus from the whole of his family. The only child she had borne him was still-born. So long as Octavia, the half-sister of Augustus, and one of the most respectable of the later Roman matrons, was alive and had prospects for her son Marcellus, who was married to Julia, she herself seemed to have been altogether set aside. But after the death of Marcellus, Agrippa became more powerful than ever, though he had already gained such an ascendancy, that Augustus, had he not loved him much, must have been afraid of him; and now the emperor bound him to him by the marriage with Julia, because he really feared him: Julia had by Marcellus one daughter only. Agrippa was much older than Augustus, with whom he had been as a sort of tutor in Apollonia; it is not unlikely that Cæsar had meant him to accompany his nephew as custos to the Parthian war, as was generally done when the youthful 144Roman at seventeen first joined the army: thus Lollius went with C. Cæsar. Before that time, nothing is mentioned about him, nor can any one tell where he came from; in Cæsar’s campaigns, he is not once named: he is said to have been ignobili, even humili loco natus. He afterwards shows himself to have been an experienced general. Augustus’ best time was that during which Agrippa’s influence was paramount with him; that is to say, almost the whole unbroken period from the battle of Actium to the death of Agrippa, whom no one accuses of having had any share in the earlier crimes of his pupil. It is he, above all men, who gave the state its form; he is, more than Augustus, the author of the most useful institutions,—perhaps also of some artful ones, but certainly of all that had any good in them. Besides which, there was something grand about him. We have but one building left of his, the Pantheon, which indeed is the finest relic of ancient Rome. He had a genius for vast and magnificent works, for roads, canals, aqueducts, baths: he so laid out the whole of the Campus Martius, that Strabo is quite in ecstacies whilst describing it. In the war against Pompey, he displayed tried ability: moreover, he then built a fleet and the portus Julius. He was thrice consul, and openly laid claim to the highest honours: for he looked upon them as his due, being anything but cowed and daunted before Augustus. He died, I believe, in 740; Mæcenas in 744, in the same year as Horace.

The friendship of Augustus was shared with Agrippa by C. Cilnius Mæcenas, of the illustrious Etruscan house of the Cilnii (Etrusci reges, reges atavi):—it must have been a δυναστεία; the name is also met with innumerable times on monuments at Arretium. This clan must have had the Roman franchise even before the lex Julia; for as early as Livius Drusus, a Mæcenas, as we are told by Cicero,[36] was already among the equites splendidissimi. 145Horace seems to hint that the forefathers of Mæcenas’ line, both on the father and mother’s side, had been raised to the highest magistracy in the days of Etruscan freedom:—

“—quod avus tibi maternus fuit atque paternus,
Olim qui magnis legionibus imperitarent:”

in all likelihood, both of these branches belonged to Arretium: Mæcenas himself was merely a Roman knight. With posterity, he has earned the honour of having been a patron of the poets: we may rejoice that he showed kindness to Horace and Virgil, without indeed troubling ourselves about his motives for it, which we have no means of finding out. He was a strange man, an epicurean in the very worst sense; and he unblushingly avowed it, as he set up ease and comfort as the highest good in life. He displayed a more than womanish love of life; for though in a wretchedly broken state of health, he was glad to live, even in torture, if only live he could (vita dum superest, bene est). There was also something childish and trifling about him: he had a foppish delight in trinkets and jewels, for which Augustus often laughed at him. To the latter, he was a convenient friend and a most agreeable companion; and for all honours he expressed an epicurean contempt, looking upon Agrippa’s love of distinction as folly. Yet for all that, he may have cared not a little for having influence; whenever Augustus consulted him, he got very sensible advice. Once only he behaved in a manly way. When Augustus, in the time of the triumvirate, or in that of the Perusian war, was seated on his tribunal, and was pronouncing one sentence of death after another, Mæcenas sent him a note with the words “Get up then, you executioner!” This looks like a man whose heart is much better than his philosophy.

As long as these two men and Drusus, the younger son of Livia, were alive, even as Tacitus already remarks, Augustus’ government was really praiseworthy; 146but after their death there was a change for the worse. Augustus in his earlier years had very precarious health, and his life was several times endangered by illness; one of these was in Gaul, and another was that from which Antonius Musa recovered him by cold baths: it was not until about his fiftieth year, that his health became better. Long before this, whilst Marcellus was yet a child, and he himself still very young, he had once, when he thought himself dying, given his ring to Agrippa: in his will he had made no arrangements about the succession to his throne. When Marcellus grew up, differences arose between him and Agrippa. Velleius, who when he chooses to speak out, hits off many characters with masterly touches, says of Agrippa, “Parendi, sed uni, scientissimus.” To Augustus, he would submit himself; but against all those who rose after him, he was very bitter, nor would he be the servant of Marcellus who was much younger than himself: in all likelihood, had Augustus died then, he would not have scrupled to put Marcellus and the sons of Livia aside. Once Agrippa altogether withdrew to Mitylene, where he would have nothing more to do with the affairs of Rome; yet the way in which men paid their court to him in the east, showed clearly that they all looked upon him as their future master. But Marcellus died in his twenty-third year, and a great hope of the Roman world seems to have died with him; Agrippa now incontestably stood in the first place, and Augustus gave him in marriage his daughter Julia, the widow of Marcellus. Yet though this alliance went far to secure the succession for him and his sons, it very sadly embittered the last years of his life, owing to the shameful depravity of his wife; for he kept it secret from Augustus, who was very fond of his daughter. Agrippa died before Augustus’ eyes were opened to Julia’s conduct, and left three sons, one of whom was born after his death, and a daughter, Agrippina, who afterwards became the wife of Germanicus. She had all the pride and fine qualities 147of her father; she was an admirable woman, not unlike Octavia. The two eldest sons, Caius and Lucius, Augustus adopted into the family of the Cæsars, as he meant one of them, namely Caius, to succeed him. Whilst these young men were growing up, Julia was married to the eldest step-son of Augustus, Tiberius Claudius Nero. This young man had quite the character of the Claudian race: he was uncommonly proud of his high birth, and he held Augustus himself to be nothing better than a municipal upstart from Velitræ, who had been adopted into the Julian family; the gens Julia he certainly looked upon as below the gens Claudia, and therefore upon his marriage with Julia as a match which was beneath him. Above all, he was deeply galled by the infamous life of Julia, though for fear of Augustus, he did not dare to complain of her. Being on bad terms with Augustus, he withdrew on some pretext or other to Rhodes, by which indeed he left the field open for Agrippa’s family. At Rhodes he lived for seven years, in the course of which the profligate life of Julia was discovered, and Augustus now treated her with unrelenting harshness: he had her transported to Pandataria. (Drusus had already died in Germany, a year before his elder brother went to Rhodes.) In vain did Tiberius repent of the rash step which he had taken; Livia for a whole year was unable to bring about a reconciliation, Augustus having been so much hurt by his going away that he would not hear of him, nor see him, although he had asked for leave to return. Augustus now employed L. and C. Cæsar in public business: Lucius was sent to Gaul and Spain, to superintend the registration of the land; Caius to Armenia. This Caius Cæsar, Velleius speaks of in such a way, that, though to pay his court to Tiberius, he may have represented some things as worse than they were, we may well believe that he was good for nothing, and that the Roman empire would have been as unhappy under him, as it was under Tiberius himself. In Armenia, where he had executed 148Augustus’ commissions, he was treacherously wounded by an Asiatic, who very likely was got to do it by the king of the Parthians. From this wound he never could recover, and it was generally thought by the ancients that it was poisoned by Livia: this is perhaps nothing but prejudice; bus it is quite possible. Lucius had already died before him, and it is pretty certain that it was dolo novercæ. Tiberius, on his return after seven years, was completely master of the field; and of Agrippa’s family, Agrippa Postumus and Agrippina were all that was left: that the former of these might not be altogether set aside, he adopted him together with Tiberius 754. From that time, Tiberius was heir presumptive; and it was not long before he got the tribunicia potestas: as for Agrippa Postumus, he was still a boy, an insignificant fellow, who did not stand in the other’s way.

It is a well known boast of Augustus, that he had found Rome brick, and had left it marble; and this was not saying too much: what is still left of his buildings bears it out. He has built an immense deal, and stamped upon Rome quite another character; his buildings were in a style of extraordinary grandeur, which altogether ceases in the later ones, the Colosseum alone excepted. There still remains what was formerly called Forum Nervæ, but what Palladio in his day, and among the moderns Hirt, have recognised as the Forum Augustum. The judicious Stefano Piali has shown that the three colossal pillars which were formerly thought to have been portions of the temple of Jupiter Stator, are of Augustus, and belonged to the Curia Julia. The great wall round the Forum Augustum, proves that at that time the old grand style was still prevalent, which lasted until the reign of the emperor Claudius, and first changed under that of Nero: thus people came to fancy that that wall was of the age of the kings. By Augustus himself was built the Mausoleum, the inside work of which still lasts indestructible; by Agrippa in Augustus’ reign, the Gate of St. Lorenzo and the Pantheon, 149besides the Theatre of Marcellus,—where the Palazzo Savelli is, in which I used to live,—in the old massive Greek-Etruscan style which had long been out of date in Greece: hard by is the Portico of Octavia, of which the entrance is still standing. Whatever on the Palatine is said to be of Augustus, is at best very problematical: of the temple of Apollo there is nothing left. Augustus was the first to bring the Carrara marble into use. A great number of high roads, both in Italy and in the provinces, and very magnificent aqueducts were made by him; among others, that of Narni, which indeed is built of brick. Notwithstanding all these great buildings, and all this magnificence, no one felt burthened, as the Romans paid scarcely any taxes but a few indirect ones; and therefore it is no wonder that Augustus was exceedingly popular. We must also take into the account the gloomy forebodings with which men looked upon Tiberius: the words of Horace, Divis orte bonis! came from his heart; people prayed in right earnest to Heaven for his preservation.

## WARLIKE ENTERPRISES OF AUGUSTUS. HIS DEATH. GENERAL SURVEY OF THE EMPIRE.

The first foreign war which he waged, happened between the peace of Brundusium and the battle of Actium. It was a campaign against the Dalmatians, and he displayed in it considerable activity, and personal courage, being wounded himself. The task of subduing these countries was exceedingly difficult; but he broke the power of the Dalmatians who dwelt on the coast. Soon after the battle of Actium, the Cantabrian war began. Very nearly the same countries which afterwards held out against the Moors, Biscay, Asturias, the north of Gallicia, and the confines of Leon, held out also then. Augustus set himself the task of extending the Roman 150empire as far as the sea, the Rhine, and the Danube. During the first year, he was, partly by illness, and partly by business, kept in Gaul, where he settled the affairs of the province; in Tarragona also, he fell sick once more, and was thus delayed in his campaigns. We have no details of these wars: Appian became tired here, and perhaps he did not find them in any Greek writer. Augustus’ memoirs must have had very little value, as hardly any notice is taken of them: he also tried poetry; but as far as we may judge from his letters, he was a tasteless and worthless writer. In the third year, the Asturians and Cantabrians made their submission, and gave hostages. The Basques maintain that they still have a poem on this war in their own language; and Wilhelm Von Humboldt possesses a copy of it, which I only know from his translation.[37] I hold it to be as little genuine as the poems of Ossian; Humboldt is of a different opinion, yet he decides nothing. How should anything have been preserved among the Cantabrians about this war, which after all was of no importance whatever to them? On the Moorish wars, which must have been much more important to them, nothing whatever remains. Nowhere else, either among Germans or other nations, have accounts of the Roman wars been preserved: when Wittekind of Corvey wrote, all memory of them had entirely vanished, and this was certainly the case there as well. The Cantabrians, goaded by the ill treatment of the Roman governors, revolted again; thus it took some more campaigns before they were altogether subdued. Augustus founded several colonies,—Cæsar Augusta (Saragossa), Julia Emerita (Merida, down to the Arabian times a first-rate town), Pax Augusta (Badajoz), Pax Julia (Beja), Legio (Leon).

About the time of this war, Tiberius, who was no longer a youth, carried on another in Dalmatia, which 151he reduced. Before that, a Roman governor named Crassus, had already made war in Mœsia, and had driven back the Sarmatians across the Danube, and extended the empire as far as that river. Pannonia likewise had submitted during the Dalmatian campaign of Tiberius.

It was between the Dalmatian and Cantabrian war, that Augustus shut the temple of Janus: according to Suetonius, he seems to have closed it thrice; yet this may have been a mistake. It had been done once before in the Mythic age of Numa; and again, between the first and second Punic wars, in the consulship of T. Manlius Torquatus, 517.

Augustus had before this already directed his attention to the Alpine races, such as the Salassians and all the tribes of Rhætia in the widest sense of the word,—even from the valley of Aosta, all through the Valais and the Tyrol, as far as Noricum, which had a king, and kept under Roman protection: they were mostly of Etruscan stock. It is my belief that the abodes of the Rhætians did not reach at farthest beyond the valley of the Upper Inn, whilst the Vindelicians dwelt on the northern slopes of the Tyrolese Alps, from the valley of the Lower Inn to the Danube. These last were of Liburnian race, as were also the Pannonians, who were neither Illyrians nor Gauls, and were called Pæonians by the Greeks, from whom we likewise learn that they had a language of their own. The Helvetians had submitted since the days of Julius Cæsar; of the subjugation of the Rhætians and Vindelicians under Drusus and Tiberius, we know but very little: the accounts which we have of it, are very vague and confused. Yet Von Hormayr has made up a romance from them, wishing to prove that Italian and German Tyrol ought to hold together: the notion is a correct one, but is not to be deduced by treating history in this way; nor did he do any good by it. It is evident that the war was carried on by the Romans according to a regular plan; and that the attacks were made from Italy, 152and on the other side from the Lake of Constance. The Romans everywhere penetrated by degrees through the inmost recesses of the Alps, where at that time there were no carriage roads, but only footpaths, as was likewise the case in the middle ages; and they so completely reduced those tribes, that they never made an attempt to raise their heads again. It was then that Augustus founded in Vindelicia the city of Augsburg, a colony of veterans, like all the colonies which he now established. At this time, they began to let the veterans settle where they had been encamped in war; and thus they gradually became peaceful citizens: afterwards their sons were liable to military service on better terms. As for the exact period when this new arrangement began, I do not think that any thing can be found about it in the ancient writers. Owing to these conquests in the Alps, there now arose the German wars in 740: now first the Romans could act on the offensive in Germany. The Sigambri, it is true, had made before that an inroad into the country beyond the Rhine, from whence they were driven back, but without any permanent result. Until then, the Romans had never reached farther than the Westerwald; new they attacked the Germans from the Lower Rhine and from the Danube: that they never came to the Upper Rhine, but went up no higher than the Lahn on the Lower Rhine, shows that Swabia was not as yet a German country, and that it was first made so by the Alemanni. These wars we would gladly detail more fully; but unfortunately Dio Cassius is mutilated here. In the Venetian manuscript, from which the rest are derived, the gaps have been disguised to take in the buyers, and this has been copied in all the others: the defective fragments discovered and edited by Morelli, but which are not found in the common editions, give one a little light, but only very little. In one of these campaigns, as Roth conjectures, Domitius Ahenobarbus may for the first time have crossed the Elbe in Bohemia; whereas formerly 153most of the expeditions were led from the Lower Rhine against the Elbe. Their wars were carried on by Nero Claudius Drusus (the younger brother of Tiberius), who made three campaigns: he crossed the Weser, and penetrated towards the Elbe. He reduced the Bructeri, the Sigambri who were then so renowned, the Cherusci and other tribes: this is all that we know of his wars. Nor in any of these accounts is there once the name of a locality given; for the enemy had no towns, and the villages were swept away, and are not mentioned by the Romans: the Germans did not possess any strong places in which they could hold out, and their only protection was the impassable nature of the country. Being unable to stand their ground against regular tactics, they were almost always beaten by the Romans in the field; whole districts were laid waste, the women and children dragged away into slavery, and the men hunted down and killed like wild beasts. Although Drusus is praised for his humanity,—and considering that he was a Roman, justly so,—yet he was ἀλιτήριος against Germany, and he may have done the people as much harm as Varus himself did. He died in his camp, Tiberius being strongly suspected of having been the instigator of his murder: but this after all may only have been believed on account of the hatred which he had against the family of his brother, especially against Germanicus. At most, Tiberius might have been afraid lest Drusus should dream de reddenda re publica, a fine day-dream which Germanicus really fostered. Drusus had a monument on the Rhine, which for generations was held sacred both by Romans and foreigners: where it was is now unknown.

After his death in 745, Tiberius took the command. But soon afterwards followed his absence of seven years, during which little happened except that the Bructeri defeated the legate M. Lollius, annihilated his legion, and took his eagles. When Tiberius returned from Rhodes, his stepfather bestowed upon him the command 154in Gaul, that he might complete the conquest of Germany. Tiberius subdued the Sigambri, Bructeri, and Cherusci, and penetrated as far as the Elbe: there he was joined by the Roman fleet, which had either been equipped in the Ems, or had come from the Rhine to the Ems. How far it went up the Elbe cannot be made out; it may be that it got as far as Magdeburg, yet the Roman galleys were not able, like steam-boats, to run against the stream. After these campaigns, Tiberius again left Germany, as his predecessor had done, and as many of his successors did after him. The Romans wished to crush the Germans; but it did not seem worth their while to keep the country.

Whilst the tribes about the Hartz, and in the Thuringian forest, had their country invaded by the Romans, there existed in Bohemia the great kingdom of Marbod, which is indeed a perplexing phenomenon: we read of a large city in this realm, of an army of seventy thousand men, and of a body guard. Moeser rightly observes, that one is not to believe the Germans of those days to have been less civilized than the peasantry of Westphalia and Lower Saxony are now; only they were wanting in the refinement of those who live in towns:—their houses were certainly built like the worse ones which we have; the dwellings of the princes were very much the same as the buildings of the middle ages. Nothing is more preposterous than to take them for rude savages, when they were merely rough country people. Venantius Fortunatus, in his poem to Radagunda, speaks of the fallen splendour of the kingdom of her house, and of the bronze covered palaces of her forefathers, the Thuringian kings. There were indeed some things different from what they are now: in winter, for instance, they had certainly to burn candles by day, and when it rained to shut up everything with boards, because they had no glass windows; yet this was the case in Rome itself where there are houses of this kind to this day. Marbod, however, must have really had a civilized kingdom. 155He had immigrated with his Sueves into Bohemia, and subdued the Celtic Boians there: his seventy thousand men betoken something feudal. Against Marbod, Tiberius now armed himself; he meant to attack him on two sides, himself advancing from Noricum and Vindelicia, and Sentius Saturninus from the Rhine through Northern Germany, the Hercynian, and the Thuringian Forests. The Romans made great preparations, laying down for many miles, across the Dutch and Westphalian fens, large wooden causeways and wooden bridges—the bridge over the Elbe near Hamburgh—of which remains are found even to this day: the wood has stood exceedingly well, except that it has become black in the bogs. It was then that the consequences of the dissensions among the Germans began to show themselves. The northern Germans did not trust Marbod, and were afraid of losing by him their freedom, like the Marcomanni: these he had once left in the lurch, and hence they were so broken down, that they could not now come to his help. But whilst Tiberius was preparing himself for the attack, Dalmatia and Pannonia revolted. During this insurrection which lasted for three years, Marbod remained inactive: the Getæ also, and the Dacians, who had formerly often crossed the Danube, and fallen upon the Roman frontiers, now kept still, luckily for Rome, which otherwise might have been brought into fearful trouble. Augustus, quite appalled, trembled at the danger: it was reckoned that there were two hundred thousand men able to bear arms among these tribes; two Dalmatians, both of them called Bato, and a Pannonian, Pinnes, were their leaders. Velleius, who served in this war, tells us of their high state of civilization, especially of the Pannonians, nearly all of whom had Roman manners and spoke Latin: they must have been very much akin to the Romans, otherwise this would be hardly conceivable, as the Roman dominion there was still so recent. In this war the rebels spread as far as Macedonia, once driving back a Roman army which 156had come from Asia; and it was only by the extraordinary bravery of their soldiers that the Romans gained the victory after all. At last the nations fell out, and one of the Batos treacherously gave up the Pannonian general Pinnes to the Romans. The Pannonians were the first who submitted, and the Romans seem to have granted them very favourable conditions. Tiberius was now free to go against Marbod, who would have thus met with his punishment for having kept aloof, had not another event taken place.

The whole of the country between the Rhine, the Westerwald, and the Elbe, was about the year 760 brought under the rule of Rome: the Chauci, who dwelt in East-Friesland and Oldenburg, and the other inhabitants of the marshes were quite as much subdued as the Bructeri and Cherusci in Westphalia Proper. Quintilius Varus, who was of an old and illustrious patrician house, and an able general, but had made himself notorious for his shameful rapacity, quite thought himself the governor of nations which only recked fear and force. For him Arminius—whom we generally call Hermann, but whose name was probably not this, but Armin—laid a trap most cleverly. As things then stood, it was very difficult for the Germans who had no towns, to make head against the Romans: the German cavalry was superior to that which the Romans had of their own; but the Gaulish cavalry, which had the advantage of better horses, and of more complete armour, thenceforth constituted the flower of the Roman army, in which it had such a preponderance, that the terms which belonged to the cavalry service, were almost all of them of Celtic origin: so paramount was Gallic influence on discipline! Cunning against tyranny is all fair; so that I cannot blame Arminius in the least for what he did: the Germans had been most unjustly made war upon by the Romans, whom they could not possibly meet with open force. Arminius had in many Roman campaigns served with German cavalry, and very likely 157had distinguished himself in the Pannonian war: he was a perfect master of the Latin tongue, had the Roman franchise, and the rank of a knight; and, by dint of the greatest perseverance, he, as well as his fellow conspirators, had gained the unbounded, and even childlike confidence of Varus. Varus had made for himself a stationary camp, where, as in a Roman province, he held a court of justice which was a means for enriching himself; like the law-courts of the oppressive high bailiffs in Switzerland. The Roman soldiers were wont to purchase leave of absence and discharge, as was formerly the custom in the German army; for just as it was in France before the revolution, they then only got part of their pay: thus there might have been many of them roving about the country. There seemed to be the most profound peace, and the Germans made Varus believe that they felt indeed quite happy in their growing civilization; but when he was thus off his guard, and a great part of the soldiers gone perhaps away on furlough, some tribes in Lower Saxony revolted, as it had been arranged; so that Varus was got to draw near those countries. The conspirators persuaded him to turn off from the highways (limites) which led from the Rhine to the Lippe, and through Westphalia as far as the Weser;—these were straight roads cut through the woods, not yet paved indeed, but laid with logs; and when he had ventured sufficiently deep into the impassable forests, the insurrection broke out on all sides. He then tried to get back to the limes, and above all, no doubt, to the chief Roman stronghold in that part of the country, Aliso on the Lippe, in the neighbourhood of Hamm. The spot where Arminius routed Varus is no more to be ascertained: the only sensible way of tracing it, is to find out the direction in which the roads may have been laid down from the principal posts; yet even thus much cannot be made out, as the difficulties were every where pretty nearly the same: we might, however, perhaps take Cologne as such a starting point. It is infinitely 158harder to give an opinion on this subject, than on Hannibal’s passage across the Alps. On the first day, Varus was attacked on all sides; he lost a good deal of baggage, and with much trouble entrenched himself in a strong position for the night. The following day, he continued his march; but his columns were already seized with panic, so that in the evening when they wanted to pitch their camp, they were scarcely able to make head against the enemy’s attack: Varus and several of his chief officers, overcome by their despair, now put an end to their lives, dreading the account which they would have to give. It was then perhaps that Numonius Vala—very likely the one to whom Horace addresses one of his Epistles[38]—and three alæ separated themselves from the infantry, and tried to cut their way out; but they also were overpowered, as they deserved to be for having deserted their own comrades. On the third day, the whole army was annihilated; three legions and as many alæ (the cavalry attached to a legion), together with ten cohorts, were cut to pieces: a legion consisted of six thousand foot, and three thousand horse. The Germans took an awful vengeance upon their oppressors, in which there was moreover a great deal of superstition, many of them being sacrificed to the gods.

Of this victory the Germans, owing to their want of union, could not make the use which would have been desirable, and which Armin wished. It is true that very many Roman forts were taken and destroyed, and much besides may have been done, as the Romans have undoubtedly left many disasters untold; yet notwithstanding all this, Nonius Asprenas kept the left banks of the Rhine with two legions: the everlasting lamentable dismemberment of Germany, checked in this case also its progress, although its peoples tried to rise. Cædicius held out in Aliso, until at last he found an opportunity, 159when the Germans were dispersed, of fighting his way out with the rest of his brave men to the Rhine, where he stopped the advance of the enemy. Owing to the victory not being followed up on the side of the Germans, Germanicus was afterwards enabled to wreak his vengeance in his unhallowed expeditions.

The news of the disaster of Varus came like a thunderbolt on Augustus, who was one of those men who are given to fear the worst. At Rome it was thought that the Germans would cross the river, and destroy the legions on the Lower Rhine, and that the Gauls would also take up arms and unite with the Germans; so that a war in the Alps seemed near at hand. No doubt Augustus expected also that Marbod would rise; but the latter, who had here an opportunity of gaining eternal glory, shamefully kept quiet, for which he afterwards ended his days a prisoner at Ravenna. Augustus wished to make a general levy; yet he met with great difficulty, owing to the inconceivable aversion to military service which had all at once arisen among the Italians: in Marius’ times one might have raised as many legions as one wanted. Fathers maimed the hands of their children, to make them unfit for service; soldiers were taken from the lowest ranks of society; attempts were made to enlist freedmen; patrons were induced to emancipate strong slaves on condition of their entering the army: whereas formerly slaves were punished with death, if they presumed to take unto themselves the honour of military service. Tiberius had orders to set out in all haste for Gaul: Nonius Asprenas has the merit of having checked the tide; Tiberius went on with the work. Afterwards, Germanicus, the son of Drusus, was sent in his stead, who at once took measures for an offensive war. But Augustus did not live to see it.

Augustus was now full of days, but his health had very much improved: he had in fact, during the last third of his life, little or no illness at all. Thus he had 160gently become an old man, and was quite under the thraldom of his wife, who grew worse as she grew older, and shut out from all access to him every one who was not subservient to her. Towards her own son Drusus, she may indeed have had the feelings of a step-mother; to Germanicus at least she bore a deadly hatred. Germanicus and Agrippina were patterns of domestic excellence; their married life, at a time when every trace of the virtues of home had been lost, when elsewhere marriage was merely a bond of indifference, and often even of hatred, was most remarkably beautiful:—it was because Germanicus was fondly attached to his wife and his children, that he became an object of hatred to his grandmother. Livia did not at all like Tiberius’ own son Drusus, as he was too friendly with his adopted brother Germanicus, though otherwise he had quite the character of his father. Augustus passed the last years of his life in the consciousness of being enthralled: he was unhappy in more than one respect, and in this life already he had to suffer for many of his misdeeds; the overthrow of Varus put him utterly beside himself. Tiberius was going to Illyricum, and Augustus wished to meet him at Beneventum: he had passed several summers at Capreæ in the bay of Naples, the most paradise-like spot in the world, thus to recover from his cares and troubles, while the mildness of the climate would prolong his life. Here he fell sick, and was brought to Nola where he died on the 19th of August 765, fourteen years after the birth of Christ. The Romans laid a great stress on his having died the self-same day as that on which he had got the consulship for the first time by force; and on his having had as many consulates as Marius and Valerius Corvus together: to take any such things, is silly. He died as sure in the possession of his rule as any king who was born to a throne, and he gave his ring to Tiberius, who already had the tribunician power: no sensible man could doubt that the latter would now take the government upon himself.

161The corpse was buried with almost godlike honours. From Nola to Bovillæ, the decurions of the towns bore it on their shoulders; and the equites Romani, from Bovillæ to the city itself. Tiberius and his son Drusus spoke the funeral orations from the rostra vetera and nova, near the Curia Julia; and afterwards too, all such orations, and the proclamations of the emperors, were delivered from the new rostra.

The extent of the Roman empire when Augustus died, was as follows. He had once entertained the idea of conquering Britain; but he had given it up. The empire, however, was not bounded by the Rhine, but Holland and the adjoining Frisian countries were at that time under the power of the Romans; farther to the south indeed, as far as the Lake of Constance, the Rhine really formed the boundary, which from thence ran along the Danube to Lower Mœsia. But here the Romans were not masters of the river’s banks, as the Sarmatians often crossed it: the frontier was more to the south; Tomi (Kustendji) actually lay outside of the contiguous Roman empire. The so-called wall of Trajan,—it improperly bears that name,—along the old branch of the Danube, the salt water near Peuce, was very likely now built by Augustus; the country north of it, the Sarmatians overran without resistance: in Trajan’s days, even Moldavia and Wallachia, nay the whole range of land to the Dniester was subject to the Roman sway. In Asia, Cappadocia was still a kingdom under Roman supremacy; Armenia likewise in some measure acknowledged the majestas populi Romani; the Parthians had very much abated of their pride, and there were hostages of theirs among the Romans, whilst the standards of Crassus had been given back by Phraates; it is of this that Virgil and Horace speak: in a certain sense therefore, the dominion of Rome extended to the borders of India. The real boundary, however, in the East was the Euphrates: Syria, Egypt, Libya, and old Africa were Roman; and the eastern part of the 162Numidian coast, which had Cirta for its capital, was a Roman province. The Numidian kingdom had been overthrown by Cæsar; but the learned Juba had by way of compensation been presented by Augustus with western Algiers and Morocco, the realms of Bocchus. The rule of the Romans reached beyond Fezzan; they might easily have come as far as the negro countries. Those negro states on the rivers in the interior of Africa, may at different times have acknowledged Rome’s supremacy,—at least by embassies and tributes: we know of a caravan-road to Fezzan and Cydamus; the Garamantes are the inhabitants of Garama in Fezzan; (here there is a mistake in d’Anville’s map;) a short time ago, Roman ruins and inscriptions were found there by Ouseley. Once, the Romans had made an expedition against the Blemmyans in Dongola with success; another, under Ælius Gallus, against Yemen on the Arabian coast, was an utter failure.

The number of Roman citizens had very much increased in the western provinces, from which also the legions were principally recruited. There were in fact forty-seven legions, and a corresponding number of cohorts under arms. In Italy, there were only levies in cases of emergency; and, on the other hand, the army became more and more made up of the auxilia and cohorts. Far more than nine-tenths of it were certainly new citizens. The franchise, however, was now of little worth; nor was it even always attended with exemption from taxes.

As a civil law-giver, Augustus aimed at a different object from what Cæsar did, who had wished to bring within bounds the wide range of the Roman laws and to have them worked up into one grand whole; just as Peel wants to do with the common law of England. This undertaking was very praiseworthy, however perilous and thankless a task it may be to make new codes of laws; but it is quite a different thing to bring the existing laws into harmony with each other. Augustus’ 163legislation, on the other, hand, was a new and arbitrary one. The Lex Ælia Sentia is to be commended: in other enactments, he was wishing to struggle against the stream of custom and the monstrous immorality of the age. An aversion had sprung up against lawful wedlock, and the citizens lived in concubinage with their female slaves, whose children likewise became slaves, and mostly remained so; or at best, became freedmen: thus the free population had very considerably dwindled. One may say, that in the guilds of the different crafts, nineteen out of twenty were freedmen; this is shown by the names on the alba found at Pompeii. Augustus was quite right in setting his face against such a state of things; but the way in which he did it in the Lex Julia and the Lex Pupia Poppæa, was by most wretched make-shifts which only betrayed how helplessly he was striving against the stream: their definitions of honour, of the jus trium liberorum, and such like were of no use.[39]

## TIBERIUS.

If in the latter part of the history of the republic, the end of an accomplished career still affords an interest, although a painful one; even this ceases in the subsequent history of the emperors, in which we no longer find any more of that which charmed us in the earlier times: it is the history of a huge, corrupted mass, wherein brute force alone has weight; and in which the doom of a hundred millions of men, and even more, rests with one individual, and with the few who are next about him. The western part of this world still 164keeps up a sort of unity, though a feeble one, in the language which is common to the educated classes, yet in the provinces degenerates into a jargon; in the east, the Greek nationality is again established. It was a state of things of which no power on earth was able to check the march: from the war with Hannibal, there is nothing but struggles to bring about a crisis; a hundred years later, even this ceases. There was henceforth but a play of mechanical powers, all those that had life in them had entirely vanished. Nature is no longer able to bring about a crisis: it is a dying away by inches; an undefined, but deadly disease was at work, which could not fail to bring on the end. For the history of the world, this period is very remarkable; but as the history of a nation and of a state, it is sad and cheerless. In its practical application, it is still more important than that of the republic; for it is indispensably necessary for all branches of learning, especially divinity and jurisprudence. It was not therefore without reason that people formerly bestowed so much care on the study of the history of the emperors: the knowledge of this indeed is but too much neglected. I can, however, only give a very slight sketch of it now.

The first part of the history of the emperors, we should have in the greatest masterpiece which perhaps antiquity has produced, had we the complete work of Tacitus, who has written it from the death of Augustus down to Trajan; first, the Historiæ, then the Annales, which reach from the death of Augustus to the accession of Galba. It is the general belief that the annales ended with the sixteenth book; I have elsewhere recorded my own opinion as to this point: it is more likely that there were twenty books. As far as Tacitus will reach, it would be foolish to seek for another source; where he is wanting we must avail ourselves of Dio Cassius, who, however, is also somewhat mutilated here, and of Suetonius, who indeed is a most wretched help. His idea of writing the history of those times in 165biographies, is quite correct; but he was not able to carry it out: he did not know what he would be at; and therefore there is no keeping in his work, and he rambles from one thing to another. Tacitus, in his Tiberius, has before him an anterior history; but what work, is uncertain: perhaps it was that of the father of the philosopher Seneca, which in all likelihood was one of the best; or that of Servilius Nonianus. With regard to the personal character of Tiberius, there are excellent materials in Velleius Paterculus, one of the most ingenious writers, whatever may be thought of him in other respects: he has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the eighteenth century, with their affectation, and pretension to wit. Leaving the badness of the man out of the question, he has much experience, has seen a very great deal, and tells it well; wherever he has no motive for perverting truth, he is not only trustworthy but an excellent authority: his narrative is strikingly beautiful.

Tiberius was the eldest son of Tiberius Claudius Nero and of Livia Drusilla: his father was quæstor with Cæsar, but afterwards joined the republicans, to whom he seems to have been staunch and true; after the battle of Philippi, he declared for L. Antonius and Fulvia, 711, as he had to expect no mercy from Augustus. (Tiberius was born in the year 710 according to Cato.) On the unfortunate issue of the Perusian war, Claudius fled with his family to Naples, and from thence to Sextus Pompey in Sicily; Tiberius was then in his second year, and his life was in the greatest danger. The father did not stay with Pompey, who offended him, but fled to Antony in Greece: he got his pardon at the peace of Brundusium, and returned to Italy. Livia Drusilla was daughter of one Livius Drusus, who, however, was not directly descended from the consul and tribune of that house: his real name was Appius Claudius Pulcher, and he was adopted by Livius; so that both by father and mother’s side, Tiberius came from the race of the Claudii, 166all the terrible qualities of which he had inherited. Soon afterwards, Augustus compelled Nero to give up to him his wife, who was with child at the time, and brought forth Drusus in the Palace. Tiberius, being the step-son of the Emperor, was brought up as a child of the very highest rank; yet no one ever thought of the possibility of the dominion of the world passing over to him. Augustus had hoped for some time to have children by Livia; and when this expectation was not fulfilled, he built his hopes on the children of Julia, his daughter by Scribonia, and especially on her husband M. Marcellus, and her children by Agrippa. Tiberius, who had a Greek philological education, displayed extraordinary talents which he helped besides by industry. Being at an early age employed in business, he had the quæstura Ostiensis, and then he was sent to Armenia. In everything that he did, he showed himself very able, and public attention was aroused to his eminent qualities: he was as much distinguished as a general, as he was as a civil governor. But people very soon remarked in him a great want of openness, with a leaning towards vice, which he practised in secret, and hid from the eyes of the world. Reserved and moody, he had no friend, nor did he trust a soul but his mother: he was especially on his guard against all those who stood between him and Augustus, and from Agrippa and Marcellus he stood aloof. This mistrust, for which as much cause may have been given to him as he himself gave to others, had the most injurious effects on his character; very like those which were seen in the Emperor Paul. Tiberius, and also his brother Drusus, and his nephew Germanicus, were first-rate generals. Nature had done very much for him: he had great judgment, wit, and industry; indestructible health; a very happily and beautifully organized body; a tall majestic figure; a fine head: his statue and that of Augustus are the finest among those of the emperors. He also spoke extraordinarily well. After the death of Agrippa, 167who was his avowed enemy, his mother Livia and Augustus, the latter of whom placed his reliance more and more upon him—conceived the plan of marrying him to Julia, a most profligate and abandoned woman: Tiberius was very loth to make up his mind to this match, although it brought him nearer to Augustus. Caius and Lucius Cæsar, her two sons adopted by Augustus, were then still living, who indeed stood between him and the lordship of the earth. The conduct of his wife lowered him in the eyes of the world in a way which he could not bear, and made him the laughing-stock of the Romans: he therefore wanted to go to Rhodes, as he did not think that he could do anything against Julia. There were at that time plots in the family of Augustus like those in the houses of Cosmo of Medicis and of Philip the Second: its members hatching conspiracies and intrigues against each other. Augustus would not hear of his going away; but Tiberius insisted upon it, which Augustus took exceedingly ill. Before this, Tiberius had distinguished himself in Rhætia, Vindelicia and the first Pannonian war. Seven years passed away, ere Livia, after the death of C. and L. Cæsar, could manage to get the consent of Augustus to his return: for he so hated him, that many thought to please the Emperor by treating Tiberius with contempt. In the meanwhile, Julia was condemned and banished by her father himself: yet even this did not change anything in the position of Tiberius; Livia’s rule only became unbounded by degrees. Drusus was likewise dead. When Tiberius at length came back, he was adopted with Agrippa Postumus; the latter, however, was soon banished for his brutal ways. Tiberius now obtained the tribunician power, and was regularly made known to the world as the one who was next to the throne: he sat on public occasions by the side of Augustus, though indeed it was not openly proclaimed that he was to be his successor. All this time, he was of great service to the Roman state: the danger threatening from Marbod arose, 168and then the insurrection of the Pannonians and Illyrians. These last Tiberius overpowered with great difficulty; and he was likewise successful against the Germans, whose hopes he baffled after the death of Varus. In the year 765 (14 after Christ), Augustus died at Nola, and Tiberius, who was on his way to Illyricum, was in all haste called back by a messenger from his mother. In the will, Tiberius was left heir of two-thirds; with regard to the commonwealth, however, Augustus had not said a word, as if he had no decision to make on this point. Yet every possible precaution was adopted to preserve the power for Tiberius; the prætorian cohorts, as soon as ever Augustus was dead, took the oaths to him. As Tiberius held the tribunician power, which was the symbol of supreme authority, he was able to call the senate together whenever he liked, and to put a stop to anything that was hostile to him. When the corpse of Augustus had been brought to Rome, and his ashes entombed in the Mausoleum, the funeral orations having been spoken by Tiberius and his son Drusus; the step was still to be taken by which Tiberius had to put himself in the possession of the supreme power. He now showed at once a remarkable duplicity: he was not a coward on the field of battle; yet he was uncommonly afraid of attempts upon his life. He had carried his dissimulation to a pitch of refinement, being one of those persons who can never make up their minds to speak out, but must be guessed; like Cromwell, to whom he otherwise has no resemblance: such men are not seldom met with in every-day life, and they are quite unbearable. Tiberius wished to have before the world the appearance of a moral man, and yet to give himself quietly up to all sorts of excesses: he never uttered what he really thought, for fear of saying something too much. With this character, he played the farce with which the work of Tacitus most painfully begins. There it is told at some length how he refused to take the reins of government, and made the senate urge him to 169do it for the sake of the common good. When he saw that he tired the people, he yielded so far as to compel them to force him.

The first beginning of his reign is marked by a mutiny of the troops in Illyricum and on the Rhine. It was one of the institutions of Augustus, that the legions had permanent camps on the frontiers, in which they were stationed until the men were superannuated: after having served a number of years, these were for some time longer to be kept up as a reserve sub vexillis in the provinces, as Augustus wanted to have as many old soldiers who had seen service as possible; and then at length they were to become quite free, and the whole legion was disbanded, and a military colony established for it. This system was a terrible one for the provinces and for the soldiers; but in a military point of view it was admirably suited for the protection of the empire. Now were new legions first formed and sent out. Yet what had been promised the soldiers, had not been made good to them, and they had had to remain much longer under arms than they ought: in this state of things, the soldier became the terror of every one, being himself frightfully oppressed and plundered by his officers. The detailed account of this outbreak in Tacitus, is excellent. Drusus overcame the danger in Illyricum; Germanicus, on the Rhine. In reality, however, the government had to give way: the ringleaders were punished, but the rest got their relief, and had the advantages of the reserve secured to them.

A very great change which took place at the first beginning of Tiberius’ reign, was the abolition of the popular elections, and the transferring of them to the senate,—a change which after all was so completely a form, and a farce, that Tacitus hardly bestows a word upon it: it had no longer any reality; if it had, it would have been useful. The so-called people which in the days of Augustus held the comitia on the Campus Martius, was the smallest and worst part of the nation; 170whereas the senate was the choice of it from all countries, particularly from all Italy.—Of much importance was the drawing up of a list, according to which the governments were to be given.

Tiberius’ reign of twenty-three years is anything but rich in events: in the very first years only, Germanicus’ wars in Germany give it some interest. For these, however, I must altogether refer you to Tacitus. The wars were carried on as far as the Weser, with a very large military force: one cannot understand how such masses should have been used against tribes which had no fortified towns whatever, and therefore were utterly unable to offer any resistance; nor yet that they should have produced no effect. The Germans could not stand their ground in the open field; and so they fled into the woods and impassable parts of the country. It is moreover strange that the Romans make here the same mistake over and over again: they try to overawe the enemy by striking a great blow in the interior, and thus they hope to subdue them; then they build some military roads with bridges over the marshes in Overyssel, in Lower Münster, and on the Lippe. The only means would have been slowly to advance; but this perhaps did not seem to them worth the trouble, and they might thus have only got the country as a waste. We (Germans) may, however, thank Heaven that Tiberius from jealousy called back Germanicus after his last brilliant achievements. He seems not to have had much desire to conquer Germany: shrinking from great undertakings, he merely tried to maintain the frontiers. The tactics of the Germans show that it is most absurd to look upon them as having been few in number and uncivilized; for they encountered the Romans in quite regular battles, and carried on the war with much ability. But Tiberius did all for peace, as he could not bear that generals under him should distinguish themselves; he even put up with humiliations: thus, for instance, he shut his eyes to the slight which he had had to suffer 171in Armenia and Parthia, even the expulsion of the king whom he had himself given to the Parthians. The historical interest of his reign is therefore entirely confined to what happened in his own family, and to affairs at home.

Tiberius, at that time, had a son of his own, Drusus, and an adopted son, Germanicus the child of his brother. Drusus must have been a fine young man; but Germanicus was the idolized hero of the Romans, a worthy son of a worthy father,—the hero of the German wars,—a great and noble soul. It may indeed have been a fanciful freak in Drusus, to ask Augustus to restore the republic which would not have been able to hold its ground for one year; but that wish could only have sprung from a lefty and generous mind. Germanicus declined the offer of the legions, who, after the death of Augustus, called upon him to take the government; he remained faithful to his adoptive father, although he certainly could not have loved him. Tiberius, on the other hand, had no faith in virtue and purity of heart; so he removed him from the scene of his triumphs, and recalled him to Rome. But his ill humour was yet increased, when Germanicus, on his return thither, met with an enthusiastic reception from the people. As Tiberius was conscious of the vices and the tyranny which he kept hidden from the world, he hated a man like Germanicus; he shrank from a contrast with his single-minded nephew: yet it may just as well have been fear for the interests of his son, as the pain of seeing by his side one so good as Germanicus, while he himself felt his own utter depravity. Germanicus now had, like Agrippa before him, the commission of superintending the res Orientis, the eastern frontiers and provinces; but he died shortly afterwards. Whether he died from poison or from natural causes, is a question with regard to which the ancients themselves were in the dark; yet I rather believe that his death was natural, as the accounts point rather to witchcraft than to poison, and 172those who chose the former expedient—to which, owing to the superstition then prevailing in Rome, people were very much inclined—would not have been likely to try the other. It is credible enough that Piso had attempted his life; but what is quite unaccountable, is that he could have fancied that conduct like this could be left unpunished by such a prince as Tiberius was. He indeed thought to curry favour with Tiberius by his insolence to Germanicus; yet he could not but have seen, that if ever the matter came to be talked of, Tiberius would sacrifice him: for although the emperor might in his heart have been rejoiced at the deed, he would, notwithstanding, have been obliged, before the world, to avenge it on the very man who had dared to act up to his wishes. Even Tacitus, in his time, had great doubts on this subject, the most contradictory rumours about it were then afloat. Thus, the Dauphiné deemed her husband, the Dauphin, the son of Louis XV., to have been poisoned by the Duc de Choiseul, which nowadays is less credited. The Dauphin, being religious, and even somewhat bigoted, was very hateful to the Duke, who was a very gay man and a freethinker, and who did not wish the expulsion of the Jesuits to be thwarted by the Dauphin, nor his own power to be shaken. There were indeed some motives for the crime; but it does not follow thence that it was really committed, and I certainly doubt it. Piso’s poisoning Germanicus, might have been winked at by Tiberius; but his insulting and publicly reviling him, was an offence against the majestas which he could not have overlooked when his adopted son was in the case: and moreover that Piso, when Germanicus was sent to succeed him, would not give up the province of Syria, but drew together his troops and prepared to march to Rome, is the most puzzling event in Roman history. Piso and his wife Munatia Plancina, a daughter of the orator Munatius Plancus, were condemned, and the secret was buried with them. There were some suspicion that Livia herself had suggested 173the plan of poisoning Germanicus: she was horrible enough not to spare her grandson, and it may be that she did not care at all about offending Tiberius.

Soon after the death of Germanicus, began the prosecutions for crimen majestatis,—those never to be defined charges against which no man could shield himself; for it was a crime which, as early as the republic, had the most different meanings, and indeed might have been applied to anything: whoever had brought any calamity upon the state, was wont to be thus prosecuted. In the reign of Augustus, by a law which we do not know, an offence against the imperator was made a crimen majestatis, as formerly those against the republic had been. All trials for this were conducted before the senate, which in fact was only a condemning machine in the hands of the tyrant; just as the National Convention was under Robespierre. Many things were classed under the head of crimen majestatis, which in reality did not belong to it at all; as for instance, amours with princesses. At first, that charge was met with very seldom indeed under Tiberius; but gradually there grew up a herd of informers who made it their business to bring to judgment any one who had given offence to the emperor. Tiberius himself acted a neutral part; but the senate got more and more into the frightful habit of condemning whenever it was at all agreeable to the emperor.—On the whole, however, the state during the first nine years of Tiberius was in a very happy condition: there were very few condemnations indeed; and in several of these cases the persons whom they affected were hardly deserving of sympathy. Tiberius lived in retirement, but with dignity and great outward decorum, treating the first men of the nation with much distinction. Augustus was not a close-fisted manager; at the end of his reign he was even in financial difficulties; but he regularly published the accounts of the year before: this was not kept up by Tiberius, who laid by huge hoards. The indirect taxes in Italy 174were raised, and some new ones brought in. This state of things lasted as long as old Livia lived; and as yet apprehensions were felt only by those who were sharp-sighted enough to foresee the clouds which would gather when she was once dead. Tiberius stood in fear and dread of his mother to the very end of her days, and all affection between them had now for a great while been no more: she was a terrible woman; and yet her life was a blessing for Rome,—at least for those who had forgotten the old times. After her death, Tiberius had nothing to restrain him: he dropped the virtues which he had formerly displayed owing to his diligence while under the authority of another to whom he had to give account; he allowed his activity to flag, and became quite lost in his hateful and gloomy disposition. The only enjoyment he had in life, was in most infamous lusts; and a man advanced in years, who gives himself up to shameful pleasures, must irretrievably sink into the basest state of worthlessness.

Napoleon is said to have once told a deputation of the Institute that Tiberius had been very hardly dealt with, and that Tacitus had been unjust to him. Napoleon was far from being a learned man, his knowledge was all picked up; but Roman military history he knew very well. He must have said,—“if we form our opinion of Tiberius only from Tacitus, and deem him to have been an infamous, brutal voluptuary, and a tiger of cruelty, then we have not a correct idea of him; for Tiberius was in his youth, and even up, to his fiftieth year, a great general and statesman. None of his vitia subdola came to light before that time; and whilst he kept the energetic and good qualities of his disposition in full play, he behaved as if he were quite another man.” This view is a perfectly true one. Tiberius’ only friend was Ælius Sejanus, the son of Seius Strabo, a Vulsinian, equestri loco natus; him he made præfectus prætorio. Sejanus’ character has a great likeness to that of his master, and he ought not to be looked upon 175with contempt: he was an excellent officer, a man of great strength of will, of courage and of much talent; but without any sort of principle. To him alone Tiberius unbosomed himself; and he knew how to make the emperor feel quite comfortable, and to lead him to yield himself up entirely to his own propensities: Tiberius’ mind was at rest while Sejanus gave him security against those whom he was most afraid of, namely, his own family, and the few grandees who still remained. Sejanus increased the prætorian cohorts; and he suggested to Tiberius the plan of concentrating them in the Castrum Prætorianum (a citadel outside the wall of Servius Tullius, but in what is now the very midst of the city); just as the Italian tyrants were wont to do. This is the most momentous event in the history of the emperors. The prætorians now became the real sovereigns, like the janissaries at Algiers; so that they are the pivots on which the Roman history turns, down to the times of Diocletian: by this means, Rome was converted into a military republic, which was generally dormant except when the occupant of the throne was changed. Sejanus aimed at nothing less than supreme power. Drusus was yet alive and had children; Germanicus had left three sons; and a brother of his, who afterwards became the Emperor Claudius, was likewise still living: the whole of this family, Sejanus wished to root out, and so he seduced the wife of Drusus, Livilla, a daughter of the elder Drusus. With her help, he poisoned Drusus; after which he also cruelly made away with the sons of Germanicus, Caius alone excepted, who was still a child, and whom he kept in reserve. He gave Tiberius such confidence, that he withdrew from Rome to Capreæ, there to wallow in his lusts; and in the meanwhile he himself ruled in Rome. Prosecutions now were rife, and here begin the frightful annals of the reign of Tiberius: the lists of those who are condemned to die, are made up of men, who were all of them more or less eminent, although all were not precisely 176respectable; Tiberius therefore deserves to be called the very pattern of a tyrant. Much must be laid to the charge of Tiberius personally; but much also to that of Sejanus, whose influence increased more and more. The banishment of Agrippina is his work; the last tortures, however, which were inflicted on her, were after his death.

This went on, until at last Sejanus became suspected by Tiberius, and very likely with good reason; for Sejanus at best would have waited for his death, and then at the head of the Prætorian cohorts have made himself master of Rome. Tiberius himself had raised Sejanus to be his equal; among the Prætorian cohorts, sacrifices were already offered to the latter as well as to the emperor. But it now happened that a still worse being got near Tiberius: virtue and genius could not have shaken down Sejanus; this was done by a yet more wicked man than he, by one who had not his great qualities, but analogous vices. Tiberius expressed his dread of a conspiracy, and gave out that he wanted to go to Rome: but he only came into the neighbourhood, and sent orders to arrest Sejanus; which was done with consummate cunning. There was a verbosa et grandis epistola, in which one might remark that he was aiming at something, with some cuts at Sejanus; at the conclusion was the warrant for the arrest. Macro who had been made Præfectus Vigilum, surrounded the senate with his people. Sejanus was now seized in the senate, and on this, men showed themselves in the most hateful light: all those who but that very morning had fawned for a gracious look of his, now started up and raised an outcry against him as one guilty of high treason, calling for his immediate execution, so that the cohorts might not hear of it. He was instantly strangled. Tiberius now slaked his thirst for blood by persecuting the followers and friends of Sejanus. Yet those who were not, were also persecuted; for things did not grow better but worse: Macro now ruled just 177as tyrannically as Sejanus, and, like him, was master of the detestable old man. He was, however, not a whit more faithful to him. C. Cæsar, the son of Germanicus, generally known by the name of Caligula, linked himself to Macro by the most infamous tie; and assured him that he should hold under him the very highest power, just as he had under Tiberius, if he would but rid him and his family of the old man. And there is scarcely any doubt but that the death of Tiberius, who in his seventy-eighth year lay sick not far from the headland of Misenum, was hastened, either by poison which the physicians gave him, or by strangulation. In fact they thought him dead; and when he rallied, he is said to have been strangled. This was in the twenty-third year of his reign (37 after Christ).

## CAIUS CÆSAR, OTHERWISE CALIGULA.

Germanicus and Agrippina had three sons and three daughters: of the sons, two had been murdered in the reign of Tiberius; the youngest only, Caius, survived. Caius was not born on the banks of the Rhine; but, as Suetonius satisfactorily proves, at Antium, and thence he was sent out to his father’s camp: so that the history of his childhood is indeed connected with this neighbourhood. After the death of his father, he got into the power of his adoptive grandfather Tiberius; and this old man, who, after all had never lost his judgment, very soon recognised in him the monster which he really was; nor did he make any secret of it. Caius could not hide from himself that his life was in danger, and it may be that fear had very early made him mad; but his madness was so malignant and wicked as to leave no doubt of the utter baseness of his nature. He saved his life by the greatest servility towards Tiberius and those who were in power, which, as matters stood, 178was the most sensible thing that he could have done. Afterwards he attached himself to Macro, and with his aid he rid himself of Tiberius. He had been little seen in public. He was a handsome young man, very like his father, and he was in his twenty-sixth year: the memory of his father, and his own good looks, got for him a most favourable reception; so that no one was so enthusiastically welcomed as he was. The nickname of Caligula, like that of Caracalla, has passed into common use; but neither of them is to be met with in ancient writers instead of the real name: no contemporary called the son of Septimius Severus, Caracalla. The name of Caligula was only given him by the soldiers when a child; his real name was Caius Cæsar, and the former one is beneath the dignity of history. All who had seen much of Caius at the court of Tiberius, perceived a deep cunning in him, and foreboded the worst wickedness: yet they were but very few. His first acts were, on the contrary, such as to give the public at large great hopes of him. The illusion, however, very soon vanished. Suetonius is very explicit with regard to him: he is a writer who has little of the antique about him, and he indulges in anecdotes and details, being quite unable to impart method and unity to his work; so that his biographies are rambling performances, and contain numberless repetitions. He is a man of shrewd judgment but a bad writer; one sees in him an age in which the classical in arrangement and style is waning fast.

Caligula was really a madman. The worst human depravity would not account for all the things which he has done: his true nature is expressed in the words “abortion of dirt and fire,”[40]—a shocking combination of obscenity and cruelty. Juvenal is reproached with having chiefly undertaken in his writings to describe depravity; yet indelicate as he was, his disgust was excited, and he did not dwell on it with pleasure. Suetonius, 179on the other hand, was without doubt infected with the profligacy of his time. Suetonius himself is uncertain what to believe of Caligula’s insanity, whether it was mere satanic malignity or the satanic malignity of madness; but he mentions a circumstance which is decisive, namely, that he scarcely ever slept, which is a sure symptom. Sleep is given to us yet more to keep up the powers of the intellect, and the elasticity of the mind, than for the strengthening of the body. It is now twenty years since Christian VII. of Denmark died, a prince whose state was well governed for a long time, so that his madness was little noticed, but who under other circumstances would have shown himself a Caligula: he also was afflicted with sleeplessness, and was often seen for whole nights walking up and down in his room. Some Asiatic princes also have been insane, among the Mahommedans and Persians but especially among the Tartars. In Caligula’s day, moreover, there were no means, and, above all, no religious ones, for the treatment of insanity.

There was at that time at Rome the most absolute military despotism. For, owing to the Prætorians, it was quite impossible to undertake anything against the Cæsar: they were well paid and kept, and would have cut down senate and people, if they had set themselves against the emperor; so that the condition of the empire was like that of a place which is taken by the most ruthless barbarians. In the first years of his reign, the emperor wasted in the most senseless way a treasure of one hundred and thirty millions of dollars which Tiberius had left; this hoard being exhausted he extorted money by confiscations, and this also was squandered again. During the reign of Tiberius, there had been peace with the Germans for twenty years, ever since the recall of Germanicus; Caligula, however, wishing for once to enjoy the pleasure of a campaign, marched to the German frontier, and there he waged war like a madman. Yet this was the least evil which Rome suffered. 180He also undertook some gigantic structures: near Puzzuoli, a dyke may still be traced, which he quite uselessly and absurdly built across the harbour, to throw a bridge across it. He caused himself to be worshipped as a god.

Whilst now the empire was goaded into despair for nearly four years, the Prætorian officers, some of whom had every day to appear before him, when he would mock and ill treat them, formed a conspiracy, and he was slain to the great joy of the senate and people.

The mad idea was now taken up of restoring the republic, and especially by the consuls whom Caligula had appointed. They called the senate together; shame and disgrace were denounced against Caligula; and during the first hours people talked with great spirit and enthusiasm. But they were soon at a loss how to arrange matters; and still more so when it was known that the Prætorians would not hear of any other ruler than a monarch. Claudius, who in a tumult had hid himself, was drawn from his hiding-place by the Prætorians, and dragged into the camp; and there, after having passed the night in fear of death, he was proclaimed emperor. The cohortes urbanæ declared for the republic; but they were not able to stand against the power of the Prætorians, By the following morning already, people were glad that Claudius was emperor.

## TIBERIUS CLAUDIUS DRUSUS CÆSAR.

The emperor Claudius, uncle of Caligula and brother of Germanicus, had never been adopted by Tiberius; whereas all the other emperors were, by a fiction, the sons of their predecessors. He had preserved his life in the reign of Caligula only as it were by a miracle; and he was then fifty years of age. Whilst of Caligula we can but speak as of a monster, Claudius deserves our 181deepest pity; yet he has done very bad things which betoken a turn for evil, though this indeed was only developed by his misfortunes. Even his mother Antonia, a daughter of the triumvir Antonius, called him a portentum hominis; he was an ἀτελέστον; he had capacities and talents; yet he was deficient in what really constitutes human reason, whence, in a psychological point of view, he was a real curiosity. Although he had a desire of knowledge, application, memory, and a taste for science and literature, he was wanting in judgment and discretion, so that he often said and did things which were downright stupid: it is as if a thick rind had grown round his better nature, which he but seldom broke through; there are a great many absurdities of his on record. Suetonius is very instructive with regard to him, very aptly describing his character by the Greek words ἀβλεψία and μετεωρία. The Greeks always have most adequate expressions to draw characters; those phrases mean a thoughtless absence of mind and a want of reflection, when one says what is most preposterous, and one leaves untold what ought to have been told: there was a complete disproportion between his thoughts and his power of uttering them, and this it is, what those Greek words admirably express. By the whole of his family he was knocked about, being the brother of those distinguished persons who possessed the whole love of the family. Old Augustus, who always felt such circumstances keenly, wished to keep him altogether aloof from the public gaze, whilst his grandmother Livia treated him with peculiar harshness and imperiousness. The unfortunate youth took this to heart. Had he been brought up with kindness, he would have become a good, plodding, and somewhat weak-headed man: as it was, he became vicious, and the feeling that he was despised made him a coward; so that he always kept in the background, and whenever he at all wished to put himself forward, it was but to meet with a failure. Thus he found his only comfort 182in literature. Livy, whose kind heart may even be seen from his work, had great pity on him, and, trying to find him some occupation, encouraged him to write history. Now, as he knew a great many things, he deemed himself to be called upon to write the history of the civil wars; and he told it in such an honest manner, that his family got very angry with him. Afterwards, he wrote memoirs of Augustus, which they allowed to pass muster, but so as only to despise their author. He was indeed thoroughly honest; yet he always got little thanks for it. Augustus would not give him any employment, on account of his dreadful stupidity; Tiberius, although he did not care much for him, gave him even the consulship. He was married more than once. The profligacy of the female sex at that time went beyond all bounds: Augustus had striven in vain to repress it; Tiberius promulgated some legal decisions against it, yet without any result. Claudius therefore was highly unfortunate in this respect also; he attached himself very affectionately to the women who betrayed and disgraced him.

Thus Claudius, generally despised, had reached his fiftieth year when Caligula was murdered. His behaviour as emperor at first was reasonable and good; he made no one smart for the childish attempt to restore the republic, there was a general abolitio dictorum factorumque. A few only of the murderers of Caius he had executed, although they had deserved very well of the Roman world. He also was the first who, on entering upon his power, gave a donativum to the soldiers. Caius already had undertaken the government, without repeating that farce which Tiberius still played; Claudius also forbore to do so. His reign, which lasted fourteen years, was at first truly a relief after that of Caius; people felt comforted, and cherished hopes, whilst he on his side made many good regulations. Yet he was altogether without any will of his own; had he had an honest friend whom he could have entirely relied on, 183his rule might have been good and praiseworthy. But he did not go beyond the walls of his palace; he only sought to amuse his ladies, and lived almost exclusively with slaves and freedmen, as he was generally despised by men of rank. He was in fact of a kind and loving temper; but he was shy and timid. Slaves now stood forth as his advisers and friends; just as Don Miguel’s most intimate confidant is his barber. Very likely, Polybus, or Polybius, before whom Seneca humbled himself, was far from being altogether contemptible;—the Greek slaves received a very good education in the Roman houses; if they had good abilities, they were very accomplished. Pallas and Narcissus, on the other hand, were men of a different stamp; thoroughly bad, and of insatiable rapacity, they plundered the empire. By the influence of these men, and owing to his unhappy marriage with Agrippina, his own brother’s daughter, who was very beautiful, but who had not a trace of the virtues of her parents, he was ruled with absolute sway. She, being without virtue and shame, by her intrigues succeeded in getting him to adopt Nero, her son by her first marriage, although Claudius had a son of his own, Britannicus. Hence it was that his reign became so disgraceful and disastrous; a large number of innocent men were also put to death under his rule, though not so many as under other emperors. Whenever Narcissus demanded a victim, Claudius was his tool; so that his life was one continual degradation.

There were, however, considerable works executed in his reign. The finest and most magnificent aqueduct which has been carried on to Rome, the Aqua Claudia, was built by him; and there is no doubt but that in the restoration of the city in the fifteenth century, it might have been completely repaired. Other relics also of his buildings are in the very grandest style; the two great arches, known under the name of the Porta Maggiore are undoubtedly his. He likewise accomplished the draining of the Lake Fucinus into the Liris, which Augustus 184had given up in despair: the fallen in vaults may still be seen. At first, some mistakes were made in the levelling, and an attempt to let off the water miscarried; but the fault was soon remedied.

He undertook a warlike expedition against Britain, a country which no one had thought anything about since the time of Julius Cæsar; and he extended the boundary of the Roman empire thus far. He himself led the army over, and established a province which comprised the greater part of south-eastern England, and in which colonies and municipia were soon founded: from thence the subjection of Caledonia was afterwards effected. He died, being undoubtedly poisoned by his wife Agrippina; for she wanted to secure the succession for her son Nero, as she knew that Claudius was sorry that he had adopted him, and wished to reinstate Britannicus in his rights. He had always been unhappy,—fortune indeed had been too hard upon him,—and he died despised and laughed at; an instance of which we have in the Ludus de morte Claudii Cæsaris (incorrectly called ἀποκολοκύνθωσις) written by Seneca.

## LITERATURE AFTER THE DEATH OF AUGUSTUS. MORAL CONDITION OF ROME AND THE PROVINCES.

Already in the time of Augustus, a dearth in literature begins which is a striking contrast to the great number of poets in the days of the dictator Cæsar: not one poet can be named who was young in the latter years of Augustus. I could not undertake to explain this; yet it is a phenomenon which has very often been repeated in modern times. But prose was likewise barren. Even in the best days of Roman literature, the influence of the Greek Rhetoricians had become very considerable, and the writers after Cicero, Cæsar, and Sallust, are not altogether free from the effects of these school exercises: 185many passages may be shown in Livy, which he would not have written had he not passed through the declamation school. But in the later times this influence became still more powerful, and of this period we may get the best idea from the Suasoria and the Controversies of the elder Seneca: those symptoms then broke out, which are described in Tacitus’ excellent dialogue de Oratoribus. From this school, of which it was the sole task, without regard to the contents of a work, without any subject-matter to awaken thought, to make an effect merely by unexpected turns, a swell of words, far-fetched thoughts, and a jingle of periods, arose the era of Seneca; for it must in justice be ascribed to him. The elder Seneca still belongs to a different age, and he remembers very well the earlier and better taste. From what he writes to his sons, it may be seen to how low an ebb taste had then fallen: he rails at them for their fondness for the new manner, but has himself already acquired a sort of relish for it: he wrote his Controversies when an old man upwards of eighty. The philosopher Seneca is the most remarkable character of that time, and one of the few eminent persons living in it: not to be unjust to him, one must know the whole range of that literature to which he belonged, and then one sees how well he understood how to make something even of what was most absurd. To the self-same school of literature belongs the elder Pliny, although his is quite a different mind: this is what is called the argentea ætas. This sort of division is very silly; one should divide Roman literature quite differently: it is a senseless thing to put Tacitus, Seneca, and Pliny side by side; they do not bear the smallest resemblance to each other. This literary period began as early as the reign of Augustus, and it lasted down to that of Domitian, when absurdity reached its height; only we have lost its coryphæi, such as Aufidius, and others. Tacitus does not by any means belong to this rabble, as the earlier school continues along with a modern one.

186Seneca is a man of real genius, which after all is the main thing: his influence upon literature has been a most beneficial one; and this I say the more readily, as I dislike him so much. The opinion Dio Cassius gives of him, has a great deal in it which is true and correct; but it is exaggerated, and much too bitter. His affected and sentimental style, strikingly reminds one of a French school, of which Rousseau and Buffon were the founders, and which owing to its faults would be quite unbearable, had it not originated from men of such transcendent talent. Seneca, however, is not to be compared with either of them for loftiness of intellect. Diderot’s Essai sur le règne de Claude et de Néron, is a very remarkable book, and the contrast between him and Dio Cassius is highly interesting: his too was a very ingenious mind, and his manner was like that of Seneca, as he also was but the creature of his age. In the time of Nero, lived Lucan, whose poetry is of the school of Seneca, a striking proof how much more intolerable this mannerism is in poetry than in prose. Bernardin de St. Pierre and Chateaubriand are of the same school: it would be still more bearable, did it not always fall into moralizing sentimentality, which is the case with the former, whilst Chateaubriand is neither more nor less than a bad Lucan. The latter kept his ground until late in the middle ages, and was immensely read, almost as much as Virgil: people were divided into the Virgilian and Lucanian school. The true restorator of good taste in Rome was Quintilian, who is by no means to be reckoned as one of the argentea ætas. With that insupportable mannerism Nero also was tainted; whose talent no one can deny, but who, wherever he was not a fiend, showed himself strange and wrong-headed. In prose the same tone pervaded history also: Fabius Rusticus, who was so much read, has undoubtedly written likewise in the Annæan manner.

The empire was, on the whole, in a prosperous condition. Certain it is that during the eighty years after 187the battle of Actium, in a time of profound peace, and of great vitality, which only required that there should not be any devastations and destructions,—men felt very comfortable and happy, and recovered their strength. Caligula’s exactions, it is true, were very hard to bear; yet they did not so very much check this development: the population after the wars was certainly more than doubled, the towns became filled with inhabitants, and the wastes were peopled. Unhappy Greece alone remained a wilderness, even to the reign of Trajan. Such countries as had fallen into the hands of the farmers-general,—who, using them as pastures, would not rebuild the towns, nor allow of any tillage,—lay waste; yet they were gardens indeed in comparison with what they were at the time of the battle of Actium. It was just the same in Italy; there the fields were cultivated by bondmen, and the population was indeed restored by slaves who were imported, though it increased in quite a different ratio from what it did in the provinces, where it was recruited by ingenui. It is not mere declamation in Lucan, when he says with regard to the state of Italy,

Rarus et antiquis habitator in urbibus errat.

Marriage, although it was so easy to dissolve, was distasteful to most persons, so that they lived in concubinage; the many freedmen whose names are found on the inscriptions of that period, are the children whom the masters had by their female slaves. This gave rise to those celebrated laws, the Lex Julia and the Lex Papia Poppæa. The degeneracy and profligacy of the freeborn female citizens was so awful, that many a man who was no profligate, may have found a much more faithful and estimable partner in a slave than in a Roman lady of high birth; and thus it was looked upon as a point of conscience not to marry. Hence there were now many more born slaves and libertini than there were freeborn citizens; besides which, in the great 188houses, innumerable hosts of bought slaves were kept. In the provinces, where the parsimonia provincialis was still reigning, there was no such disproportion: these had a population of ingenui; in some it was also restored and recruited by the military colonies;—such a soldier, though he may formerly have been a brigand, might after all have turned out quite a respectable man, after having once got a home of his own. These men made the use of the Latin language more general. Nor could this be helped: for what was spoken in those countries was but a jargon, from which the people did their best to wean themselves; and they were none the worse for it. The main object of the provincials could not have been, and indeed was not, anything else but to become Romans. In the midst, therefore, of the most detestable tyranny, the vital energies of the countries bordering upon the Mediterranean revived. The tyranny of the governors was, however, far less than what it had been in the times of the republic; at least, it was so under Tiberius, in whose reign a fraudulent proconsul would certainly not have been acquitted.

## NERO.

After the death of Claudius, Nero, then a youth of seventeen years, mounted the throne without any opposition: whether Claudius had still made a disposition in favour of Britannicus, can no longer be made out. Nero was endowed by nature with bountiful gifts; he had a talent for music and the fine arts, and also for mechanics: there is no reason to doubt that in music he was a virtuoso. He was a pupil of Seneca. At first, he gave birth to the fairest hopes; yet even thus early, it was difficult for farsighted people to believe in them, who felt sure that a viper’s brood must be vipers. His mother Agrippina was the unworthy daughter of the 189worthy Germanicus, and the worthy sister of Caligula; his father, Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, was quite her match, and he said himself, that from him and Agrippina a monster only could have been born. The whole of the Roman world shared in this foreboding; and therefore people were so much the more astonished at Nero’s behaving at first like the disciple of Seneca and Burrhus. The latter was a fine honest man of the old school, and a good officer, who was appointed by Nero as præfectus prætorio; Seneca was a refined man of the world, who busied himself a great deal about virtue, and may also have looked upon himself as an old Stoic, believing for certain that there was not a more clever and virtuous man living than himself: yet this did not prevent his giving himself every moment a dispensation from his virtue. The influence of these two men during the first years of this reign was decided; but the beautiful dream of Nero’s amiability was very short, as both of these tutors were very soon set aside. The first impulse was given by the profligacy to which Nero had yielded himself up from his earliest youth; and then by his mother, who left no means untried to keep her son in a state of dependence. She was opposed by Burrhus and Seneca: the former withstood her out of love for his country; the latter perhaps from the same motives, but just as much from personal grounds, Agrippina being his enemy. When this change took place, cannot be exactly ascertained. The progress of it—the personal connexions in which Nero lived; the influence of Poppæa Sabina, a woman of high rank and wonderful beauty, but tainted with the profligacy of her age, in whose nets he was irretrievably entangled; the still more baneful influence of his mother—is described by Tacitus: I will not speak of Nero’s degeneracy and unbounded depravity; all of it is too well known,—his name alone is enough. He resolved to murder his own mother, against whom he bore a grudge; and after an unsuccessful attempt, he carried out his purpose, owing, as Dio represents 190it, to Seneca’s instigation. That the speech which he caused to be read on that subject in the senate, was composed by Seneca, is an undoubted fact.

Though Nero now raged without restraint, and every day steeped his hands more and more in bloodshed, Tacitus does not look upon it as certain, that he had the city set on fire: on the contrary, he takes it for an idle rumour. It looks like Nero’s madness, that during the fire he got up upon the tower of Mæcenas, and in the attire of a tragedian sang the Ἰλίου ἅλωσις to the lyre: at all events, it may have been a welcome thing to him to be now able to build Rome anew. This fire, which lasted six whole days, is of very great importance in history: an immense number of monuments of every kind, historical records, works of art, and libraries, utterly perished; the larger half of Rome was destroyed, or at least very much damaged; the streets were all laid out in straight lines, and made broader, and they were built up in a new style, which gave the city quite a different appearance. The great fire at Constantinople, under Leo Macellas[41] in the fifth century of our era, has likewise had a most ruinous effect on Greek literature.

After this fire, Nero gave loose to his boundless prodigality and love of building; and for this purpose he extorted money from the whole of the Roman world. He built, what is called his “Golden Palace,” which extended from the Palatine, where afterwards the temple of Venus and Roma[42] was erected by Hadrian, to the baths of Titus, which, to speak more correctly, are those of Trajan: Vespasian had it destroyed for the sake of the remembrances connected with it. Some parts of the walls may still be found in the substructions of the baths of Titus: it was a most beautiful pile of masonry, with a coating of the finest marble: we are to imagine 191it to have been like a fairy palace in an eastern dream.

After this, Nero also had Seneca executed, whose manly end somewhat redeems the weakness of his life. Bareas Soranus and Thrasea Pætus were likewise made to die: the latter was preceded by his wife Arria, who gave him the example of a courageous death.

In Nero’s days, the Roman empire had not such rest as under Claudius. During the reign of the latter, the Romans had carried on wars in Britain, where they had established themselves, and had reduced a large part of the country into the form of a Roman province. From the despair of the Britons, we may see that the condition of a province, while it was yet new, and especially in a poor country, was one of great hardship; for it was only by great extortion that anything worth naming could be wrung from it. Hence arose the insurrection of the Britons under the great queen Boudicea as Tacitus calls her; according to Dio Cassius, Bunduica. This war at first was disastrous, and, to say the least, very serious indeed: the Romans were utterly beaten; their fortresses were demolished, two of their towns were taken, and many of them were slain. Suetonius Paullinus at last with great difficulty crushed the rebellion; Boudicea killed herself, and the Britons again bowed beneath the Roman yoke. Thus that outbreak paved the way for the complete conquest of Britain; and the Romans were now already masters of England, with the exception of Yorkshire and Lancashire, and the northern provinces: Anglesea also was Roman.

Another war was waged by Corbulo against the Parthians in Armenia, where a younger dynasty of the Arsacidæ was seated on the throne. This war Corbulo carried on with unfaltering success, conquering Artaxata and Tigranocerta, and obliging Vologæsus to sue for peace. The last scion of this race of kings, Tiridates, was forced to receive Armenia as a fief from Nero; for which purpose he had to come to Rome, where 192he met with a splendid reception. His appearance in Rome is one of those events of which the memory has survived in the traditions of the middle ages: he is mentioned, for instance, in the Mirabilia Romæ; and there is a legend—which, of course, is quite unfounded—that he brought the statues of Castor and Pollux, the work of Phidias and Praxiteles, as a present to Rome. The thanks which Corbulo earned for his victories, was death. He was undoubtedly one of the best Romans of that age; he was a man free from every craving of ambition, true and conscientious. His bust was found about forty years ago; its features are noble.

Nero now passed from one mad freak to another. I am inclined to believe, that he was not morally accountable for all of this, as insanity seems to have been hereditary in his family: Caligula was his uncle. Many things that he did were merely contemptible; as for instance, his going like a stroller through the Greek towns, where he tried to win the prizes, either as a musician, singer, or poet, in the public contests, or else in the horse-races, putting himself on a level with the other competitors. This would have been the most innocent of his pranks, were it not that he also robbed Greece of its works of art. The præfectus prætorio, Tigellinus, who had been appointed in the room of Burrhus, was at that time the most infamous of all those men who had any energy: the world was rid of him by the rising of Galba and Vindex.

In the thirteenth year of Nero’s reign, the first real attempt was made to overthrow his rule: a former conspiracy of Calpurnius Piso, in which Seneca also had perished, was a mere court plot in which no troops had any share. Nero had undertaken his journey through Greece to gratify his vanity: and whilst he everywhere caused himself to be crowned there as a conqueror, a rebellion broke out in Gaul under Julius Vindex, an Aquitanian of rank. The Gauls who had received the Roman franchise, bore all of them at that time the prænomen 193of Julius, either after Julius Cæsar or Augustus; just as in Asia all had the name of Tiberius Claudius (thus, without a doubt Tib. Claudius Galenus). This has given rise to confusion in the system of Roman names: Julius Agricola, although a native of the Roman colony Forum Julii, may likewise have sprung from Gallic ancestors, which Tacitus, of course, says nothing about. Julius Vindex had the rank of a Roman senator; and by his wealth and his influence he set an insurrection on foot, which had quite a different character from a former rising in the reign of Tiberius: his object was simply as a Roman to shake off the yoke of Nero, not to sever Gaul itself from Rome. He met with very great sympathy, and had already spread his rule from Aquitaine as far as Besançon. The history of that time is in a very wretched state, as Tacitus is wanting, and nothing is left of Dio but the abridgment of Xiphilinus. Near Besançon, Vindex met T. Virginius Rufus, the commander of the German troops, a distinguished man, one of the few disinterested and true patriots which Rome still had. The latter was afraid that such a rising in Gaul, although it had the deliverance of Rome for its object, might cause the dismemberment of the empire; so they made a truce, and agreed to acknowledge the authority of the senate. The German troops wished to have Rufus for emperor; but he refused: Vindex, on the other hand, was slain in a tumult which had broken out between the two armies.

In the meanwhile, Servius Sulpicius Galba was proclaimed emperor in Spain: in that country there was only one legion, though there were many veterans out of whom a militia might be formed. Galba sprang from one of the most distinguished Roman houses. The prænomen Servius was quite an heir-loom among the Sulpicii, as Appius was among the Claudii: yet it had altogether vanished as a prænomen, and had almost become a nomen, so that sometimes another prænomen is put before it; which indeed is incorrect, but may be accounted 194for. Of Galba’s character we do not know much; had we but Suetonius, we should be at a loss how to form any notion of him, as Suetonius himself has no insight into character, being nothing but a pleasing and lively teller of anecdotes; some light is, however, thrown on Galba by the beginning of the Historiæ of Tacitus. Galba had the respect of the army; he had been, when in his best days, a good general, and for those times at least, a blameless governor: but now he was in his seventy-first year, and had fallen under the influence of unworthy people, especially of freedmen. This sort of petty courts, composed of freedmen, had a great deal to do with the demoralized state of the Roman world. On the whole, there was in the Roman empire a bitter hatred against Nero, except among bloodthirsty men, of whom there were not a few: these rather liked him. Galba began his march, and soon formed new legions from the Romans and Italians who came to hand. According to the obscure accounts which we have, it appears that he now availed himself of the pretence that the Gauls were rebels against the majesty of the Roman senate, although under Vindex they had risen against the tyrant only; and he allowed his troops to plunder the southern Gallic towns. Virginius Rufus declared for him, and they both of them now crossed the Alps by different roads. Not a sword was drawn in behalf of Nero, although the prætorians were devoted to him: the passes of the Alps opened without a blow being struck, and the rebel armies drew nigh to the capital; on which Nero found himself abandoned by every one. The senate quickly passed from its former cringing servility into defiance and contempt; Nero fled from his palace, and took refuge in the farm-yard of one of the retainers of his household, where he hid himself, and, with the greatest reluctance, and with uncertain hand, inflicted on himself a deadly wound. Against him and his memory, every possible condemnation was denounced; yet his dead body was buried after all.

195

## SERVIUS SULPICIUS GALBA. M. SALVIUS OTHO. A. VITELLIUS.

Galba entered Rome. Had he shown himself open-handed, he might easily have won men’s hearts; but he gave offence on every side. He partly protected Nero’s companions from public animadversion, and partly punished them. Then he behaved like a miser. Economy was certainly necessary; but he overdid it, as he gave no donation whatever to the prætorians, and a very niggardly one to the troops which he had brought with him. He moreover displayed hatred and mistrust towards the prætorians, although he had dismissed his own soldiers, except a few whom he billeted in the city. The prætorians, being ten thousand strong, were masters of his life; so that he ought to have driven them out, and decimated them as accomplices in the cruelties of Nero. The most powerful person in the city, to the disgrace of the age, was M. Salvius Otho; a man without any illustrious ancestry, whose station was entirely owing to Nero’s favour; a coxcomb of the then world in the most disgusting sense, and this implied much more depravity in ancient times than in our days; the associate of many of the profligacies of Nero:—cruelty, however, cannot be laid to his charge with certainty. He was rich, pleasing, what is called amiable; and he had that affable manner, which could not but have the greatest influence upon the minds of the prætorians. These therefore saw in him the man who could make up to them for Nero, whom they began to miss more and more. Galba, who already knew that the German troops on the Upper Rhine under Cæcina and Fabius Valens had become mutinous, and would not acknowledge him, tried to strengthen himself by adopting Calpurnius Piso, a distinguished young Roman. But that choice was an unfortunate one, as Piso had nothing to 196recommend him, but his high descent and his spotless character. Had not Galba been weakened by old age, his government might have become quite praiseworthy; but he lost the affection of all good men, not only by his avarice, but also because justice was shamefully abused and sold under his name by his favourites Vinius, Laco, and Icelus. Otho had reckoned on being himself adopted; whatever choice therefore Galba might have made, it would have been his ruin, if it were not Otho: yet the old soldier had after all too much love for his country to choose him. By dint of deep dissimulation, Otho got the prætorians to declare themselves at the moment when he wanted to call upon them. This was done. The city being at that time quite open, the prætorians marched in, and went straight to the forum. Galba, who had appeared in person with Piso to restore tranquillity, was stabbed before the German troops could have been moved into the town; and Otho was proclaimed emperor.

The senate was still respectable enough to abhor this election; but yet nothing better was to be looked for from Vitellius, whom the troops on the German frontier had proclaimed: he was by far the more vulgar and worthless of the two. His beastly gluttony alone distinguished him; and it is quite inconceivable, how Galba could have given him the chief command of the troops in Germany. He had a sort of popularity from his father, who had been thrice consul and likewise censor: the latter must have been a goodnatured man; for though he disgraced himself by the most abject flattery to Claudius, he was an enemy to no one, and therefore enjoyed the favour of the people. This favour passed on to the son, who, however, spent the whole of his life in brutal sensuality and vulgarity. He was at that time already fifty-seven years old, nor could he be said to have made a better use of his youth: it is very likely that Cæcina and Valens merely wished to put him forward for the moment, as, they might afterwards get him 197out of the way, and decide which of them should succeed to the throne. Vitellius was profusely liberal to the soldiers: he flattered them by granting them everything, while old Galba wanted to allow them nothing but what was absolutely necessary. He marched forth against Italy; the quickness with which he approached shows the readiness with which the Roman soldiers could move, and also the excellence of the high roads. Otho raised an army; Vitellius met with resistance on the frontiers from the legions in Mœsia and Pannonia, who thought it presumptuous in the German troops to try and force an emperor upon them. On these therefore Otho could rely, and likewise on the armies in the East, where at that time there had been as yet no rising. Italy was then the most defenceless part of the whole empire, there being hardly any troops there but the prætorians: with these Otho took the field. Cæcina and Valens had already passed the Alps, before Otho with his hastily collected force had reached the Po. The first battle was in favour of his cause. Otho ought now to have protracted the war, as he had much greater resources and far more money, and he could also reckon on getting reinforcements; but to his misfortune, he resolved upon giving battle near Bedriacum, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, and there he was worsted. All was not, however, lost; yet Otho made up his mind to put an end to his life, telling those who survived him, to make their peace with the conqueror as they best could. People generally look upon this as the act of a noble-minded man, who does not wish blood to be shed for his honour; which is the view which Tacitus also seems to take: I cannot see anything in it but the act of a most effeminate soul, for which the effort of a long struggle, the suspense between fear and hope, is the hardest lot to bear. Such characters are not unseldom met with: as, for instance, persons who are very fond of money, will often rather forego a great deal, than bring upon themselves the worry of a troublesome lawsuit. Juvenal 198looks upon Otho’s deed with just as little respect. Nor has Tacitus in his heart thought higher of Otho than he really deserves; for we must indeed consider that when a great writer describes a truly tragical act, it may easily happen that he does it with an emotion which is widely different from his moral judgment. Otho died in his thirty-seventh year, on the ninety-fifth day after his proclamation. Galba had reigned seven or eight months.

Vitellius took possession of Rome, and of the palace of the Cæsars; and giving himself the appearance of an avenger of Galba, although he had himself rebelled against him, he caused upwards of a hundred prætorians to be put to death. Yet, leaving aside his contemptible character, things did not at first go on as badly as had been expected. Soon, however, (A. D. 70.) his tranquillity was disturbed by the news of the rising of the Mœsian legions: these were to have come to the aid of Otho, and had wished to do so; and they were now commanded by a most ambitious tribune, Antonius Primus. At the same time, he was informed that the Syrian and the Parthian legions, the former under T. Flavius Vespasianus, the latter under Licinius Mucianus, refused to acknowledge him. Yet both of these last-named insurrections were far off; both armies also had enough to do, the one with the Parthians, the other with the Jews, and they could not leave the country where they were without leaving the frontiers open to the inroads of the enemy. It is also quite inconceivable to me, how the legions could have been withdrawn from the Rhine to Italy, without the barbarians attacking the frontiers. There are some traces of treaties having been concluded; but that treaties should have been made at all, is the very thing which we cannot understand: it would seem that since the times of Caligula a peaceful intercourse had sprung up, and that the Germans had lost every longing for an offensive war. The tract of country between the Upper Rhine and the Upper 199Danube, may even then have been Roman, although the ditch with the rampart and palisades (limes) was not dug till a later period.

T. Flavius Vespasianus, who, with all his faults must be looked upon as the instaurator rei publicæ, was at that time engaged in the Jewish war. There is a dark stain upon him, which cannot be washed away; but otherwise his faults are very pardonable. The rebellion of the Jews had, even as early as the reign of Claudius, been stirred up by ill usage and usurpation. There are few struggles which so deserve the attention of posterity as this: I should like, on account of its awful greatness, to tell it at full length; but time forbids, and also what is most momentous in it belongs rather to Jewish than to Roman history. I refer you to Josephus, whose book, in spite of its many defects of language, is one of the most interesting historical works that have been left to us of antiquity. I also class it with Cæsar’s Commentaries among the most instructive, owing to the light which it throws on the tactics of the Romans, and their method of besieging places. Josephus was a Pharisee, and this he cannot throw off;—not such a bad one indeed as those of the gospel; but still the leaven of the Pharisees is in him;—besides which, he has an unbearable national vanity, to gratify which he distorts many a fact in the earlier history; this we can scarcely term anything else than falsifying. His numbers bespeak eastern magniloquence; they are evidently impossible. Everywhere he shows himself an Asiatic, notwithstanding all his Greek learning: for with the exception of some ever recurring mistakes, he writes very good Greek. He is generally spoken of as Flavius Josephus; and no doubt he was called Titus Flavius Josephus after the emperor who gave him his liberty and the Roman citizenship.

Vespasian was then with a strong army in Judæa, where the Jews were making a desperate and heroic resistance. He was of low origin: his grandfather was 200the first of his race who had somewhat risen from obscurity, and not being vain, he had no illustrious pedigree forged for him. He himself, being then in his sixtieth year, had passed through the evil times of Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, during which he had to put up with many a hardship: he had shared in the slavery of the world, and occasionally had to play the part of an involuntary slave. As a distinguished officer, he had risen step by step without a stain of cruelty or injustice upon him; which is so much the more to his honour, as he was so very fond of money. The cradle of his race was Nursia in the high Sabine mountains, whence also Sertorius came; there the old Italian stock had been preserved purest: to both of these applies Fronto’s expression Nursina durities. In the Roman army, he was generally known and respected.

Mucianus in Syria belonged to one of the highest Roman families, the Licinii, and he was also descended from the Mucii: yet he knew that high birth had lost its influence; besides which, he was effeminate, and had tact enough to feel that he was inferior to Vespasian: they were very different men. After having formerly been on bad terms, Mucianus now held out his hand to the stern, harsh Vespasian. Mucianus, without being bad, had caught the vices of his set; he had little ambition, and deemed it wiser to be under an emperor of his own choice. Vespasian, on the other hand, was free from the faults of the great world, having rather the virtues which are peculiar to the lower classes: he had acknowledged Galba; but after his death he began to think of taking the throne for himself, being conscious that he was fit for it. Yet there was no need for him to decide in the matter himself, as Antonius Primus, with the Mœsian legions, encountered and defeated the army of the generals of Vitellius near Cremona. In Rome, the insurrection had likewise already broken out. Here Vespasian’s brother, T. Flavius Sabinus, was præfect; and his younger son, Domitian, was kept 201as a sort of hostage. Against these Vitellius was at first irritated; then he was frightened, and wished to capitulate; after the battle of Cremona especially, he was quite mild: but when afterwards different symptoms showed themselves, he again veered round and wanted to arrest them. They fled to the Capitol, which, however, was taken, and for the second time since Sylla, burned to ashes: Domitian had a very narrow escape. At Rome, the anarchy was complete. When in those days a man wanted to descend from his throne, he was not able to save his life; for there were no convents then, as in the Byzantine period. Vespasian’s party had been gradually forming; and it gained strength owing to the successes of the victorious army, which straightway marched to Rome, where the maddest excesses were now committed on both sides. The conquerors took possession of the city without meeting with any resistance, and Vitellius was murdered.

## T. FLAVIUS VESPASIANUS. TITUS. DOMITIANUS.

Under these circumstances, Domitian, a very young man hardly twenty, seized upon the government in the absence of his father: his elder brother Titus remained in Judæa, and it was a long time before Vespasian came to Rome. Many ruthless deeds were done in the meanwhile, rather from personal vengeance than party motives. Although Vespasian himself had many good qualities indeed, his party was no better than the opposite one; just as it was in the latter part of the thirty years’ war, when the Swedish, French, and Imperial armies were equally lawless and destructive. The dismal history of these little men is wonderfully told by a great one, who, however, makes none of them his hero.

Vespasian came to Rome very late, which had led to not a few bad consequences: the city was all this while 202under the rule of a most profligate and tyrannical youth, who showed himself even then to be what he afterwards turned out. Some of the senators, especially Helvidius Priscus,—a man who, however, was not at all in keeping with his time,—allowed themselves to be drawn into an altogether ill-timed “fronde” against the government, a plot alike unfortunate for themselves, for Vespasian, and for the empire. Under these circumstances, a feeling began to gain ground in Gaul, the symptoms of which already displayed themselves before. As early as in the reign of the emperor Tiberius, there had been a most senseless rising of the Ædui under Julius Sacrovir; then came that of Vindex, in which a national Gallic feeling manifested itself, being very likely the reason why Virginius Rufus had him murdered and his army of Gauls scattered: the act of that Roman general thus appears morally in a very bad light. The death of Vindex must be looked upon as an event, which did not quell the national spirit of the Gauls, but rather kindled it still more. We have not indeed any complete or adequate notion of the state of Gaul under the Romans: that country cannot possibly have been otherwise than in a thriving condition, even from the times of Cæsar; of southern Gaul, this is certain. All our knowledge of Gaul is limited to the few things said about it in history, and to what we are told in Pliny and Strabo: these two, however, only speak of the civitates, without making any mention whatever of the smaller places; and they leave us without the least information as to their internal affairs. Here we trace them merely from the beginning of Tacitus’ account; for otherwise they are not to be met with in history until the end of the third century, which is treated of by the wretched Scriptores historiæ Augustæ: the itineraries also give only a few places on some of the high roads. For this reason, Gaul on our maps looks like a newly cultivated country with a few towns: this, however, is merely the accidental effect of the scantiness 203of our information. The East, on the other hand, being constantly spoken of in history from the Macedonian era down to the fifth, and sixth centuries, the maps of Asia Minor and Syria are dotted all over with towns. Gaul was under the Romans a well tilled and thickly peopled country: there are found in many parts of France ruins of very considerable towns, the names of which are quite uncertain or altogether unknown. Thus a short time ago, in the neighbourhood of Montbeliard, magnificent ruins were discovered of a place which very likely is only to be met with in an itinerary, and even there with a doubtful name only: the excavations near Valenciennes, and in Normandy and elsewhere, betoken towns of great extent, and evidently of much population. To fill up the gaps of the geography of ancient Gaul, one should keep to the documents of the Merovingian and Carolingian periods, in which the places had Latin and Gaulish names of old date: for then there were no new towns built, as it was a time of destruction. The population of Gaul had been nearly annihilated by the Cimbric wars, and afterwards it had again severely suffered under Cæsar; but for one hundred and ten years, there had been peace, during which the population in so favoured a land must have doubled or trebled. We are not to suppose that there was the same prosperity as in France in the German countries along the banks of the Rhine; for these were undoubtedly far behind in civilization: they were very like Germany Proper, being densely peopled, and having many villages, but hardly any towns. Their population has most incorrectly been reckoned with that of Gaul; but it was thoroughly German ever since the times of Cæsar, perhaps even much earlier still; it never belonged to Gaul, except politically under the Romans. A boundary line had been settled between the Romans and the Germans,—probably by treaties,—namely the country between the Meuse and the Waal, the insula Batavorum, which was subject to the Romans: there 204was a Roman garrison there, but the natives had not yet adopted the Roman language and manners. From these Batavians the rebellion of Civilis arose, which spread over the German provinces of the Roman empire and over France, the Lingones taking the lead. The insurrection was very dangerous, as the German tribes on the right bank of the Rhine declared for it; some of them more actively, and others more sluggishly, being hindered only by their own division and dissensions, and by all sorts of jealousies and petty quarrels. The Roman generals, on the other hand, opposed them with great resolution. Still less union than among the Germans with each other, was there between the Germans and Gauls; whereas the Gauls and Romans were much more akin, as the great men among the Gauls had adopted the Roman language, and Roman manners generally prevailed among them. How the rebellion ended, we do not exactly know, as Tacitus’ histories are broken off just here: that the insurgents were put down, is self-evident from the condition in which they were afterwards; and it is also expressly told us by Xiphilinus. Domitian, even before the arrival of Vespasian, took upon himself the command in those parts; but he had no share in the subjugation of the rebels, which was accomplished by the generals of his father.

Vespasian reigned for more than nine years, and his rule was thoroughly beneficial. It is difficult to judge of him, as Tacitus fails us here. Suetonius is a very sorry painter of character, and his opinions are of as little worth as those of the Scriptores historiæ Augustæ: in fact, he has no turn whatever for writing history. He is a learned man, and he does not write badly; but he cannot take a wide view. The earlier times are better handled by him; for there he had books before him: without books, however, he was not able to do much; and thus the times which he had seen himself, or about which he had been told by those who had seen them, are the very worst written. His work was certainly 205published before Tacitus’ Historiæ came out; for had he had them before his eyes, he could not possibly have described the anarchy after Nero’s death in so wretched a way: it must have been a work of his youth, and not indeed of the time when he was secretary of state under Hadrian. We are in a sad plight here, and moreover the materials for the history of the emperors are throughout very bad: if we had Dio, we should be all right; but we only have the pitiful abridgment of Xiphilinus. We can therefore only dwell on single traits.

Suetonius praises Vespasian, and yet he tells us things which either do away with the praise, or which ought not to have been recorded, as they were mere rumours: when we compare both of these statements together, we are justly astonished, and therefore feel uncertain on more than one point. Thus much may we look upon as borne out by facts. Vespasian was wanting in the higher qualities of the soul, nor had he such a heart as Trajan had; but he was still a very worthy person for the time in which he lived, being an honest and just man, especially in a negative sense, and one who was not guilty of tyranny: only some isolated instances of extortion are mentioned of him. His morals were as spotless as could ever have been expected in times like those. After the death of his first wife, he lived in a sort of left-handed marriage with a woman of low estate, to whom he, however, granted all the honours of a lawful wife, and with whom he was happy: she must indeed have been an excellent woman. He quite loathed the debauchery and the awfully vulgar and wasteful gluttony which had become so common among the Romans: luxury had then thrown itself into the fashion of extravagant feasts, got up at the maddest cost. Vespasian, on the contrary, who had kept his old simple tastes unaltered, reclaimed his subjects, as well by his example as by the open expression of his disgust, from this way of living: he thus brought about a reform in Roman life which is remarkable in history: Never again 206did this reckless prodigality become as rife among the Romans, as it had been in the times before Vespasian: it is true, as we see from Ammianus’ excellent description, that in the fourth century it was again to be found among the great men; but Vespasian had struck at the roots of it. He ruled the state with great care and conscientiousness, putting down every sort of waste, and getting the confused finances in order: he showed no mistrust towards the governors, though, on the other hand, he would uphold the provinces against them. Yet the feelings of a refined soul were unknown to him: he did nothing to foster intellect, and he had an antipathy to men of education and philosophers, as well as to those who were something more than mere men of business: these he considered as useless, and even had a hostile feeling against them. Helvidius Priscus, who personally and intellectually, by his mind and his acquirements, certainly was one of the first men of Rome, professed to be of the Stoic philosophy. The Roman Stoics had a spice of republicanism in them which was ill suited to the age; and this gave birth to an unpardonable petulance, which could lead to no good. Helvidius was blind to the good qualities of Vespasian, and gave himself up to an utterly useless opposition. In this he cannot be excused; but what is worst of all, Vespasian conceived such a spite against him, that he had him put to death: it was the most noble blood of the Roman state which he then shed. Otherwise he kept himself pure from blood: on several occasions, when he had received no such provocation, he even showed himself truly mild. He was also grateful, and overlooked a great deal in Mucianus and others. Antonius Primus likewise lost his life, but deservedly: he had made the revolution for Vespasian that he might thus rule the Roman empire himself; and when he did not find this answer, he plotted against him. Suetonius particularly charges Vespasian with avarice; yet it is by no means certain whether there is any truth in this. He is said to have declared 207that the state wanted for its support quadringinties millies, that is to say, two thousand millions of dollars. This seems quite absurd. Even if we conceive all the countries of the empire as it was then, to have been as thriving as France and Italy are now, it seems scarcely possible that such a sum should have been raised. Nor can we understand what it should have been wanted for, although there was an army of about four hundred thousand men, and these received treble pay, a denarius a day. That number cannot be correct. It is true that he spent much in building; but building is not after all one of the necessary expenses of the state. In the reign of Vespasian, very great works were completed in Rome and elsewhere: nor were they merely what could not be dispensed with; but such also was their magnificence that they were a lasting honour to the empire, like the Colosseum and the temple of Peace. This does not agree with his sordidissima avaritia; and such facts are to be set against the anecdotes of Suetonius. Vespasian died when upwards of sixty-nine.

The government had in reality been carried on under him by his son Titus, who on his return from Jerusalem had reached his thirty-second year. Vespasian himself felt no vocation for it. Titus may have had the guilt of many of the unrighteous deeds which were done in Vespasian’s reign, however strange the contrast may seem between his own rule and this administration: before his father’s death, he was very unpopular; people looked upon him but with fear and dread. What was afterwards so much praised in him, so that he was even called deliciæ generis humani, was after all nothing but his openhandedness: he seems to have wished to gladden the hearts of those about him by his liberality, and to load them with presents. In this way he employed the treasures hoarded up by his father, who had kept for himself the management of the finances. Perhaps there is no ruler who has done more real good to the Roman world than Vespasian. One of his fine qualities 208was the openness of his disposition: owing to this he placed full trust in Titus, made him præfectus prætorio, and quite gave up to him a part of the government. How very different this is from the behaviour of eastern princes, who always utterly mistrust their sons! Titus was by no means popular: some violent and also cruel deeds are laid to his charge; Cæcina, for instance, who played a great part among the Vitellians, was killed by his orders. Yet it is said that proofs of a conspiracy of his against the house of Vespasian had been discovered.

The fears which people had entertained of Titus, were not justified during his reign. With his accession his whole bearing changed; and the leading features in his character were benevolence and affability, which in a prince are always prized much higher than any other quality: let a prince be kind to those about him, and he may forget all his other duties. His father had been exceedingly frugal; Titus, on the contrary, was generous, even profuse. The former had spent great sums on buildings only: he had restored Rome; he had altered the senseless edifices of Nero, the golden house in particular; and he had built the huge Colosseum, which, although destined for a dismal purpose, was quite to the taste of the Roman populace. Vespasian did not live to see the dedication of the Colosseum, which was celebrated by Titus only. The extravagance displayed in it, had none of the old simple grandeur; but as was the case in the whole time of the emperors, and even in the last stage of the republic, there was something whimsical and repulsive about it. Goethe has a very nice remark on this subject in the Farbenlehre (Science of Colours).[43] Even women had 209to fight to death as gladiators; but Titus’ humanity did not reach so far as this.

His reign was perfect tranquillity abroad, and great comfort in Rome; but it was visited with calamities. There was an immense fire in the city, besides the catastrophe of Herculanum and Pompeii, when Vesuvius, which had been quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, all at once began to throw up fire—fortunately for us.

The love of the people for Titus was the more decided, as they were by no means mistaken with regard to Domitian.

Domitian was a bad son and a bad brother, and there is no doubt of his having sought the life of his father and his brother; especially of the latter, who, however, never tried to avenge himself upon him, and even treated him with confidence. Domitian is one of those men, who are too lightly thought of because they are bad. What he is reproached with may be true, that he showed himself a coward in war; although this is still problematical: that his boundless vanity led to no corresponding achievements, is certain; his cruelty, his falseness, are beyond a doubt; yet for all that he ought not to be estimated too low. He was a very accomplished man, and of a decided talent for literature. Rutgertsius has already remarked, that the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus commonly ascribed to Germanicus, is by Domitian, who as emperor had taken the name of Cæsar Germanicus, as it was more illustrious than that of the Flavii. That it cannot have been the adopted son of Tiberius, is evident from the way in which the poet speaks of his father, whom he introduces as a ruler, and as one who had had the apotheosis. I believe that the poem was written in the time of Titus. It is very 210respectable as to its general composition, poor as the subject is. Moreover, although Quintilian may have said too much in what he tells us of Domitian, and this exaggeration may have been slavish and in the court-style of despotism; still he certainly would not from mere flattery have praised what was thoroughly worthless. Domitian had a taste for Roman literature, which has done good: he established the great endowment for rhetoricians which Quinctilian received, and he instituted the Agon Capitolinus in which poets were crowned: Roman literature, therefore, took a fresh start in his time. Not to speak of Tacitus, who was then a youth, and of Pliny, the younger,—however little one may admire him,—who was growing up (many well educated people of his day wrote as well as he did); there is Statius belonging to that age, whose Silvæ are among the most agreeable works of antiquity which are left to us, there is Juvenal, who was also one of the greatest minds, but who bore a deadly hatred to Domitian. We see from Domitian’s poem, that he was against the false taste of his times. He slighted Statius; yet for this we are not so much to accuse him of partiality, as to acknowledge the correctness of his judgment. Statius is great in his little poems, which are some of those genuine effusions which are tinged with the true spirit of the country: one enjoys them particularly, when one reads them in Italy. But his Thebais is a cold, laboured poem, quite bombastic and unbearable: it is the one with which he did not win the Capitoline prize.

As all wasteful prodigality had been rooted out under Vespasian, and Roman life had been brought back to frugality, the good consequences were lasting, and Domitian also kept in this path. He was by no means a spendthrift, being profuse only to the army, the pay of which he raised to four hundred and eighty denarii, and that, it seems, from cowardice: for this he tried to make up by lessening the number of the troops, which was not at all suited to the circumstances of the times. In 211the East indeed there was profound peace with the Parthians, weakness having manifested itself among them, as is always the case in Asia when states have reached a certain point of greatness: the Parthians, therefore, left the Romans unmolested, as long as these did not attack them. War was, however, waging on the northern frontier. Tacitus’ Agricola throws some light on this; it is one of the greatest masterpieces of biography which we have from antiquity. Agricola completed the conquest of Britain: he went beyond the two Firths against the Highland hills, and built a fleet with which he sailed round Scotland, and visited the Orkney islands. This is the brilliant military epoch of Domitian. To this circumnavigation of Scotland the statue of Oceanus seems to refer, which all through the middle ages lay at the entrance of the Forum Martium.[44] A statue of the Rhine likewise belongs to the time of Domitian.

In his earliest youth, in the days of the insurrection of Civilis, Domitian had been in Gaul; as emperor, he conducted a war against the Chatti in the country about the Mayne. Could one but rely here on the medals, and on the flatteries of Martial, he got the surname of Germanicus most rightfully; but the historians all agree in this, that with regard to those victories the nation was imposed upon. Yet even then the war may not have been without advantage to the Romans. Certain it is that the Germans on the right bank of the Rhine were not able to make head against their legions; nor is it to be wondered at: for an ill-trained militia could not stand its ground against the Romans, and moreover the unhallowed dissensions among the Germans were as mischievous as ever. War was likewise waged on the banks of the Austrian Danube, where nations such as the Marcomanni and the Sueves, of which we have heard nothing for a long space of time, again make their appearance 212feebly allied with Slavonic tribes; and indeed they showed themselves to be formidable.

The most important war under Domitian, was that against the Dacians, the same race as the ancient Getæ, who as early as Alexander’s time had driven the Scythian tribes before them. Since Diceneus (in the reign of Augustus) the great Dacian monarchy in Transylvania, and very likely almost the whole of Wallachia and part of Moldavia and the Banat, had arisen. They were rich, owing to their mines; and we see from the column of Trajan, that they were not at all looked upon as barbarians, but that they were even held in higher esteem than the Germans: they had fortified towns and wooden houses, such as are still common in the Tyrol. Their king Decebalus was a man of much greatness of character, and worthy of ruling his nation in such critical circumstances. They had a well organized constitution, and an aristocracy, who by way of distinction wore either caps or long hair: they were withal a brave and free people. Since the days of Augustus, they had often threatened the Roman frontier; and as soon as Rome felt weak, they burst into Mœsia: to Pannonia, perhaps, they did not come; for the country between the Theiss and the Danube was nothing but deep marshes. Lower down, towards Pressburg, it was inhabited partly by Gallic, and partly by German tribes. Of Domitian’s Dacian wars, we have but very confused accounts; Xiphilinus and Zonaras entirely pass over the details. We know thus much, that once at least the Romans suffered a great defeat, and that the Dacians overran Mœsia. But such wars, even when successfully carried on, always in the long run became dangerous to these peoples; and therefore Decebalus concluded a peace in a form which seems to us humiliating. This does not, however, prove much, as such was the general custom in wars against the Romans. Domitian could now take the name of Dacicus, and, after his great losses, return in triumph to Rome.

From the time of this campaign, Domitian’s cruelty 213displayed itself more and more. Before this, some individuals had already been put to death either on suspicion, or because he hated them; an insurrection also had broken out under L. Antonius Saturninus in Germania Superior, that is to say, Alsace and Suabia, as far as the limites: these districts were covered with Roman troops, and Saturninus had himself proclaimed emperor by them, but was conquered by L. Appius Maximus, and paid for it with his life. Domitian’s cruelty was within the bounds of human nature, being different from that of Caligula and Nero. Caligula was mad, and Nero very nearly so; they were downright brutes, and their cruelty, to use an expression of Aristotle’s, was παρὰ φύσιν: to characters like these, the rules of morality do not apply; they are degenerate specimens of humanity. Domitian’s cruelty was that of a thoroughly bad man; it sprang from human passions, from envy, malice, and the mere love of mischief: avarice there was none in it, as this is rather an eastern vice. In the senate, at that time, there were men who were worthy of being the friends of Agricola and Tacitus: Herennius Senecio had written the life of Helvidius Priscus; Arulenus Rusticus, that of Pætus Thrasea; and their writings displayed much warmth of heart. Maternus and others were likewise authors, though perhaps not altogether free from declamation; but literature had now again some reality in it, and it was that very reality which gave offence to the tyrant. Then arose the horrible class of the informers, the description of which is one of the most interesting things in Pliny’s letters: they were a very different set from the delatores of Tiberius’ reign. These men are justly abhorred in a moral point of view; but they were men of intellect, and some of them of no common talent. The great mass was in the days of Tiberius much worse than it was now; and so it was, of course, with the victims: for though the women, as we learn from Juvenal, were still thoroughly depraved, the men, owing to the length of their training in the school 214of hardship, had become better and more energetic. Domitian was even present at the delationes: the informers were ingenious, well-bred persons, who lived in good society, and also turned their talents against equally distinguished, but noble-minded people. The time was awful; it passed, as Tacitus says, in silent dread: the impression which it made on a great mind, is incomparably described in the introduction of the Agricola and in the Historiæ.

Particularly fearful were the three last years of Domitian. Had his rage been only directed against the better men, he might have lived longer; but he also turned it against the bad and fierce ones, against Prætorian officers and his own wife Domitia, who had offended him, and whom he had offended. Then was the conspiracy formed against him, and he was stabbed by the officers of his guards.

He had built the Forum Palladium near the Forum Augustum, and established government offices and courts of Justice there: part of the wall and the hall are still preserved as monuments of that age. He also erected many other magnificent buildings.

## M. COCCEIUS NERVA. M. ULPIUS TRAJANUS.

The histories of Nerva and of Trajan are some of those which are comparatively the most imperfectly known to us, although these two emperors have so gladdened the hearts of the Romans by their rule, and theirs was an age of the best Roman literature, an age of which moreover so many other monuments are come down to us. Tacitus evidently has not described this period: he says that he had kept it for when he was old; to excuse himself for not writing contemporary history, as he could certainly not have praised it unconditionally. Trajan himself has written memoirs, especially of the events of 215the Dacian war; but no author of any note has dwelt upon this important history.

Nerva was much beyond sixty, and a venerable consular and senator: how he came to be proclaimed, we know not. When proclaimed, he was gladly received by the senate, and the prætorians assented to the choice. He set forth the principles on which he would govern, and he remained true to them. But he was very cautious in making reforms: for being old, he did not venture to undertake much, or to give provocation to the prætorians; and therefore he punished so few of the informers who under Domitian had been a curse to mankind. This gave offence and disgust to many honourable men, while it raised the courage of many bad ones: the feeling of actual happiness was chilled by the consciousness that all these men were still alive and in office, and that they might one day again become dangerous. The consequence of this weakness of Nerva’s was, that those who wished to continue the time of Domitian, now used their influence in the senate to do anything they liked. Junius Mauricus therefore, when the death of an informer was talked of at a party at the emperor’s, said, “Yes, if he were still alive, nothing would be done to him; but he would be in company with us.”[45] The præfect Casperius called upon the soldiers to demand the murderers of Domitian from Nerva; and on his refusal they seized them by force, and two of them were most horribly ill-used: they then compelled Nerva to express his approval of it in the senate.[46] Nerva, feeling his own weakness, had recourse to the same means as Galba to strengthen himself in his old age: but he made a much more happy choice than the former had done,—he adopted Trajan.

Hispania Bœtica was by this time quite Latinized, and Latin only was spoken there, at least in the towns; just as West Prussia and Silesia are Germanized. Italica, 216in the neighbourhood of Seville, was one of the earliest settlements in those parts; it was founded by Roman soldiers of the Scipios, who chose to remain in a country in which they had lived a number of years, and got families by Spanish wives: the town, being constituted as a colony or a second-rate municipium, became very thriving. It was the birthplace of Trajan and Hadrian: Trajan’s family was one of the most distinguished there. M. Ulpius Trajanus was the son of a man of note: his father had in the reign of Nero already attained a high rank in the Roman army, and was much looked up to; the son became known and honoured even in the times of Domitian, which were so little favourable to the display of excellence. A happier choice Nerva could never have made; it was received with joy and respect by the Prætorians themselves. At that time, Trajan was in Rome; but he soon went to Germany where his head-quarters were at Cologne. Our knowledge of the affairs of Germany in those days is very scanty; the relations of that country with the Romans were still strikingly peaceful. The name of a place on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, Aræ Flaviæ, proves that (probably under Domitian) the Romans had already taken possession of this sinus imperii. Whether the rampart and ditch, which, beginning from the Westerwald, reached along the Lahn, the Taunus, and the Main, to the Altmühl, was or was not made at that time, the country was at all events subject to the Romans. Free German tribes were dwelling only in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and Westphalia; Suevia, in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, was not yet under the Roman rule; the Frisian tribes were subdued under Tiberius, but they afterwards became free. In the days of Nerva, there was a little war in Suabia; of this the only trace is to be met with in an inscription which speaks of the Victoria Suevica. The boundaries of the several tribes are most distinctly given 217in the Germany of Tacitus, where we see how they did not interfere with each other.

Nerva, who reigned but one year and a half, died, A. D. 98, in his sixty-sixth year. The empire was so firmly settled, that Trajan, although absent in Cologne, could quietly step into the imperial dignity as if it were an inheritance: he did not come to Rome until the following year; but allegiance was yielded to him everywhere. He now soon showed his energy, as he laid hold upon the ruffians whom Nerva had spared: a few only atoned for their guilt with their lives, by far the greater part being exiled to the rocks of the Mediterranean. He took a still bolder step when he brought the Prætorians to account, who had had a share in the late misdeeds; and had the ringleaders executed. By this means, his rule was completely strengthened. His reforms were gentle, nor did they reach much beyond individuals: he reduced the taxes, especially taking off those which had been laid as a penalty on the provinces; and he must have got the finances into excellent order, as Hadrian after him was able to remit such immense sums. Whilst he thus lightened the burthens of the world, he had not only money for expensive wars, but also for the most costly works: he never was embarrassed for money. The details of the care which he took of the provinces, and also the principles of his administration, we may glean from the tenth book of Pliny’s Epistles: the good emperors checked the arbitrary rule of the governors by looking themselves into what was done. It was part of Trajan’s happiness, that his father, who was in a hale old age, still lived many years to see the successes of his son, and to have his heart gladdened by his glory: such fine family affection had never been seen in the Roman world before. He was married to an excellent wife in Plotina, who, however, did not bear him any children: the praise of this woman far outweighs those few anecdotes which look very like gossip. His sister Marciana was likewise most 218respectable, a true matron. And to these two ladies, a considerable improvement in the Roman manners is certainly owing: all the empresses, since Livia—with the exception of Vespasian’s wife, who as a freed woman could not indeed appear in society—had exercised a most baneful influence upon morals. The open shamelessness which was quite the fashion, was now put a stop to.

Trajan’s true bent was for war and for great works. This, as the empire was then situated, was by no means to be found fault with. Whilst he gave occupation to his subjects and his armies, he imparted a higher tone to the age in which he lived: if such a universal empire continues to have peace, torpor and stagnation must be the consequence. Trajan’s wars and victories were certainly beneficial to the Roman state; the only question was, Whither were they to lead?—There was no stopping short; and hence it may be seen, how wretched is such a dominion over the world.

The cause of his first war, was one which to Roman feelings appeared a just one. Domitian had made peace with Decebalus on condition of paying a tribute; this tribute Trajan would not pay, and Decebalus, conscious of his power, declared war, A. D. 101. His empire comprised Transylvania, the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia, and perhaps also the plains of the latter country and of Upper Hungary; in the plains of Moldavia and Bessarabia he in all likelihood ruled over the Sarmatians: his frontiers cannot be accurately laid down. This mighty and strong country was inhabited by a most warlike, free, and civilized people, whose prince was a worthy match for Trajan. The war lasted for three years, until Trajan, by taking the capital, compelled Decebalus to conclude a peace, the terms of which are fully known to us from the pillar: the Roman prisoners and deserters were to be given up, and Decebalus had to pay a large war-contribution,—which was not hard for him to do, as Dacia was rich in silver,—and 219he was still left as an independent prince in his kingdom. Some years afterwards, the war broke out again. The peace was a very oppressive one; its heavy burthens were only felt after it was concluded, when the insolence of the Roman governors made matters unbearable; and as the Dacians repented of what they had done, Rome declared war once more. Decebalus fell; and in the second campaign, Dacia was made a province, which it continued to be down to the times of the Goths. In the heart of the country, a number of Roman colonies were established; one, for instance, in its capital, Zarmizegethusa, under the name of Colonia Ulpia; and also especially in Transylvania and the mountain districts of Moldavia and Wallachia: no traces of any are found in the plains. And so firmly did the Roman rule take root there, that to this day, after the most varied vicissitudes, the language spoken in Wallachia is but a corruption of Latin, although Rome was only mistress there for a hundred and fifty years. The Wallachs, however, spread further towards Pindus in Macedon, and into Greece and Epirus: they are a mysterious people. From the many ruins and inscriptions in it, one may see that Dacia was a very flourishing and civilized country.

There now followed some years of peace, which certainly did not make him happy. When therefore the Parthian king had deposed the king of Armenia, which was subject to the doubtful sovereignty of Rome and Parthia, and had raised a kinsman of his to the throne; Trajan, availing himself of the opportunity, took up arms, marched into Armenia, and received the homage of Parthamasiris, the king set up by the Parthians. With this he was satisfied, the king having come to his camp, and received back his kingdom from him as a fief, which it in truth may be called. But Trajan went on with the war. It is a pity that we do not know its history in detail: like the Dacian wars, it must have been rich indeed in great achievements, as nature opposed 220immense difficulties. Thus much seems clear, that Trajan took Armenia for the base of his operations, and penetrated towards the lower Tigris. There he reduced, not only Seleucia, but also Ctesiphon, the capital of the king of kings; and he came as far as the ocean, that is to say, the Persian Gulf. Here he either began to feel the difficulties in the way of his darling wish to conquer the whole of the Persian Empire; or it was with him as with many a great general who waged war for its own sake, finding pleasure in it, that he became tired of war, and thought that he should be able at any time to return to it. Thus it was with Napoleon, in whose case it saved the world. He was sometimes sick of war; and as he then wished to rest himself for some months in Paris, he would make peace, meaning to renew the war afterwards: he liked moreover to let people somewhat raise their heads once more, and then, when they had recovered their strength a little, to beat them again with so much the greater glory. Thus Trajan also felt induced to grant peace to the Parthians, after having given them Parthamaspates, one of their pretenders, for a king. The Parthians, as individuals, deserve but little of our esteem: they were barbarians, and they gained their civilization only from the Greek towns. Persia did not rise into eminence till it was ruled by Sassanides. At this time, the Parthians had vassal-kings in the different countries, and the king himself with his court travelled from one of these to the other, and was entertained by them: his proper residence was at Ctesiphon.

Trajan, however, was not yet able to make up his mind what to do. He then set about the conquest of Arabia. From inscriptions and coins, and from the things there which had not existed until his time, we may conclude that he made Arabia Petræa on the eastern coast of the Red Sea down to the Gulf of Acaba—even as far as Medina, if Medina were not included—a Roman province, and received the homage of the Arab 221tribes between the Euphrates and Syria. He had in the treaty of peace caused the Parthians to give up to him the supremacy over Osroëne, Mesopotamia, and Kurdistan: Edessa likewise was incorporated into the empire. Thus he reserved for himself the groundwork for a future war, just as Napoleon did: he undoubtedly meant, should he live long enough, to extend the frontier as far as to India; or at least, to leave the conquest for his successor.

Nubia, between Egypt and the upper cataract, was likewise subjected in the reign of Trajan to the Roman sway, under which it remained for a hundred and fifty years. Moreover Fezzan between Tripoli and the town of Bornu on the Niger were Roman; which is proved by the inscriptions at Gharma.

Whilst Trajan could not make up his mind to leave the East, he also stayed for a considerable period in Cilicia; and there he fell sick at Selinus, which was afterwards called Trajanopolis, and died in the sixty-first, or sixty-fourth year of his life, A. D. 117. His ashes were brought to Rome, and enshrined there in a golden urn beneath the triumphal pillar. In the last months of his life, he had adopted Hadrian; or Plotina had spread a report of his having done so. This was undoubtedly a happy thing for Rome: for although Hadrian in his after life was guilty of sad misdeeds, it was owing to his ill state of health; so that he was hardly accountable for them. He was a near kinsman of Trajan and a most able man.

## ART AND LITERATURE UNDER TRAJAN.

Trajan’s buildings are works, which are not only to be noticed in the topography of Rome, but belong to history as great achievements. Apollodorus of Damascus was his great architect, whose likeness I had the pleasure 222of discovering: it is the figure of a man in a Greek dress, presenting to the Emperor, who is seated, a drawing on a scroll; and it is on the bas reliefs of the arch of Constantine, the upper part of which is undoubtedly taken from the arch of Trajan. In the early times of the republic, art had the finish of the Etruscan school, owing to Etruscan artists; before the first Punic War, painting also flourished in Rome. Then followed the imitation of the Greeks, of which we cannot give a positive opinion. In the reign of Augustus, the material began to be of paramount importance, notwithstanding which the style was still grand: instead of the good freestone from the quarries of the neighbourhood, people would have nothing but marble. In the temple of Mars Ultor, all the columns are of marble. Otherwise Augustus, on the whole, still built many great works of the stone of the country; and this was yet done even as late as Claudius. But in the course of time, the taste for foreign marbles became more and more decided: Phrygian, Numidian, and other marbles were now used. In Nero’s days, Greek architecture with marble pillars was in fashion; and the material was looked upon as the chief thing, which in architecture is perfectly absurd. With the exception of the Colosseum, all the buildings of Titus and Domitian’s time are overdone; though highly finished, they want distinctness of character: the impression of grandeur is quite lost. Under Trajan, architecture acquires new splendour and dignity; which was owing to that Greek whom we have named: in a new form, it went to work with the treasures of the whole of the immense empire; so that it never signified whether it cost some millions more or less. Trajan either made or completed noble highways; he paved the Via Appia from Capua to Brundusium with basalt; he drained the Pontine marshes as far as they can be drained, and built the harbour of Centumcellæ (Civita Vecchia); the conviction must even then have been come to, that the Tiber was continually filling the harbours of Ostia and Portus 223with silt. He built baths at the hot springs of Civita Vecchia, and made the mole and harbour of Ancona: for the Tyrrhenian maritime towns were entirely destroyed, though it is not known when. The greatest of his buildings are at Rome, such as the Forum Ulpium and therein the Columna Cochlis. The slope of the Quirinal Hill, which reached almost as far as the Capitol, was for a considerable length lowered upwards of a hundred and forty feet (it may be that I do not quite remember the exact measure[47]): this height is marked by the pillar. It was his object to place the government offices in his Forum. The Forum Ulpium, like the Forum Augusti before it, was not, as formerly, an open space, which now would no longer have had any meaning: we know for certain, that the finance department, and all that belonged to it, had its offices there: the whole was like a city of palaces. In the middle stood the column, round which was twined a representation of the two Dacian wars of Trajan in bas relief. Although these bas reliefs have suffered from fire and lightning, they are still quite excellent, as this branch of the art was then at its height: they are in exquisite taste. These figures are also of value in an historical and antiquarian point of view, as they give us representations of weapons, armour, dresses, and buildings of which otherwise we should not have known anything. Within, there are steps which lead to the top; and beneath, there is a vault in which the ashes of Trajan were laid: of the latter nothing more is to be found. On the top was the bronze statue of Trajan: this was taken down in the times of barbarism, and Sixtus V. replaced it by a statue of St. Peter. In the Forum round it, two gigantic buildings in the form of basilicæ have been brought to light by the clearings made by 224the French. The magnificence of these, beggars all description: among other things, there are floors in them of the most beautiful Numidian marble. At the entrances of the Forum, there arose triumphal arches; which we only know from coins: it may be that Constantine despoiled one of these, and had a piece of it patched into his own triumphal arch.

Under Hadrian also, costly buildings were erected; as for instance, the temple of Venus and Roma: but unluckily he had no taste, and following his own whims, he exercised a baneful influence. Of the time of Antoninus Pius, we have ruins which are much less beautiful; and under M. Antoninus, there remains of sculpture only the art of casting in bronze: his bronze statue is excellent; but the sculptures on the arch of Antoninus are far inferior to those of Trajan’s reign. In the triumphal arch of Severus, a most dreadful falling off is to be seen: even the proportions are neglected, as people were no longer able to draw. The spread of Christianity is unjustly reproached with having driven out the fine arts: they had already died away before that.

But Trajan’s age was just as great in literature. Tacitus, it is true, stands quite alone; he is one of those mighty minds which are no creatures of any age. Yet even the mightiest souls feel the influence of their age, which still gives them their tone and their impulses, though it does not make them what they are. It is quite useless to ask Who was Tacitus’ teacher?—he was taught by the sorrows of his times. His great soul was deeply wounded by the horrors of Domitian’s reign, the distress of which was followed under Nerva and Trajan by a refreshing period. The first edition of the Agricola was written by him in the latter years of Domitian, as he says in the wretchedly corrupted beginning of the second chapter: (of the correctness of my emendation I have not the least doubt.[48]) He afterwards revised 225the work. One may see here all the greatness of the man, though it is struggling with the difficulty in finding utterance, which arises from a decided aversion to diffuseness,—from a striving after terseness without any affectation, from a wish to express with the greatest conciseness nothing but the thought itself, nor even to waste a word, notwithstanding a great richness of ideas, This is most displayed in Tacitus’ earlier writings; in the life of Agricola, and in his Germany. He did not want to write large books, but only small treatises; and yet he wished to take in them the complete description of his subject, all the fulness of his thoughts was to be laid before his future reader. The real work of his life, which he began later,—evidently later even than the Germania,—are the Historiæ, the most finished performance of his that we know of: had we them entire, we should see him passing through all the various styles of history. There he did not condense; but he told his story at full length, and with much detail: there is no reason to doubt that these histories comprised the whole of the thirty books mentioned by St. Jerome. After he had finished this work, he wrote the Annals besides, so as to give a full account of the times of the Cæsars from the completion and establishment of the principatus, after the farce of the republican forms had been put an end to. These he wrote concisely, throwing out some particular parts only in bold relief: the nearer he approached the Historiæ, the more diffuse he must have become. At the latter end of Nero, he certainly went as much into detail as in the Historiæ. Tacitus is not difficult to understand when one has once entered into his way of thinking: it is pitiful to hear people complain of him and Sallust for affectation and mannerism. If we compare the wonderful symmetry in Tacitus and Sallust with Livy, we see that they for their times were far greater masters of style than the latter; for 226whenever he takes upon himself to be argumentative, as in the preface and in the passage on the triumph of Cornelius Cossus in the fourth book, he becomes infinitely harder than any part of Tacitus. Livy wishes there to be short and pithy, and he is unintelligible: the last named passage is the most difficult which I know of in the good Latin prose. Wherever he is not trying to be concise, he is very easy.

At the side of Tacitus, who stands quite alone,—as did Æschylus and Sophocles, as did many a lyric poet, and as did Lessing, who among our German prose writers has not found his equal,—but whose transcendent merits were not acknowledged by his age, as men were glad to soothe their feelings by placing a number of people on a par with him; Pliny the Younger was mentioned in his day. Pliny’s letters are psychologically most interesting; they give one much insight into the human mind. He was one of the most good natured of men, but exceedingly vain: before the eyes of the public, he had a strong feeling of his own greatness and classicality. Although in conversation with his friends, he certainly used to criticise Tacitus, and to deplore his defects; in his letters to him, he is full of humility, and makes himself infinitely small, just that Tacitus might be favourably disposed towards him, and extol him highly: he would say that the public always named him and Tacitus together; but that he himself was well aware how much indeed Tacitus was his superior. His letters are most instructive, and give us an invaluable picture of the times; and we recognise in Pliny himself a benevolent and useful man, who makes a very good use of his large fortune, one who was an excellent civil governor, but never free from childish vanity: he always tells his friends the good which he does, of course in the strictest confidence, and these letters are afterwards published. Notwithstanding all this, he is a man of much understanding and talent, being strikingly like the Parisian writers of the eighteenth century: whole 227phrases in him are quite French, as the late Mr. Spalding has rightly observed. He is therefore hardly to be translated into German; but he may be rendered most beautifully into French. One may see from these letters, that a sort of current coin of intellect had then come into use; and this was indeed a matter of course in a time which had been preceded by a host of eminent men: a great many thoughts had become common property, so as to belong to the whole generation, and a chord which had once been struck by a man like Tacitus, could not but vibrate for a long time. Moreover, it was an age of comfort and of cheerfulness after long depression. Every thing in it had thus been brought to a level of mediocrity, and the self-same persons, under different circumstances, would in all likelihood have been very little indeed. We may judge of them in some measure from Florus, who lived in the reign of Trajan. The earlier history was already so far behind them, that people only wanted to have a general notion of it. The book is quite a book of the time; insufferably frivolous, and displaying a shocking want of taste, and an utter ignorance of the actual state of things.

Before Trajan’s time, Greek literature had long been dead; in the reign of Augustus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus was accomplished as a critic and as an historian; in that of Tiberius, Strabo was eminent for his practical turn for history. Yet these stand quite alone. Under Domitian, Greek literature began to be restored by the schools of the rhetoricians, who assume quite a different character. Dio Chrysostom of Prusa is really an author of uncommon talent, whose speeches for the most part painfully impress us by the triflingness of the matter of which they treat: everywhere we find in him an excellence of language, a pure, though acquired Atticism, over which he has a wonderful mastery. There is not a more amiable mind than his: he is not vain, like a rhetorician, and yet he is conscious of his powers. He was an unaffected Platonist whose whole soul was 228in Athens: by-gone Athens was all the world to him, and for it he forgets Rome and its rulers.

He is succeeded by Plutarch of Chæronea, whose amiability every one must know and appreciate, although it is easy enough to see his defects as an historian, and the weakness of his eclectic philosophy. Notwithstanding this, there is no saying how much we owe him; and it is impossible to read him but with the highest pleasure. His language is far less perfect than that of Dio.

By these two men, Greek literature was raised again; and though they had no successors to equal them, yet we may date from them a new era. The real Alexandrine literature must be deemed to end with the death of Eratosthenes in the reign of Ptolemy Evergetes: the period from Aristarchus to Dio, is an intermediate one which has no distinct character. In Rome under Augustus, a bad Greek literature became in vogue, the Greek “abbés” (or language-masters) having corrupted every body’s taste, as the French did ours in the last century: Livy stands forth like a great man in that age. The fancy for what was Greek, even though this had no longer a literature, spoiled Rome until the time of Seneca: much mischief was also done by the fondness for sophistry. Then follows Quintilian as the restorer of pure taste in Roman literature: from him to Tacitus, there is a new classic era. Yet this epoch did not last: the Greek school raises its head again, and fascinates the Romans anew. Under Hadrian, the Greek language once more becomes prevalent, and is generally written by all persons of education; under the Antonines, all is hellenized.—The taste is changed; the antiquarian fondness for the quaint and for Grecian phraseology, becomes the ruling fashion of the day.

229

## HADRIAN. T. ANTONINUS PIUS. M. AURELIUS ANTONINUS.

Hadrian was married to the niece of Trajan, the daughter of his sister Marciana; which was the cause of his election. Even if Plotina forged the deed of Hadrian’s adoption by Trajan, she did no harm: at all events, that the election was not contrary to the wishes of Trajan, everything tends to prove. Of Hadrian it was said by those who came after him, that it was uncertain whether he should be classed among the good princes or the bad ones. He committed cruelties which cast a foul stain on his memory; but, on the other hand, he did an immense deal of good. But if we keep before us as an excuse for these cruelties, the state of mind into which he was thrown by his last illness, there is scarcely any other reign which was so beneficial to the Roman world as his. No prince before him had looked upon himself as the emperor of the whole Roman empire, but as the sovereign of Rome, or at most of Italy: in the provinces, the care of the Cæsars extended only to military affairs. This was in some measure the case even under Trajan.

Hadrian had properly speaking no war, or at most petty wars on the frontiers: there were also some disturbances from the Moors; but these were soon quelled. For the sake of preserving peace, he first of the Roman emperors gave subsidies to the border nations. Of Trajan’s conquests, he only kept Dacia; those which had been gained from the Parthians, he abandoned. The twenty-two years of his reign were free from any calamity worth mentioning. One of his first acts was to remit 900,000,000 sesterces (45,000,000 dollars) of arrears of taxes; whether this was to his subjects directly, or to the publicans, has not been made out. Much remains to be done for the history of the Roman financial system; for that of the land-tax, Savigny has done a great deal, and done it well.

230Hadrian extended his benefits over all the countries of the Roman empire: he travelled over the provinces, from the cataracts of Egypt to the Scottish borders. There is not, perhaps, a province which he did not visit.

The outbreak of the Jews in Cyprus and Cyrene, where great numbers of them were settled, was a very fierce one. They had made an attempt before; but now the struggle was carried on with unbridled fury by Barkochba: the Jews fought with the greatest courage, though it was only for vengeance, as they knew all the while that they should perish at last. All that remained of that hapless nation in Palestine was extirpated, with the exception of the Samaritans, and Jerusalem was rebuilt as a military colony under the name of Ælia Capitolina, a name which, remarkably enough, has been kept up to this day: the Arab writers do not call the place Jerusalem, but either the Holy City or Ilia. No Jew was allowed to come near it, not even so much as to get a sight of Mount Moriah.

Whilst travelling through the provinces, Hadrian built everywhere great works. In Britain he erected the wall against the Caledonians for the protection of the province, which now already began to be Romanized, though indeed the Gaelic and Cymric elements of the population were likewise preserved. But above all, it was on Athens, which he enthusiastically loved, as well as on Greece in general, that he showered his benefits. He adorned Athens with works, the like of which had not been wrought for the city since the times of Pericles; he finished the Olympiëum, built a theatre and an entire new town, and even had himself invested with the dignity of an Archon Eponymus. In the last years of his life, he fell into a state of melancholy; and then, on the one hand, he sought for aid to secure the succession of the empire, and on the other, he gave way to sudden outbursts of anger and to mistrust, and was thus led to put many persons to death. He was an enemy 231to the Roman senate, which, however, in all likelihood was a set of presumptuous, overbearing, disagreeable people, who besides were enormously rich: it had now already come to pass, that in these wealthy families the senatorial dignity was handed down as an inheritance from father to son. Then it was that Hadrian first adopted a young man named Ælius Verus, in whom, however, he was unaccountably mistaken. On this occasion an immense congiarium was given to the people. Most happily for Rome, this unworthy fellow died a short time afterwards; on which Hadrian chose T. Antoninus (Pius), whom he had already thought of before, a grandson of Arrius Antoninus, the friend of Nerva, and an altogether blameless man.

Among the remarkable features of Hadrian’s reign, is the foundation of the system of Roman jurisprudence in its later form, the drawing up of the edictum perpetuum, and the further development of the law by means of imperial edicts. It is a new epoch in Roman jurisprudence; the responsa prudentum, now that they were given in the name of the emperor, acquired a real authority. The emperors had even since Augustus had a sort of council of state; but Hadrian put the consistorium Principis on a surer footing: a regularly settled form that body never had. The præfectus prætorio henceforth is a lawyer and not a military man, a strange combination in the manner of the East.

The decline of literature under Hadrian becomes yet more marked than it had been under Trajan. The inscriptions are in a quite barbarous Latin, the grammatical forms being utterly disregarded, and all the cases jumbled together. I have seen at Rome an inscription of the time of Hadrian, which is composed in a real lingua rustica. Just so, we have in Egypt inscriptions, which pass for Greek, but are entirely barbarous. Such inscriptions, although still to be met with in Italy only far and between, are yet enough to show in what a state the population was even then, the gaps which had been 232made in it by the civil wars, having been filled up by myriads of slaves. A jargon was formed in the altogether desolate parts of Italy, from whence it also spread to Rome; just what happened in the case of the Wends, when about a hundred and fifty years ago they were compelled to speak German. This is the lingua rustica, or vulgaris, like that of the black slaves in the American colonies. People of rank, no doubt, still spoke Latin; they learned it as the English in the colonies do their own language, after having spoken when children that of the Creoles. I do not doubt in the least that Pliny and Tacitus, even if they knew a lingua rustica at all, talked to each other as they wrote. A language which is grown poor, as ours did after the thirty years’ war,[49] tries to recruit itself from books and from the earlier writers. The latter were therefore read for the sake of their language; the older the style, the more valued was the writer. Hence indeed it was that Plautus, Nævius, Ennius, whom people in Seneca’s time still held in such contempt, were now read with so much favour: the older the language, the purer it was deemed. This fondness for them caused the most correct authors to be neglected; as for instance, Cicero was for Cato and Gracchus. The contempt for the older writers, certainly lasted from Virgil to the end of the first century of our era. In like manner, not a very long while ago were Walther von der Vogelweide and Zacharias Theobald extolled among us as models, the former for poetry, the latter for historical writing. Hadrian, being himself a lover of the antiquitas, contributed by his example to this revival of the ancient literature; but he did much more in favour of that of the Greeks. Greek had no doubt also kept itself more alive: in Athens, the people in all likelihood did not yet speak at all barbarously. 233There were very few Greek writers indeed, and Hadrian only brought them out too much. To write Greek poetry got into fashion more than it had ever been, and he gave pensions for it; as for instance, to the lyric poet Mesomedes.

The taste for archæology and old-fashioned language called forth a writer like Gellius, from whom we may learn much. He is somewhat later than Pliny; his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus. His ignorance of his own age is quite inconceivable: he knows nothing about Roman institutions, so that he also most ludicrously misunderstands the ancients, being one of those who, to use Goethe’s words, “see the world but on a holiday.” Yet he has not even the least knowledge of antiquity itself, nor any notion of the law, or in fact of human life: thus for instance, he has no idea of what a colony is, although there were hundreds of them in his times. Hence his many mistakes, however agreeable an author he may be otherwise. A man of the same stamp is Fronto, the tutor of M. Antoninus: it is remarkable how he makes his pupil read authors merely for the sake of their phrases, leading him to hunt after words, as he calls it himself. Former rhetoricians had tried to produce an effect by a subtle combination of thoughts; but now it was to be done by out-of-the-way words and forms. Fronto’s hatred against Seneca really arises from a feeling of being entirely incapable of such refinement as his.

There were, however, some people besides, who combined both refinement of thought and refinement of expression. Seceding from the Roman school, they formed the African one, to which belonged Apuleius and Tertullian, and which lasted to the middle of the third century, until the time of Arnobius. This African school is most incorrectly spoken off as having had quite a dialect of its own, the peculiarities of its diction are all of them expressions of the most ancient Roman language, which it collected and made use of. The same 234thing was about this time to a certain extent the case with the Greeks; and this may then have given rise to many a collection of glosses in Latin as well as in Greek: the abuse of it is shown in the Lexiphanes of Lucian. Apuleius and Tertullian, however, are men of the highest talent: Apuleius, who writes in a remarkably lively style, is undoubtedly to be placed among the first geniuses of his age. His Apology, in which the quaint expressions are not so heaped together as in the Metamorphoses, shows with what eloquence he could speak and write, so long as he did not strive to be over-refined. Old words which were becoming obsolete, are here and there to be met with even in Sallust and Tacitus, but very sparingly and without abuse: the later writers sow them broadcast. How the African school with all its peculiarities arose, is perhaps more than we can now tell; yet Carthage was in the western world so decidedly the second city after Rome, that one may easily understand, how in literature also it stood in marked opposition to it: there was very much the same difference which there is now between Paris and Geneva. In the provincial towns, like Madaura, Hippo, and others, Punic was still spoken; and thus it was that the change into the Arabic became so easy in those parts. It is very likely that the present language of Tunis is by no means Arabic in reality, but that it still contains much of the Punic: many Latin elements are preserved in it; as for instance, the use of the preposition de to express the genitive.

Greek literature kept rising: the eastern world, owing to Hadrian’s partiality, had not only got to a far greater height of literary wealth and originality, but also of pride and vanity. Then arose the witty Lucian, who indeed has been overrated for some time, but whom we should by no means make light of. His pure Attic style calls forth our admiration, as he certainly spoke nothing but Syriac until he had grown up to be a young man. On the whole, all the eastern world at 235that time went on cheerfully, whilst the West moved sluggishly: the East had ceased to look upon itself as subdued, since the right of Roman citizenship already extended over millions, every emperor conferring it on new countries. In the days of the Antonines also lived Lucian, Galen, Pausanias (who indeed is less ingenious, but very useful and important for us), Aristides, that most disagreeable writer, and the whole school of Greek rhetoricians who looked upon themselves as forming the second grand era of eloquence. These wrote after the ancient models, but alas! there is nothing in their works: whenever they have something to write about, they show no want of talent. This is also the case with the Latin writers. Apuleius shows talent wherever he has a subject, as in that eccentric book, the Metamorphoses, and in his Apology; and so does Tertullian, as for instance, when he writes against the theatre, having a truth to deal with. On the other hand, Aristides’ declamation on the battle of Leuctra is really insufferable. Tertullian should be read much more generally by philologists, and so should the Fathers on the whole; for this we have before us the bright example of such great men as Scaliger, Hemsterhuys, Valckenaer, and others. We cannot thoroughly know the history of those times, unless we study the writings of a Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and Athenagoras.

There is no pile of building in earlier Rome more colossal than the moles Hadriani, of which we know for certain that the tower with all its inscriptions was still in existence in the middle ages: Procopius tells us that the statue of the emperor was thrown down at the siege of Rome by the Goths. The destroyer did his worst; but the huge masses are yet standing, so that it is now the largest building which has been left, and even in its shattered state it is still noble. Of Hadrian’s villa, about two miles from Tibur, there remain to this day immense ruins, which, notwithstanding their strange outlines, have kept their extraordinary beauty: a great 236number of very fine statues have been dug up there. Where the gardens were, some exotic plants have grown wild. Of Hadrian as an author, we have nothing but a few verses, which are found in his life by Spartianus; a doubtful epigram on his favourite horse Borysthenes, (as for myself, I think it to be genuine;) and some Greek verses. He has, however, written much poetry.

He was succeeded by T. Antoninus Pius, whom he would not have adopted, had M. Aurelius been grown up. To this boy, Hadrian’s attention was directed even from his early childhood: his real name was Annius Verus; but on account of his unflinching love of truth Hadrian called him Verissimus. But as he was well aware that a youth of such tender years was not yet fit for the throne; he adopted the husband of the sister of Verus’ father, whose chief recommendation in his eyes was this connexion. T. Antoninus Pius was married to Galeria Faustina, the sister of Annius Verus the elder. The Roman names are now so confused, that it is with the greatest trouble that one is able to find one’s way among them. T. Aurelius Antoninus came originally from Nemausus (Nismes) in the province of Gaul, Italy having even then almost entirely ceased to furnish princes. His history is one of those which are least known to us. The seventieth book of Dio Cassius was already lost when Zonaras and Xiphilinus made their abstracts; so that we are indeed confined to the wretchedly written lives in the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ. His reign lasted more than twenty-two years. His personal character was very good: his surname of Pius he earned by getting divine honours granted to Hadrian when he died, in spite of the violent irritation which was felt against him. His reign was not as undisturbed as the one before it had been. He had some wars on the borders, besides which there were risings among the Britons and the Moorish tribes of mount Atlas; moreover, there was a rebellion of the Jews, and there were hostilities with the Parthians. These wars were in many 237places insurrections, which more than anything proves the oppression of the people by the governors. His reign was disastrous, owing to awful earthquakes: the destruction of Rhodes, Smyrna, and other Ionian towns, mentioned by Aristides, took place at this time. If we can venture to make conjectures from the very few memorials which have been left to us, we may say that Antoninus was a very well-meaning, good man, but a commonplace person, and anything but a great prince. He seems to have laid the foundation of that steady decline which we see in the days of M. Antoninus.

The golden age of jurisprudence still went on in his time. Gaius, it is certain, already wrote in the last years of his reign; Appian, the beginning of the writings of Galen, and Sextus Empiricus are of the same date. The manufactures of Egypt, especially of Alexandria, were most flourishing indeed, even under Hadrian; above all, those of linen, cotton, and glass. Astronomy also and mathematical geography had reached a high standard.

He was succeeded by M. Antoninus: of the adoption of this Marcus, there are two different accounts. The generally received one is that T. Antoninus adopted him together with Lucius Verus, the son of L. Verus; according to the other, Marcus had to adopt Verus as his son. The former of these is supported by the fact of their being called Divi fratres; on the other hand, Verus in a letter to Marcus, speaks of Antoninus as “pater tuus, avus meus.” It may be that M. Antoninus adopted Verus as his son, and afterwards gave him to his father for adoption. The real name of the elder Verus was Commodus and Antoninus Verus; but they changed names, and the firstborn son of Verus was called Commodus. If there ever was spotless virtue, it was that of Marcus. There cannot be greater kindness, modesty, conscientiousness, and mastery over self, than was seen in this noble-hearted man: he certainly was the best of his age. We may behold him from his early childhood, 238recognising him even in the wretched life which has been written of him; moreover we have the many busts which have been taken at the different ages of his life, from his twelfth, sixteenth, twentieth year to his death: there is in every one of these the same virtuous expression. Formerly we knew him as a full-aged man from his golden book the Meditations, in which indeed there are things which give us pain, as we thence discover that he was not happy; but even in his trouble we cannot but love him for his fine soul. Particularly interesting is the first book. Now again we see him also in his correspondence with Fronto as a grown up youth, in the first cheerful years of the spring tide of life, and, as far as his nature would allow, very happy indeed. Afterwards, we find him sorrowful and weighed down by the burthen of his duties, of which, however, he never would let himself neglect any: he was an excellent husband and father, and an enthusiastic disciple of his master, who was infinitely below him; and when his eyes had been opened with regard to this, he yet returns to him that he might not slight or offend him, coaxing him, and asking his advice when he had no need for it. His education is remarkable; the range it took was immense: it is quite incredible what an amount of knowledge was placed before him, and with what zeal he applied himself to it. As his teacher of rhetoric, he had Fronto, who, at that time, had the greatest reputation as an advocate, and who in his own way was training him to be a rhetorician. He had also a Greek of the same stamp, Herodes Atticus, who was, however, much more a man of the world than the old pedantic Fronto. Marcus Antoninus read a vast deal of the classical literature of the two languages; and until his twentieth year, the whole of his attention was directed to grammar and literature. He had a great liking for the older writers before Cicero, preferring Plautus, Ennius, and Nævius, to Virgil and Horace. Soon afterwards, in his twenty-second year, he became acquainted with a man 239whom he looked upon as his true guardian angel, sent to him by Heaven. This was Junius Rusticus, of whose personal character we know nothing beyond what M. Antoninus himself says of him in his first book. However inferior Zeno may have been to Plato and Aristotle, the Stoics were the only philosophers at that time who were worth anything: the Platonists had sunk into Thaumaturgi and Theurgi; the Peripatetics had fallen to nothing; but the Stoics were ever able to rise again, owing to their moral discipline. That really great man, Epictetus, had already lived and taught. Arrian was likewise a distinguished man; and in his philosophy also, he was worthy of the better ages of Greece. Epictetus infused a new life into the Stoic philosophy; though indeed it was not of long duration, as the minds, which until then had been attached to Stoicism, now turned themselves towards Neo-Platonism and Christianity. Stoicism opened to M. Antoninus a new world; and it is this which gives the otherwise childish letters of Fronto such an indescribable interest: they throw light upon the state of mind of the youth, who cast rhetoric aside in disgust, and sought his only happiness in philosophy, in the insight which it opens into virtue and eternity, and not in its dialectical juggleries. He bore the task of government, just as religious men say that one should take up the cross and bear it. Living wholly for the state and the government, and unremittingly fulfilling his duties as a general, he complains of not being able to conceive one cheering thought. No prince was ever so loved by his subjects, that is to say, by one half of the world, as he was by his: the people of Syria and Egypt are to be excepted, who indeed had never seen him, and were little inclined to him. The whole of the West, on the other hand, adored him: this is shown by the countless busts which are found of him. Men of the same age, as a mark of love, would in those days call each other frater; younger ones would call their elders pater; and so loveable was he, that all who 240knew him in the least placed themselves on this affectionate footing with him. His demeanour to the senate was just as if he looked upon it as the old senate, the real seat of Roman sovereignty, and upon himself as a mere magistratus.

This excellent man was very unhappy: a gloomy fatality seemed to weigh upon him in every relation of life. The times became very troubled. The long peace had destroyed military discipline, and relaxed the energy of the Roman armies; sensuality, the love of pleasure, and sloth, had risen to a dreadful height. The German nations, pressed upon by the Sclavonic races, were obliged to throw themselves into the arms of the Romans, wherever these were strong enough to protect them; or else to invade the Roman territory, as was done by the Marcomanni and Quadi, who now crossed the Danube. On the other side, the Parthians in the East burst into Armenia, which in fact owed allegiance to both states; and when they had become masters of it, they also marched from thence into the Roman territory, and cut to pieces a legate with one or two legions. This happened in the beginning of his reign.—Another of his misfortunes was his having L. Verus for his adopted brother, a man who wallowed in luxury and debauchery: he was the true counterpart of Caligula and Nero, only he could not as yet display the same cruelty as they did, being kept under by Marcus.—Aurelius was also unhappy in his wife Faustina, the daughter of Antoninus; yet more than he himself was aware of: he loved her dearly, especially as the mother of his children; but she was by no means worthy of him. He had perhaps the good fortune of having never been awakened from his delusion as to her real character, always seeing her as he wished to see her. It is also possible that her morals may have been drawn in darker colours than her actions would warrant; yet there cannot be any doubt as to what her feelings were.

Against the Parthians, he sent L. Verus, that he 241might give him an opportunity of deserving well of the empire. But Verus stayed at Antioch, and in four campaigns he only once crossed the Euphrates. His generals, Statius Priscus, Avidius Cassius, and Martius Varus, carried on the war in a very brilliant manner: they decided it in the three last campaigns, and Cassius even conquered Seleucia. To the Parthians a peace was granted, the conditions of which, however, are not known to us.

When Verus returned from the East to Europe, this part of the world, for the first time after several centuries, was visited by the plague. The last mention of a real plague had been in the year of the city 461; in the year 167 after Christ, the eastern pestilence made its appearance, spreading over Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, Gaul, in short, over the whole of the West: perhaps Africa alone was not reached by it. It swept away countless victims; and there is no doubt but that the epoch in literature and art which marks the reign of Antoninus, is owing to this plague. A similar effect was produced by the epidemic in the Peloponnesian War on Athens, and by the black death in the year 1348 on Germany and Florence.

What rendered M. Aurelius’ reign most unfortunate, besides the plague, which had been occasioned by the Parthian war, was the war with the German nations. Since the days of Augustus, the Germans on the borders only had made inroads against the Romans, whose frontier reached beyond the whole of the country south of the Maine, even as far as the Spessart: Franconia, Swabia, and the Palatinate on the other side,[50] were Roman; and the Romans went from Frankfort to Ratisbon on highways which they themselves had laid down. The old inhabitants of these southern countries were either wholly Gauls, or at least outnumbered by Gallic settlers: the population, however, was but scanty. At the 242time when Tacitus wrote, there was evidently a peace, and even much intercourse with some of the tribes, as for instance, with the Hermunduri: during the whole of the first century, only the Sigambri and the Bructeri had taken a share in the risings of the nations on this side of the Rhine, and that was in the reign of Vespasian. This may have still been the case under Hadrian, who already gave yearly subsidies to the peoples there. When Pius was on the throne, a war against the Chatti is spoken of, which on the side of the Romans was a defensive one. It was evidently the advance of the Sclavonic nations from the East, which set the Germans in motion: in the reign of Marcus, they had broken up everywhere; and while they were flying from the enemy, they threw themselves on the Romans. Then did the Marcomanni come forth most gallantly, though indeed it was for the last time: they were at length either annihilated, or they were changed into tribes of a different name. The Marcomanni, Quadi, Chatti, and a number of other peoples, together with the Sarmatians, who were strangers and otherwise hostile to them, for the first time, broke through the Roman frontier from Dacia to Gaul, and cut their way to Rhætia and Aquileia. Xiphilinus throws little or no light on this: with the help of coins alone, which from the time of Hadrian are a very good guide, something may be made out; but even then there is great uncertainty. It is clear that the war against the Marcomanni had two different epochs, which were interrupted by a truce or a peace, in which the places taken were given up: the second war broke out in the last years of Marcus. On the magnificent bas reliefs of the monumental column erected to M. Aurelius, which, however, is very much damaged, there are many representations which tell favourably for the Romans; as for instance, barbarous princes who made their submission to him. One cannot believe that this was invented to flatter him, as he never would have tolerated anything of the kind. There is no doubt but 243that the war during the last years turned out a victorious one for the Romans; yet it was full of immense difficulties for them. If Marcus had lived longer, he would certainly have made Marcomannia and Sarmatia a province.

The progress of this war was interrupted by the rebellion of Avidius Cassius. This Avidius Cassius is a remarkable man; yet we are so much in the dark as to these times, that we do not even know his descent. According to some, he was a native of Cyprus or Syria; but it is more generally thought that he was sprung from the gens Cassia, either in the male line, or through a woman of that house who had married into his father’s family: the latter case was possible, even if he was a native of the East. It is, however, somewhat unlikely that an Asiatic should have had the chief command of an army. So long as the Latin language was spoken, it mattered not from what country a man came, whether he was a Spaniard, an African, or a Roman; but it was otherwise with the peoples of the East, who spoke Greek: that these should have risen to the highest offices, is not to be believed. Cassius was distinguished as a commander. The discipline of the Roman army had long fallen off, and the legions seem at that time to have been recruited from the military colonies and from the limes: this was owing to the long peace under Hadrian, and to the unwarlike rule of the pious Antonine. It was particularly in the East, that the legions had degenerated. They remained stationary in the same place; and being constantly recruited, whilst the veterans of course were discharged, they became a sort of resident janissaries in the border countries. This was quite a senseless arrangement, and one cannot understand how Trajan could have tolerated such a thing. They should have been kept in camps; but they were most of them quartered in the towns, as at Antioch, and elsewhere. Syria is an exceedingly fine and lovely country, and there they became thoroughly demoralized. Yet 244among these very legions, Cassius had at this time restored discipline; and he had led them to victory in a war against the Parthians who had made a most successful attack: these last, though they likewise had degenerated, had still an excellent cavalry. The proconsuls in the senatorial provinces were changed; but the legati pro Prætore in the imperial ones very often remained the whole of their lives in the same province: thus also Cassius remained here a very long time, and was highly popular throughout the East, even as far as Egypt. He was yet perhaps more so with the people than with the army, in which, though the best men were proud of him as a distinguished commander, he practised a Cassian severitas. By part of his army, and by the population, he was proclaimed emperor, as a report is said to have got abroad that M. Aurelius was dead. It was a misfortune for the empire that this report was not true; for Cassius was perfectly equal to the management of affairs, and the empire would thus have been spared the shameful reign of Commodus. That Cassius should have dreamt of restoring the republic,[51] is not to be believed of so able a general; but he meant to govern the empire according to the principles of his predecessors. Thirty days[52] had not passed, before Cassius was murdered by a centurion, the tidings having come in the meanwhile that Marcus was still alive: this murder plainly proves that part of the army disliked the strictness of the general. The provinces unwillingly returned to their obedience. That Faustina had a share in the rebellion of Cassius, as a biographer wants to make us believe, has been most convincingly disproved by others. The letters of Faustina and Marcus are very interesting; but one is already shocked at their Latinity: several obsolete forms are met with over and over again; as for instance, rebellio 245instead of rebellis, like the old perduellio instead of perduellis. There are, however, no historical sources more wretched than the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ. They are without any exception altogether silly; and they put together the most glaringly impossible things, without being at all startled by it. To separate the several Vitæ from one another, is quite impossible.

M. Aurelius went to the East to set all right again. He forbore to punish the rebellious provinces, although, the senate was very ready to do so. His mildness was even shown towards the son of Cassius, whom he wished to save, but who was murdered without his knowledge: the other children he actually saved; and he would not allow their estates to be confiscated. There are some remarkable letters of Cassius in which he expressed his discontent at the rule of Marcus, whom he calls dialogista. We cannot wonder at this: it is quite possible, that a practical man of sterling ability, like Cassius, should have found that Marcus, notwithstanding his private virtues, was not fit for his dignity; for although the latter most conscientiously devoted himself to public business, he had no heart for ruling, and was always much more inclined towards other pursuits. There is another passage in his letters worthy of attention, in which it is said, that Marcus was a noble-hearted man, but that he was not able to judge of those about him; so that any one who gave himself out to be a philosopher, would get hold of him, and try under this disguise to serve his own ends. Just so was Julian likewise taken in by any one who called himself a philosopher; and so has been many a prince in our own times by the Tartuffes.

Some additional light is now thrown on the state of things under M. Aurelius by the fragments of Fronto. These letters, however trifling their literary value may be, are of very high historical importance. The weakness of Marcus for many people, and above all for Faustina, shows that he carried several of his virtues even 246to excess, more especially his virtues as a husband and a father. Fronto lets himself be used as a tool by Faustina to set aside the will of an old aunt, the younger Matidia, because she had not left in it anything to the empress. Marcus answers him in a remarkable note, in which he thanks him. We do not know how the matter ended; but there can be no doubt that he really set aside the will. This weakness must also have been displayed towards many other persons besides Faustina.

In short, the condition of the empire at home was not good, and the disasters abroad were great: the plague must have remained in Italy and in the West; Africa it did not visit, as may be seen from the writings of Tertullian. It is the same plague as that which is met with again under Commodus; nor are there any grounds for doubting the statement of Dio, who was a Roman senator, that two thousand men were buried every day at Rome. The population had in some measure recovered its losses since the times of Augustus, under whom it had very much dwindled, but there was now again as awful a destruction of life.

The virtues of Marcus have certainly done much harm: even his great favour and indulgence towards the senate had many evil consequences; for the senate was bad. The Emperor died on the Marcomannian frontier in his camp, March A. D. 180, after a reign of nineteen years, his son Commodus being at that time nineteen years old. The only reproach ever made against him, was that in his reign the exclusiveness of a court began to show itself: the former emperors, down to Antoninus Pius, had still looked upon themselves as being only as it were the first magistrates of the state. This did not certainly come from one like him, who valued men according to their intrinsic worth, but from the overbearing Faustina.

There were yet several excellent generals in the army, such as Pescennius Niger in the East, and L. Septimius Severus on the Illyrian frontier: in the administration, 247Helvius Pertinax was distinguished, who afterwards became emperor. Claudius Severus also seems to have still been alive; an excellent man he was, if we may judge from what is told us by Marcus, on whom we may rely in this instance, although he was elsewhere mistaken. There still was much intellectual life and refinement lingering in the world, especially in the East: in Italy it was waning fast. Gellius wrote in the reign of M. Aurelius, and indeed only after the death of Fronto, which was brought on by the plague somewhat about the year 169: (it is decidedly wrong to give it an earlier date.) This book shows the grammatical and rhetorical tendency which then prevailed: we see in a remarkable manner how the existing institutions had no influence whatever on him.

## COMMODUS. PERTINAX. DIDIUS JULIANUS. SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS.

Had not Marcus been so weak, he would hardly have allowed Commodus to become his successor: he must have seen how coarse and void of all virtue the youth was, and he should have come to the resolution of adopting one of his leading generals. The idea of the empire’s being an heir-loom, was scarcely yet a settled one; but Marcus established it.

Commodus was a handsome and active young man, of great strength and nimbleness of body; and thus he was led to choose the roughest amusements, as archery, fencing, and such like. At first, he checked himself, and matters went on smoothly enough in the track of his father; but he soon followed his own nature. It was not long before he gave up the government to the prefect M. Perennis, who ruled in the most oppressive manner, quite in the Asiatic style. This ended in a sedition, and Commodus sacrificed his minister and favourite 248to the mutineers. Soon afterwards, he was attacked by an assassin, whom his sister Lucilla is said to have employed against him, but who told him that he had been set on by the senate; whereupon Commodus began to wreak his vengeance on that body. His means of ingratiating himself had been his profuse liberality, especially to the plebs urbana and the soldiers: this, as we see from the coins, was very often repeated, and thus the treasures of the empire were completely drained. At the death of Pius, there were 2,700 million of sesterces (135,000,000 dollars of our [Prussian] money) in the treasury; but this had been spent in the wars of Marcus, who had even sold the valuable things in his palace, so that he should not be obliged to lay on new taxes. Commodus now also began to shed blood, that he might have more money to throw away. His reign is detestable, and it is impossible to dwell on it. After Perennis was sacrificed, our interest is excited by the similar fate of Cleander, a freedman: it does not, however, seem quite credible, that he was præfectus prætorio. The cavalry of the prætorians and the cohortes urbanæ had now already begun to have brawls with each other; which proves in what a distracted state things then were. The city cohorts, which took the part of the town against the prætorians, had the best of it; and Commodus would have been murdered at Lanuvium,[53] whither he had retired on account of the plague, had not his sister Fadilla and his concubine Marcia, pointed out to him the danger in which he was. He only escaped by sacrificing Cleander.

His tastes were now no longer confined to the sports of the chase; but it was the pride of his later years to come forth as a gladiator, and he called himself Hercules. His head which he put on the colossal statue of the god of the Sun, is undoubtedly still preserved, and it is very beautiful. His mad decrees are the dreams 249of a tyrant. When he wanted, on the Calends of January, to march at the head of the gladiators from the ludus gladiatorius to the Capitol, and thus take possession of the consulship without auspices; he was led in his wrath to proscribe Lætus and Marcia, who had most strongly urged him not to do so. This, however, was betrayed to them by a dwarf; on which Marcia gave Commodus a cup of poison, and she also sent a strong wrestler to strangle him. The senate and people now vented their hatred by cursing and reviling his memory; but the prætorians grumbled, as they were fond of him for his weakness. It was spread abroad that he had died of apoplexy.

The præfectus prætorio Lætus now proclaimed old Pertinax, who was already upwards of sixty, emperor. A worthier man than he, could not have been chosen: he had distinguished himself as a brave, although not precisely as a great general; but it was especially for his administrative talent and his sterling character, that he was known and respected. He had Marcus’ virtues without his faults, and he would therefore in time have even excelled him as a ruler; for with all his heart and soul he threw himself into the business of the state. The people rejoiced at his election: but only part of the senators did, as he was not of noble race; and the soldiers tolerated him indeed, but they did not like him. On the first of January 193, he entered upon the government; before the end of March in the same year, he was already murdered.

After his death, as the story goes, the prætorians put up the empire to the highest bidder. This is most likely a gross exaggeration. It was a generally received custom for every new ruler to give the prætorians a donativum; and as Sulpician and Didius Julianus were trying at the same time to get the sovereignty, it is quite natural that the largeness of the donation turned the scales. Sulpician who was in the camp, promised twenty thousand sesterces for every prætorian; 250but Julianus, who was at the gates of the city, offered twenty-five thousand. The prætorians opened the gates to the latter, and acknowledged him as emperor. Julianus here appears still more contemptible than he really was, as he had quite as good prospects of ascending the throne as any one else, and he was really innocent of the death of Commodus. He had not been a bad governor of a province, and there is on the whole, not much against his personal character: he was a very rich, but at the same time, a very vain man, and he had, as a governor, distinguished himself in his campaign against Dalmatia. It was not with his own treasures, that he bought the empire; but with those of the state: yet the fierce ill-will which he thus aroused against himself, was owing to his having so openly applied to the prætorians, thereby letting them know the secret of their power, and the fact that they were masters of the government. As Dio here is mutilated, and Herodian was a foreigner, and a frivolous writer; most of the circumstances are to be gleaned from the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ, who, however, are wretched beyond all conception. They contain, notwithstanding, many a detail which even Gibbon has overlooked.

Even before this, Clodius Albinus, who commanded in Britain, had been on bad terms with Commodus. The offer which the latter had once made him of taking the title of Cæsar, in case any accident should happen to himself, he had declined; and, on the other hand, he seems, even before the death of the tyrant, to have shielded himself by means of his army against any of his attempts. As for Pertinax, he had neither acknowledged nor rejected him. After the death of Pertinax, the British and Gallic legions proclaimed Albinus; the German and Pannonian ones, Septimius Severus; and those of the East, Pescennius Niger. The senate, on the whole, was for Albinus; the people, and some of the senators, for Pescennius Niger; whilst Severus had in Rome a comparatively small number of partisans, and Julianus 251had every one against him: the senate could not abide him, because he had made himself dependent on the prætorians. Pescennius could not advance, as Severus was blocking up his way. The latter acted with indefatigable energy: three months after the death of Pertinax, he was at Terni. No one raised his hand to uphold Julianus, and the prætorians themselves scarcely made an attempt to defend their own creature: for they were now as cowardly and mutinous as the Janissaries in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries down to the time of their destruction. The senate swore fealty to Severus, who entered Rome with his army: the populace was panic-struck; Julianus was put to death; and the prætorians were disarmed, and disbanded in disgrace. Upon this, Severus immediately turned himself towards the East.

Septimius Severus was a most remarkable man: he came from Leptis, an old Punic colony in which a Roman conventus had settled. There is no doubt but that the Septimius Severus to whom Statius addressed a poem (the Leptitani), was an ancestor of his. He was thoroughly Punic, and indeed his sister, when she came to Rome, spoke nothing but broken Latin: these places in Africa had so completely retained their foreign character, that Punic was the prevailing language, even in the towns: Severus, however, both in Greek and Latin was a good writer. We have of his only one undoubted letter, which, although he wrote it in a passion, is very well written: he also composed memoirs, which unfortunately have been lost.—He was then in his forty-seventh year, and in every department, whether of administration or of military command, he had greatly distinguished himself. A marked feature in his character was his leaning towards foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying: these things, on the whole, were now getting more and more into vogue, thus paving the way for the Christian religion. Many took this up as they would any other theurgy, as the Orphic or such like; 252and therefore it also now begins to emerge from obscurity. Severus’ reign was exceedingly favourable to Christianity, with which his empress, Julia, a Syrian woman, was particularly struck. Unction being at that time often applied as a remedy, Severus also had received it in a violent illness; and as he thought himself to have been cured by it, he gave protection to Christianity in the instructions issued to his lieutenants. He was an uncommonly handsome man; his countenance was so dignified and noble, that it prepossessed all who beheld it. The great charge brought against him, is that of cruelty, which showed itself after the downfall of Albinus: forty-one senators had to atone with their blood for their connexion with the latter, and Spartianus also mentions women and children. This wretched writer cannot, however, be relied on: he is so careless as to make Caracalla the son of Severus by his first wife.

The war of Pescennius Niger is of a peculiar character. If we call to mind how Avidius Cassius in his time met with such favour in the East, and how widely the eastern and western world were kept apart by difference of language; we are led to believe that the East wished even then to sever itself from the West. Niger had in the days of Aurelius gained much renown as a general, being indeed highly thought of as a strict disciplinarian. Notwithstanding this, he was a kindhearted man, quite different from Severus, and generally respected. Severus crossed the Hellespont, and overcame a general of Pescennius near Cyzicus; then he followed up his victory, and defeated Pescennius himself at Issus, where the latter was slain. The whole of the East submitted. Byzantium alone stoutly held out in quite an unaccountable manner, and was completely destroyed after a siege of three years. Perhaps the Byzantines had so grievously offended the emperor, that they were afraid of some severe punishment; or, perhaps, being conscious of the importance of the site of their city, they wanted it at that time already to become the capital of the world.

253During this war, Severus had gained over Albinus. The latter, a man without any sort of talent, was also an African, but made pretensions to being sprung from the Postumii: Severus, however, in a letter which has been preserved by Spartianus, taxes him with having merely assumed this name, saying that he was not even of Italian extraction. This commander was indeed a most insignificant person, and Severus very easily overreached him by offering him the dignity of Cæsar: he let himself be won over by this gross deception, and he flattered himself with the hope that Severus, although he had children of his own, would bequeath him the empire after his death. When Pescennius had fallen, Severus changed his tone; and an attempt to murder him, either actually made or only intended, moved him to declare war against Albinus. Britain, Gaul, and Spain, must have been united under Albinus, who went over to Gaul: Severus, after having narrowly escaped defeat, with the utmost difficulty gained a victory near Lyons, where Albinus was mortally wounded, and soon afterwards breathed his last. This victory, Severus followed up with the greatest cruelty. The rashness of the senators with regard to Albinus is quite extraordinary: they must have believed in the chances of his success, and they had now to pay dearly for it. In Spain and Gaul also, the men of rank who had let themselves be gained over by Albinus, were punished with death. After this slaughter, Severus’ reign was not only glorious and brilliant, but also mild and gentle.

The German tribes had somehow or other been kept quiet since the time of Marcus; but with the Parthians there was twice war. Once the emperor led his army against Adiabene, the country east of the Tigris, and Arabia, which, like Osroëne, Media, and others, were distinct vassal kingdoms under Persian supremacy: this campaign, Severus conducted without being at war with the Parthians themselves. The second time, however, he directly attacked the Parthians; and then was the 254flourishing city of Ctesiphon, which the Parthians had built over against Seleucia to humble it, taken and sacked by Severus: it is strange that he did not make this country a province. He made peace, and gave back Babylon; but kept Adiabene, and more especially Mesopotamia, subject to his supremacy: under Marcus the Euphrates had been the boundary river. The Roman emperors had always to wage war, owing to the very immensity of the empire which otherwise would have sunk into utter effeminacy. He had afterwards another war besides in Britain, and it is surprising that he should have thought it necessary to bring such vast forces of imperial Rome against the weak Caledonian barbarians on the Scottish border. In this war, he took with him his two sons, the elder of whom, Caracalla, was at that time twenty-two years old, while Geta was several years younger: the former was with him as his colleague, the other as Cæsar (he is the first who is mentioned on inscriptions with the title of nobilissimus). Before his death, he also raised both of them to be Augusti, and made them heirs of the empire.

Severus had by his own power caused himself to be adopted as the son of M. Aurelius, without meaning thereby to deceive any one, except perhaps the lowest of the people; it being merely a fiction by which he wanted to designate himself as the lawful possessor of the empire, calling himself M. Antonini filius, T. Pii nepos, and so on as high up as Nerva: he therefore gave his eldest son, M. Bassianus, the name of M. Antoninus. This name, or Divus Antoninus, Imperator noster Antoninus, Antoninus Magnus, is in the Pandects always to be understood of this Caracalla. That last appellation is in fact so generally bestowed on him only by the moderns: in the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ it is met with only once, and that in the form Caracallus, which is a popular nickname: I am very loth to use it. Both of the young princes were the sons of Julia Domna, a Syrian woman whom Severus is said to have married because she was recommended to 255him by the astrologers, as her horoscope pointed out that she was destined to be a princess.[54] Julia was a remarkable person: she was a woman of great cleverness, but of very lax morals. She has, however, atoned for her faults by her misfortunes.

It is a great pity, that we know so little about the measures of Severus. That he made great changes, especially in the administration of Italy, is quite evident. It must have been he who placed correctores over each of the regions; or it may be, one corrector over several united regions. Probably they had the jurisdiction in their own districts. What was the nature of the jurisdiction in Italy after the Lex Julia, is shrouded in the greatest darkness: something, however, must have been done to get rid of the inconveniences which had arisen. The whole of this matter is still to be investigated: inscriptions and laws might indeed throw some light on it. Yet what were the functions of these correctores on the whole, is difficult to make out. Even as early as under the emperors who came immediately before Hadrian, traces are met with of commissions by virtue of which the jurisdiction of Italy was given by districts to people of rank. The Præfectus Urbi had even since Hadrian’s days (though not before) a district of a hundred Italian miles round Rome: this is, however, as yet, but a conjecture of mine. Hadrian appointed consulars to them in due form. Antoninus Pius also kept them up for some time: afterwards, they were again abolished. From the reign of Severus, we regularly meet with the correctores in Italy.

256

## M. ANTONINUS CARACALLA. MACRINUS. ELAGABALUS. ALEXANDER SEVERUS.

After the death of Septimius Severus (211), M. Bassianus, as he is called after his maternal grandfather,—or M. Antoninus as he is called in consequence of the fiction of his adoption; or Caracalla, as he is called by the moderns; had together with his brother, Geta, taken upon himself the government; the younger, however, being subordinate to the elder. Neither of them was noble-hearted or praiseworthy; yet Geta excites the greater interest of the two, because of his having become the victim: still, it is not at all clear that he was better than the other. It is hardly possible to form an opinion of him. The hostility between the two brothers broke out soon after the death of their father: their feelings towards each other became very bad, which was chiefly owing to the malice of the elder one, and they were already about to divide the empire. But as this would have been to the disadvantage of the younger, who was to have had a far smaller empire in the East; their mother made a last attempt to bring about a reconciliation between them, but in vain. Caracalla seemed to listen to her proposals; but this was only a stratagem to entice his brother into a place where he could murder him. In the apartments of the mother, the reconciliation was to have been brought about: Geta was stabbed in her arms. By this murder, the minds of men, which even then had begun to be quite Asiatic in feeling,—inconceivably so indeed,—were not much affected. Even the mother, although Geta had been her darling son, did not, after what had happened, change in her behaviour to her elder one; but she seemed to look upon Geta’s death as an unavoidable dispensation of fate.

In the year 212, Caracalla gave himself up to the most wanton cruelties and extortions: these last were 257still more systematic than those of Commodus, who practised them in Rome only, whereas Caracalla carried them on at the same time in the provinces. It is a very just remark of Gibbon’s, that the tyranny of the Roman emperors weighed most heavily on Rome, and was less felt in the rest of Italy, and least of all in the provinces, which were sometimes worse off under the good emperors than under the bad ones. Caracalla, however, unfortunately for the provinces, travelled through them, and there his savage rage was yet greater than at Rome itself; he brought with him fell bloodshed into those hapless countries,—into Greece, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt,—and drove the inhabitants to despair: the only thing that he cared for, was to satisfy his soldiers. The prætorians had been re-established by Severus, but on quite a different footing. Whereas formerly they had been a sort of janissaries, only that they did not leave Rome, it being even doubtful whether they ever accompanied the emperors in their wars; Severus now formed an entirely new guard, of three or four times the strength of the old one, as many indeed as thirty or forty thousand men; these he picked out from the legions, and he gave them double pay and higher rank. Under Severus and Caracalla they were no longer left behind in Rome, but they accompanied the emperors on their journeys and expeditions: thus Caracalla took them with him to the East. The most dreadful of Caracalla’s deeds was the massacre at Alexandria, where he enticed the inhabitants to come out of their city; made them feel quite secure; and then ordered his soldiers to slaughter them all. The people of Alexandria had provoked him, as they had done almost all the emperors, even the best of them: Alexandria and Antioch were the seats of wit, which spoke out in the theatres, or was placarded in pasquinades. They had now lashed the Roman tyrant for the murder of Geta, and this he never forgave.

Caracalla granted the right of citizenship to all the 258subjects of the Roman empire; that is to say, the peregrinitas was abolished throughout the whole of it: thus the vicesima hereditatum, which had until then been raised from Roman citizens, was made general, and he moreover raised it into a decima. Yet the Latini still remained after this; only there was no more peregrinitas for communities: in the case of freedmen, however, a different law might apply. Caracalla raised the taxes to an intolerable height, merely that he might have the means of winning the hearts of the soldiers: Severus had already said that the emperor who was sure of the army had nothing to fear.

Like Commodus, Caracalla had a taste for gladiatorial arts; but he was small in size, and not so handsome as Commodus. He had a silly kind of fondness for Alexander the Great; and if we may judge from the busts, it must be acknowledged that there was some likeness between them: the province of Macedon was, therefore, the only one to which he did any good. He formed a phalanx of Macedonians, and also assumed the name of Magnus: in the law books, he is often spoken of as Magnus Antoninus. Led by this feeling, he also went like Alexander to the East, to overthrow the Parthian empire; and he had his Macedonian phalanx with him. Everywhere he showed a very strong leaning towards anything that was Greek, a taste which may have been very much owing to the fact of his having a Syrian mother. The war against the Parthians he brought on, without having real cause for it. According to Herodian, he was guilty of an act of monstrous treachery: he invited Artabanus to a conference, and then tried to surprise him, and murdered a number of Parthians. These accounts, however, are all of them very doubtful in their details. Severus had already taken possession of Osroëne, where the reigning dynasty had been established for three hundred years: in the legend, an Abgarus betakes himself to our Saviour, beseeching him for his aid in a sickness. The king Abgarus at 259this time, was a vassal of the Parthians: Caracalla expelled him, and converted Osroëne into a Roman province. Whilst he was engaged here in preparations for a war against the Parthians themselves, he was murdered, in the year 217, at the instigation of the præfectus prætorio M. Macrinus, who had found his own life to be threatened. The soldiers, however, heard of the death of their emperor with indignation, and Macrinus had to try every means to deceive them as to his share in it; whereupon he was proclaimed emperor.

Dio’s and Herodian’s accounts of Macrinus, which are in his favour, may be much better relied upon than the nonsense of the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ. Yet if Macrinus wished to be a praiseworthy prince, his character as such depended upon his getting the mastery over his soldiers: for their lawlessness had frightfully increased under Caracalla, as he let them do what they listed without punishing them. Macrinus, therefore, began to reform them, introducing discipline, and trying by degrees to lessen the concessions of Caracalla; and thus he either disbanded whole legions as veterans, and enlisted new ones on fairer conditions, or, which seems to me more likely, he merely filled up the old ones by new recruits. By this, however, he made himself hateful to them. They would not put up with it; and hence arose a rebellion. Hereupon young Avitus came forth. They might, however, have found another leader, Maximin perhaps, if Avitus had not presented himself.

Julia Domna had, after the death of her son, been condemned to seclusion by Macrinus, and she had herself put an end to her own life. Her sister Mæsa also had been banished. The latter had two daughters, both of them married in Syria: the names of the husbands were Roman, but the children were thorough Syrians, or Syrian-Greeks. The husband of Soæmis, the elder sister, was Sextus Varius Marcellus: this name, and the high offices which he held, lead to the conclusion that he was a Roman. The husband of the younger 260sister, Mamæa, was called Gessius Macrianus. Soæmis had a son and several daughters; Mamæa, a son and a daughter. The son of Soæmis was Avitus, afterwards M. Aurelius Antoninus, generally known by us as Elagabalus (corruptly Heliogabalus, as the name has nothing whatever to do with ἥλιος): he also bore the name of Bassianus, as people at that time often dropped their names, and as often took new ones. This Elagabalus was now seventeen years of age at most, quite a Syrian, and priest to the god Elagabalus at Emesa, where some aerolites which had fallen in the neighbourhood were worshipped. This young man, Mæsa and his own mother Soæmis declared to have been the offspring of an adulterous intercourse with Caracalla. Mæsa collected her immense riches at Emesa, and taking advantage of the discontent of the soldiers began to bribe them. Very many of them espoused her cause. Macrinus at first held this defection to be of no consequence; but quite contrary to all expectation, the fondness of the soldiers for Caracalla was transferred to Elagabalus, from whom besides they looked for a new donation. Had Macrinus now acted at once, he might yet have had the best of it; for in the decisive battle, the prætorians displayed greater bravery than was thought to be in them. But he gave himself up too soon for lost; and he fled from the fight with his son Antoninus Diadumenianus to Asia Minor, where he was overtaken and beheaded by the order of the young tyrant (218).

The name of Elagabalus is branded in history: even Caligula and Nero, when compared with him, appear in a favourable light. Caligula was not a beast like him; Nero undoubtedly had talents; but there is nothing whatever to redeem the vices of Elagabalus. The infamy of his reign is appalling. His extortions, which were spent on the gratification of the maddest fancies, were beyond everything; and yet the Roman world might have deemed itself happy, if he had only extorted. There 261were fewer actual cruelties; but he was ready for any wickedness: his only real passion, and one which ruled him, was zeal for the glorification of his idol Elagabalus, whom, as the god of the Sun, he wanted to place instead of Jupiter Capitolinus on the throne of the gods in Rome, and whom he exclusively worshipped. Even the soldiers were so disgusted with him, as to execrate him; and they would have murdered him as early as in 221, had he not, by the advice of his grandmother Mæsa, adopted as Cæsar his cousin Alexianus, who was afterwards called Alexander Severus.

This Alexander, if Lampridius is correct, was now no longer a child, being seventeen years old: according to Herodian, he was but thirteen or fourteen. He was the very reverse of his cousin: for his was a noble soul, like that of Marcus, the only difference being that of a fine Asiatic disposition when compared with an European one. He was a thorough Asiatic: being born in Phœnicia, he had first to learn Latin at Rome; so that he was always looked upon there as a Græculus, as one who was not a Latin. It is impossible to have a better will and a more beautiful mind than this young man had: the innocence which beamed forth from his countenance, gained him even the hearts of the soldiers, who, rough as they were, seemed to have a sincere regard for him. When Elagabalus now tried to get rid of him, and at the same time sought his life, a rebellion arose, owing to a report having been spread of Alexander’s death; and even when the mistake had been cleared up, the riot was put down only with difficulty. But as Elagabalus, conscious of his own worthlessness, could not disguise from himself that Alexander was far more liked than he was, he took steps in right earnest, to destroy his cousin; whereupon the rebellion broke out afresh with irresistible fury, and Elagabalus was killed (222). His dead body was flung into the river, and his memory cursed.

The reign of Alexander Severus lasted thirteen years, 262until 235. It is one which we are in danger of representing in too fair a light, as it seems that several authors have written a sort of Cyropædia on him. His personal amiability and kindness, his zeal to do his duty, cannot be called into doubt: his model was Marcus. But as Marcus was weak towards Faustina, so Alexander was still weaker towards his mother. We read, on the one hand, that he lightened the taxes; but on the other, exempla avaritiæ are told of Mamæa. Now, although this avaritia may perhaps have consisted in her hoarding treasure and jewels after the manner of the East, the reproaches against her, and the complaints of his weakness for her, were loud and general.

In the reign of Hadrian, we already meet with a council of state; and though in the days of Septimius Severus it seems to have again fallen into oblivion, we now see it completely organized as a regular branch of the government, a standing board which had the management of every matter of importance: its chief minister was the great Domitius Ulpianus. This man was perhaps a kinsman of the emperor’s, as he was of Tyrian origin, and he may thus have risen: he was not, however, born in Tyre, as I have shown in another place.[55] A Syrian could not have written as he did, nor have made himself such a master of the science of Roman law. He might however have been indeed related to the imperial family, and yet have now been living at Rome for a long time.

Alexander’s rule, and his endeavours for the general good, were thwarted by insurmountable obstacles, owing to the power of the soldiers. These he had to bring under control: but they were mutineers like the janissaries; and this was now the case with the whole army, and no longer with the prætorians alone. If we may believe some scattered anecdotes, Alexander with all his gentleness displayed great firmness on many occasions; 263yet he tried in vain to protect Ulpian. Papinian had been murdered by Caracalla; Ulpian was slain by the soldiers before the eyes of the emperor, who could hardly succeed in bringing Epagathus, the ringleader of the mutiny, to punishment.

Marcus had driven back the German nations; in the reign of Commodus, peace had been made with them; and in that of Severus, we also find nothing about German wars; the Romans seem to have been in possession of the limes (the palisadoed ditch). But now the Germans began to advance; and I am inclined to believe that the pale was broken through in the time of Alexander Severus, as at the close of the war against them, its seat was on the Rhine, and they must therefore have forced the outworks. Unfortunately, we know next to nothing of the geography of those parts: in many places in Swabia, we meet with remains of Roman fortresses, the names of which are quite unknown to us. But even before this, a great revolution had called away the emperor to the East. This was the downfall of the Parthian dynasty, one of the unluckiest things that could have happened to the Roman empire. The catastrophe is easily accounted for. When a nation of shepherds gets the rule over a cultivated region, as was often the case in Asia, it gradually loses its bravery and sinks down to the level of those whom it has enslaved; yet its sway will still last for some time. Parthia was a feudal kingdom, of which Media, Babylonia, and other countries were fiefs with dynasties of their own. In former times, the Parthians were very unequal enemies to the Romans; but since the days of Marcus and Septimius Severus, their power was broken: probably the conquest of Ctesiphon in the year 198, had shaken the empire so much that its subjects thought of freeing themselves from its yoke. Our chief guide here is the most authentic history of Agathias. The Parthians must have utterly lost their nationality: their light cavalry, for instance, is but very seldom spoken off in 264their later times. We generally deem the insurrection of the Persians against the Parthians to have been like that of the Persians under Cyrus; but there was the same difference between the Parthians and the other races, as there is at present between nomads and the inhabitants of towns. The Persians who now shake off the yoke of the Parthians, must therefore have been chiefly the Tadjicks (inhabitants of towns) of the Iran race, whose abodes began at the Oxus. In Cyrus’ times, the Medes and Persians were two essentially distinct nations; but the Medes must since then have become quite Persians, as they had now one and the same language: Irak Ajemi has in all likelihood still preserved the language of the Medes. A research as to this matter, would be exceedingly interesting. In the struggle, the particulars of which are altogether unknown to us, the Persians succeeded in shaking off the thraldom of the Parthians; and these last vanish away, and we know not what has become of them. On this, the Persian empire came forth anew, and the old institutions were many of them restored: the Parthians had ruled like barbarians over a civilized nation, oppressing it, checking the exercise of its religion, and troubling the Persian worship of the elements by their promiscuous idolatry. The Persians who restored the empire, were headed by Ardaschir, son of Babek, who reckoned himself one of the race of Sassan, which gave rise to the silly story. The departure of the Parthians has been commemorated by a bas relief and an inscription. Ardaschir also restored the old fire-worship, but, to the great deterioration of its pristine purity, with a number of foreign rites; and therefore the Byzantines are quite right in saying that the later worship of the Persians was very different from the former one. The centre of the empire also was no longer the province of Persis: it was, on the contrary, removed from the Tigris to Ctesiphon, although Ardaschir and others after him have set up monuments at Persepolis. Susa had perished; 265Ecbatana was insignificant. Ardaschir, called by the Greek Artaxerxes, now that the empire was restored, and the nation was conscious of having achieved a great deed, at once asserted his claims against the Romans, whose decline could not have escaped his notice: he demanded the cession of all the countries to the Hellespont, because Asia belonged to the Persians, just as Europe might to the Romans: the answer of the Romans, of course, was war. In the issue of it, we have a remarkable example of the little reliance which we can place on the details of this history. Herodian’s account,—which is borne out by its intrinsic probability,—is that the Romans undertook the war with three armies; the first, on the right banks of the Euphrates; the second in Media; the third in Mesopotamia, to keep up the connexion between the two. He also says that the first, after a brave fight, had been obliged to retreat owing to the difficulty of the country; that the second had been entirely destroyed; and that the third moreover, which the emperor himself commanded, had not achieved its purpose. This statement is contradicted by an official letter of the emperor to the senate, wherein he boasts of the greatest successes over the enemy, for which the senate awarded him the honour of a triumph. Gibbon and Eckhel are quite of different opinions here. Eckhel takes a very high stand among the critical historians of our time, both for his learning and the excellence of his judgment. His works are far from being appreciated as they ought to be. His chronological criticisms have done much for the history of the Roman emperors, and there are few of the modern labourers in the field of ancient history to whom I owe so much as to Eckhel. Still, I am compelled to agree with Gibbon’s opinion. Eckhel deems it impossible that the report to the senate should have been a figment; but the vague and ambiguous expressions of this document tell very strongly against him: they are only meant to cover the defeat of the emperor. Herodian lived so shortly after that 266time, and in all that he really knows, he is a writer of so much judgment, that it would be wrong in this not to believe him rather than the bulletin of the emperor. As Severus returned to Rome for his triumph, he must have concluded a peace with the Persians, in which Rome certainly made a sacrifice: for until the time of Gordian there is actually peace, and Maximin moreover engaged in no undertaking on the eastern frontier.

## END OF ALEXANDER SEVERUS. MAXIMIN. GORDIAN, FATHER AND SON. MAXIMUS AND BALBINUS. GORDIAN III. PHILIP. DECIUS.

Even if Severus had fought successfully, the movements of the barbarous tribes along the northern frontier would soon have recalled him. We know that he went from the East to the Rhine; and there, as we are told by Herodian, he gave the army cause for complaint, many hardships being put upon the soldiers, who felt that there was not a strong hand to lead them. A mutiny broke out, which was headed by Maximin, the first barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial throne. Hitherto the rulers of Rome had been only of noble race, with the exception perhaps of Macrinus, of whom we do not at least know it for certain. Pertinax was not indeed of noble birth; but he had risen from dignity to dignity, and was among the men of the highest standing when he was proclaimed emperor. Maximin, on the contrary, was nothing but a soldier of fortune who had risen from the lowest ranks of society: he was born in Thrace of barbarian parents, his mother being an Alanian woman and his father a Goth; at least, so we are told by the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ. He had enlisted as a common peasant under Septimius Severus, and was distinguished for his gigantic frame and his Herculean strength, to which were added all the 267qualities of a good subaltern officer. Septimius Severus promoted him from one step to another; and under Alexander also he got a legion to bring into order, which had been utterly disorganized. He restored its discipline, and yet was popular:—a man who in so demoralized an army gains such influence, though all the while so strict and even cruel, must needs have real talent, and a true soldier’s nature. He did not try to make up for the defects of his education; he was the first ruler, who was not only without any literary acquirements whatever, but who did not even understand Greek: for the Thracians spoke the Wallachian language, an Italian volgare, and Greek was only spoken in the seaports, and in the larger inland towns, as in Adrianople. The attention of the court was so much directed to Maximin, that Severus even thought of marrying his own sister to his son, an amiable and well-bred young man; only the emperor took umbrage at the coarse manners of the father. The life of Alexander Severus in the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ is a ridiculous, lying panegyric: he certainly was an amiable, noble-hearted prince, and did not in the least deserve his fate; yet it is not to be overlooked that, by neglect and mismanagement, he gave occasion for discontent. The rebellion broke out, and Severus was murdered, A. D. 235, as was also his mother Mamæa, who accompanied him everywhere, to rule him everywhere.

Now again followed a terrible time. It is quite evident that Maximin was animated by an intense revolutionary hatred against everything distinguished as aristocratic, just like the ruthless terrorists in France. All persons of polite education and manners, and especially the senators, were the objects of his passionate fury: it is true that the senators may have been, not a venerable body, but a most contemptible set; yet this is no excuse for cruelty. Maximin disdained to come to Rome; which was a happy thing, as he would have ordered a massacre, just as Caracalla did at Alexandria. 268He waged war on the banks of the Rhine, of the Upper and Lower Danube, and everywhere, as one may suppose, with success: that he got permanent possession of the country beyond the limes, is doubtful. He freed Dacia from the inroads of the barbarians, and carried on war against the Sarmatians, with regard to whom it is not certain whether they dwelt on the banks of the Lower or of the Middle Danube. But while he now was afraid of no one, but put people to death on the first suspicion there arose in Thysdrus, a provincial town in Africa, an outbreak of despair: the ministers of tyranny were murdered, and the two Gordians, father and son, able and brave officers, of whom the father was advanced in years, were proclaimed, either Augustus and Cæsar, or both of them as Augusti.

The insurrection was but a shortlived one. Mauretania had taken no share in it; and thus Capellianus, the lieutenant of Maximin, quickly got together an army of Moors, although, properly speaking, these may never have been subjected to the Roman rule, which did not extend beyond the towns on the coasts: there was nothing, however, more easy than to make them take up arms by holding out the hope of booty; for instance, they had once before, in the reign of M. Antoninus, invaded Spain. He marched on Carthage, where, although the Gordians had made a bad use of their time, the younger ventured to go out against him, but was defeated with his incapable troops: they both of them lost their lives. The fate of Carthage, as well as the time that the insurrection lasted, is shrouded in darkness. Eckhel has critically proved, that all these events, down to the deaths of Maximus and Balbinus, must be made to fall between from about the end of March to the end of August: Gibbon’s chronology is certainly incorrect, and it contains impossibilities. Yet the question is still beset with great difficulties, which, however, may be cleared up some day by coins and monuments.

269The senate at Rome had recognised the Gordians, an act in which we see nothing of the usual behaviour of the cowardly, unwarlike aristocrats. It appointed twenty commissioners to preside over the armaments; and the prætorians were gained over, who had remained behind at Rome, and who very likely were neglected by Maximin: all the provinces moreover were called upon to declare themselves against the tyrant. The whole of Italy armed itself for a war of despair, and all the towns were fortified, when there came the dismal tidings of the defeat and death of the Gordians. On this, two of the commissioners, Maximus and Balbinus, were elected emperors; whether it was, that it was deemed necessary to have a division of labour; or to moderate the supreme power; or what seems to me most likely, to unite two parties. Balbinus, if in that time we may still draw conclusions from names, was a man of rank, and of the house of the Cælii: his name was D. Cælius Balbinus, and that of his colleague, M. Clodius Pupienus Maximus.[56] Balbinus remained behind at Rome; Maximus went to Ravenna, where he raised an army against Maximin, with which, however, he very wisely did not go out and face him. He ordered all the bridges over the many rivers in Lombardy to be broken down, and Aquileia was strongly fortified and garrisoned. It was defended with the courage of despair, the inhabitants being resolved upon holding out to the last; the country far and wide was abandoned, and every soul was in the town: Maximin, on the other hand, tried all he could to make this base of the enemy his own; the siege was protracted, and he was murdered here with his innocent son by the soldiers, who were already in want of provisions, and suffered greatly from the fevers which had seized them in that damp country. It is remarkable that he had a very amiable and kindhearted 270wife, and just as excellent a son, who, perhaps, would have become one of the best emperors.

With regard to the time when Maximin fell, Tillemont’s and Gibbon’s chronology is impossible. According to the general account, it would seem as if Maximin had, like Sylla, gone on for the whole of a year with the war on the Danube, while Italy was in rebellion: this, however, is incorrect. Maximin had but his army for him. It is very likely that one province after the other fell away from him, which alone accounts for the miscarriage of his expedition: the whole of the Roman world must at last have declared against him. The most undeniable proof of this is to be found in a letter of the consul Claudius Julianus to Maximus and Balbinus, in which he expressly says that all the soldiers had given them adoration; and this letter was written even before the death of Maximin.

At the demand of the people, owing to the popularity of the Gordians, a grandson—very likely by a daughter of old Gordian—was now elected Cæsar besides the two emperors Maximus and Balbinus. The Gordians bore the family name of the Antonii, and were reckoned among the genuine aristocrats: we must not, however, thence conclude that they were related to the triumvir. Maximus returned in triumph to Rome. He and Balbinus were both of them praiseworthy princes: but the soldiers were exasperated at the victory of the senators, who annoyed them in the most senseless manner, and they very soon murdered the emperors.

After their death the empire fell into the hands of young Gordian only, who was now proclaimed Augustus. How young he was, cannot be made out. We only know this, that he had a præfectus prætorio who at all events was no Roman, called by the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ, Misitheus,—quite an apocryphal name, which Casaubon has already proved to have been an impossible one. In Zonaras it is Timesicles, which indeed we may well believe it to have been: there is also 271said to be a Latin inscription remaining,—it is, however, uncertain whether it refers to him,—in which the name is given as Timesitheus, which is the most plausible of all. In the reign of Gordian, the northern frontiers were disturbed; yet this does not seem to have been of any consequence. Of far greater importance were the Persian affairs, by which he was called to the East, where, if we may place any trust in the coins, he defeated the Persians and earned triumphal insignia. The war, however, was not yet brought to an end, and he remained still in Asia.

There he was murdered by the præfectus prætorio, M. Julius Philippus, a native of Roman Arabia, from Bostra in Arabia Petræa. He is called an Arabian; but he was not a Bedouin, his native place being a colonia Romana, so that perhaps he may have been a Syrian or a Greek, having in all likelihood belonged to the cohort of the Idumæi, east of the Jordan.[57] It may be that he got on at Rome in the time of the Syrian rulers Julia Domna and Alexander Severus. He became the murderer of his unoffending, well-meaning, amiable young prince, whose good luck had departed at the death of his father-in-law Timesitheus. It was generally believed that the latter also had owed his death to the arts of Philip.

Philip made an honourable peace with the Persians, for which there was need, as the storm was already lowering heavily over Rome. He is remarkable, because in his reign the thousandth anniversary of the city was celebrated with great pomp; but still more remarkable because ecclesiastical history generally assumes him to have been a Christian. But Eckhel observes from his coins that he could not really have been 272a Christian, as they bear too many heathen emblems and images of gods. This is partly the case also with Constantine, who had the god of the Sun on his coins, and may likewise have had rather a confused sort of faith. That there is something in the story of Philip’s having declared himself for the Christian religion, is proved with tolerable probability from Origen’s having addressed letters to him. There is a tradition in church history, that he had done public penance, and received absolution for the murder of his prince. At any rate, it does not follow from his deeds that he was not a Christian. His birthplace Bostra lay in the neighbourhood of Pella, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, and there, of course, the Christian religion was already firmly established. Of great moment for Rome were the brilliant secular games. This indeed is very heathenish; but Philip may have been but a catechumen, and by availing himself of a common casuistry, have sinned during that festival in the hope of a late baptism. The rest of his government is blameless; no charge, in fact, is brought against him. He reigned from 243 to 248, in which latter year several rebellions broke out against him. The Pannonian and Mœsian legions having proclaimed Marinus[58] emperor, and soon afterwards murdered him, Philip sent Decius thither, who, certainly without any shadow of truth, made himself out to be descended from the Decii: to derive him from these, was merely a compliment which was paid to him. His name was Q. Messius Trajanus Decius,[59] and he was born in Illyricum. That country was very extensively colonized; so that he may very likely have come from one of the Roman military colonies: the population there had become thoroughly Roman. Decius warned Philip not to put him in a position in 273which he might be compelled to break his faith; but Philip insisted upon so doing. What Decius had expected, took place: he was forced by the soldiers to accept the throne, and to go to Italy. Even here, he is said to have once more repeated his offer. Philip was killed in a fight between the two armies in the neighbourhood of Verona.

Decius is looked upon as a hero by the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ and by Zosimus, a zealous partisan of paganism; but he is just as much hated by the writers of ecclesiastical history for his cruelty to the Christians, against whom indeed he was the first, after a long pause, to set on foot a fierce persecution. The motive for it, in all likelihood, was a sort of antagonism to the tendencies of his predecessor. What Dodwell has asserted is strictly true, that the accounts of the numbers of the victims are exaggerated; but the persecution of Decius was in right earnest, and it interrupted the peace which, with the exception of some little casualties, the Christian Church had long enjoyed. The Roman see remained vacant for a year and a half; and Decius is represented to have said, that he would rather allow an emperor to be chosen by his side than a bishop. This shows how much the Christians had already increased. Their number was great among the middle classes at Rome, Carthage, Alexandria, and above all, at Antioch: in the East, they were scattered; in the West, there were hardly any in the country, but they were in the towns, especially in the large cities. The greater part of Gaul knew nothing of this religion, except at Arles, Marseilles, and some other chief towns: the acts of the martyrs of Lyons are quite authentic. Just as little as in Gaul, does Christianity seem to have spread in Spain; in Africa, there was at an early period a numerous and zealous church; in Greece proper, there were few Christians; in the Ionian towns, on the other hand, there were many.

274

## STATE OF THINGS AT HOME. FINE ARTS. LITERATURE.

I make a pause in the middle of the third century, to give a general view of some leading points. There is now a circumstance which begins from this time to be strikingly seen. Most of the sepulchral inscriptions which we have, are from the end of the first to the middle of the third century; and of these the great majority are to the memory of freedmen, there being about ten libertini to one ingenuus. The fine marble tombs of the great families were most of them destroyed during the middle ages, and they are now very scarce: the stones were used for building at the time of the restoration of the city. As the names of free men were everywhere getting confused from the beginning of the third century, there is indeed hardly a tomb, after the first half of the third century, in which libertini are to be met with. The importation of slaves must have stopped, and therefore the custom of having households of them must have immensely fallen off: the development of the system of colonies must have absorbed the greater part of them.

Moreover, at this time, the difference between imperial and senatorial provinces is done away with. Severus is said to have taken the provinces from the senate, thereby paving the way for the arrangements made by Diocletian and Constantine.

In former days, before I had mooted the subject, the Roman literature of the first half of the third century was thought to have been already quite barbarous, which was indeed the case with the fine arts. Historical plastic art, of which we have specimens in the bas reliefs on the spiral columns, is at its height under Trajan, and still keeps up even as late as the Antonines. Of Antoninus Pius, I know but one historical bas relief, which, however, is wretched: under M. Antoninus, this 275art had risen again. Architecture was already in its decline under Hadrian, as this emperor had a corrupt taste, being fond of mannerism and an artificial style. The statue of M. Antoninus on horseback is a noble work: if the horse is less to our liking, this is perhaps because the race itself to which it belongs does not seem to us at all beautiful; for indeed the whole is full of spirit and life. But this is also the last masterpiece: even as early as Trajan, art is merely historical, nor is there any monument left in which the ideal of a grand and creative style is to be seen. As for painting, it was now indeed quite gone, as Petronius expressly remarks; some works of this class, which are still to be found, are detestably bad: its decline became complete owing to the rise of mosaic, which now began to be employed. Of the age of Severus and Caracalla, there are still very fine busts; of Severus also, there are still very fine statues; but the bas reliefs on the triumphal arch of this emperor are already thoroughly bad: those on the small arch which was erected by the argentarii, are quite barbarously misdrawn, scientific skill and the eye for proportion are lost. After the time of Caracalla, we have not one good bust: they are all misshapen, though some of them may indeed be likenesses. The coins also become more and more barbarous.

The literature of the great jurists has reached its height, and at the same time its end, in Papinian and Ulpian, both of whom, diversis virtutibus, are of transcendent greatness: Paullus ought never to be spoken of in the same breath with them. They are both of them excellent likewise with regard to language; for although some small mistakes may be found in it here and there, it is truly Roman. It is remarkable that they had no successors; just as with Demosthenes oratory is at its height, and then dies away; just as after Thucydides, no historian of the same spirit rose up again. A long while afterwards, there followed Hermogenianus and others, who were mere compilers. The 276scientific arrangement of the law gave rise to the legislation of the imperial secretaries, whose statutes, however, are most detestably drawn up: we may indeed thank our stars, that their verbosity is curtailed in the code.—With regard to the belles lettres, I have shown, and I look upon it as an established fact, that Curtius belongs to the time of Severus and Caracalla: he is an author who already writes quite an artificial style, an imitation of Livy. Still later, in the reign of Alexander Severus, perhaps even in that of Gordian, lived the most witty, but most profligate, Petronius Arbiter, in whom Mamæa is distinctly alluded to. The excellent Hadrian Valesius was the first who drew attention to this: the prelate Monsignor Stefano Gradi violently opposed him at first; but he afterwards set an honourable example by giving up his own opinion, and making the proof complete. I have added some further arguments, which both of them had overlooked, such as the passage concerning Mamæa, and likewise an epitaph which is evidently of the time of Severus. Petronius’ language—leaving aside those passages in which he makes people talk, as they really then spoke, in the lingua rustica—bears the marks of the age of which it is the true living expression. He is the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus; but one sees how his talent was quite confined to the romance and the poetry of every-day life.

In the middle of the third century, Rome was in everything already sinking into a state of barbarism: even the characters on the inscriptions are of a barbarous shape, and the lines are crooked and slanting.

277

## INVASION OF THE GOTHS. DEATH OF DECIUS. GALLUS TREBONIANUS ÆMILIAN. VALERIAN. GALLIENUS. THE THIRTY TYRANTS.

Decius, although he may have been a very praiseworthy prince, bears the stain of persecutions. His reign was the era of the great break up which began with the Germans, who for seventy years had kept tolerably quiet. The whole of the north of Germany was now in motion, and the Franks made their appearance on the Lower Rhine. With regard to the origin of the Franks, on which go much has been written, I think the opinion to be a very likely one, that the Sigambri on the right banks of the Rhine, and in Westphalia, called themselves Franks, and that they formed a state of their own distinct from that of the Saxons. The Swabians, who are partly called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, make their appearance on the Maine. Yet the grand break up caused by the Goths, dates from the reign of Decius. Over the whole subject of their migrations, hangs the greatest uncertainty. Did they come, as the Icelandic traditions would make us believe, from the South to the North; or the reverse, as the traditions in Jormandes would show? I believe that the question cannot in any way be decided. We can only say thus much, that a large Gothic empire existed in the beginning of the third century, in the south-east of Europe.

The invasion of the Goths was made partly by land through Dacia, partly in skiffs across the Black sea; like the attacks of the Russians on Constantinople in the tenth century. Of the detailed account of the Athenian Dexippus, we have unfortunately nothing but fragments in the Excerpta de Sententiis and de Legationibus, besides a few in Syncellus. It is impossible to analyse these invasions in detail: I should not venture to divide them, like Gibbon, into three great expeditions. 278They overpowered the kingdom of the Bosporus, and destroyed the towns on the northern coast of Asia Minor: they advanced also as far as Cappadocia. Another expedition subdued the Thracian Bosporus which since the destruction of Byzantium lay quite open. It is a proof of the utter lethargy of the Roman Empire, that no attempt was made to fit out any ships of war, to destroy the vessels of the barbarians. The most thriving Bithynian cities, Nicomedia, Prusa, Chalcedon, and others, were destroyed after the death of Decius, and with far more cruelty than the Goths displayed in later times.

We must, however, return to the history of Decius, and go on with it. Even some time already before this, when the Goths made their inroad across the Danube, they were met by Decius. Dexippus wrote this history down to the reign of Claudius Gothicus. The Goths besieged Nicopolis; and when Decius relieved this town, they crossed the ridges of the Hæmus, and took Philippopolis. After they had taken it, Decius again met them in mount Hæmus, and cut off their retreat, when they wanted to make a treaty for a free departure, and even to return the booty and prisoners; but Decius refused, and whilst they were thus driven to despair, he fared as king Frederick did at Kunersdorf. The Goths were drawn up in three lines, two of which were already broken; and if Decius had properly followed up his advantage, and taken such a position that he might have dispersed those who were already beaten, and surrounded the rest, he might have destroyed the whole army. But the unlucky star of Rome led him to attack the third line, which was drawn up behind a marsh or narrow paths and dykes, in a position where all the bravery of the legions was in vain. He met with a defeat in which he and his son lost their lives. This overthrow was decisive; but the Goths likewise had suffered considerable loss, and they were glad to conclude with Gallus Trebonianus, who had been proclaimed emperor, a treaty 279by which he paid to them a considerable sum to be allowed to march off free. Whether he also granted them abodes in Dacia, is more than I will take upon myself to decide.

Gallus went to Rome, where he took as his colleague Hostilianus, the nephew or son of Decius, who, however, died soon afterwards. As Gallus now reigned despised by every one for the disgraceful peace which he had made; Æmilianus, the governor of Illyricum, rose against him in the East, and leading his army into Italy, gained a victory on the borders of Umbria and the Sabine country, in the neighbourhood of Spoletum, and Gallus lost his life. The latter, in his turn, had an avenger in Valerian; who had been called out of Germany to his aid, and who came indeed too late to save, but soon enough to avenge him: Æmilianus was deserted, and probably murdered by his own soldiers.

Valerian now ascended the throne. Great things were expected from him; yet his reputation was wholly undeserved, and we behold nothing but disaster in his reign. Decius had had the strange idea of restoring the censorship to improve the public morals, and the senate with one voice had named Valerian censor; but Decius’ death happened so soon, that nothing followed from the appointment. Valerian took for his colleague his own son P. Licinius Gallienus, from which name we are not to suppose that there was any relationship to the old Licinii of the best times of the republic. Rome was in those days already quite accustomed to the system of having colleagues; for as the emperor was often at the farthest end of the empire, it was necessary that some one should carry on the government for him. From all sides, the Franks, Alemanni, and Goths now broke in, each nation by itself; and at the same time, the Persians also, under king Sapor, crossed the eastern frontier. The history of Valerian is very obscure and scanty: whether his catastrophe took place in the year 256 or 260, cannot be made out.

280The Franks had established their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, and they held both banks of the stream as far up as Coblentz; the Swabians had broken through the entrenched barrier, and taken possession of what is now Suabia, or rather the country from the neighbourhood of the Lahn even to Switzerland. The Juthungi, who are mentioned in this time only, are perhaps so called from the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, and merely mean this people; for the names which end in -ing and -ung, are always names of dynasties. The Goths forced their way in swarms of boats, either by the Danube or the Dniester, into the Roman seas, without the Romans ever once opposing to them a fleet. These were devastations like those of the Normans in the ninth and tenth centuries. They plundered the whole of Achaia; they sacked and burned Corinth, Argos, and Athens, which, after many ages, now distinguishes itself again. A spirited band under the strategus Dexippus, the same who wrote this history, left the town for the mountains; and when it had been taken, they came down from thence, and surprised the Gothic fleet in the Piræeus, avenging their city in a manner which does one good to hear. Dexippus must have been an able man, although his history is a work of bad rhetoric.

Just as unhappily, and far more disgracefully besides, did things go on in Mesopotamia and Syria. Valerian, who was opposed to Sapor himself, was brought into a most disadvantageous position, where he met with the fate of General Mack near Ulm: he capitulated and became a prisoner, and he is said to have been very shockingly treated. Whether Asiatic ruthlessness went to the length of having him flayed alive, cannot be decided by us: it was also a disputed point, even among the ancients. The Persians now burst like a flood over Syria and Cappadocia, and near Cæsarea they all but fell in with the Goths: Antioch was taken and sacked. Those who escaped from the sword, were led away into bondage, with a barbarity like that of Soliman at the siege 281of Vienna, when two hundred thousand men lost their life or their freedom: the city was then get fire to. The same fate befel Cæsarea, after a noble defence. The towns on the Persian frontier alone had preserved their walls; but in the interior, in Greece, and in Asia Minor, no one had ever thought of the possibility of an enemy, and therefore the walls had been allowed to go to ruins, or had been pulled down.

The whole of Syria was overrun and conquered,—a few strong towns only may have held out; but in the midst of the desert, Palmyra, unobserved by the rest of the world, had risen by degrees into an important commercial mart, and from this city, half Syrian and half Arab, there had grown up a power which made head against Sapor. Under the lead of Odenathus, who is justly reckoned among the great men of the East, it was able to fight for its existence, and to hold its own. Odenathus defeated the rear of Sapor, and was not afraid of facing him in the open field. All the Arabs from the interior having joined him, as it seems, he is called Princeps Saracenorum (from شرق to rise, مشرق the East; as Yemen, the right hand, reckoning from Mecca): the name of Saracens is to be met with long before Mohammed. Odenathus must have got together a great force. On the other side also of the Persian empire, diversions must have been made of which, however, we know nothing: for the relations of the Persians with their eastern neighbours are altogether hidden from us.

Valerian died in captivity. Gallienus is reproached for having made no attempt to ransom his father; but, ought he to have done so by giving up provinces? This is the time of the so-called thirty tyrants, a term which has been exploded long ago. Gallienus was a worthless prince, living only for his lusts, and seeking to take his ease in the midst of the most dreadful calamities. He always remained in possession of Italy and 282of the Noric and Illyrian frontier, and, with hardly an exception, of Greece and Africa: (for a short time only, his authority in Ægypt was disputed). In the East, Syria and the eastern provinces of Asia Minor remained under the rule of Odenathus, and after his death, under that of his great widow Zenobia: these were in some measure acknowledged by the senate and by Gallienus, so that the latter even had a triumph for the victories of Odenathus. From 256, or 260, to 268, Gallienus reigned alone; but in the meanwhile Gaul, Britain, and Spain, even the whole of what was afterwards the Præfectura Gallica, were torn away by Postumus, and became a compact territory having its own princes: these may be called emperors with as much right as Gallienus himself, although this would be contrary to Roman orthodoxy. Postumus was a very eminent man: he ruled over this great empire nearly ten years, and, if we may rely on his coins, gained a succession of brilliant victories over the Barbarians, particularly the Alemanni, and the Franks. The Alemanni must at that time have undertaken a wide wasting expedition as far as Spain, perhaps in the service of one of the then Emperors. The real name of Postumus is M. Cassianus[60] Latinius Postumus. He has left behind him a noble reputation; but the misfortunes of Gaul already now begin, as is proved by the destruction of Autun, which from that time lay in ruins until the reign of Diocletian: Spain also was devastated by the Barbarians. At Mentz, Ælianus[61] had usurped the imperial title; but he was conquered by Postumus, who in his turn lost his life when he would not let his soldiers pillage that city. He was succeeded by Victorinus, (his full name is M. Piavvonius Victorinus,) a brave but profligate general, whose outrages brought upon himself death from the hands of a deeply 283injured man. Then followed Marius, a common armourer, and after him a great Gallic lord, C. Pesuvius Tetricus, who was acknowledged throughout the whole of what was afterwards called the Gallic Prefecture, and maintained himself there until the reign of Aurelian. Here it is plainly to be seen how the division into prefectures was altogether founded upon circumstances, and by no means an arbitrary one. The nation now consists of Latinized Celts and Latinized Iberians, who were distinguished from the Italians by very decided peculiarities of their own.

The empire of Palmyra, as Eckhel justly remarks in opposition to Gibbon, did not reach beyond Egypt and the countries of the Levant: Egypt perhaps it only comprised in the last years, under Claudius Gothicus. From coins especially, one may learn much, although they are often enigmatical, that is to say, they give us enigmas to solve which but for them would have never come to us at all. In Illyricum, Africa, Egypt, even in peaceful Achaia, pretenders now arose, whose rule indeed lasted but a short time, yet they most sadly distracted the empire. The whole of the state, in fact, now consisted of three distinct masses. In the first place, there was the empire of Rome; secondly, there was the West or Gallic empire; and thirdly, that of the East. In Gaul, even very far back indeed, as early as the days of Augustus and Tiberius, a marked spirit of independence might have been observed, whereas Spain was much more sincerely united to Rome: in the East, it was quite the reverse, just as in Gaul. Treves was even at that time the seat of government, as perhaps it was also under Postumus and Victorinus, although they often lived at Cologne: Neuwied is called on the inscriptions Victoriensis, which may have some connexion with Victorinus and his mother Victoria. The Porta Nigra at Treves belongs to this time. It is a Roman gate, on each side of which there are basilicas: the whole building is of no older date. The capital of such 284an empire might well have had large structures. Taste had already fallen to a very low ebb.

## CLAUDIUS GOTHICUS. AURELIAN. TACITUS. PROBUS. CARUS.

A northern pretender, Aureolus, having marched from Rhætia against Milan, Gallienus fell during the siege of this town, most likely by the hands of his own men. He was a curse to the Roman empire, and his death was its deliverance. After him came a great man, M. Aurelius Claudius, who received the well-earned name of Gothicus. This emperor had to face a new invasion of the Goths, who burst in by the Propontis, and once more destroyed Cyzicus. These now made their appearance in Macedon, besieged even Thessalonica, and from thence marched into the interior of the country. There they met with Claudius, and they wished to retreat back again to the Danube; but Claudius defeated them near Nissa, on the borders of Bulgaria and Servia, in a great battle in which they were all but annihilated. New hordes, however, were always pouring in, the East and West Goths being now joined by the Vandals; and Claudius, while going on with the war against them, died at Sirmium in the middle of his career, either of the plague or of an epidemic caused by the war. The seat of the disease seems to have been in Mœsia, where it did great havoc, both among the Romans and among the Goths. He was succeeded by Aurelian.

The victory of Claudius over the Goths had ensured the safety of the Roman empire, although he still left much undone. The empire of Palmyra evidently was friendly, and it protected the eastern frontier: with Tetricus, the relations were at least perfectly peaceful. Claudius himself had recommended Aurelian as the ablest of his generals, and the senate and the army swore 285allegiance to him. Aurelian did great things during the five years of his reign (until 273): he restored the empire. One might be tempted to apply to him the remarkable passage in Curtius;[62] but it is not to be believed that such pure Latin should have still been written in his reign. Gibbon must have thought this less unlikely, as far at least as regards the time of Gordian, for which he decides; but the passage on Tyre,[63] to have any meaning at all, must be referred to the times of Septimius Severus and Caracalla. Although Aurelian is no ideal of a character, yet there is much in his reign which gives one pleasure, like every age in which anything that has fallen into ruin has been restored. But unhappily there are also here no sufficient sources; all is obscure: the imperial history, on the whole, is much more so than that of the republic; we are much better able to reconstruct the history of the twelfth and thirteenth century from the chronicles. The accounts we have of Aurelian, although they may be strung together, form no history: the coins are far safer authorities for this time, and with these the statements of our wretched historians cannot be made to agree. Gibbon has done everything that was possible, nor will his work ever be surpassed.

Aurelian passed the five years of his reign in an activity which beggars belief, going from one frontier to another, and from war to war. At first, he wisely made peace with the Goths, to whom he gave up the claims of Rome on Dacia. This country may have been in a condition like that of Gaul in the fifth century. The Romans may have kept their ground only in the impassable places of Transylvania, which he now evacuated, there being no hope left of driving back the Goths who had made inroads almost everywhere. The population of Dacia had been so much weakened by the 286wars, that the country could not be kept: those who wished to leave it, now settled in Bulgaria which thereby gained strength.—The war against the great Zenobia, who was already dreaming of nothing less than an Asiatic empire, was decided by two battles, at Antioch and at Emesa. As Zenobia could stand her ground against the Persians, but not against the Roman legions, her infantry must have been bad: it may be that she had formed in Syria a militia which overawed the Persians, whereas the Romans, who did not wish to give arms into the hands of the borderers, carried on the war with the aid of mercenaries. Zenobia’s defence of Palmyra did not answer the expectation which was entertained of her courage; for she fled and was taken prisoner. In her captivity, she showed herself to be an Asiatic woman, by sacrificing her best advisers as having beguiled her into bad policy: among these was the ingenious Longinus. As without doubt, even at that time, there was in many minds the idea of a Greek Asiatic Empire, an intellectual Greek like Longinus may indeed have suggested such a thought to his princess. It was one of the acts which have stained Aurelian’s purple, that he had this distinguished man put to death; and still worse was his giving up Palmyra to destruction on account of a rebellion of its inhabitants.

Thus the East was again tranquillized, the peace with the Persians being secured until the times of Carus, as it seems, by treaties. Aurelian now returned to Europe to reunite the West with the empire; whereupon he was met by Tetricus, who felt that his own life was not safe among the mutinous soldiers, and wished to get himself out of this position: but the soldiers of Tetricus fought with such spirit in the neighbourhood of Chalons, that one may see how national was their cause, and how determined was the wish for separation. It is remarkable that the French historians have never understood nor discerned the national development of France, which always renewed itself from the time of Julius Cæsar; 287just as they also have ever overlooked the distinctly marked difference between the literature of Northern and Southern France. It cannot be accurately made out, whether it was now, or somewhat sooner or later, that the German tribes broke through the frontier. The Alemanni, Lombards (Juthungi), and Vandals—the first two at least—passed the Po and threatened Rome: they were defeated near Fano (Fanum Fortunæ), very nearly in the same neighbourhood where Hasdrubal fell in the second Punic War.

Aurelian, who could not live without war, was on the eve of renewing that against the Persians: but he was murdered while on his march, at the crafty instigation, it is said, of an infamous secretary whose fraud he had found out. This story, however, is perhaps one of the many tales which were devised to screen the guilt of the real perpetrators: another conspiracy had already been discovered once before. The army bewailed him, and determined that none of the leading men who had had a share in his murder should reap any advantage from it. This accounts for the strange demand which the army made to the senate, to appoint the successor of Aurelian. The senate mistrusted this, or it was afraid that the soldiers might repent; but the latter are said to have so steadfastly stood by their declaration, that the empire remained for eight months without an emperor, nor did any one arise in the provinces.

At last,—so we are told,—Tacitus, the princeps senatus, was elected, who was distinguished for everything that could at all distinguish a senator,—immense fortune, of which he made a good use; a blameless life; administrative skill; and in his youth, military valour. On his election, he gave the senate the promise that he would look upon himself as its servant; whereupon the senators already began to give themselves up to their daydreams of freedom and power. The emperor was now to be their first servant; all rule and might was to be in the hands of the senate, and the republic was to be 288restored:—in a word, they expected to be like the senate of Venice. But that dream lasted but a short time. Tacitus went to the army in Asia Minor. The statement of his advanced age rests on the authority of the latest Greeks, and deserves little credit: the earlier writers say nothing about it. How they could then have elected an old man in his seventy-sixth year, is scarcely to be understood, as they needed a military prince. This reminds us of the Roman Cardinals, who elect an aged Pope to have so much more the hope of succeeding him themselves. Although Tacitus carried on the war against the Alans with success, the Romans were not yet rid of their causes for uneasiness in that quarter. When he died at Tarsus, in all likelihood it was quietly in his bed, of illness or exhaustion: murder seems not to be thought of. After his death, the throne was usurped by his brother Quintilius,[64] to whom however the legions refused obedience.

They proclaimed Probus emperor, who is the most excellent of the Cæsars of that age. Quite as great a general as Aurelian, he still at the same time turned his mind to the protection of the empire against foreign foes, and to raising it at home from the wretched condition into which it had fallen. He had many rebellions to put down, but he had especially to wage war against the Alans, the Franks, the Alemanni, and the Sarmatians. The Franks he drove back into the marshes of the Netherlands; and he not only defeated the Alemanni, but he also crossed the Rhine, and regained the Suabian empire: he is likewise said to have repaired the limes. We are told that he wanted to form Germany into a province, which at that time was much more feasible than it had been before: for the southern Germans had already become much nearer to the Romans in their manners. Had Diocletian given himself the same trouble, and established a Roman power in the south of Germany, 289he might perhaps have succeeded.—It would have been possible to collect the Germans into towns, and to accustom them to a regular city life, for in the reign of Valentinian, we find them afterwards on the banks of the Neckar already settled in larger villages and in fortified towns, and no longer in scattered cottages. Probus achieved an incredible number of great undertakings in every quarter, crossing the empire from one frontier to the other with the power and speed of lightning: rest, during the five years of his reign, he never once enjoyed; but, on the other hand, he was unspeakably beloved by his people. Once also he triumphed in Rome, as Aurelian had likewise done: yet his coins not only bear the legend, Invicto Imperatori Probo, but also Bono Imperatori Probo. The soldiers only became estranged from him, because he made their work too hard, as he exacted from them, besides all their military duty, task-service for the restoration of the provinces. Like Aurelian and Decius, he came from the neighbourhood of the Limes Illyricus, being perhaps descended from military settlers; and therefore he wished to revive tillage in the neighbourhood of Sermium, and to drain the fens. To this unwholesome labour he kept the soldiers, employing them in digging the drains. As he did not yield to any representations made to him, the soldiers can scarcely be blamed when in their despair they would bear the heavy yoke no longer. He was murdered in the year 282; yet they still wept over his loss.

After his death, they raised the præfectus prætorio Carus to the throne. Whether Carus was born at Rome, or in Illyricum, or at Narbonne, we do not know: in a letter which is still extant, he calls himself a Roman senator,—a proof that the senatus consultum in the reign of Gallienus, that no senator should be a general, must have been something different from what is generally believed, and even Gibbon thinks it to have been. Perhaps Gallienus only took away from the senators the 290government of the provinces with the imperium, so that this was put an end to altogether, except in the short time of the reign of Tacitus; but even then, he did not shut them out from every kind of military command. As Carus also was quite in his element when there was a war, he led his soldiers against the Persians with the most signal success; and this was the last war but one in which this was the case: he is said to have retaken Ctesiphon; but this cannot be positively asserted. However this may be, Persia had lost the power which she had in the days of Ardaschir; and the Persian king Bahram, who was paralysed by fear, was quite unable to make head against the Roman army. Carus penetrated very far beyond the Persian frontier. Here he is said to have been struck by lightning in his tent:—whether this be true, or whether he did not rather fall by the hands of assassins, we cannot make out for certain. The soldiers, however, could not be got to advance any further: the omen of the prætorium struck by lightning was too dreadful. Numerian the son of Carus, a well educated and well-bred young man, good-hearted but unwarlike, was in the camp; the other one, Carinus, had remained in Rome: the latter was another Commodus, being a profligate and a tyrant. Numerian died, and the præfectus prætorio, Arrius Aper, is said to have concealed his death to found his own dominion on it. But it was detected; and it was laid to the charge of Aper by the Illyrian Diocletian, who was backed by the favour of the army. Being the most distinguished of the generals, he put forth claims to the throne: as for Carinus, he had made himself so hateful by his profligacy, that the army would not hear of him. Diocletian stabbed Aper with his own hands. A female soothsayer had told him that he should ascend the throne, if he killed an aper; and therefore in all his hunts, he had tried to kill a wild boar. The oracle now came true. Carinus gathered together the legions of the west, and great battle in Mœsia decided the fate of the throne. 291For when Carinus was on the point of gaining the victory, he was stabbed by a man whom he had foully wronged; and the soldiers now acknowledged Diocletian, who had been all but beaten, as their emperor, 285.

## DIOCLETIAN. LITERATURE AND GENERAL STATE OF THE THEN WORLD. MAXIMIAN. HIS SUCCESSORS. CONSTANTINE.

The reign of Diocletian forms a great epoch in Roman history. He shows himself everywhere a distinguished man: although we may censure many of his plans, yet even to have made an attempt is a proof of that ability which shines forth in everything that he did, and in the whole of his reign. There now follows a time which, when compared with the former ones, is one of recovery, and which lasted about an hundred years, down to the battle of Hadrianople (378). During this period, the government is settled in one dynasty, and the establishment of the Christian religion is greatly facilitated. One great source of relief was, the ceasing of some years, ever since Probus, of the frightful plague which had so long wasted the Roman empire. It had first made its appearance in the reign of M. Antoninus and L. Verus, when, however, it was far from spreading over every part of the world; even in the time of Septimius Severus, as we know from Tertullian, it had not yet visited Africa: about the middle of the third century, until just before the reign of Decius, epidemics are mentioned. The real terrible plague broke out in the days of Decius (249), although I would not take it upon myself to say that it did not exist previously: in the reign of Commodus, and also of Caracalla, there was a very fierce plague at Rome; but in that of Decius it spreads all over the Roman empire, making dreadful ravages even in Africa and Egypt as well. Thus it still continues. 292Claudius dies at Sirmium of the plague in 270, and in the days of Gallienus and Valerian its fury is unabated: as many as two thousand people are said at times to have died at Rome in one day. Dionysius the bishop tells us that, when the plague had left off in Alexandria, the number of all the grown up persons from fourteen to seventy, was not greater than what had formerly been the number of those who were between forty and seventy; whence it follows, that about the third part only—not, as Gibbon states, one half of the inhabitants had remained alive. From the beginning of this period, date the last writings of Saint Cyprian, and his remarkable treatise against Demetrian, in which this great mortality is distinctly acknowledged: even at that time, people had begun to lay this decrease of the human race to the charge of the Christians. After the black death, as Matteo Villani, a contemporary writer, remarks, when people thought that they should have everything in abundance, just the reverse took place, namely a grievous famine, owing to there not being men enough to till the fields. This also happened now; and it was even yet a great deal worse, as the finest countries were laid waste by the ravages of the barbarians.

In the same proportion as the world was made desolate, did intellect also decay. Until the middle of the third century, the western world was very civilized; we still meet with distinguished poetical talent, and jurisprudence reached its highest state of development: but after that time, down to the days of Constantine, we already find throughout it the most downright barbarism: in the plastic arts, the decline begins even as early as in the times of Septimius Severus, the busts alone being still somewhat tolerable. As for poems, that of Nemesian on the chase, and the eclogues of Calpurnius in the reign of Carinus, are very characteristic of the age: it is sheer verse-making. Prose is no longer to be met with. There is indeed not one writer of it worth mentioning, except Lactantius the contemporary of Constantine, 293who has made the style of Cicero quite his own: even as Curtius is a reproduction of Livy, so is Lactantius of Cicero. Yet the man himself is also interesting: in his seventh book, he shows real imagination. Before him lived Arnobius, who is instructive and useful, his erudition being of great value to us; but he is without originality.

In the East, a different class of writers had arisen. Instead of people trying, as in the second and third centuries, to reproduce the ancient Attic, the language of Plato and Demosthenes, which Dio Chrysostom and several others after him had done; there sprang up in the third century, from the times of Ammonius in Syria, the so-called New-Platonism, a system which aimed at higher things, and from the intellect which there was in it, was widely different from the rhetorical school before it. But it became thoroughly unreal, inasmuch as its votaries tampered with the hallowed mysteries of former times, being ashamed of them in their old form, and had foisted in what was altogether foreign to it.

Of the events which now follow, I can give you but an outline, such as every one ought to know by heart. Too great a stress was formerly laid on such a chronological skeleton of history; yet it ought not to be altogether neglected: the succession of the Roman emperors, with the dates of their reigns, is what every one ought to have in his memory. Diocletian had reigned for about a year, when, without any external cause, he took his countryman Maximian as his colleague. Of Diocletian we have many hostile accounts; but they are very much exaggerated, nor are they the only ones. It is said that his father had been a slave, or at best a freedman; by this, however, a colonus, perhaps is meant, that is to say, a serf from the Dalmatian frontier. He cannot himself have been a slave, as slaves were not yet at that time received in the legions: the derivation of his name from Doclea, a town on the Dalmatian frontier, is a very likely one indeed. Diocletian had risen 294in the army by his own merit, a fact which sufficiently refutes the charge of cowardice brought against him as well as many other great generals, such as Napoleon. Against the latter also this charge is highly unjust. He often wanted moral courage, as, for instance, on the 19th of Brumaire; but the courage of a general he had. He is taxed with cowardice in cases when he did not choose to place himself in a position in which he could neither see nor hear, and thus neglect his duties as a general; but in so doing he was perfectly justified. Only he ought to have died at Waterloo: his leaving that battlefield can never be excused.—Diocletian was, on the whole, a mild man. On two occasions only, he laid himself open to the charge of cruelty,—in his chastisement of the rebels at Alexandria, and in his persecution of the Christians, to the latter of which he was beguiled in his old age by Galerius. Maximian, on the contrary, was a coarse and cruel man, who murdered the Roman nobles to get held of their treasures; or because he had been offended; or else because their very rank annoyed him: for the senate seems now to have become more and more hereditary.

Diocletian, who was a man of uncommon shrewdness, could not disguise from himself, how highly dangerous it was to keep jarring elements together by force. He therefore bethought himself of what would seem the strange plan of healing the many splits between the East and the West by a distinct government for each under different princes, they being, however, so united by one common centre, as still to form one whole. This worked well so long as he reigned himself. The legislative power, the consulship, and the high offices were to be in common: but in both parts of the empire there was to be a distinct Augustus; and by the side of every Augustus a Cæsar as his coadjutor, who was to succeed to the throne after his death. The latter clause was to prevent the throne from being kept vacant, or being given away by the soldiers. It would seem that the 295senior Augustus had the right of naming the Cæsars. The Præfectura Galliarum (which consisted of Gaul, Britain, and Spain), together with Mauretania, was to have a Cæsar; Italy and Africa were placed under the immediate rule of the Augustus. The countries on the Danube, Pannonia and Mœsia (afterwards the præfectura of Illyria), were likewise under a Cæsar: the other Augustus had the whole of the East. All these were ingenious combinations: but they showed by their result, what such combinations will generally lead to.

Diocletian reigned for twenty years (from 285 to 305), and then by his paramount influence, he got Maximian to resign his dignity at the same time with him (May 1st, 305); so that, while he was yet living, the machine might be set up anew. The Cæsar in the East, Galerius, and his colleague Constantius, were both of them Illyrians. The former was a common soldier who had gotten the surname of Armentarius from having been a drover; the other (to whom we do not give the name of Chlorus, as it is only to be found in Byzantine writers, and not even in the earlier ones, nor on coins; and as we are not able to make out its derivation) was of high birth, his father being a man of rank in the diocese of Illyricum, and his mother a niece of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. The two were of a very different stamp. Constantius was an accomplished and well educated gentleman; Galerius was a rough fellow: both of them, however, were distinguished generals, though indeed Galerius was the bolder of the two. This division led afterwards to that of the empire into prefectures: not only every Augustus, but also every Cæsar had his præfectus prætorio; whence arose the four dioceses, each of which had a præfectus, as we see at a later period, there being traces of it even in the times of Justinian. Of the other measures of Diocletian, we shall mention here but the following. He transplanted the ceremonial of the East into his court: neither of the two emperors, however, resided at Rome; Maximian 296lived at Milan; Diocletian, in Nicomedia. Whatever may be said of Constantine, he was a great man: one of the many traits which mark him as such, is his not overlooking the situation of Byzantium. If those who founded Chalcedon were called blind by the oracle, Diocletian also is among the blind. In those eastern parts therefore, in which Asiatic manners spread more and more, Diocletian completely adopted the etiquette of the East.

The most important events in this reign, are the revolt of Britain under Carausius; a rising in Egypt; and the Persian war, the most glorious for a long time which the Romans had waged, and even the last glorious war of all.

Carausius—the admiral of a fleet stationed at Bononia (Boulogne) to keep in check the Franks and other tribes in the Netherlands, who had already begun to carry on piracy—revolted; made himself master of Britain; and assumed the title of Augustus. After having once been even acknowledged by Diocletian and Maximian, he was murdered by his own soldiers: his successor Allectus, who seized the reins of government after him, was overpowered by Constantius.—The reduction of Egypt was achieved by Diocletian himself: after a long siege, Alexandria had to surrender at discretion, and was severely punished.—Against Persia, Galerius had the command for two campaigns; and though, at first, he suffered a defeat, he afterwards gained a decided victory, routing and scattering the Persians, whose king was obliged to make peace. Armenia was recognised as a tributary dependency of Rome; Aderbidjan, with Tauris its capital, was given up by Persia to Armenia; Rome likewise gained the countries south of Lake Van as far as Mosul to the east, that is to say the countries on the Euphrates and Tigris, even beyond the eastern banks of the latter river. This happened A. D. 296, four years after the appointment of the Cæsares. Time hinders me from dwelling on the persecutions of 297the Christians by Diocletian; so that I shall only remark that Diocletian and his counsellors, going against the stream, and quite heedless of the wants of the age (even looking upon the matter in a worldly point of view), sought to crush the Christian religion. This led them to that shocking persecution, which, however, was not so frightful as we are wont to believe it to have been. Dodwell is right in saying that it was nothing to what the Duke of Alva did in the Netherlands. Yet it was after all a struggle against the tide: for whenever a people wills a thing in good earnest, it does not allow itself to be kept back. Annihilation or slavery alone are able to stop its onward march.

The results of the new measures were like those which we have seen during the last forty years in Europe, where constitutions have been drawn up, which when brought to bear on life and its real business, have worked quite differently from what had been expected. After Diocletian and Maximian’s resignation, Constantius and Galerius succeeded as Augusti, and the places of the Cæsars became vacant. As the Augusti were bound to make Milan or Nicomedia their abode, Constantius remained in Gaul, where his court was generally at Treves. In his stead, a Cæsar was to be appointed, who had to rule over Africa and Italy; and Galerius, claiming the right of nomination, made choice of another Illyrian named Severus: over the East he set his own nephew Maximinus Daza, a common soldier, to whom he gave the administration of Syria and Egypt, while he himself remained in Nicomedia, and kept Illyricum, Greece, and Asia Minor. The persecution of the Christians went on at a fearful rate, but without any effect; so that at last it was even obliged to slacken.

Diocletian remained quiet during all these changes; but old Maximian did not approve of them. He returned from Lucania to Rome, where he again came forth as an Augustus, and got the senate to proclaim his son Maxentius a Cæsar instead of Severus. Soon afterwards, 298Constantius died, and the legions proclaimed his son Constantine Augustus; but Galerius, who had formerly plotted against his life, wished to acknowledge him as Cæsar only, and on the other hand, appointed Severus Augustus, and set him on against Maximian and Maxentius. But Severus died in his attempt to invade Italy, and Constantine for the present submitted to the degradation.

Constantine was the son of Constantius’ first wife Helena, a woman of low birth from Roussillon, whom her husband had been obliged to put away that he might marry Theodora, a stepdaughter of Maximian. Constantine was thirty-two years old, when his father died. He is a truly great man, and on him the attention of the whole of the then Roman world was directed. Though not an accomplished scholar, neither yet was he an untaught barbarian, as he spoke Greek and Latin.

Whilst Constantine contented himself with establishing his power in the three western provinces, Galerius undertook to avenge the death of Severus on Maxentius. He therefore came with an army to Italy, and advanced as far as Narni; but there he found himself so closely hemmed in by the forces of old Maximian, and so little supported, that he had to retreat and make peace. How it was concluded, we have in truth no account whatever. After the death of Severus, Galerius had given up Illyricum to Licinius, and had bestowed on him at the same time the title of Augustus; the east he had assigned to Maximinus Daza: he acknowledged Constantine as Augustus. Thus the Roman world had no more Cæsars, but six Augusti,—Galerius, Licinius, Maximin in the east; Maximian, Maxentius, and Constantine in the west. Notwithstanding this, there was no peace, and the artificial combination of Diocletian proved insufficient. Maximian had given his daughter Fausta in marriage to Constantine, who therefore divorced himself from his first wife Minervina. But dissensions arose between Maximian and his son Maxentius. Maxentius, 299who was a fell tyrant in the style of Caracalla, had no dutiful feelings towards a father who had raised him to the throne; and he answered the claims of his father to rule the state, by the counter demand that he should retire from public affairs. The prætorians, whom Maxentius had brought out again from the obscurity into which Diocletian had thrown them, decided that Maxentius should reign alone. Maximian now went to his daughter in Gaul, where at first he met with a friendly reception; but he soon got embroiled with Constantine. When the latter tried to secure himself against him, Maximian, who was not able to stand his ground at Arles, fled to Marseilles, where he was besieged, and delivered up as a victim by his own troops. He fell into Constantine’s power, who made him kind promises; notwithstanding which, under the pretext of his having set on foot a conspiracy, he was soon afterwards put to death.

Shortly after began the war of Constantine with Maxentius, so memorable for its important consequences in history, and not less memorable for the triumphal arch of Constantine and Raphael’s painting of the battle. Maxentius ruled Italy as a tyrant, and the oppression of the people had increased. Italy had hitherto been free from the land-tax, having only indirect taxes and a legacy duty to pay; but Maxentius, to whom this, and the revenues raised from Africa, did not yet appear sufficient, proceeded to lay a land and an income tax on Italy. Then was Constantine called upon for help.—In the meanwhile also, Galerius had died, and the European part of his empire had been taken by Licinius, and the Asiatic by Maximin.—Constantine, at the head of a greatly superior force, crossed Mount Cenis; defeated the troops of Maxentius near Turin; marched against Verona, a very strong fortress; besieged it and beat an army which came to its relief; took it, and advanced by the Via Flaminia towards Rome. Maxentius met him three Italian miles from the Porta Collina, 300near Ponte Mollo. But his whole army was routed and himself killed; and Constantine, amid the general exultation, took possession of Rome.

Soon afterwards, a war broke out in the East between Maximin and Licinius, Their forces encountered near the Thracian Heraclea, when Licinius conquered with a considerably weaker army: Maximin surrendered at discretion in Tarsus, and was condemned to die. There were now but two emperors left, Constantine in the west, Licinius in the east. Between these two, before long, the first war arose, A. D. 314, in which Constantine gained the victory at the battles of Cibalis and Mardia, and Licinius sought and obtained peace on condition of giving up Illyricum, Macedon, and Greece; so that he had only left to him the Asiatic countries, Egypt, and Thrace, such a large and rich dominion, that no state of modern Europe is to be compared to it. After nine years (323), a new war broke out, although Licinius was married to Constantia a half-sister of Constantine, and had children by her. For this struggle, Licinius had equipped a fleet, as had also Constantine: it was the first war since the battle of Actium, in which the Roman Emperors brought fleets into action. Constantine gained a victory near Adrianople; and Crispus, his son by Minervina, who commanded the fleet, decided the war by the battle of Scutari, and forced the Hellespont. Near Chrysopolis, he crossed over to Asia, and again beat the enemy’s reserves: on this, Licinius fled to Cilicia. Here he capitulated. Constantine at first promised him his life; but he did not keep his word: nay, after some time, he even had Licinius, the son of his own sister, a guiltless and most hopeful boy, likewise put to death. Here Constantine first showed signs of cruelty, from which he had hitherto kept himself quite free.

Thus the whole world was again brought into unity. The rest of Constantine’s reign is not very rich in remarkable events. He carried on wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, the latter of whom dwelt in those days 301from the Theiss to Moravia, whilst the Goths were masters of Dacia. The Sarmatians make their appearance as the lords of vanquished Germans; and these serfs, when arms are put into their hands, take advantage of the opportunity to rid themselves of the yoke. Now were the Sarmatians obliged to apply to the Romans for protection, and they were scattered in all directions under the name of Limigantes: hence a Sarmatian colony as far off as the Moselle, is mentioned by Ausonius. Constantine undoubtedly ruled from the Roman Wall in Scotland to the borders of Khurdistan, and to Mount Atlas, just as Diocletian did.

The restoration of the Empire had begun under Diocletian, and it must also have quite recovered under the rule of Constantine and his sons. One great drawback, however, was the very heavy weight of taxation which Diocletian had devised and Constantine had completed, and the system of indictions. A province was valued in the lump, and assessed at a fixed sum, which was divided into capita (quotas); and these capita were imposed in an arbitrary manner, sometimes several of them on one man, and sometimes one on several persons. The details of this system are not yet sifted as much as one would wish, although Savigny has written a very fine treatise on the subject.[65] The chief revenues were those which were derived from the land-tax, and from personal taxes. These burthens daily became more oppressive as the expense of the army increased, which was more and more composed of mercenaries. It is evident that the value of every kind of produce had now quite fallen off, and with this the complete change of the monetary system was connected. In the third century, silver of a very bad standard was coined, but the currency was not changed: the state seems to have paid in bad silver, and to have required gold in exchange at 302the rate of good old silver. The sesterces are done away with, and henceforth we meet with the aurei, which were formerly mentioned only in connexion with the pay of the soldiers, and even then but seldom. This most wretched coinage, of which all the collections of the kind in Europe may afford specimens,—these chiefly belong to the times between Valerian and Probus,—gave occasion for a great deal of counterfeit money, of which the dies and the whole apparatus have every now and then been found in France. The bad money also accounts for the strange story in Aurelian’s life of an insurrection, of which the master of the mint is said to have been the prime mover. Aurelian, in fact, may have tried to bring in again the good currency, whereas the master of the mint, on his side, may have found his profit in the bad money; just as Itzig and others did in the Seven Years’ War. Constantine, however, made the aureus lighter, in the ratio of 72 to 45, which, as it was a very great relief to the rate payers and to those who were in debt, was a very wise measure. On the whole, there are among his laws not a few sensible and beneficial ones. Others, on the contrary, are mischievous; for instance, he pressed very hardly upon the municipalities.

Historians say that in the beginning of his reign, Constantine was optimis principibus accensendus; but afterwards mediis, or vix mediis. Gibbon judged of him with great fairness; otherwise, he has met with scarcely any but fanatical admirers or detractors, and the manner in which he was idolized by the Eastern church is so bad, that one might easily go into the other extreme. The war against Maxentius was a benefit, and the subjects also of Licinius were freed by his defeat from a very harsh master. The death of Licinius, on the other hand, and that of Crispus, are very ugly facts: but we ought not, after all, to be harder upon Constantine than upon others. His motives in establishing the Christian religion are something very strange 303indeed. The religion there was in his head, must have been a rare jumble. On his coins, he has the Sol invictus; he worships pagan deities, consults the haruspices, holds heathen superstitions; and yet he shuts up the temples and builds churches. As the president of the Nicene council, we can only look upon him with disgust: he was himself no Christian at all, and he would only be baptized when in articulo mortis. He had taken up the Christian Faith as a superstition, which he mingled with all his other superstitions. When therefore eastern writers speak of him as an ἰσαπόστολος, they do not know what they are saying; and to call him even a saint, is a profanation of the word.

In other respects, Constantine was not a bad man. He had much about him which was like Hadrian, except only as to learning, in which he was very deficient; for though indeed he knew Greek very well, he was destitute of every literary accomplishment: the increasing irritability of the last years of his life, which betrayed him into deeds of cruelty, he has in common with Hadrian. Well known is the unfortunate death of his son Crispus, whom he first banished to Pola, and then caused to be executed: but as yet no proof has been brought to show that he died innocent. His father refused him the title of Augustus, and he was also the son of a repudiated wife; so that hence may have arisen feelings of jealousy against the children of Fausta, his brothers, and he may thus have been drawn into a plot against his father. Yet, even then, his death must be deemed a shocking event. There is another story, which is that Constantine’s wife Fausta was suffocated in a bath by his orders. Against this, Gibbon has raised very weighty objections, as even after Constantine’s death, Fausta was still alive: in the accounts, she is represented as a Phædra. In the meanwhile, Constantine had founded a new Rome in Constantinople, of which the situation is so fine. With his three half brothers, Constantius, Dalmatius, and Hannibalianus, he lived in exemplary harmony. 304Hannibalianus died without issue; Dalmatius had two sons, Hannibalianus and Dalmatius; Julius Constantius likewise had two, Julian and Gallus: he himself had three sons, Constantine, Constans, and Constantius. He now, towards the end of his life, divided the empire among these three sons and the children of Dalmatius; and he died at Nicomedia, after having completed his darling city of Constantinople, A. D. 337.

## THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE. JULIAN THE APOSTATE. JOVIAN. VALENTINIAN I. VALENS, GRATIAN. VALENTINIAN II. THEODOSIUS THE GREAT. MAXIMUS.

It would seem that people are wrong in thinking it strange that Constantine should also have appointed Dalmatius and Hannibalianus. He did it, not because they had any claims; but without doubt that he might be able, if any dissensions should arise between his sons, to throw one weight more into the scale; so that his family might, at all events be kept on the throne. His wish to promote harmony was not, however, fulfilled. The causes of the outbreak are by no means clear, nor do we know how it happened that the provisions of the will were not adhered to: the statements which have been made about it, may have some truth in them, but they sound rather apocryphal. Just as little can we make out how far Constantius was guilty: heathens and orthodox Christians unite in their hatred against him, which is perhaps the reason why he seems to us still blacker than he really was. In short, there broke out a military insurrection at Constantinople; the will of Constantine was declared to be a forgery; the brothers of Constantine, and the two princes Dalmatius and Hannibalianus were killed, and with them the præfectus prætorio Ablavius, and many other followers of Constantine. The division was now made in the manner which 305we have already seen in the times of Aurelian and Diocletian: Constantine, the eldest brother, who was twenty-one years of age, got the West, and had Gaul, Spain, and Britain; Constans, who was twenty, the præfectura Italiæ, and also Illyricum; and Constantius, who was a youth of seventeen, the præfectura orientis. Constantius was soon involved in a war with Sapor king of Persia, which lasted with uninterrupted ill success from 337 to 361. Constantine and Constans likewise soon became at feud, as the former demanded from his brother the cession of Africa as a compensation to maintain the balance of power, because Constans had Illyricum and Dalmatia:—it seems that Constantine likewise had Rhætia and Noricum. Constantine (who on coins is called junior) burst upon the states of Constans from the Norican frontier; but soon met with a decisive overthrow, and lost his life. Constans now took possession of the West, for which Constantius may have had a slight compensation in Illyricum. Constans enjoyed his triumph for some years, but at last had his reward. He was a worthless prince. Of the three brothers, Constantius seems to have been the most bearable, although he himself also was not good for much: he was entirely under the government of his chamberlains the eunuchs, who, quite in the Persian fashion, held the first place in his court. Constans was a profligate, violent man, and thus he gave rise to much exasperation in Gaul where he resided. In that country lived Magnentius, a general of barbarian origin, altogether rude and illiterate, who very likely could not even read nor write:—such a thing would have been impossible in the second century, and it is a proof of the utter degeneracy of the times, that such ignorant people could become generals. Magnentius raised a rebellion at Autun, on which Constans fled, trying to reach the sea so as to cross over to Africa; but before he was able to embark, he was overtaken and slain at Illiberis (also called Helena) in Roussillon by the horsemen of his foe. Against Magnentius, 306another general, Vetranio, arose in Illyria; but he sought to connect himself with Constantius, and being welcomed as a friend and enticed into a conference, he had to lay down his diadem at the feet of his ally, who was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. On this occasion, Constantius did not show himself cruel. He now marched against Magnentius, and near Mursa (which is now Essek in Sclavonia), he won a victory over a superior force: in this battle, he seems to have behaved well. Magnentius then fled to Italy: but every body there zealously espoused the cause of Constantius, and he afterwards lost another battle in Gaul; so that no other choice was left him but to take away his own life. Constantius was now sole ruler again.

In the meanwhile, the affairs of the East had got a great deal worse. Of nine great battles in the Persian war, eight were decidedly unfavourable to the Romans: the night-engagement alone near Singara, was somewhat of a success; but even then their attack upon the camp was likewise a failure. Constantius gave his cousin Gallus the name of Constantius, and the dignity of Cæsar: he may even have thought of adopting the children of his uncle, as he had not any children of his own. Julian and Gallus, the sons of Julius Constans, had by a lucky chance been preserved in the general tumult after Constantine’s death, the former of these being six, and the latter twelve years old at the time of their father’s murder: Constantius’ having no children had saved their lives. They were removed from the court, and kept prisoners in a castle of the old Cappadocian kings near Cæsarea, not being allowed to go out of the bounds of the district; they, however, received a careful education, for which Julian was most happily fitted, but Gallus had no capacity whatever. In this manner they lived, until Constantius (when he marched against Magnentius, an affair which engaged him for two years) sent for Gallus, and must have adopted him. He made him Cæsar, and gave him the command of the 307East, where Sapor was carrying on the war very sluggishly, having perhaps plenty to do on the borders of India, and on the banks of the Oxus. Gallus made a very bad use of his good luck: he and his wife Constantina, the daughter of the great Constantine, were equally savage and cruel, and the East suffered severely. When Constantius had ended the war in the West, the grievances of the East reached his ears. Gallus had murdered two commissioners of the emperor, who had been sent to watch him: this deserved to be punished. He was summoned to Constantinople without his having any the least foreboding of what awaited him; in Thrace, he was separated from his legions, which in the meanwhile were made to take the oaths to Constantius; then he was arrested, and brought to trial, and, as he was not able to clear himself, executed at Pola, where Crispus also had been put to death.

The emperor now sent (A. D. 355) for Julian, who by the Christian writers is called Apostata, παραβάτης, while the few pagan ones of later times, Eunapius, Zosimus, and Libanius, speak of him with enthusiastic epithets, and cannot exalt him too highly: he was twenty-four years of age. Constantius proclaimed him emperor, on which he went to court with a trembling heart, expecting to meet there with his death; but he found a friendly reception, and even a protectress in the empress Eusebia. He was married to the princess Helena, who in all likelihood was much older than himself. He had some time before that been set free from captivity, and allowed to reside in Ionia and at Athens, for which last place his heart yearned. He was a true Greek, having always lived in Hellenized countries. Greek was his mother tongue: he thought and felt like a Greek, Latin being to him as a foreign language. Constantius bestowed on him the command of Gaul, the whole of which land he himself, for the sake of making a diversion in his war against Magnentius, had brought into a wretched plight by abandoning it to the Alemanni 308and the Franks. Of this they had made a fearful use: Cologne, Mentz, Treves, Tongres, all the towns in Roman Germany were sacked and burned to ashes; the whole country was thrown into a state of desolation from which it did not recover. The Franks were already settled in northern Brabant, and the Alemanni on both banks of the Rhine; the Roman limes was lost altogether. Julian, although the forces which he had were most ill-fitted to free Gaul from these enemies, fulfilled his task very well: the Roman discipline was very much fallen off, so that the soldiers looked upon their antagonists as one would upon a superior foe; and besides this, the intrigues at court, perhaps without any fault of Constantius, were busily employed in foiling Julian’s undertaking. In five campaigns, he marched as Cæsar against the Germans, and won brilliant victories over the Franks and the Alemanni; but though he more than once crossed the Rhine, he never penetrated far into Germany. At the end of his warfare, he had regained possession of the limes from Helvetia to the Lower Rhine: yet he was obliged to leave the Franks in Belgium, though indeed they acknowledged the supremacy of Rome, and furnished troops for which she paid money. After these splendid successes, when he had gotten the love of the soldiers and the provincials, the intrigues at court revived: they wanted to take away from him the most considerable part of his army; his soldiers were to leave him, and to set out for the East. But as these had become quite domesticated in the province, being bound to it by family ties, inasmuch as on the whole they had been changed about but little; they were filled with despair when they were told to march, and—so say Julian and his partisans—giving loose to their ill humour, they renounced Constantius and had proclaimed Julian emperor. Now it is indeed possible that the agitation originated with the soldiers; at least, there is nothing said anywhere to the contrary: but, for all that, I cannot believe that he was so amazingly conscientious 309as he makes himself out to have been, especially as with all his great qualities, there was a good deal of ostentation about Julian. Certain it is that he made overtures to Constantius, and that he wanted to be his colleague as Augustus; but Constantius, although he had no children of his own, was foolish enough not to enter into them, and chose rather to embark in a civil war, when Sapor had already taken Singara and Amida, and was now threatening the whole of the East. Blood would have been shed, had not his death luckily put a stop to it. Constantius, who often kept his court at Antioch, was on his way from thence to Constantinople, travelling in the wake of his army, when he died in Cilicia, whilst Julian was already approaching.

Constantius’ reign is particularly remarkable for the Arian persecution of the Homoousians and the orthodox party, especially of the great Bishop Athanasius. The latter displayed in it a wonderful strength of character, and the most striking power over the minds of a vast population: of this one may find the details in the ecclesiastical history of that lover of truth, the Abbé Fleury. During his reign, likewise, was the Arian council of Rimini held, which was directed against that of Nice; but other councils, particularly in Julian’s days, very soon renounced it.

Julian’s is an ever memorable name, which has sometimes been overrated beyond measure, and on the other hand cried down in the most unworthy manner. Distinguished men of most opposite minds have during the last fifty years turned their attention to him; first of all, Gibbon, who was not, however, carried away by his anti-christian feelings, but very readily acknowledges his weak points; then Eckhel in his work on coins, wherein he shows so much candour of judgment, that I altogether refer you to him; and last of all, Neander, whose treatise on Julian is excellent.

Julian was a man of uncommon talent: one has only to read his writings to see this. He was truly Attic; 310since Dio Chrysostom, Greece has not had such an elegant Attic writer: he is far superior to Libanius. That he was a distinguished general, a humane and paternal ruler in Gaul, is beyond all doubt: he was also great in delaying to march against Constantius, that in the meanwhile he might still fight against the barbarians, so as to hinder them from breaking out. The purity of his morals was spotless; his passions were completely under control: his only happiness was to live entirely in thought. Yet, leaving aside the truth of the Christian religion, we cannot but acknowledge that the attempt to revive Paganism was a downright absurdity. Heathenism, as a real popular faith, had long since been dead; its place had been taken by Neo-Platonism, the groundwork of which indeed was Monotheism, and which was ingeniously tricked out with a good deal of eastern demonology and theology, with theurgy and thaumaturgy. All the old legends of the gods had been allegorized: people saw in Homer and the other old writers everything but what the Greeks had seen in them. Had the religion still lived in tradition, it would have still been able to make a struggle, now it was impossible. This artificial, new-fangled system, which itself was partly borrowed from Christianity, was at most suited for one or two Metaphysicians. Besides Julian and his counsellors and court-philosophers, such a creed could not have numbered five hundred or a thousand followers: moreover there was in the provinces a crowd of negative partisans, who only cared to oppose Christianity. It was, therefore, in fact a counter-revolutionary undertaking: he wished to introduce a hierarchy into paganism, to create quite a new heathen religion which was much nearer Gnosticism than that of the Hellenes, to which indeed it was diametrically opposed. As it was impossible for him to carry this through, he was driven to use tyranny and craft; and yet he could not succeed after all. Christianity was certainly far 311from being the faith of the majority as yet; but it had firmly taken root.

The lines of Prudentius[66] on Julian are the best thing which has been said of him, doing the greatest honour, both to him who made them, and to him on whom they were made:—

——Ductor fortissimus armis,
Conditor et legum celeberrimus, ore manuque
Consultor patriæ;——
Perfidus ille Deo, sed non et perfidus orbi.

The absurdities of Julian in the whole of this undertaking are manifest: hence arose his follies and his tyrannical acts, however mild he may otherwise have been. The late Count Stolberg thought that the whole life at the court of his uncle Constantius, which was looked upon as Christian, was his full excuse. Julian with a cruel sneer forbade the Christians to read the classic authors in their schools: “Ye despise them,” said he, “and ye will have nothing to do with the heathen gods; well then, ye ought not to know anything of their literature either.” In many particular cases, he showed the greatest partiality; not only when the pagans again took possession of the temples which had been shut up, and of the estates which belonged to them, but also in actual litigations. Real persecutions were out of question; but religion was made a source of suffering.

Having already set out for the East against Constantius, he continued his march even after his death. He staid for a year in Antioch, where his philosophical strictness came into conflict with the frivolity and luxury of the people. Since the days of Hadrian it had been the fashion to wear beards; but, as Constantine and his sons used to shave, Julian, so long as he was at court, was obliged to do the same: in Gaul, however, he let his beard grow again, as it was a badge of the Greek philosophers; and for this the people of Antioch now 312railed at him, From Libanius and John Chrysostom, we learn that they were a thoroughly good for nothing set, having all the vices of an overgrown city. By them he was now received with hatred: there may have been, ever since the time of Constantius, a hostile party to him in the place; his simplicity, which indeed was carried to the verge of affectation, was offensive to them. Another thing in his way, was the Christian religion, which, although in the East it certainly was still that of the minority, had both life and energy, whilst the other religions were split by dissensions. There is no denying that Constantine’s Christianity was an abortion; but he became a Christian, because in the empire of Galerius and Licinius the sect of the Christians was the most numerous: the West was attached to him, even without it, from his father’s time. In Rome, the fashionable world were still polytheists; but of the people properly so called, many thousands already professed the Christian faith. Constantine had the advantage which the leaders of exclusive bodies always have: hence also arose such a powerful party against Julian. To this quarrel we owe the Misopogon, one of the prettiest pieces which Greek literature has produced during the period of its revival. Here, as well as in his Cæsares, Julian shows a good deal of wit and liveliness.

He now undertook the war against Persia, which seems to have been interrupted hitherto by other wars. The plan was beautifully devised, only he had reckoned a great deal too much on everything turning out well. He intended to march with his army along the banks of the Euphrates, where supplies could always be procured by means of the river; then to transport his fleet by canals into the Tigris, and thus strike a deadly blow into the heart of the enemy: it was perhaps his object to make Babylon a province. From Nisibis in Mesopotamia, Procopius and Sebastian were to cross the Tigris and join him in the plains of Armenia. Then he made sure that the Armenians, from whom, in the last 313years of Constantine the Great (or under Constantius), Aderbidjan had been wrested by Sapor, would advance against Media; and no doubt he also reckoned upon the Iberians, whom Sapor had again brought under his rule. But in Armenia and Iberia, Julian’s religious opinions were in his way: the Armenian princes were Arsacidæ and Christians, and therefore hostile to the Persians even because of their bigoted Magianism; yet they were still more hostile to the Ἀποστάτης. They would have been little inclined to give him help, even if a man like Tiridates, who gained such distinction in Galerius’ war, had been at their head; but they were now governed by a prince of very little spirit. The Armenians therefore kept neutral; the Iberians even showed themselves to be the foes of the Romans. Procopius and Sebastian met with immense difficulties in their undertaking, and they were not the men to overcome them. Julian marched down along the Euphrates; but he had started on his expedition too late. For the summer is so hot there, that he ought to have set out even in the midst of winter, so as to reach Babylon in the real season of spring, that is to say, in March or April; for in the middle of April, summer begins in those countries, and they have already got in the harvest. But he did not set out before March, when he came down the Euphrates: his approach struck the Persians with the utmost dismay. After having reduced two strong towns, he arrived before Ctesiphon, where he expected to find Procopius and Sebastian waiting for him. Thus far, all his operations are masterly, and they show his great skill as a general; but he had not thought that Ctesiphon was so strongly fortified as it really was: (its fortifications must have been erected since the time of Carus, as Trajan, Septimius Severus, and Carus had taken it). He became convinced that he should not be able to effect anything here with his army; yet this conviction came too late. He was quite right in not attempting to storm the place, as his soldiers wanted him to do: 314his fatal blunder was not a military one. Sapor had repeatedly sued for peace in the most pressing manner; but Julian wished, as it would seem, altogether to destroy the Persian empire, so that he might no more be hindered by a war in the East when facing his enemies in the West and in the North. The Persian empire still continued to be made up of vassal kingdoms, and therefore it would certainly have been possible to dismember it. But he ought, after all, to have contented himself with the peace which was within his reach, and thus in all likelihood he might have obtained the cession of Aderbijan,—perhaps even more than that, everything indeed but Babylon; but he was dreaming of a success, with regard to which the scales fell from his eyes eight days after the last ambassadors had left him. While Sapor was arming with great energy, Julian was unable to do anything against Ctesiphon, and the army of Procopius did not come up: he now found himself obliged to retreat. As it was impossible to drag the fleet up the river, he resolved upon destroying it and leading the army back again across the hills of Assyria. This retreat in the hot, burning plains, surrounded by the Persian cavalry, in the dogdays, under the sky of Babylon, was an almost hopeless undertaking: harassed by continual skirmishes he was obliged to leave behind every one of the killed and wounded; all the stragglers died, the Persians spoiling the water for them. Nevertheless the army might have held out for five days longer, when it would have reached the high ground where it would have been safe; but on the 26th of July, Julian was mortally wounded: his death caused the deepest dejection. Whether he was killed by a traitor, or by one of the enemy, is a question which it is quite useless to enter into: the joy of his domestic enemies was at least greater than that of his foreign ones. As it was found necessary to proceed to an election at once, the præfectus prætorio, Sallustius, unfortunately for the empire, declared that he was too old to take upon himself 315the imperial dignity; and thus the choice fell upon Jovian. The new emperor concluded a peace, giving up Nisibis and the five provinces beyond the Tigris; and at this price, Sapor granted him a free retreat and the needful supplies for his army.

Jovian seems to have been a very commonplace kind of man, of whom, however, on the other hand, not much ill can be said: great merit is due to him for his edict for absolute freedom of belief, as he himself was a Christian. At the end of a year and a half, while following the army into the West, he died suddenly at Ancyra. The reports of a violent death are not to be trusted, any more than that of his having died from having used a pan of burning charcoal.

After his death, there was again the same difficulty about the election of his successor. His son being an infant, the consulship was then for the first time profaned by a child being inscribed in the Fasti. Sallustius again declined to be elected, and so Valentinian, an Illyrian, who had greatly distinguished himself in the Persian war, came to the throne (365). It is remarkable that in all these appointments we meet no more with any trace of donations: in the case of Probus, they had already been lowered to a tenth (twenty aurei = 100 dollars); now in the fourth century, we no longer find any at all. Valentinian, a few weeks after his accession, took Valens, his brother, as his colleague: in this he gratified the wishes of the public, who, however, would have looked for an able man, such a one, for instance, as Dagalaiphus. Valentinian is a remarkable being, one of those characters of which it is difficult to give a brief opinion. Distinguished as a general, he raised up the state again when it was rapidly sinking; and he won splendid trophies in a war with the Alemanni and Franks, and also in a war with the Sarmatians. He also kept order in his realm. Many praiseworthy laws and decrees of his are still extant; and although he was himself an uneducated man, he did what 316he could for science and learning: he also severely punished tyrannical governors and reckless judges. But he was cruel; and whenever he was offended, or suspected a conspiracy, he gave free vent to his rage. It may therefore be supposed that the higher classes did not feel comfortable under his rule, whilst the common people, on the other hand, were fond of him. His brother Valens was not bloodthirsty, but implacable and cruel; and the more implacable, the more cowardly he was. His government was far from doing the good which that of Valentinian did; besides which, he was a fanatical Arian, and exerted all his power to crush the Homoousians or Athanasians. For this reason, the memory of his reign is deservedly hateful with the writers of the Church. Valentinian was also an Arian; but he always allowed a just liberty in matters of faith, oppressing neither heathens nor Athanasians. From year to year, the Christians went on increasing; and Manichæism also spread, though not at the expense of orthodoxy, but of the old gnostic sects, which daily dwindled more and more. Against the foreigner, the empire was powerful: with Persia, it was at peace, and old Sapor remained quiet. Valentinian had two sons: by his first wife he had Gratian, and by his second Valentinian II., an infant. Gratian was an amiable boy, and great care was bestowed upon his education. Valentinian, who had much good sense, had keenly felt his own want of learning; but it is not to be wondered at, that owing to this deficiency he erred in the choice of a master. He thought that he had found in Ausonius an excellent tutor for Gratian; just as Antoninus had been mistaken in Fronto.

At the death of Valentinian in 375, Gratian was seventeen years of age, and really able to hold the reins of government. During the first years of his reign, his rule was all that one could wish; for he behaved with justice and lenity, and allowed of religious freedom. Taking possession of Italy and the West, he left the East 317to his uncle Valens, upon whom there soon fell a fearful visitation. The Goths, who since the days of Claudius and Aurelian had settled in Dacia, invaded the Roman empire under Hermanric, whose memory has been handed down in the Heldenbuch, and in the Icelandic Sagas.—The lay of the Nibelungen is originally Gothic, from which language it has been paraphrased.—Whether Hermanric belongs to the time in which Jornandes places him, is a question hard to answer; I for my part rather believe him to have been much earlier: but an historical person he is. In short, there was once upon a time a great Gothic empire in the South-east of Europe, which was destroyed by the Huns. I am likewise convinced that De Guigne’s idea of the early history of the Huns is incorrect: they were a powerful nomadic people of Mongolian race, quite distinct from the Southern Asiatics and the Europæans; and they make their appearance like the other nations of the tablelands of Upper Asia.

The Goths were divided into three tribes, the Ostrogoths, the Visigoths, and the Gepidæ. They were anything but uncivilized, and as a people they had been Christians much sooner than the inhabitants of the Roman empire: when they overran it, the great majority of them had already embraced Christianity. It is now certain that the Huns, from reasons which are unknown to us, pushed their way to the Danube, driving the Goths before them. Among the latter, the Visigoths were the most numerous: they had a national civilization of their own, and already possessed an alphabet invented for them by Ulphilas. Being unable to resist the Huns, they in their distress now besought the Romans, with whom they had long been at peace, to harbour them within their empire. It would then undoubtedly have been the true policy of the Romans, to put forth all their strength to keep the Visigoths as they were, by fighting for them in their own country: but this was not thought of at all, the only question 318being, whether they should be received or not. They were admitted, though on condition that they should lay down their arms and disperse themselves throughout the empire. But this proved to be impossible. The fear of the Huns driving them onwards, they threw themselves into skiffs and on rafts, caring only to get over; and on the other hand, the Romans who had been stationed to receive them, were not sufficient for the duty, and moreover were guilty of much dishonesty: for they allowed themselves to be bribed to let the barbarians keep their arms. Nothing was done that ought to have been done, and everything was done that ought not to have been done. The Goths were not dispersed, but allowed to remain together; yet all the while they were treated with cruelty and plundered: though a promise had been made to supply them with necessaries until they were settled, it was taken advantage of by the Romans to extort exorbitant prices from them. This the Goths bore with great patience; (there were then as yet only the Visigoths, the Ostrogoths being still in the mountains:) they must have been immensely rich, as the Romans made them pay quite incredible sums. At last, however, they were goaded into fury by this ill treatment; and at Marcianopolis (in the neighbourhood of Schumla), the insurrection broke out, and soon became general. At the head of the Visigoths, who had no kings, were two judges, one of whom, Fritigern, a really great man, conducted the war in a resolute manner. While the infatuated Romans had never thought it possible that their crimes should have led to such consequences, the whole of these Goths were all at once under arms, and they overran Mœsia and Thrace. They in vain made attempts against several towns, as for instance, Philippopolis; but the open country lay entirely a prey to them. The dismay was dreadful. The Ostrogoths, who soon followed, rushed into the places which the Western Goths had left; yet otherwise the Goths of the East and those of the West are in every respect two 319essentially different peoples.—Valens, now roused from his listlessness, secured for himself a peace with Persia, and led the legions of the East into the field: the Goths were besieging Adrianople. He then summoned Gratian from the West to his assistance. Had he waited for his arrival, it would perhaps have been still possible to withstand the whole shock of this migration of nations. The Visigoths were one great mass of warriors, amounting to nearly two hundred thousand fighting men; and had they failed against Adrianople, the change of the world would not have happened as it did. Valens, although he was anything but a general, conducted the war, being resolved upon venturing what he ought never to have risked. This he did, however, from jealousy against Gratian, who was approaching in forced marches, after having already gained a brilliant victory over the Alemanni; and instead of waiting for a few weeks to be joined by him, he undertook the attack single handed. Thus the battle was completely lost: two-thirds of the Roman army were killed, and among them Valens himself. The Goths now overran the whole diocese of Illyricum, and Thrace, extending their inroads even as far as the gates of Constantinople: it is true that they were not able to possess themselves of the towns; but the open country was thoroughly laid waste by them, from the Adriatic to the Black Sea, and to the borders of Greece. Six years now follow, the history of which is utterly obscure.

When Valens had fallen, Gratian, seeing the impossibility of undertaking alone the defence of the whole Roman world, called Theodosius to be his colleague. This resolution of Gratian’s does him great honour, as it proves him to have been capable of the feelings of a great man. Theodosius was the son of a most distinguished person, who in the earlier days of Gratian had recovered Britain and Africa, but had been put to death, though guiltless, on a malignant charge. He was a native of Spain, a province which had likewise given 320birth to the Emperors Trajan and Hadrian, to whom, however, he was not related: he came from the neighbourhood of Valladolid; the other two were from Seville. He is rightly surnamed the Great: he achieved great things in a great manner, being indeed the last great emperor, if we set aside Majorian whose unlucky star was too powerful for him. His defects were passion and rage, which, however, were allied to his great qualities; but his worst fault was, that after great exertions, he would often give himself entirely up to sloth, and in matters of government become the tool of many an unworthy man, to whom he had given his confidence. Theodosius had a task at which one shudders: with the remaining forces of the Eastern empire,—for the West was no longer able to support him,—he was to keep the Goths at bay. Yet he not only set them bounds, but he also succeeded in disarming them by means of treaties of which we have no knowledge: in a series of campaigns in which he cut off one tribe from the other, he so managed to break them up, that they yielded to the supremacy of Rome. But they remained, as it seems, in Northern Illyricum, in Mœsia, and in Servia, where they dwelt in the country, while the towns remained Roman. In Illyricum, there are still to this day the genuine descendants of the old stock. The Goths lived there under the Roman sovereignty, and they bound themselves to serve the empire, as Theodosius found them very useful in his wars, and likewise there were always Gothic troops in the Roman service: yet they were not tributary, but in fact received a tribute under the name of pay. Matters had been thus settled, more especially since the year 384; and so they remained until the death of Theodosius (395).

The first war into which Theodosius was brought, was in consequence of the hapless fate of Gratian, who had lost the popularity which he had enjoyed in the beginning of his reign. For though he was still an amiable, good youth of blameless morals, Gratian had really 321ceased to reign: leaving business to take its own course, he had given himself up to the frivolous pleasures of the chase; and he surrounded himself with barbarians, favouring the Alans, and neglecting his native subjects, who were thus made to rebel against him. At this crisis, there also broke out a revolt of the troops in Britain under Maximus: Gratian was slain, and Maximus was proclaimed Emperor, and acknowledged by the whole of the West. He now offered his friendship to Theodosius, who wisely accepted it. Maximus was a mild prince: blood he only shed when instigated by the clergy to religious persecutions. For four years, the friendship remained undisturbed; Valentinian II. (an infant under the guardianship of his mother Justina), Maximus, and Theodosius, being now the three Augusti. But Maximus took upon himself to cross the Alps, and rob Valentinian of his territory. The youth fled with his mother to Thessalonica, where they were received by Theodosius, who was induced by the extraordinary beauty of the princess Galla to interest himself for the family, and to bring Valentinian back to Italy. Maximus was defeated at Aquileia, abandoned by his troops, and put to death; and Theodosius gave the whole of the West to be the government of his brother-in-law Valentinian, who seemed to have all the good qualities of his father, without any of his faults. But he was ill-fated. A Frank general named Arbogastes, the commander of his army, rose against him, as the Mayors of the Palace did against the Merovingian kings. Valentinian tried to withstand him, but to his own ruin. He happened then to be at Vienne in Dauphiné, and there he was strangled by Arbogastes. The latter now placed on the throne one Eugenius, a courtier of rank, who was tribunus notariorum, that is to say, very much what we would call a cabinet councillor. Against him, Theodosius now led his army: the decisive battle was again fought (394) near Aquileia; and there Theodosius displayed all that talent of his as a general, of which 322the fine lines in Claudian tell.[67] He knew how to make the most different peoples—Goths, Alans, Huns—useful for his ends, and willing to devote themselves in his cause. The elements also fought for him; a thunderstorm is said to have hastened the successful issue of the battle.

The West was now won by Theodosius, and he became emperor of the whole of the empire. In his last years, he had the weakness to let himself be entirely guided by Rufinus his favourite, who was his præfectus prætorio. Rufinus was insatiably avaricious and bloodthirsty; so that even before the death of Theodosius, he caused weeping and wailing throughout the whole of the empire: here was seen a really noble-hearted prince under whom the empire was very badly ruled. Antioch once roused the wrath of the emperor; but Libanius and St. Chrysostom still succeeded in appeasing him: on another occasion, however, he gave loose to his rage, and was obliged to do penance. The division of the empire had under existing circumstances already become so natural, that Theodosius likewise decided upon it: yet he was inexcusable in dividing it between his two incapable sons, especially as Honorius was not more than eleven years old, on which account he gave him Stilicho for guardian. But the hereditary principle had now so firmly rooted itself, that Theodosius took it for granted that Stilicho would keep up the empire for his son, just as in our times a minister or general might do.

## LITERATURE AND FINE ARTS.

In Rome, from the time of Diocletian down to Theodosius, there was the greatest poverty of literature. Of 323poets, we have in the whole of this period only Ausonius, who is bad beyond belief: it was but the veneration of the French philologists of the sixteenth century which raised him to some consideration; he is quite as bad as the most wretched poets of the middle ages. In prose also there is a grievous dearth. About the middle of the fourth century, arose the writers of epitomes, such as Eutropius and Victor; nor is it unlikely that the epitome of Livy likewise dates from that time: these men have not a spark of genius. On the other hand, the Latin grammar has its beginning in that form in which we know it. Its real father is Donatus, the master of St. Jerome: Charisius does not belong to his school, but is independent; he is an encyclopedist who gives one a general view of the older works. Diomedes also is a writer of the fourth century. To the latter end of it likewise belongs Servius, who bears the stamp of his age, which was the condensing of everything into summaries. The only part of his commentary which we have in a genuine form, is that on the two first books of the Æneid: the rest we have in an abridgment only, which very likely was made in the seventh or eighth century. Another writer of the same kind is Festus, who has arranged the work of Verrius Flaccus in alphabetical order: he is very useful to us, although he does not everywhere understand Verrius. Nonius Marcellus is very likely somewhat later; yet he belongs to the same school of grammarians, to which the impulse had now been given. Lastly, at the end of the fourth century, Macrobius also flourished.

The better Roman prose begins after Theodosius. Ammianus Marcellinus, an ingenious writer although not always correct, still belongs to the reign of Theodosius. He is particularly honest and high-minded: he had himself served as a soldier, and he is what a historian ought always to be, a man of experience. From Alexander Severus down to Diocletian, no one had written history in Latin: in the reign of the latter, at the 324beginning of the fourth century, were what are called the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ, who are beneath criticism. From thence again, down to Theodosius, there is not one. Ammianus is a Greek of Antioch, and one sees at once that he is a foreigner.—The rhetoricians still continue: Marius Victorinus, bad as he is, has made an epoch in his time. Of the school of the rhetoricians, the præfect Symmachus remains to be mentioned, whose letters are altogether got up after the pattern of those of Pliny, and are without any historical substance. His Panegyric also is of a school which reminds one of Pliny. Now, on the whole, the Panegyrists get into vogue, such as Eumenius, Pacatus, and others;—a wretched kind indeed of literature; people were no more ashamed of flattering.—Of poetry, not a trace is found until the time of Theodosius, except the epigram on the base of the obelisk of Constantius, and that on Constantine which was placarded as a lampoon.

With Theodosius, a new life is infused into Latin literature. Now arose Claudian, a Greek of Alexandria, who at first also wrote Greek. There are few instances besides of foreigners having written in a strange tongue so well as he did; except, perhaps Goldoni:[68] M. Antoninus also writes very good Greek. Claudian’s language is everything that one could wish: one can see that he made Latin his own with heartfelt liking. He is a true poetical genius, although tainted indeed with the mannerism of the later Greek poets; he is a wonderful master of mythology, and is gifted moreover with great facility and brilliancy of language: sometimes he is lascivious. One reads him with about the same gratification as one does Ovid: John Matthias Gesner was very fond of him. Claudian’s influence was very great, and a particular school of poets followed in his steps: one of his disciples was Merobaudes, whose fragments I had the good luck to discover at St. Gall. The language of 325Merobaudes, although he is a native of the West, has much in it that is faulty; yet he is a man who does not merely hunt for words, but whose words are the expression of his feelings. He is quite enthusiastic for Aëtius. The same Merobaudes is no doubt the author of a most beautiful poem, which is contained in Fabricius’ Poëtæ Christiani,[69] a poem of as great depth as any can have. He seems likewise to have been the author of another poem on the miracles of Christ, which is placed among those of Claudian, who was a heathen Greek, whilst the other was a Christian. At the close of the century, comes Sidonius Apollinaris, whom Gesner rightly calls a great genius. His Latinity is Gallic with a sprinkling of Romanic, and we see from him that the common language was very different from the classic style: but for all that we find him to be a man of most varied acquirements. There were, however, at that period also some writers of history, as the times were stirring, and afforded a good subject; but the greater part of them have been lost: of Renatus Profuturus,[70] a fragment which is still extant, gives one a very favourable impression.

But an entirely new literature was the Christian one, which has not yet been noticed and brought out as much as it deserves. Lactantius, of whom we have already spoken, is of great importance. Ambrose and others are less so as writers. Two great men, moreover, are St. Jerome and St. Augustine; who indeed are giants: what I know of them entitles them to high praise. The literary and critical writings of St. Jerome have not much in them: but in the rest he has liveliness, versatility, an immense range of learning, and, even in his old age, a rich vein of wit, which is a leading trait in him: were he not a writer of the Church, he might have shone by his wit in the same manner as Pascal did. Augustine 326is a truly philosophic mind, as strongly actuated by a yearning after truth as any of the great philosophers: his language also is very noble. He is by no means witty, like St. Jerome; but he is eloquent, and in many places admirable. The latter half of the fourth, and the whole of the fifth century, are a classical era for Christian literature. Sulpicius Severus’ Church history is a masterpiece; and of this time are also the poems of Cælius Sedulius and Claudius Mamertus. The full life of the Gallic period was in this century: Gaul, in spite of all its misfortunes, had a glorious era for the intellect. The writings of Salvian, who was a priest or bishop of Marseilles, are very remarkable. He wrote on the government of God, and contra avaritiam; and though his language is Gallican, and his rhetorical turn may subject him to censure, he is exceedingly interesting on account of his political feelings which are quite different from those of Orosius. He lays bare the whole misery of the age; yet he makes no sanctimonious exhortations, but inveighs against those who in better times had neglected the favourable moment, and against the rich: this political indignation against the mighty ones of the earth, is quite a particular feature of his. There is a downright republican bias in him, which is remarkable in a psychological as well as in an historical point of view: it is evident what many even in the Church were now driving at, as the Church contained at that time many republican elements of which Salvian is quite aware. What he really aims at, is community of goods under the administration of the presbyters. Prudentius is in order of time the first of the Christian poets; yet his poems are but middling. The greatest Christian poet is Pope Hilary, who is undoubtedly the author of a poem which was formerly ascribed to St. Hilary, whose, however, it cannot be, as it appears from the dedication, that it belongs to the fifth century. Its subject is the creation, and it is full of poetical spirit: it is quite in the manner of Lucretius, 327whom he evidently took for his pattern; and though there are faults in the language and prosody, it is the work of a fine poet. He was the friend of the great Pope Leo, by whom he was sent as a delegate to the mad Council of Ephesus, there to speak words of peace and reconciliation. Pope Leo’s writings should also be read by posterity: he is a very ingenious writer, and, taking him altogether, a great man.

The Greek literature of the fourth century is quite rhetorical: in the fifth, it rises again, and poets and historians come out. These last are headed by Eunapius, who is followed by a διαδοχή of historians—Priscus, Malchus, Candidus, and others. The Neo-Platonic philosophy likewise went on flourishing, and poetry also revived in the fifth century. The establishment of the eastern empire evidently had a beneficial effect on literature.

Architecture had already quite fallen off in the fourth century. Constantine’s buildings are most barefaced robberies: his arch is taken from that of Trajan, and all that is of his time, is below criticism. Painting is quite supplanted by mosaic, which, however, at that time was beautiful: in the chapel of Pope Hilary there is some very fine mosaic work. This was peculiar to the west, although there is no doubt but that the art originated in Alexandria.

On the whole, ignorance and indifference to literature increased more and more among the higher classes, whilst the memory of the olden times had been entirely lost.

328

## DIVISION OF THE EMPIRE. HONORIUS, ARCADIUS. STILICHO. ALARIC. RADAGAISE. ADOLPHUS. CONSTANTINE. GERONTIUS. PLACIDIA. VALENTINIAN III. BONIFACE. AETIUS. GENSERIC. ATTILA. PETRONIUS MAXIMUS. AVITUS. RICIMER. MAJORIAN. SEVERUS. ANTHEMIUS. OLYBRIUS. GLYCERIUS. JULIUS NEPOS. ORESTES. ROMULUS AUGUSTULUS.

Theodosius left two sons, Arcadius, who was eighteen, and Honorius who was eleven years of age. Honorius, he committed to the guardianship of Stilicho; and he intrusted Rufinus with the government of the East, which had fallen to the lot of Arcadius.[71] Stilicho, it is certain, was not of Roman extraction, and this is all that we know of his descent: he must have greatly distinguished himself in the wars of Theodosius, as he had risen to the rank of magister utriusque militiæ. Theodosius had married him to Serena, the daughter of his brother and his own adopted child, who is therefore called Regina by the writers of that age. Stilicho was completely master in the West; whereas in the East, Arcadius, supported by Eutropius, tried to rid himself of the rule of Rufinus. The latter, who had set his heart upon marrying his daughter to Arcadius, had been baffled by a clever court intrigue; but, as his eyes were soon opened, he continued to hold unshaken sway. When, however, Stilicho availed himself of the pretext of leading back the troops of the East which were still in Italy, Rufinus was panic-struck, and got an order from the emperor that Stilicho should not move: the latter therefore respectfully drew back, and sent the troops alone to the East. They then advanced: Rufinus was taken by surprise, and surrounded and murdered in the Field of Mars near Constantinople. His 329power forthwith chiefly fell into the hands of the eunuch Eutropius.

Alaric now came with the Visigoths from the East to the West. Soon after the death of Theodosius, he rose against the Roman empire, and carried the war again into Greece, crushing the little life which still lingered in that country, which was then, as in the days of Decius and Gallienus, completely trampled under foot. But here we take leave of the East. Stilicho brought assistance and defeated Alaric, who, however, escaped him, crossing with his booty the bay of Crissa near Rhium: this proves him to have been a great man. Soon afterwards, Alaric made his peace with the eastern empire, and was appointed magister militum in Illyria, under which title he became in fact an imperial præfect. How he got that dignity, and how he lost it; and at what time Illyricum ceased to be in the hands of the Goths, and came again to be embodied in the eastern empire, is quite an enigma. On the whole, the migration of the nations, when one searches closely into it, gives ground for queries and riddles which are never to be solved. The history of those times is so imperfectly known, that it is not possible to decide even things which are some of the most important points. The eastern Goths, perhaps also the Gepidæ, are in the days of Valens likewise in the diocese of Illyricum; in the period after Attila, in the reign of the emperor Marcian, they are in two kingdoms on the banks of the Danube:[72] where have they been in the meanwhile? Under Attila, they are said to have been in Pannonia; but the question is then, in what part of Pannonia? they cannot have been on the north of the Danube. The whole epoch is very confused, and new materials are not to be found; yet I believe that by carefully and closely sifting the existing materials, many a question might be solved which Gibbon and others did not even put to themselves.—Alaric, 330not unlikely at the instigation of the eastern empire, now appears in the West. Honorius then held his court at Milan, which since Maximian had often become the abode of the emperor, and a regular capital; yet Milan, although very strongly fortified, and in the midst of a large plain, could not feel safe to Honorius, and therefore, when Alaric was advancing from Aquileia, he fled across the Alps. But at Asti in Piedmont he was already hemmed in by the Goths, when Stilicho came to his rescue, bringing with him all the forces that he could muster: these, however, consisted almost wholly of barbarians. Not only literature and creative genius, but also the spirit of bravery had died away: the Italians were now a mere helpless rabble; there was no making troops out of them. Even in our days, the States of the Church and Naples could not make head against a determined army of six thousand men: a few thousand Algerines might sack Rome, if they were but aware of this weakness. On Easter Day, Stilicho with his army fell upon the Goths near Pollentia in Montferrat, and gained a victory: fanaticism brought it as a crime against him that he had given battle on the holy day. The Goths, though not dispersed, had to think of retreating. Alaric, however, made a bold forward movement against Rome; but was pursued by Stilicho, and, after a second unlucky fight, concluded a convention by which he withdrew from Italy. Honorius had a triumph, and built a triumphal arch, which was still standing in the fourteenth century, when, alas! it was demolished. There exists another monument of that time, the inscription on a gate (Porta S. Lorenzo), in which one sees the traces of Stilicho’s name, who restored the walls, egestis immensibus ruderibus. Aurelian in fact had fortified Rome; but as the walls had got since then into a very bad state, they were now once more repaired. It was no doubt on this occasion, that the Monte Testaccio was thrown up, as before that time the city wall was quite buried under a mass 331of rubbish: it is a marsh which has been filled up with potsherds.

Soon after Alaric had retreated to Illyricum, a new calamity burst upon Italy. Radagaise, who is said to have likewise been a Goth, but had no kindred with the Ostrogoths, came down with Sueves, Vandals, and other tribes, who were not yet Christians, and therefore much more cruel than the Goths. They swept down from the Alps through unhappy Lombardy, and laid siege to Florence, where Stilicho again went forth against them, and forced them back with unaccountable skill into the Apennines. How these hordes could so tamely have allowed themselves to be driven back, is more than we are able to understand. Most of them died of want; Many surrendered, and were sold in great masses.

Thus Italy was saved for the time. The eastern empire, although at peace with Persia, did not take the least share in the dangers and distresses of the West. It had been necessary to send for troops even from the borders of the Rhine, and from Britain; and thus the latter cast itself off from the Roman empire. The troops on the Rhine were greatly weakened, and could not withstand the attacks of the Alemanni, Burgundians, Sueves, Vandals, and Alans, who in 407 forced the passage across the Rhine, and overran Gaul. This most unhappy country was suffering frightfully beneath a weight of taxation which was made still heavier by the system of solidary pledge, the commonalties being bound to make good the whole amount of what was laid upon them. The decurions, who were mostly chosen from the richest men, were directly answerable for the money, and if they could not pay it, torture was even used to force them: in their turn, they might exact it from the rate payers. People, therefore, had rather be sold for slaves than accept such a dignity; and this gave rise to a series of laws for compelling the acceptance of the decurionship, most of the enactments of which are to define what pleas for exemption are not to be taken. This burthen, 332of which no remission was granted, had as early as in the third century stirred up the peasants’ wars, of which we meet with the first traces in the reign of Gallienus: from thenceforth they never leave off again. The rising of the Bagaudæ (thus these peasants are called) has much puzzled the French antiquaries: there were entire districts which took up arms in self-defence against the extortions of the government. We know little or nothing of what the Gauls had now to suffer from the barbarians. A warlike spirit, however, was sooner roused among them than in Italy: Auvergne truly became a land of warriors, and defended itself against the inroads of the enemy. When Gaul had been thoroughly ravaged, the invading hordes turned themselves towards Spain. The Sueves, Alans, and Vandals, altogether withdrew from Gaul; but the Burgundians remained behind in Burgundy, Franche Comté, Savoy, and afterwards also in Dauphiné: at that time, they had the country of the Æqui and the Sequani, and the west of Switzerland. The Sueves and Vandals in Spain were quite independent of the Roman empire, and always kept hostile to it; the Burgundians, on the other hand, who were a small nation in a large territory, submitted in some sort to the supremacy of the Roman emperor, as to a liege lord, in consideration of his allowing them to live there.

Stilicho was loudly reviled because he could not save Gaul; and moreover he had awakened the mistrust of Honorius and his court ever since his son Eucherius was grown up. Honorius had married one after another two daughters of Stilicho, Maria and Thermantia; and as the former of these had died without issue, and no one thought that Thermantia would have children, it had been the more generally believed that Stilicho would make his son emperor. Yet there is not a shadow of proof that Stilicho sought the life of Honorius: he would much rather have waited for his death, when it would have been quite the regular course for 333Eucherius to succeed. Stilicho indeed was the mainstay of the empire: he alone kept Alaric in awe. Honorius notwithstanding conspired against him,—just as Louis XIII. did against one of his subjects,—and, after having first got up an insurrection of the army, he sent assassins to fall upon him in his palace. His friends having been slain before him, Stilicho fled into a church; but was dragged out of it and murdered, as was also his son: Serena his widow, was condemned to death by the base senate.

To Alaric the murder of Stilicho became a pretext for again invading Italy. Honorius now took up his abode in the inaccessible city of Ravenna, which at that time was built on islands, like Venice now, being separated by lagunes from the main land, with which it was only connected by an isthmus. Without troubling himself to besiege Ravenna, Alaric marched on the Flaminian road against Rome, which he blockaded. Here, before long, the most horrible famine was seen: people murdered to feed on the corpses, so that even children are said to have been eaten by their own parents: besides which there broke out a plague, the necessary consequence of this state of things. At last a capitulation was concluded, though one cannot understand why Alaric acceded to it: perhaps he did so because the summer had already come on, and was severely felt by the army, which may likewise have suffered from epidemics. Rome having ransomed itself, negociations for peace were to be set on foot between the court of Ravenna and Alaric, it being proposed that the emperor should appoint Alaric commander-in-chief of the whole of the western empire. As these negociations did not lead to any result, Alaric turned himself for the second time towards Rome. The senate fell off from Honorius; Alaric proclaimed Attalus, the præfectus prætorio, emperor, and marched with him to Ravenna; and Honorius was so faint-hearted as to acknowledge Attalus as his colleague. When, however, in the meanwhile, reinforcements had 334landed in the port of Ravenna, and Attalus had fallen into disgrace with the Gothic chief, Honorius again broke off the negociations, and Alaric returned for the third time to Rome. On the 24th August, 410, was that awful burning of Rome which is still so famous in the world’s history, the Salarian gate, which is yet standing, having been opened to the Goths by treachery. Although Rome had to suffer many of the horrors of a town taken by storm, little blood was shed: many were led away as prisoners. The lust and rapine of the Goths hardly knew any bounds: the inhabitants were racked to make them show where they had hidden their treasures. The churches only were not plundered. After a pillage of three days, the evacuation began, which was completed by the sixth day. Alaric marched to Rhegium, intending to go also to Sicily; but he turned back. Two years after the taking of Rome, he died in Cosenza. (To this refers the beautiful poem of Count Platen, “The Tomb at Busento.”) The command of the army fell to his brother-in-law Adolphus, who, quite unlike Alaric, had a fondness for the Romans: he left Italy and marched to Languedoc. On both sides of the Pyrenees, over part of Languedoc and Catalonia, he reigned as an independent prince, the ally of the Romans. There he married Placidia, Honorius’ sister, who had been led away as a captive, and who now so closely knit the alliance, that it changed into real friendship. Adolphus, who had already led his troops into Spain, where he conquered the Vandals, Sueves, and Alans, and drove them into Asturias, Galicia, and Lusitania; gave back to the Roman empire the provinces which he did not occupy himself. He also did very good service against Jovinus, a usurper, and his brother Sebastianus.

In Britain, whilst Alaric was in Italy, an officer of the name of Constantine had been proclaimed Augustus by the soldiers, and had been favourably received in Gaul. Against him arose Gerontius, another usurper, 335who placed Maximus, a friend of his, on the throne; but in Gaul there came forth an army of Honorius under Constantius, ostensibly to the assistance of Constantine, which was quite a sound policy. Constantius compelled Gerontius and Maximus, who were besieging Arles, to put an end to their own lives; then he afterwards went on with the war against Constantine, and thus regained Gaul and Spain for the Romans. For this, after the death of Adolphus, he was rewarded with the hand of Galla Placidia. The friendship between the Western Goths and the Romans now ceased again: Singeric and Wallia broke off with them, and the Visigoths, who were very jealous of their independence, returned to their former attitude towards them. Thenceforth, except that her coasts were pillaged by Genseric, Italy had peace until the invasion of Attila: yet we may easily imagine how little she was able to recover herself. Honorius died in 423.

Placidia had borne to Constantius two children, Placidus Valentinianus and Justa Grata Honoria, both of them a curse to the empire. Constantius indeed had extorted from Honorius his being acknowledged as Augustus; but he died immediately after, even before Honorius, at whose death Placidus was a boy of not more than four years old, and therefore not capable of taking to himself the throne. Arcadius also was already dead, and his rule was nominally in the hands of his very youthful son, Theodosius II., who his whole life long never became his own master, but really was in those of Pulcheria, the new emperor’s sister: thus the East was very badly governed. Galla Placidia fled with her children to Constantinople; but before succours arrived from thence, the government was seized by a usurper, Johannes, the first emperor with a Christian name.[73] He reigned two years. Theodosius, on the other hand, bestowed the crown on his cousin, the 336boy Valentinian III., and sent two armies to Italy under Ardaburius and Aspar, both of whom were Isaurians. This undertaking did not succeed at first, the fleet having been scattered by a storm; but Aspar advanced unresisted through Illyricum, which seems to have returned again beneath the sovereignty of the emperor, and Johannes was deserted by his troops, and Placidus[74] Valentinian proclaimed emperor. His mother Placidia now governed the West, in a way which indeed was not much to her credit, though things became worse after her death in the middle of the century, when her son ruled alone. Rome was then richer in distinguished men than it had been in the times of the better emperors; above all are the names of Boniface and Aëtius, neither of whom could have outvied the other without causing the fall of the empire. Who Boniface was, is little known: he seems to have been an Italian. Aëtius was from Scythia, that is to say, Lower Mœsia, somewhere in the neighbourhood of Silistria, and of Latin blood, notwithstanding his Greek name: his father was a man of rank who lost his life owing to treachery, or some tyrannical act of Alaric. The age of Aëtius cannot exactly be ascertained: he must have been between fifty and sixty, or more than sixty when he died; for as a young man he was with Alaric and the Huns as a hostage, and often afterwards as an ambassador: he commanded their respect, being their equal in bravery, and yet having the advantage of superior civilization as well. He was an extraordinary man, and those who were in power ought to have allowed him to have his own way; just as the Athenian people did Alcibiades: but he was by no means without blemish, and he behaved unjustly and spitefully towards Boniface, by which he brought the empire into great trouble. His influence over Placidia and Valentinian being unbounded, he got Boniface, who was governor (comes) of Africa, recalled, and 337summoned to Ravenna where the court then was. As Boniface had to expect to lose his life if he went, he formed the accursed resolution of calling the Vandals, who at that time were in the west of Spain, over into Africa: they came under Gonderic, and the consequence was the devastation of Africa from the Straits of Gibraltar to Carthage. No German people has carried on war with such faithlessness and doggedness: hitherto Africa had suffered but little. They found support among the Donatists, who had been driven to despair by a frightful persecution, though they were only impracticable seceders who had gone out in Diocletian’s reign on account of the election of a bishop: these were a rude sect, but noble-hearted fanatics, and they were horribly dealt with. There is no doubt that their persecution lasted even later than this, and that the Arabs in their turn found partisans among them: they looked upon the barbarians as their deliverers. Their example may well be a lesson to those who shut their eyes to the misery to which intolerance, or, rather, to call it by its right name, injustice gives birth: the dreadful persecution of the Donatists had now lasted more than a hundred years. Genseric, who had succeeded his brother Gonderic, took the whole country, with the exception of a few places (429). The Moorish tribes he left alone; they were perfectly free: the Vandal rule only extended over the province of Tunis, and the maritime towns. The eyes of Boniface were now opened to the fearful calamity of which he had been the cause, and he tried in vain to check the stream. He met with confidence from Placidia, who in this instance behaved nobly: she sent him troops, which, however, were beaten in two decisive battles. After some years a truce, and then a peace was made, in which Rome gave up the greatest part of Africa; all indeed but Carthage, and some other places. This peace the faithless Genseric did not keep; but, on the contrary, took advantage of it to make himself master of Carthage.—Carthage, 338next to Rome, was the largest town in the Western Empire, being to that capital, as Hadrianople was to Constantinople. Its extent was considerable, and it was built on the spot where the gardens of Old Carthage had been, outside the walls of the old town. Salvian of Marseilles shows what a place it was; yet he says, that one ought rather to rejoice at its having been taken by the barbarians, than grieve over it, as immorality had reached the highest pitch, and it was inconceivable how the city could have called itself Christian. In former times, Christianity had certainly done a great deal of good to many individuals; but since the masses had adopted it, the church was no longer a select community, and therefore it had ceased to have any influence upon morals. It is remarkable how thoughtlessly at that time whole towns became christian, just as if a new ruler were proclaimed, the people remaining at heart as bad as they ever were. It is the greatest misfortune for the world and for Christianity itself, that Constantine should have been in such haste to make the faith universal: the hierarchy thus grew worse and worse, and although there were still Popes like Leo the Great, there were likewise many bad bishops.

The Vandal fleets from Africa pillaged Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and also the coast of Italy. This piracy was a fresh calamity for Italy, which had already begun to recover a little from its sufferings, although many parts had indeed remained waste, and the mass of the population had given themselves up as serfs to the great lords. And as ill luck would have it, most of the Roman nobles had their estates in Africa; so that these families, whose wealth sounds quite fabulous, were utterly ruined, as Genseric confiscated everything.

A new storm came from another quarter, even the Huns who had formerly driven away the Goths. Of their abodes in the times of Theodosius and his sons, we have no certain trace; perhaps they dwelled in the 339country between the banks of the Don and the borders of Wallachia: during the first years of Theodosius, they are to be found on the banks of the Danube, and even beyond the Theiss, as far as Pannonia. Concerning all these points, our sources are too scanty: as for the hypothesis of De Guignes, who traces them from China, I have already branded it as false; it is a view which in this day is justly rejected. The Huns being now met with as far as Pannonia, the Pannonian frontier must have been lost by the Romans. Bledas and Attila (Bledel and Etzel), the two sons[75] of Rugilas, appear with a formidable power as the kings of the Huns: the description of the might of Attila, however, is one of the weak points in Gibbon, as he believes the rule of Attila to have reached as far as China. It is indeed very likely that his sway extended beyond the Don even to the Volga: the German peoples paid homage to him, as one may see from our own poems; and as they were treated by him with forbearance, the lays are not bitter upon him. The main strength of his empire, according to a very correct remark of Friedrich Schlegel, was in German tribes: he himself, as Jornandes describes him, was a Mogul, and surrounded by Moguls. Yet this Mogul tribe is comparatively weak; so that, immediately after his death, the German tribes are free again. Until the middle of the fifth century, Attila had turned himself against the eastern empire only, which he made to suffer dreadfully by devastation, disgraceful treaties of peace, and tribute: Servia, and the greater part of Bulgaria, he altogether changed into a desert. The Huns carried on their frightful and bloodthirsty havoc in quite a different manner from the Goths, for instance: they were in the true sense of the word, destroyers. The western empire, being hard pressed by the Vandals, was not able to aid that of the East in this distress: there was even a sort of friendly relation between the 340former and the Huns, namely, by means of presents. Aëtius, having been banished, had betaken himself to the Huns, from whence, however, he returned: under their protection, he laid the foundations of his power in the empire, until he was so firmly established that he could do without them. He had revived the authority of Rome beyond all expectation: in Gaul, he had reduced the distant countries on the coast, which had made themselves independent; he also restored the frontier of the Rhine, though indeed the Franks still dwelled from Belgium to the Saone, and the Burgundians lived under their own kings, being tributary to the Romans. Provence, however, part of Dauphiné, Lower Languedoc, Lower Loire, Auvergne, and the north-west of Gaul, as well as Spain on the side of the Mediterranean, with the exception of Catalonia, were subject to the latter: the Visigoths had the South. No European country is so torn in pieces as the western empire then was: the countries there were for the most part covered with heaps of ruins, even as a land brought down to the deepest misery; of which we may form an idea by reading the poems of Logau at the end of the Thirty Years’ War.

Attila had been led by a quarrel with a Frankish royal house to march into Gaul. Here Aëtius united with the feeble forces of the empire against him, the warriors of the Visigoths, the ruling party of the Franks in Gaul under Merovæus, and the Burgundians: nearly all his troops were barbarians, but the spirit was his. Attila laid siege to Orleans, which was on the point of surrendering, and it would have been destroyed like the places on the banks of the Rhine, when Aëtius and Theodoric the king of the Visigoths came to its relief. Attila fell back into Champagne (Campi Catalaunici). The decisive battle in the year 451, is wrongly called the battle near Chalons, which I do not at all look upon as certain: Campi Catalaunici mean Champagne; so that it does not necessarily follow that the battle was 341precisely near Chalons. In this mighty combat, Attila led the barbarians of the East, the majority of them being German tribes, against the barbarians of the West. Yet Aëtius had to contend not only against superior numbers, but also against treachery, as the Alans, who were placed in the centre of his host, gave way, and the Huns were enabled to break through his ranks. The Visigoths were about to be overpowered, Theodoric being dead; but Thorismund, his heir, made a decisive charge and Aëtius also conquered at last. The Huns were not driven back, but retreated behind their rampart of waggons, where Aëtius did not venture to attack them; so that both parties retired. The numbers which have been given of those who were killed and taken prisoners, are beyond all belief.

When the winter was over, Attila made his appearance in Italy. Here Aëtius could only oppose to him the feeble, uncertain forces of a land which had become utterly unwarlike. Aquileia, Padua, and other towns were destroyed; all who did not flee, were murdered: people took refuge in the marshes, which was the occasion of the founding of Venice. The details which we have concerning the first tribunes of Venice, &c., are fabulous. Attila had been invited by the princess Honoria into Italy.

The death of Attila, which soon followed, would perhaps have given rest to Italy, had not Aëtius, the only support of Rome, met with his death at the same time. Aëtius, had he wished to rebel, might long ago have taken the throne for himself; but he was satisfied with being the acknowledged and actual ruler of the empire: his title was that of Patrician; but he is also mentioned in the chronicles as Dux Romanorum. His younger son Gaudentius was betrothed to Eudoxia, the daughter of Valentinian, both of them being very young; without doubt Aëtius thereby wished to secure the succession for Gaudentius. Valentinian, however, who was not yet old, expected that this would put an 342end to his own dominion; and therefore he formed a plot against Aëtius. The latter, suspecting nothing, went to the imperial palace at Rome on the Palatine, and there Valentinian stabbed him with his own hand: very likely, no one was allowed to present himself with arms before the emperor, as was the case in Constantinople. His son also, and many of his friends were murdered. One is tempted to think that this led to the rise of Ricimer; at least, he very soon after is met with in Aëtius’ place. Rome was now deprived of the great man, who alone could guarantee the safety of the empire: all the successors of Valentinian were merely emperors in name. Valentinian filled the measure of his wretchedness by an outrage on the wife of Petronius Maximus. He treacherously decoyed her into the palace, to gratify his infamous lusts; and by this deed he drove the injured husband into a conspiracy. Valentinian was murdered in the Field of Mars, and Petronius was proclaimed emperor.

Petronius’ wife having died in the meanwhile, he compelled Valentinian’s widow, Eudoxia, to marry him. She, however, had loved her former husband in spite of his profligacy, and she brooded over schemes of revenge: she invited Genseric to come to Rome and to achieve its conquest. This was so easily done, that one wonders at his not having made it before, and frequently afterwards: the co-operation of the empress is quite evident. When Genseric appeared, the clergy and the senate went out to meet him, imploring his mercy: whereupon he promised not to destroy the people. Notwithstanding this, the outrages of the soldiers were nearly as wanton as if the city had been taken by sword; only there was not quite so much bloodshed. Fourteen whole days was the city pillaged: all the silver, all the bronze was taken away; the golden plates, and the gilt tiles on the Capitol, nay, all that had any value, and could be moved, was carried away to the Vandal ships at Ostia. Petronius himself was slain in the tumult. 343The conquerors had left Rome exhausted, like a body bled to death: the senate had not even the spirit to proclaim a new emperor.

And now, the senator M. Mæcilius Avitus, a very rich and accomplished nobleman in Auvergne, declared himself emperor in Gaul, and crossed the Alps. No one indeed had really proclaimed him. The state of things had become very strange: it was not the army in the province, that proclaimed the emperor; but a peculiar right had then sprung up by which, when there was no hereditary claim, the senate would elect, the people give its assent by acclamation, and the soldiers acknowledge the choice. Avitus came to Rome, and was recognised; but Ricimer, a Sueve of royal race, was even then all-powerful there. All the barbarians who acted a part in Rome, must not be looked upon as mere savages: they were Christians, and understood and spoke the Volgare, which even then came nearer to the modern Italian, than to the Latin; and they were quite as civilized as our own ancestors were in the middle ages. Some few of them had a tinge of classical knowledge, like Theodoric the Visigoth and the younger Alaric; but it was otherwise with Ricimer and those of his class, who undoubtedly had a hearty contempt for the Roman civilisation. All those Germans, alas! were not a whit better than the degenerate Italians: they were just as faithless, just as cruel. Ricimer soon became false to Avitus; and the latter took possession of the see of Placentia, from whence he also soon fled: he seems to have died a natural death, owing to a sickness brought on by the persecutions which he had had to suffer.

In the room of Avitus, Ricimer set up a man of a character such as was no more to be looked for in those days of Rome’s decline—Majorian, who, as it seems, was an Italian born, (457). However unwarlike the Italian people then was, it yet produced distinguished generals, as we may see in the cases of Aëtius and Majorian. The latter undoubtedly deserves the high character 344which Procopius gives him; Sidonius, his epitaph, his laws, the individual traits recorded of him, all redound to his praise. Procopius says that he had surpassed all the Roman emperors in excellence: he had a great mind, and was of a highly practical turn. For four whole years he still stood his ground, and was actually master by the side of the faithless barbarian Ricimer, who had the main forces of the empire at his disposal. The Visigoths in Upper Languedoc and in Catalonia, owned his personal greatness, and paid homage to him and to the majesty of the Roman empire which he had restored. The Vandals being the curse of that empire, he planned an expedition against them, for which he had made extraordinary preparations: he was resolved not to grant them any terms, but to crush them. And they must needs have been overpowered, but for treachery at home. It is quite evident that Ricimer betrayed him, and was the cause of Genseric’s getting the Roman fleet at Carthagena set on fire. Notwithstanding this, Majorian concluded an advantageous peace, which at least secured the coasts of Italy and Sicily. On his return, at the instigation of Ricimer, a rebellion broke out against him: he was obliged to renounce the throne, and a few days after he ceased to live (461).

Ricimer’s absolute sway under a nominal emperor, lasted until 467, during which seven years a quite unknown emperor, Libius Severus, had the empty name of sovereign. Ricimer had an army, enlisted from what were called the fœderati (all sorts of German tribes), and he looked upon Italy as his realm; yet he was in a critical position, as he had to protect Italy; for he could not have kept it against Genseric. His power was limited. What still belonged to the Romans in Gaul and Spain, was subject to the Magister militum Ægidius, a very distinguished man, and a Roman, who had made himself independent, and ruled over Spain and part of Gaul. Marcellinus, another commander, an old 345and faithful servant of Aëtius, had become prince of Illyricum. Ricimer, after the death of Severus (465), ruled alone; but not beyond Italy. As, however, that country still continued to be a prey to the pirate-ships of the Vandals, Ricimer allowed the senate to apply to the emperor Leo at Constantinople, and to ask him to appoint an emperor under his supremacy, and to come to the aid of the empire.

Leo named Anthemius, the son-in-law of his predecessor Marcian, and whom he was glad to get rid of; sent him with a considerable body of troops; and made preparations for a grand expedition against the Vandals. By the death of Ægidius, the prefecture of Gaul was reunited with Italy; and Marcellinus also had placed Illyricum again under the supremacy of the emperor. On the side of Italy, Sardinia was wrested out of the grasp of the Vandals; Basiliscus, a general of the east and a brother-in-law of Leo, led a considerable army against Carthage; and another was sent against Tripolis. The plan was a brilliant one, and the beginning of the undertaking successful; but Genseric, who always got the advantage by discovering those who would sell themselves, now also warded off the decisive moment by craftiness. There is some suspicion that even Basiliscus sold himself; perhaps Ricimer also was guilty again. However this may have been, the expedition proved a total failure. Ricimer and Anthemius now fell out, although Anthemius had married his daughter to Ricimer; and thus the help which had been expected from the eastern emperor, only became the source of still greater calamity. Ricimer now kept his court at Milan; Anthemius lived at Rome: they were implacable enemies, nor did the attempt to reconcile them lead to any result.

A new pretender to the crown, Olybrius, the husband of the younger daughter of Valentinian, who besides such claims had also those of the gens Anicia, now offered himself to Ricimer. The latter caused him to be 346proclaimed. Anthemius, however, would not give up Rome; on which Ricimer laid siege to it for three months, when he at last burst in over the bridge, and it was taken by storm, and had to suffer all the horrors of a conquered city. As the marriage of Ricimer with the daughter of Anthemius had been the last brilliant moment for Rome, thus the present calamity was the most awful one, being indeed far more terrible than when it was taken by the Goths and Vandals: Pope Gelasius speaks in very strong terms of the horrors which were perpetrated on this occasion. Anthemius himself lost his life: Ricimer and Olybrius survived him only a few months. There seem to have been epidemics, of which there is also mention.

Now Gundobald, the king of the Burgundians, who had taken Ricimer’s place, in his capacity of Patrician appointed a Roman of the name of Glycerius, emperor. Against him, however, the court of Constantinople sent Julius Nepos, another Roman of rank, who with some assistance from Constantinople got possession of Rome and Ravenna. Glycerius abdicated; but Nepos was refused obedience by Orestes, a Roman from Noricum, who had been great even in the days of Attila. At this time, after Gundobald had left Italy, Orestes was Patrician, that is to say, commander-in-chief. Although a Roman by birth, he had been brought up among barbarians, and had adopted their language, manners, dress, and way of living: from reasons which we cannot account for, he conferred the imperial dignity upon his son Romulus, who had received his strange name from the father of his mother, a count Romulus in Noricum. Nepos, that he might be acknowledged by the Visigoths, had already given up the Roman lands in Gaul, even more than those barbarians were able to occupy: the people of Auvergne abandoned the hopeless idea of resistance; but in the north of Gaul, between Burgundy and the settlements of the Franks, a considerable part of the country was still Roman, though separated from 347the bulk of the empire ever since the death of Ægidius. That territory was now subject to Syagrius, and it yet lasted ten years longer than the western empire, until it was likewise broken up by Clovis. Romulus, who was not called Augustus, but Augustulus, was the last emperor. Against him the barbarian tribes, stirred up by Odoachar, a German prince, arose in rebellion: they demanded, over and above their exorbitant pay, no less than a third of all the lands, like the Visigoths and Burgundians, to be allotted on a tenure of military service. As Orestes would not grant this, they revolted, and, wanting to have a ruler who was one of themselves, proclaimed Odoachar king. He defeated Orestes and his brother in two battles, and they both of them lost their lives. Odoachar marched to Ravenna, and Romulus surrendered to him: he was treated with humanity, as he received a liberal maintenance, and the Lucullianum in Campania was assigned to him as his residence. Whether he died there of a natural death, is more than we know.

Thus ended the Roman empire.

## FINE ARTS AND LITERATURE.

Of the fifth century some buildings are still preserved. The noble church of St. Paul, although built up by the robbery of other fabrics, was yet in a grand style, and put together with much taste: the robbery is described in a statute of the emperor Majorian who forbade it. A hundred and fifty years ago, there still existed, in the church of S. Agata di Goti, a mosaic from which it appeared that this church was built and dedicated by Ricimer.

But the history of the Roman nation is not yet run out, although the Romans have ceased to be a state. Even literature survives, not only in Rome, but also at 348Ravenna. We have still a number of small detached poems, epitaphs, inscriptions on churches, many of which are ingenious and fine: one can see that the times were not yet barbarous. Boëthius was worthy of the best ages of literature. To the seventh and the eighth centuries belong several of the schoolmen who are left to us; for instance, Acron and Porphyrio. The Roman law continued to be much more decidedly in force than is generally believed. A description of the lingering influence of the Roman mind would be highly interesting and much to be desired.

349

## INDEX.

- Abdera, subject to Macedon, ii, 203.
- Abdera, Phœnician settlement in Spain, ii, 59.
- Abgarus of Osroëne, iii, 258.
- Ablavius, præfectus prætorio, iii, 304.
- Ἀβλεψία, iii, 181.
- Aborigines, the same people as the Siculians, i, 101;
  - the nominative singular must have been aboriginus, 101;
  - emigrate from Achaia to Latium, 101;
  - Varro’s opinion of them, 103;
  - their villages were scattered on hills, 110.
- Abyssinian Annals, from the thirteenth century, contain a piece of contemporary narrative, i, 125.
- Acarnanians apply to Rome for help against the Ætolians, ii, 49;
  - call upon Philip for help against the Athenians, 149;
  - part of them Ætolian, 150;
  - united with Macedon, 151;
  - a separate state, 163;
  - become Roman, 175.
- Accensi, i, 441;
  - are armed in the battle of Veseris, 442.
- Accius. See Attius.
- Acerræ reduced by the Romans, ii, 56;
  - the story of the extermination of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
  - taken by Hannibal, 107;
  - conquered by the Romans, as periœcians of Capua, 114.
- Achæans sink into utter insignificance owing to the treason of Aratus, ii, 145;
  - undertake a war against the Ætolians, in conjunction with Philip, 145;
  - dependent on their allies, 145;
  - the extent of their rule, 151;
  - unwarlike, 151;
  - bitterness against Rome, 172;
  - three factions among them, 206;
  - outrages of the Roman party after the victory over Perseus, 217;
  - more than a thousand Achæans sent to Rome, 217;
  - the state of its affairs at the time of the third Punic war, 248;
  - they defeat the Lacedæmonians, 250;
  - extent of their power, 250;
  - oppose the unjust demands of the Romans, 252;
  - scattered near Scarphea, 254;
  - their country changed into a Roman province, 256;
  - their constitution, 256;
  - conf. Ætolians.
- Achæan towns, twelve of them, i, 111.
- Achaia, belonging to the Achæan league, ii, 151;
  - plundered by the Goths, iii, 280.
- Achillas, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63.
- Achradina, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.
- C. Acilius, a Roman senator, writes Roman annals, down to the war with Antiochus, i, 23;
  - his work translated into Latin by a certain Claudius, 23, and ii, 121, 199.
- 350 Acrocorinth occupied by the Romans, ii, 162;
  - evacuated, 172.
- Acta Diurna, a sort of town gazette, which also contained the acts of the senate, i, 9.
- Acta Martyrum, spurious, felt quite a particular pleasure in devising and relating the most horrible tortures, ii, 26.
- Actiones Repetundarum, for which formerly special quæsitores were appointed, are from the seventh century to be judged according to the common course of law, ii, 297.
- Actium, battle of, iii, 111.
- Actius. See Attius.
- Addiction, i, 229, 523.
- Aderbidjan given up by Persia to Armenia, iii, 296;
  - wrested from the latter by Sapor, 313.
- Adherbal, general of the Carthaginians, ii, 32.
- Adherbal, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
  - taken by the Romans under their protection, 311;
  - beset by Jugurtha in Cirta, 311;
  - murdered, 312.
- Adiabene, the country east of the Tigris, iii, 253;
  - subject to the supremacy of the Romans, 254.
- Adige had fords in it, ii, 331.
- Adis (Adin), ii, 21.
- Administrative offices, no other kind of knowledge was requisite in Rome for holding them, but the artes liberales.
- Adolphus, Alaric’s brother-in-law, commander of the Visigoths, iii, 334;
  - reigns on both sides of the Pyrenees, 334;
  - married to Placidia, 334.
- Adoption by will, first known example of it, iii, 84.
- Aduatici, Cimbrian tribe on the Lower Rhine, ii, 333.
- Æacidas, father of Pyrrhus, i, 352;
  - attached to Olympias, 352;
  - driven out of his kingdom by Alexander, 352;
  - expelled from Epirus by Cassander, 553.
- Ædiles, a plebeian magistracy, i, 241;
  - a general Latin magistracy, 241 and 405;
  - are charged with all the police matters in Rome, iii, 123.
- Ædiles cereales limited to the plebs, iii, 75.
- Ædiles curules elected in the place of the old quæstores parricidii, i, 405;
  - their office is held by plebeians also, 405;
  - it becomes a liturgy in the Greek acceptation of the word, 405;
  - their attributes, 405;
  - they are chosen by the comitia tributa, 406;
  - they take upon themselves the burden of the public festivals, ii, 43;
  - the holding of the ædileship in turns by the two orders done away with, 269.
- Ædui get the hegemony in Gaul, iii, 42;
  - brothers and friends of the Roman people, 42;
  - rising against Tiberius under Julius Sacrovir, 202.
- Ægation islands, victory of the Romans over the Carthaginian fleet, ii, 38.
- Ægidius, magister militum in Gaul and Spain, iii, 344.
- Ægina taken by the Romans, ii, 146;
  - sold by the Ætolians to Attalus, 146;
  - given up to Eumenes, 163.
- Ælia Capitolina, iii, 230;
  - the name has been kept up to this day 230.
- 351 Ælianus, (Lælianus), emperor, conquered by Postumus in Mentz, iii, 282.
- Æmilianus, governor of Illyricum, proclaimed emperor, defeats Gallus Trebonianus on the borders of Umbria, iii, 279;
  - murdered, 279.
- Æmilianus. See Scipio.
- Æmilius. See Lepidus.
- L. Æmilius, consul in the war of the Cisalpine Gauls, ii, 52.
- Mam. Æmilius, said to have limited the censorial power to eighteen months, i, 336.
- Q. Æmilius, general against the Etruscans, i, 506;
  - relieves Sutrium, 507.
- L. Æmilius Barbula, consul against Tarentum, i, 551.
- Q. Æmilius Papus, i, 548.
- Q. Æmilius Paullus, reduces the Illyrians, ii, 57;
  - μισόδημος, having been wrongfully accused after the Illyrian campaign, 98;
  - mortally wounded in the battle of Cannæ, 102.
- L. Æmilius Paullus, son of the former, brings in Greeks for the education of his children, ii, 199;
  - consul, 212;
  - defeats Perseus in the battle of Pydna, 213;
  - is not to be ranked among the great men, 216;
  - his triumph, 218.
- L. Æmilius Paullus, consul, iii, 49;
  - bought over by Cæsar, 50;
  - builds the Basilica Æmilia, 50.
- Æneas, according to Nævius, arrives with on ship only, i, 106;
  - earliest traditions concerning him, 106.
- Ænianians, subjected to the Ætolians, ii, 151.
- Ænos, Macedonian, ii, 203.
- Æquians, are Opicans, i, 98;
  - gens magna, 275;
  - march from the Anio against Rome, 275;
  - war of them in the year 323, 343;
  - their power broken by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
  - receive their deathblow from the Gauls, 384;
  - in the first Samnite war allied to the Latins 436;
  - conquered, receive the right of Roman citizenship, 505.
- Æqui Falisci, i, 361.
- Æquimælium, the place where the house of Sp. Mælius had stood, i, 338.
- Ærarii, i, 180, 333;
  - had very likely to pay a war-tax for the pedites to carry on trades, 515.
- Ærarium, the chest of the plebeians, i, 233;
  - of the senate and of the emperor, iii, 121.
- Æschines, i, 248.
- Æsculetum, place of meeting of the populus outside the town, i, 269.
- Æsernia, colony, i, 535; ii, 106;
  - conquered, by the Samnites, 356;
  - seat of the Italian government, 358.
- Aëtius, iii, 336;
  - from Lower Mœsia, 336;
  - with the Huns, 340;
  - his achievements, 340;
  - against Attila, 340;
  - defeats Attila, 341;
  - his death, 341;
  - his title is Patricius and Dux Romanorum, 341.
- Ætna, eruption in the year 354, i, 357.
- Ætolians and Achæans united against Demetrius, ii, 48;
  - divide Acarnania with Alexander of Epirus, 49;
  - treat the embassy of the Romans with scorn, 49;
  - war of Philip and the Achæans against them, 145;
  - they are humbled by it, 145;
  - free, 145;
  - alliance with the Romans, 146;
  - deserve praise after the Lamian war, 146;
  - they sink afterwards into a state of barbarism, 146;
  - 352attacked by Philip, they conclude a very disadvantageous peace, 147;
  - hostile to Macedon, 150;
  - extent of their possessions, 150;
  - they have isopolity with many places in Elis and Messene, 151;
  - misunderstanding with Rome, 152;
  - dissensions between them and the Romans after the battle of Cynoscephalæ, 160;
  - their vanity, 160;
  - side with Antiochus, 167;
  - defend Ambracia, 174;
  - peace, 175;
  - outrages of the Roman party after the defeat of Perseus, 216.
- Ætolian cavalry is bad, i, 440.
- Afranius, Pompey’s general in Spain a commonplace man, iii, 54;
  - defeated near Lerida, 56;
  - in Africa, 67.
- Africa, numerous and zealous church there, iii, 273.
- African school, iii, 234;
  - has no peculiar dialect, 234;
  - its origin unknown, 234.
- Agathias, his history is most authentic, iii, 263.
- Agathocles employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
  - his character, 575;
  - shows the weakness of the Carthaginians in Africa, ii, 17.
- Agathyrsians, i, 369.
- Ager limitatus, its law on the tabula Heracleensis, seems to have been similar to that which was in force at Rome, i, 269.
- Ager publicus, i, 243; ii, 270;
  - one instance only of any thing like it in Greece, i, 253;
  - occupation of it, 253;
  - agrum locare and agrum vendere are synonymous, 254.
- Agis, PROXENUS of the Romans at Tarentum, i, 551.
- Agon Capitolinus instituted by Domitian, iii, 210.
- Agrarian law, i, 250;
  - peculiar to the Romans, 253.
- Agricola Julius, from Forum Julii, may have sprung from Gallic ancestors, iii, 193;
  - completes the conquest of Britain, 211.
- Agrigentum laid waste by the Carthaginians, i, 576;
  - independent, 576;
  - destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
  - condition at the outbreak of the Punic wars, 10;
  - sacked, 12;
  - taken by the Romans, 119;
  - its several devastations, 119;
  - afterwards restored, 119.
- C. Agrippa, iii, 147;
  - adopted by Augustus, 147;
  - sent to Armenia, 147;
  - Velleius’ character of him, 147;
  - murdered there, 148.
- L. Agrippa adopted by Augustus, iii, 147;
  - sent to Gaul and Spain, 147;
  - his death, 148.
- M. Agrippa Octavian’s adviser, iii, 85;
  - conducts the war against Sextus Pompey, 109;
  - victory near Mylæ, 109;
  - marries Julia, 143, 146;
  - his influence on Augustus, 144;
  - his buildings, 144;
  - Augustus gives him his ring, 146;
  - differences between him and Marcellus, 146;
  - Velleius’ saying of him, 146;
  - withdraws to Mitylene, 146;
  - his death, 146.
- Agrippa Postumus adopted by Augustus, iii, 148.
- Agrippina, Agrippa’s daughter, wife of Germanicus, iii, 146;
  - her virtue, 146, 160;
  - banished by Sejanus, 176.
- Agrippina, wife of the Emperor Claudius, her character, iii, 183;
  - daughter of Germanicus, 188;
  - mother of Nero, 189;
  - murdered, 189.
- Agron, king of the Illyrians, ii, 47.
- Agylla receives the worship of Greek heroes, i, 147;
  - is called Cære by the Etruscans, 147;
  - Conf. Cære.
- Ahenobarbus. See Domitius.
- 353 Aisne, battle, iii, 44.
- Alans, iii, 288;
  - cross the Rhine, 331;
  - withdraw from Gaul, 332;
  - conquered by Adolphus, 334;
  - treachery towards Aëtius, 341.
- Alaric, king of the Visigoths, iii, 329;
  - defeated by Stilicho, 329;
  - appointed magister militum, 329;
  - appears in the West, 330;
  - defeated near Pollentia, 330;
  - withdraws from Italy, 330;
  - blockades Rome twice, 333;
  - dies in Cosenza, 334.
- Alaric, the younger, his classical knowledge, iii, 343.
- Alatrum, town of the Hernicans, i, 247.
- Alba, on the Alban lake, capital of the ruling conquerors, i, 107;
  - its historical existence, 108;
  - shares with the thirty towns the flesh of the sacrifices on the Alban Mount, 108;
  - religious reference of Roman gentes to Alba, 113;
  - its destruction is historical, 125;
  - not the least connexion between it and Rome, 126;
  - its destruction by the Latins is most probable, 128.
- Alba on the Lake Fucinus, from thence the Sacranians issued, i, 107;
  - Roman colony, 505;
  - Syphax dies there as an exile, ii, 137;
  - Perseus and his sons live there in captivity, 245;
  - and likewise Bituitus, king of the Allobroges, 308.
- Albans had the dominion over Latium, i, 108;
  - their reception into Rome is probably historical, 125
- Albanian, the modern Albanian language is like the ancient Illyrian, ii, 57.
- Alban kings, their chronology is a forgery of L. Cornelius Alexander, i, 107.
- Alban lake drained, i, 356–359.
- Albenses (Populi), in Pliny, i, 107.
- Albinovanus makes his peace with Sylla, ii, 282.
- Albinovanus Pedo, iii, 140.
- A. Albinus, surrounded in Africa, ii, 315.
- Albinus Clodius, the title of Cæsar offered to him by Commodus, iii, 250;
  - proclaimed emperor by the British and Gallic legions, 250;
  - his descent, 253;
  - overreached by Septimius Severus, 253;
  - defeated near Lyons, his death, 253.
- Sp. Albinus, consul, ii, 315.
- Album, explanation of the term, i, 6.
- Alcæus of Messene, epigrams of his, ii, 160.
- Alcibiades, the bravest Athenian, i, 296.
- Alemanni, iii, 277;
  - break into the Roman empire, 279;
  - must have undertaken an expedition as far as Spain, 282;
  - pass the Po, 287;
  - war of Probus against them, 288;
  - on both banks of the Rhine, 310;
  - force the passage across the Rhine, 331.
- Aleppo, famine there, i, 338.
- Alesia, between Autun and Langres, iii, 47.
- Alexander VI., Pope, lays down a division of countries in the new world between Spain and Portugal, i, 413.
- Alexander, L. Cornelius, a freedman of Sylla, i, 107.
- Alexander, king of Epirus, the treaty with him is the first connexion between Greece and Rome, i, 458;
  - family connexions, 463;
  - unites the Greek towns of Lower Italy in a confederacy, 464;
  - quarrels with the Tarentines, after which he carries on the war as an adventurer, 464;
  - 354is slain near Pandosia, 465;
  - treaty with the Romans, 465;
  - usurps the kingdom of Æacidas, 552.
- Alexander the Great, the embassy of the Romans to him seems not to be a fiction, i, 469;
  - embassy of the Samnites and Lucanians, 469;
  - of the Iberians, 469;
  - whether the Romans knew of him, 469;
  - has done little in comparison with Hannibal, ii, 67.
- Alexander, son of Pyrrhus, ii, 49 and 50.
- Alexander Severus, formerly called Alexianus, adopted by Elagabalus, iii, 261;
  - his character, 261;
  - the authors seem to have written a sort of Cyropædia on him, 262;
  - weak to Mamæa, 262;
  - Ulpianus his minister, 262;
  - displays great firmness on many occasions, 262;
  - his war against the Persians, 265;
  - contradictions concerning it, 265;
  - goes to the Rhine, 266;
  - mutiny of the troops, 266;
  - murdered, 267.
- Alexandria, its population, iii, 64;
  - massacre under Caracalla, 257;
  - seat of wit, 257;
  - many Christians there, 273;
  - reduced by Diocletian, 296.
- Alexandrines, drive Ptolemy Auletes away, iii, 28.
- Alexandrine literature must be deemed to end with the death of Eratosthenes, iii, 228.
- Alexianus. See Alexander Severus.
- Alexo, an Achæan, discovers a plot in the Carthaginian camp before Lilybæum, ii, 30.
- Alfatarians, i, 419.
- Algidus, a cold rugged height, its situation, i, 277.
- Aliens were better treated in the Germanic states, than in the ancient world and in France, i, 167.
- Alia, battle on the, was fought July 16th, i, 373;
  - an historical event, 376;
  - site of the river uncertain, 376;
  - description of the battle, 377.
- Aliphera during the war of Hannibal well affected to Macedon, ii, 145.
- Aliso on the Lippe, very likely in the neighbourhood of Hamm, iii, 157.
- Allobroges, are pure Celts, i, 370;
  - their country at the time of Hannibal, ii, 79;
  - their abodes, 308;
  - acknowledge the majestas populi Romani, 79;
  - Roman citizens, iii, 23;
  - their envoys at the conspiracy of Catiline, 23;
  - call for Cæsar’s protection against the Helvetians, 41.
- Alps, their extent in Polybius, ii, 77.
- Alpine tribes, their treachery to Hannibal, ii, 78.
- Alumentus, Latin form for Laomedon, ii, 194.
- Alva, Duke of —’s cruelty in the Netherlands, iii, 297.
- Amazirgh, ii, 5.
- Ambiorix, leader of the Eburones, iii, 46.
- Ambitio Campi, iii, 118.
- Ambitus, laws against it, ii, 227, 318; iii, 13, 38.
- Ambracia yielded to Pyrrhus by the son of Cassander, i, 554;
  - residence of Pyrrhus, 555;
  - siege, ii, 174;
  - given up to the Romans, 175.
- Ambrones join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
  - they are most likely Ligurians, 324;
  - defeated by Marius, 329.
- Ambrose, iii, 325.
- 355 America, state of things before the constitution of Washington, ii, 248.
- Americans, beat the English fleets by means of masses, ii, 14.
- Amida taken by Sapor, iii, 309.
- Amiternum, leagued with the Samnites, taken in the third Samnite war, i, 535.
- Ammianus Marcellinus, an ingenious writer, iii, 323;
  - a native of Antioch, 324.
- Ammonius, iii, 293.
- Amphilochia yielded by the son of Cassander to Pyrrhus, i, 554.
- Amphipolitans receive the Chalcidians and drive out the old Athenian colony, i, 419.
- Amulet, iii, 355.
- Amulius, i, 112.
- Amynander drives the Macedonian garrisons from Athamania, ii, 203.
- Anagnia, town of the Hernicans, i, 247;
  - loses its political existence, 503;
  - becomes a municipal town of the second class, 503;
  - receives a provost from Rome to administer justice, 503.
- Anaitis, her temple in Comana plundered, ii, 407.
- Ancient literature revived, iii, 232.
- Ancona, the March of, a country with a very temperate climate, and exceedingly healthy, ii, 94;
  - its constitution in recent times, 398;
  - its mole and harbour built by Trajan, iii, 223.
- Ancus Marcius, his conquest very credible, i, 125;
  - he is a Sabine, 131;
  - establishes Latins on the Aventine, 131;
  - founds the colony of Ostia, 132.
- Andalusia, the Latin language, forbidden there by punishment of death, dies away within a hundred years, i, 145;
  - Latinized, ii, 258.
- S. Andreas in busta Gallica, church in Rome, i, 384.
- Andriscus. See Pseudophilip.
- Andronidas, ii, 248.
- Q. Anicius, a Prænestine, plebeian ædile, i, 495, 521.
- Annales Bertiniani, Fuldenses, etc., their arrangement, i, 5.
- Annales maximi or PONTIFICUM, i, 5;
  - for the earlier times restored afterwards, 6;
  - according to Servius divided into eighty books, 8;
  - Cicero’s opinion on them, 8;
  - one may form an idea of them from the passages which Livy quotes from them at the end of the tenth book, 8;
  - Livy’s copy began with the year 460, 8;
  - according to Diomedes they were still continued in his time, 9;
  - the probable cause of their having ceased in the times of P. Mucius is the publication of the acta diurna, 9;
  - destroyed in the burning of the town by the Gauls, 83.
- Annius of Viterbo, his forgeries, i, 141.
- Antagoras, ii, 198.
- Anthemius, emperor, iii, 345.
- Antibes (Antipolis) conquered, ii, 220.
- Antigonea, founded by Pyrrhus, the present Argyrocastro, ii, 153;
  - fauces Antigoneæ, 153;
  - victory of Flaminius, 155.
- Antigonus Doson (Epitropus), guardian of Philip, i, 144;
  - in the last years of his guardianship the Macedonian empire recovers, 145.
- Antigonus the One-eyed, killed in the battle Ipsus, i, 553.
- Antigonus Gonatas, abandoned by his troops, i, 569;
  - again appointed king, 569;
  - 356marches to Argos, 569;
  - decay of the Macedonian empire during the later years of his reign, ii, 144.
- Antioch, the seat of wit, iii, 257;
  - many Christians there, 273;
  - sacked by the Persians, 280;
  - battle, 286.
- Antioch, the people of, their frivolity and luxury, iii, 311;
  - rouse the wrath of Theodosius, 322.
- Antiochus Epiphanes, his character correctly described in the book of the Maccabees, ii, 207;
  - his connexion with Perseus, 211;
  - war against Egypt, 220;
  - his last disease, 390.
- Antiochus the Great of Syria, allies himself with Philip III. against Ptolemy Epiphanes, ii, 147;
  - conquers Perinthus, Ephesus, and Lycia, 148;
  - bears unjustly the surname of the Great, 165;
  - better than the princes of his house who had the same name, 166;
  - extent of his rule, 166;
  - negociations of the Romans with him, 167;
  - rejects Hannibal’s advice, 170;
  - lands in Greece, 171;
  - battle of Thermopylæ, 173;
  - returns to Asia, 173;
  - his fleet commanded by Hannibal, 175;
  - conquered near Myonnesus, 175;
  - evacuates the Chersonesus, 176;
  - falls back into Lydia, 176;
  - offers to conclude a peace, 177;
  - battle of Magnesia, 178;
  - peace, 179.
- Antiochus Hierax war against Ptolemy Euergetes, ii, 182.
- Antiochus Soter, ii, 166.
- Antiochus Theos, an utterly infamous prince, ii, 166.
- Antipater L. Cœlius. See Cœlius.
- Antiquities, the study of Roman antiquities makes rapid progress in the beginning of the 16th century, i, 68.
- Antium, at first Tyrrhenian, afterwards Volscian, i, 223;
  - sprung from the same stock with Rome and Ardea, 223;
  - conquered in 286 by the Romans, 274;
  - receives a Volscian colony, 274;
  - opposition; the old citizens call in the Romans, 274;
  - receives a colony of Romans, Latins, and Hernicans, 274;
  - Antiates mille milites, 274;
  - restored to the Volscians, 286;
  - severed from Rome, 390;
  - a marine colony, 450;
  - its fate after the Latin war, 450;
  - laid waste, ii, 372.
- Antonia, daughter of M. Antonius and Octavia, Drusus’ wife, iii, 104;
  - mother of the emperor Claudius, 181.
- M. Antoninus marries one of his daughters to Pompeian, a Greek, i, 62;
  - in his reign, there remains only the art of casting in bronze, iii, 224;
  - his real name Annius Verus, 236;
  - called by Hadrian, Verissimus, 236;
  - different accounts concerning his adoption, 237;
  - his beauty, 238;
  - character, 238;
  - meditations, 238;
  - correspondence with Fronto, 238;
  - stoicism, 239;
  - love of his subjects, 239;
  - his monumental column very much damaged, 242;
  - goes to the East, 245;
  - dialogista, 245;
  - Avidius Cassius’ opinion on him, 245;
  - his death, 246;
  - he sells the valuable things of his palace, 248;
  - his equestrian statue, a noble work, 275;
  - writes very good Greek, 324.
- M. Antoninus Magnus, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
  - see Caracalla.
- T. Antoninus Pius, grandson of Arrius Antoninus, adopted by Hadrian, iii, 231;
  - emperor, 236;
  - married to Galeria Faustina, 236;
  - a native of Nemausus, 236;
  - his history little known to us, 236;
  - his surname Pius, 236;
  - his wars, 236;
  - his character, 237.
- 357 Antoninus Diadumenianus, son of Macrinus, iii, 260.
- Antonius. See Primus.
- C. Antonius, consul, Cicero’s colleague, iii, 24.
- C. Antonius, brother of the triumvir, receives the province of Macedon, iii, 86;
  - executed by Brutus, 96.
- L. Antonius, brother of the triumvir, places himself at the head of the malcontents against Octavian, iii, 102;
  - the Perusian war, 103;
  - makes up with Octavian, 103.
- M. Antonius, consul, ii, 339;
  - orator, 349, 373.
- M. Antony, tribune of the people, iii, 52;
  - makes his passage to Illyricum, 59;
  - quarrels with Dolabella; both of them equally bad, 70;
  - offers to Cæsar the diadem, 76;
  - his behaviour after Cæsar’s murder, 82;
  - delivers a funeral oration for Cæsar, 83;
  - is not among his heirs, 83;
  - administers Cæsar’s property, 84;
  - makes away with the greatest part of the money, 85;
  - chooses Cisalpine Gaul for his province, 86;
  - shows himself friendly to the optimates, 86;
  - although a bad man he might be gained over, 86;
  - incensed against Cicero, 87;
  - besieges Dec. Brutus in Mutina, 87;
  - goes to Gaul, 90;
  - imperator, 90;
  - triumvirate, 91;
  - battle of Philippi, 97;
  - his moderation after the war, 99;
  - falls into the nets of Cleopatra, 101;
  - peace of Brundusium, 103;
  - marries Octavia, 104;
  - gets the empire of the east, 104;
  - unsuccessful attempt against Sicily, 105;
  - of Misenum, 105;
  - campaign in Media, 108;
  - divorce from Octavia, 110;
  - marries Cleopatra, 110;
  - his fleet, 111;
  - battle of Actium, 111;
  - his death, 113.
- Antonius Musa, physician of Augustus, iii, 146.
- Antrodoco, the defiles of —, disgracefully abandoned by the Neapolitans in 1821, i, 477.
- d’Anville, his maps of Italy to be recommended, i, 76;
  - characteristics, 76;
  - C. Niebuhr always spoke of him in the highest terms of acknowledgment, 77.
- Anxur, i, 344;
  - conf. Terracina.
- Aous, river, ii, 153.
- Apennines, geologically different from the mountain ranges of Southern Italy, ii, 8;
  - ways leading through them to Italy, 52;
  - roads through them, 89.
- Aper. See Arrius.
- Apollodorus of Damascus, his likeness is the most ancient of an artist which we have, i, 61; iii, 221;
  - architect of Trajan, iii, 221.
- Apollonia, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48, 153; iii, 58, 84.
- Appeal to the people, done away with, ii, 297;
  - it had only been allowed for judicium publicum, 297;
  - source of the modern appeal, iii, 117.
- Appia Aqua, i, 518.
- Appian has borrowed from Fabius, i, 20;
  - closely follows the track of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 20;
  - his sources, 252;
  - a jurist from Alexandria, lives in Rome during the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, greatly befriended by Fronto, 60; iii, 237;
  - his history arranged after the Origines of Cato, i, 60;
  - he knew well how to choose his sources, 60;
  - his ignorance particularly of geography, 61;
  - editions, 61;
  - on the ager publicus, 252;
  - the groundwork of his history of the second Punic war, is taken from Fabius, ii, 62;
  - 358is the only source for the third Punic war, 240;
  - has copied from Polybius, 240;
  - otherwise below criticism, 240.
- Appian road built, i, 517, 518.
- Apuleius. See Saturninus.
- Apuleius, to be placed among the first geniuses of his age, iii, 234;
  - shows talent wherever he has a subject, 235.
- Apulia, description of the country, i, 477;
  - clothed in winter with fine and excellent grass, 478;
  - joins Pyrrhus, 557;
  - a mild, sunny district, ii, 95;
  - a breeze rises there every afternoon from the east, (the sea), 102;
  - part of it falls away from the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, 107;
  - under arms in the Social war, but without having any share in the Italian state, 352.
- Apulians of the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99.
- Aqua Appia. See Appia.
- Aqua Claudia, the finest Roman aqueduct, iii, 189.
- Aqua Marcia, ii, 339.
- Aqua Marrana, i, 188.
- Aquæ Sextiæ, first Roman colony beyond the Alps, ii, 308;
  - gets the Roman franchise in virtue of the lex Julia, 354.
- Aqueducts of the emperors are of brick, with a cast of mortar in the middle, i, 138;
  - of the Romans, 518;
  - of Appius, 518.
- Aquila, town in Latium, founded in the middle ages, i, 77.
- Aquileia, besieged by Maximin, ii, 269;
  - battles, 321;
  - destroyed, 341.
- Aquitanians are pure Hispanians, i, 367;
  - of the Iberian race, in Guienne, iii, 42;
  - conquered by Crassus, 46.
- Arabia, vassal kingdom of Persia, iii, 253;
  - Arabia Petræa, made a Roman province by Trajan, 220.
- Aræ Flaviæ, on the military road from the Main to Augsburg, iii, 216
- Aratus sacrifices Corinth and the liberty of Greece, not to let Cleomenes have the authority which was due to him, ii, 145.
- Aratus, the poet, ii, 199;
  - the paraphrase of the phænomena is by Domitian, 209.
- Arbiter, one only was needed in criminal causes, ii, 297.
- Arbogastes, a Frank general, commander of the army of Valentinian II., rises against him, iii, 321.
- Arcadians, an essentially Pelasgian people, i, 96.
- Arcadia, its position completely changed, i, 390;
  - Achæan, ii, 151.
- Arcadius, iii, 328.
- Archelaus, commander of the army of Mithridates in Greece, ii, 369;
  - defends himself in the Piræeus, 375.
- Archidamus of Sparta employed by the Tarentines, i, 461;
  - killed on the day of the battle of Chæronea, 463.
- Archimedes builds a ship for Hiero, which is sent by the latter to Alexandria, ii, 17;
  - defends Syracuse, 117.
- Architecture, its different stages of development, iii, 222;
  - its decline under Hadrian, 275.
- Archytas, the Leibnitz of his age, i, 461;
  - seven times called to the office of general, 461.
- Ardaburius, iii, 336.
- 359 Ardaschir, son of Babek, of the race of Sassan, king of the Persians, iii, 264;
  - restores the old fire-worship, 264;
  - sets up monuments in Persepolis, 264;
  - is called by the Greeks Artaxerxes, 265;
  - war against the Romans, 265.
- Ardea, the war of Tarquin the Proud against Ardea is fabulous, i, 198;
  - is of the same stock with Rome and Antium, 223;
  - insurrection, 343;
  - make head against the Gauls, 381.
- Ardeates, the decision between them and the people of Aricia was pronounced by the Curies, i, 94.
- Ardyæans in northern Illyricum, are under the protection of Rome, ii, 146;
  - overcome by Philip, 146;
  - their country ceded to him by the Romans, 147.
- Arevaci, a Spanish people, ii, 220;
  - a tribe of the Celtiberians, 260.
- Argolis Archæan, ii, 151, 163.
- Argos, a Pelasgian word, probably meaning town, i, 101;
  - synonymous with Peloponnesus, 101;
  - also for Thessaly, 101;
  - the republican party calls in Pyrrhus against the aristocrats, 569;
  - the latter summon Antigonus to their aid, 569;
  - devastated by the Goths, iii, 280.
- Argyrocastro, very important pass, ii, 147;
  - the old Antigonea, 153.
- Aricia, in a grove before its gates, was the sanctuary of the Latins, i, 186;
  - Porsena defeated there, 213;
  - after the Latin war it does not receive the franchise, but becomes an independent municipium, 448;
  - laid waste by Marius, 372.
- Ariminum, colony of, ii, 50;
  - opens its gates to Cæsar, iii, 53.
- Ariobarzanes, Persian governor of Pontus, ii, 360;
  - king of Cappadocia, 363, 407.
- Ariovistus, ii, 43;
  - acknowledged by the Romans as a sovereign king, 43;
  - defeated near Besançon, 43.
- Aristænus, Achæan strategus, ii, 156.
- Aristæus, a Pelasgian hero from Arcadia, i, 96.
- Aristarchus, the period from him to Dio Chrysostomus is an intermediate one, which has no distinct character, iii, 228.
- Aristides, Ælius, a most disagreeable writer, iii, 235;
  - his declamation on the battle of Leuctra, 235.
- Aristion, sophist, tyrant of Athens, ii, 364.
- Aristippus, tyrant of Argos, i, 569.
- Aristobulus, historian, i, 470.
- Aristobulus, pretender to the crown of Judæa, made prisoner by
- Pompey and led in his triumph, iii, 11.
- Aristocracy, as it was in the earliest times in Rome, i, 164.
- Aristocrats, their hypocrisy, ii, 87.
- Aristonicus, a bastard son of Eumenes, usurps the throne of Pergamus, ii, 266;
  - defeats Crassus, 267;
  - overcome by Peperna, 267.
- Aristotle, ii, 6;
  - the text of his Politics is derived from a single MS. of the fourteenth century, 6.
- Armenia, nature of the country, iii, 7;
  - acknowledges the majestas populi Romani, 161;
  - vassal kingdom of the Romans and Parthians, 240;
  - recognised as a tributary dependency of Rome, 296.
- Armenians, Gibbon’s remark on the change in their character, iii, 7;
  - 360slight Tiberius, 170;
  - their princes are Arsacidæ and Christians, 313.
- Arminius, iii, 156;
  - a Roman knight, 157.
- Arnobius, his erudition is of great value to us, iii, 293.
- Arpi, chief town of Apulia, i, 477;
  - returns to the side of the Romans, ii, 110;
  - taken by Hannibal, 120.
- Arpinum conquered by the Samnites, i, 501;
  - reconquered by the Romans, 504;
  - municipal town, large and important; a Cyclopian town; birthplace of Marius and Cicero, iii, 15.
- Arretinian vessels of baked red clay, i, 135.
- Arretinus, Leonardus, i, 67.
- Arretium makes peace with Rome, i, 509;
  - governed by the Cilnians; besieged by the Gauls, 546;
  - razed to the ground, ii, 383;
  - military colony, 385.
- Arria, wife of Thrasea Pætus, iii, 191.
- Arrian, a distinguished man, iii, 239.
- Arrius Aper, præfectus prætorio, iii, 290.
- Arsacidæ, the younger branch of them on the Parthian throne in Armenia, iii, 191.
- Arsia, the forest of, the battle there is purely mythical, i, 208.
- Arsinoë, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.
- Artabanus, king of the Parthians, iii, 258.
- Artavasdes, king of Armenia, iii, 107.
- Artaxata conquered, iii, 191.
- Artillery, its masses mark the decline of intellectual spirit and humanity in warfare, ii, 17.
- Art in Rome, i, 498;
  - its decline in the third century, iii, 295.
- Arulenus. See Rusticus.
- Aruns, a common Etruscan name, i, 136.
- Arvernians, have the principatus Galliæ at time of the second Punic war, ii, 125;
  - defeated by the Romans, 308;
  - they never raise their head again, iii, 42.
- Arx of Rome climbed by the Gauls, i, 383.
- Arymbas, prince of the Molossians, i, 552.
- As, is worth one stiver and a half (²⁵³⁄₄₀₀ penny sterling), i, 181.
- Asconius Pedianus, a writer of first-rate historical learning, ii, 385.
- Asculum, battle, i, 564;
  - massacre of the Romans, ii, 352;
  - victory of the Romans, 356.
- Asiatics were merely archers, i, 176.
- Asia, kingdom of, ii, 183;
  - province, 267;
  - its division in the seventh century, 361;
  - chastised by Sylla, 377;
  - the name of Tiberius Claudius a general prænomen there, iii, 193.
- Asinii are Marrucinians, ii, 300.
- Asinius, Herius, father or grandfather of Asinius Pollio, iii, 107.
- Asinius Pollio taxes Livy with Patavinity, i, 51;
  - is said to have still been living after C. Cæsar’s death, 52; iii, 37, 60;
  - in Spain, 87;
  - his frankness, 92;
  - his opinion on Cicero, 95;
  - does not declare for Antony, though in his heart he is for him, 93;
  - protects Virgil, 93;
  - enemy to Sextus Pompey, 104;
  - united with Domitius Ahenobarbus, 105;
  - the motives his conduct, 107;
  - his style very unequal, 129;
  - 361forms the connecting link between two generations, 130;
  - historian, 130;
  - his opinion of Livy may have arisen from party spirit, 141.
- Asclepieum, a hallowed place in Carthage, ii, 243.
- Aspar, iii, 336.
- Aspis, town in Africa, ii, 20;
  - conf. Clupea.
- Assignatio, i, 256.
- Associations in the states of the ancients, i, 160.
- Astapa rising against Rome, ii, 129.
- Astronomy, flourishes, iii, 237.
- Astura, river, the position of which is not known; battle, i, 447.
- Asylum on the Capitol, i, 116;
  - the old tradition of the asylum has reference to the clientship, 170.
- Atella, i, 453;
  - as periœcians of Capua conquered by Rome, ii, 114.
- Atellan plays, ii, 194;
  - extemporised, 194.
- Athamania, Macedonian, ii, 203;
  - the Macedonian garrisons driven off by Amynander, 203.
- Athanasius, bishop, iii, 309.
- Athens, the registers of mortgages very prolix there, i, 333;
  - pay of the soldiers since Pericles, 351;
  - alone raises itself to general Greek patriotism, 461;
  - wishes for peace in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, ii, 475;
  - its relations to its allies change about Ol. 100, after the battle of Naxos, 248;
  - the character of the Demos much changed in the Peloponnesian war, 514;
  - unfortunate expedition to Sicily, 574;
  - had in the Peloponnesian war and immediately after no other ships but penteconters, triremes and lembi, ii, 12;
  - fallen to the lowest ebb, 48;
  - keeps aloof from all political activity, 146;
  - alliance with Rome; isopolity, 148;
  - cenotaphs, very likely referring to the second Illyrian war, 149;
  - involved in hostilities with Philip, 149;
  - temples pulled down, tombs demolished, 149;
  - applies to its allies, especially to Rome, 149;
  - has still some schools, but poesy and even the art of speech dead, 152;
  - a separate state, 163;
  - treated by the Romans, down to the times of Sylla, with particular favour, 163;
  - receives Scyros, Delos, Imbros, Paros, 164;
  - quarrels with the Oropians, 249;
  - remains a libera civitas, 256;
  - opens its gates to Mithridates, 364;
  - the communication with the Piræeus seems not to have been free since the times of Antigonus Gonatas, 376;
  - a small hamlet in the time of Pausanias, 376;
  - anarchy, iii, 13;
  - adorned by Hadrian, iii, 230;
  - receives a theatre and an entire new town, 230;
  - burned and sacked by the Goths, 280.
- Athenagoras, iii, 235.
- Atia, married to C. Octavius, iii, 83.
- Atilius. See Regulus, Serranus.
- C. Atilius, consul, goes to Sardinia, ii, 52;
  - lands at Pisa, 54;
  - killed near Telamon, 55.
- A. Atilius Calatinus, ii, 16.
- Atina, conquered by the Romans, i, 496;
  - probably gets the rights of citizenship by the Lex Julia, ii, 354.
- C. Atinius Labeo, Trib. Pleb., ii, 269.
- Atintanians conquered by Philip, ii, 145;
  - their country given up by the Romans, 147.
- 362 M. Atius Balbus married to a sister of Cæsar, iii, 83.
- Attalus of Pergamus conquers Lydia, ii, 146;
  - allied with Egypt, 148;
  - his fleet combined with that of the Romans, 155;
  - defeats the Galatians, 182.
- Attalus, brother of Eumenes, ii, 221.
- Attalus, præfectus prætorio, proclaimed emperor by Alaric, iii, 383.
- Attalus Philometor of Pergamus, ii, 266;
  - bequeaths his kingdom to the Romans, 266;
  - leaves a treasure, 283.
- Atticus, T. Pomponius, his annals were only tables, i, 35;
  - is also called Cæcilius, 39;
  - friend of Cicero, iii, 18.
- Attila, son of Rugilas, iii, 339;
  - the main strength of his empire is in German tribes, 339;
  - devastates the Eastern empire, 339;
  - goes to Gaul, 340;
  - lays siege to Orleans, 340;
  - battle in the Campi Catalaunici, 340;
  - in Italy, 341.
- Attic law belongs to a later time when the forms were already very polished, i, 296.
- L. Attius, author of prætextatæ, ii, 195;
  - of tragedies, 393;
  - form of his poems, 393;
  - is not called Accius or Actius, 393.
- Attius Navius, augur, i, 139.
- Attius Tullius in Antiam, ii, 288.
- Auerstedt, battle, ii, 91.
- Cn. Aufidius, a contemporary of Cicero in his youth, wrote history in Greek, i, 23.
- Aufidius Bassus, iii, 185.
- Aufidus, river near Cannæ, ii, 99.
- Αὐγούστειοι, iii, 130.
- Augsburgh, the guilds are there the ruling power in the fourteenth century, i, 168;
  - of fifty-one houses, thirty-eight become extinct in one hundred years, 446;
  - the chambers (Stuben); the meetings of the houses, 539;
  - founded, iii, 152.
- Augural system, i, 256.
- Augural divinations, an inheritance of the Sabellian peoples, i, 154.
- Augurs, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, and two Tities, i, 124;
  - are to represent the three tribes, 130;
  - later number, 130.
- August, month of, its name, iii, 114.
- Augustan age, not Augustean, iii, 130.
- St. Augustine, one of the greatest minds, i, 224;
  - exaggerates, 535;
  - the Punic language is his mother tongue, ii, 5;
  - as writer, iii, 325;
  - his eloquence, 326.
- Augustinus, Antonius, i, 312.
- Augustus assigned to every region a certain number of vici without counting how many there were of them, i, 172;
  - was an actor in all he did, iii, 32, 86;
  - named, 115;
  - his consulships, 116;
  - wants to lay down his power as dictator, 116;
  - Imperator as prænomen, 117;
  - not altogether free from superstition, 117;
  - proconsular power over the whole of the Roman empire given him, 117;
  - censor, 117;
  - tribune, 117;
  - pontifex maximus, 118;
  - purifies the senate, 119;
  - princeps senatus, 119;
  - has the control over the finances of the whole empire, 120;
  - assigns fixed appointments to the governors of the provinces, 121;
  - legati Augusti, pro consule, pro prætore, 121;
  - 363new division of the city, 123;
  - his division of Italy, 124;
  - his private fortune, 124;
  - his power absolute in the provinces, 125;
  - founds military colonies, 125;
  - his susceptibility towards Horace, 135;
  - an uncommonly fine man;
  - there are many busts and statues extant of him, 142;
  - a remarkable man, 142;
  - his courage, 142;
  - a bad general, 142;
  - his good qualities, 142;
  - his domestic relations, 143;
  - a thorough profligate, 143;
  - Livia’s influence on him, 143;
  - his physical constitution, 146;
  - incensed against Tiberius, 147;
  - his buildings, 148;
  - campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
  - against the Cantabrians, 149;
  - his memoirs little notice taken of, 150;
  - poetry, letters, 150;
  - shuts the temple of Janus, 151;
  - German wars, 152;
  - the defeat of Varus puts him utterly beside himself, 160;
  - his death, 160;
  - his burial, 161;
  - not a close-fisted manager, 173.
- Aurei, iii, 302.
- Aurelian, emperor, yields Dacia to the Goths, ii, 147;
  - general of Claudius Gothicus by whom he is recommended as emperor, iii, 284;
  - obscurity of his history, 285;
  - peace with the Goths, 285;
  - war against Zenobia, 286;
  - against the soldiers of Tetricus, 286;
  - defeats the Germans near Fano, 287;
  - murdered, 287;
  - insurrection of a master of the mint, 302;
  - fortifies Rome, 330.
- C. Aurelius Orestes, Roman commissioner in Achaia, ii, 249.
- M. Aurelius Antoninus. See Elagabalus.
- Aureolus, pretender, iii, 284.
- Auruncians, their invasion twice told by Livy, i, 222;
  - Auruncians and Ausonians are the same, 223;
  - advance as far as Latium, 224;
  - subjected, 435;
  - their cities destroyed by the Romans, 494.
- Ausonius, tutor of Gratian, iii, 316;
  - a bad poet, 323.
- Auspices are valid for the plebes only in later times, i, 270;
  - were taken for the centuries and curies only, 406.
- Austerlitz, battle, false reports concerning it, i, 222, 531.
- Autun lies in ruins until the reign of Diocletian, iii, 282.
- Auxilia, iii, 125.
- Aventine and Palatine hostile, i, 113;
  - the city of the plebeians, 115;
  - Latin settlement there under Ancus, 132;
  - always occupied by the plebeians, 311;
  - a sort of suburb of Rome, iii, 123.
- Aventinus, John, quotes some verses from the Nibelungen (Waltharius), i, 13.
- Avidius Cassius, iii, 241;
  - his descent, 243;
  - restores discipline, 244;
  - victorious against the Parthians, 244;
  - proclaimed emperor, 244;
  - murdered, 244;
  - his son murdered without the knowledge of M. Antoninus, 245;
  - his letters, 245.
- Avitus. See Elagabalus.
- Avitus, Flavius Mæcilius, emperor, iii, 343;
  - takes possession of the see of Placentia, 343.
- B
- Badajoz, founded, iii, 150;
  - conf. Pax.
- Bagaudæ, iii, 332.
- Bagradas, river in Africa, iii, 21.
- 364 Bahram, king of the Persians, iii, 290.
- Balearic isles subject to the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
  - subdued by the Romans, 307.
- Ballistæ invented at Syracuse, i, 354.
- Barbarians never fought in dense masses, i, 176.
- Barbatus. See Horatius.
- Barbié du Bocage, i, 76.
- Barbula. See Æmilius.
- Barkochba, iii, 230.
- Bardylis creates in the days of Philip an empire in Illyria, ii, 46.
- Barka, meaning lightning, the Syriac form, ii, 35.
- Bartholomæus, i, 67.
- Basbretons belong to the race of the Cymri, ii, 322.
- Basilicæ, ii, 190;
  - Basilica Æmilia, iii, 50.
- Basiliscus, general of the eastern empire against Carthage, iii, 345.
- Basques are still dwelling north of the Pyrenees, i, 367.
- Basque poem on the Cantabrian war, iii, 150.
- Basreliefs, the art of Basreliefs is at its height under Trajan, iii, 274;
  - thoroughly bad on the triumphal arch of Severus, 275.
- M. Bassianus, son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254.
  - See Caracalla.
- Bassianus. See Elagabalus.
- Bassus. See Aufidius.
- Bastarnians, i, 369;
  - their abodes, ii, 204;
  - their movements, 211.
- Bastulans in Spain, Μιξοφοίνικες, ii, 59.
- Bato, two men of this name leaders of the Dalmatians, iii, 155;
  - one of them treacherously gives up Pinnes to the Romans, 156.
- Battle, oblique line of, ii, 101;
  - order of, i, 441.
- Bautzen, battle, i, 428.
- Bayle, i, 3, 70.
- Beaufort, i, 3;
  - his work on the Roman antiquities recommended, 72, 269, footnote;
  - his Dissertation sur l’incertitude des quatre premiers siècles de l’histoire Romaine, 72;
  - the war of Porsena and the time of Camillus beautifully handled by him, 211;
  - shows that the peace of Porsena is quite a different thing from what the Romans would make us believe, 211;
  - on Camillus, 382;
  - on the Licinian laws, 396;
  - on Regulus’ death, ii, 25.
- Ul. Becker’s treatise on the history of the war of Hannibal is a valuable work, ii, 64.
- Bedriacum, in the neighbourhood of Cremona, battle, iii, 197.
- Beja founded, iii, 150;
  - conf. Pax.
- Belgians, not unmingled with Gaels, ii, 322;
  - war against the Romans, iii, 44;
  - they had no free population, 44;
  - defeated in two battles, 44;
  - conf. Cymri.
- Belli, name of a tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 261.
- Bellovaci, iii, 48.
- Bellovesus, leader of the Gauls, i, 368.
- Benedict of Soracte, chronicle, i, 9;
  - gives a detailed account of an expedition of Charlemagne to Jerusalem, 86.
- Beneventum, battle, i, 568;
  - Roman colony, ii, 106.
- Beni Tai are ten thousand families who cannot all descend from Edid Tai, i, 159.
- 365 Bentley ran down at Oxford, i, 42, 71.
- Bergamo, a Rhætian town, ii, 32.
- Bern. See Lucerne.
- St. Bernard, the great, there is everlasting snow on it, ii, 78.
- St. Bernard, the little, is the mountain over which Hannibal passed, ii, 78;
  - has no glaciers, 78;
  - is in summer a green Alp, 78.
- Bernard, the holy, iii, 94.
- Berosus, is genuine, ii, 1.
- Besançon, battle, iii, 43.
- Besieging, Greek art of, first applied by the Romans at Lilybæum, ii, 30.
- Bestia. See Calpurnius.
- Bibulus, Cæsar’s colleague, commander of Pompey’s fleet, iii, 58.
- Biondo of Forli, iii, 114.
- Bithyas, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 241.
- Bithynia, ii, 181, 377;
  - the monarchy broken up, iii, 1.
- Bituitus, king of the Arvernians, ii, 308.
- Bledes, (Bledel,) son of Rugilas, iii, 339.
- Blemmyans in Dongola, Trajan’s expedition against them, iii, 162.
- C. Blossius, teacher of the Gracchi, ii, 270;
  - author of Rhintonian comedies, 270 (conf. the footnote);
  - anecdote of him, 287.
- Boardingbridges, ii, 14, 17.
- Bocchus, king of the Mauritanians, ii, 321.
- Bochart, one of the last highly gifted French philologists, i, 94;
  - his hypothesis concerning the influence of the Phœnicians is carried too far, 95.
- Bœcler is to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.
- Bœotians, independent in appearance only, under the supremacy of Macedon, ii, 151;
  - drawn by Flaminius into a league with Rome, 156;
  - a separate state, 163;
  - kill the leader of the Macedonian party among them, 172;
  - join the Achæans in their war against the Romans, 253;
  - pay a tribute to Rome, 256.
- Boëthius, iii, 348.
- Bogud, king of Mauritania, iii, 67.
- Bohemund, his conduct in the crusades, ii, 65, footnote.
- Boians, defeated near the lake Vadimo, i, 547;
  - in Italy, ii, 51;
  - submit to the Romans, 56;
  - beat a Roman legion and keep the survivors shut up in Modena, 83;
  - extent of their territory, 83;
  - they seize three Romans of rank, 83;
  - send ambassadors to meet Hannibal, 83;
  - defend themselves against the Romans with distinguished bravery, 164;
  - destroy Placentia and Cremona, 165;
  - are probably exterminated, 165;
  - desertum Boiorum, 165;
  - are said to have had a hundred and twelve cantons in Italy, 165;
  - independent, iii, 3.
- Bolæ or Bola, i, 344.
- Bolingbroke, Lord, i, 281.
- Bolivar, ii, 369.
- Bologna has a palatium civium and a palatium communis, i, 168;
  - conf. Bononia.
- Bona Dea, her festival is only celebrated by women, iii, 27.
- Boniface, iii, 336;
  - seems to have been an Italian, 336;
  - recalled from Africa by the influence of Aëtius, 336;
  - calls the Vandals into Africa, 337.
- 366 Bononia, the colony has the obligation to serve in war, ii, 384;
  - conf. Bologna.
- Bononia (Boulogne sur Mer), iii, 296.
- Bosporus, kingdom of the, conquered by the Goths, iii, 278.
- Bosporus, Thracian, lay open since the destruction of Byzantium, iii, 278.
- Bostra, in Arabia Petræa, iii, 271;
  - colonia Romana, 271;
  - in the neighbourhood of Pella, 272.
- Boudicea, (Bunduica), queen of the Britons, iii, 191.
- Bourg, i, 167.
- Bourgeois, i, 167.
- Bourges, taken by Cæsar, iii, 47.
- Bovianum, the most thriving town of the Samnites, taken by the Romans, i, 500;
  - in Strabo’s time a small place, 500;
  - battle, 504.
- Bozra (Βύρσα), original name of Carthage, ii, 2.
- Brabant, the towns there neutral in the war between Spain and the Netherlands, i, 391.
- Brandenburg, the Vandal (Wendish) tongue forbidden on pain of death, i, 145.
- Brandy, there was none except in Egypt;
  - the process of distillation depicted on the walls of Thebes, ii, 86.
- Brass is only of late invention, iii, 45.
- Bremen, duchy of, the equestrian body there dwindled within fifty years to half its number, i, 140.
- Brenin means in Welsh and Bas Breton a King, i, 366.
- Brescia, Rhætian town, ii, 52.
- Bretagne, the immigration from Britain in the fifth century is fabulous, iii, 42.
- Britain, is according to a tradition one of the most ancient seats of the Celts, i, 366;
  - thought inaccessible, iii, 45;
  - neither gold nor silver found there, 45;
  - Claudius’ expedition, 134;
  - province, 134;
  - insurrection under Nero, 191;
  - wall against the Caledonians erected by Hadrian, 230;
  - the two elements of the population preserved, 230;
  - rising under Antoninus Pius, 236;
  - war of Septimius Severus, 254;
  - revolt of Carausius, 296;
  - casts itself off from the Roman empire, 331;
  - the usurper Constantine, 334.
- Britannicus, son of Claudius of his first marriage, iii, 183.
- Britomaris, chieftain of the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546.
- Britons, their name transferred to the English, i, 143.
- Bronze is met with in the temple of Solomon, and even in the tabernacle of Moses, iii, 45.
- Bructeri reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
  - defeat the legate M. Lollius, 153;
  - subdued by Tiberius, 154;
  - rising under Vespasian, 242.
- Brundusium, Roman fortress, i, 571;
  - Roman colony, ii, 106;
  - faithful to the Syllanian interest, iii, 55;
  - peace, 103.
- Bruttians, the Oscan part of them sprung from the Sabine stock, i, 120;
  - their insurrection, 153;
  - their origin, 419;
  - league themselves with the enemies of Rome, 545;
  - acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
  - fall off again, ii, 107;
  - gain over Locri, 107;
  - are deprived of their constitution, 186;
  - nearly the whole country under Honorius was pasture land, 264.
- 367 Dec. Brutus, general of Cæsar, conspires against him, iii, 79;
  - entices him into the curia, 80;
  - withdraws to Cisalpine Gaul, 83;
  - besieged in Mutina, 89;
  - the war of Mutina, 89;
  - murdered, 91.
- Brutus, Dec. Junius Callaicus, peace with the Lusitanians, ii, 260.
- Brutus, L. Junius, legends concerning him, i, 82, 198;
  - the name is Oscan, 198;
  - given him because he was a plebeian, 199;
  - Tribunus Celerum, 199;
  - plebeian, 200;
  - the statement that plebeians had been introduced by him into the senate, 334.
- Brutus, M. Junius, the father, brings forward a motion concerning the colony of Capua, iii, 34.
- Brutus, M. Junius, i, 200;
  - beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
  - prætor, 76;
  - prætor urbanus, 78;
  - nephew of Cato, 76;
  - marries Cato’s daughter, 77;
  - introduced by him into the Stoic philosophy, 77;
  - his character, 77;
  - fights at Pharsalus, 78;
  - is intrusted by Cæsar with the government of Cisalpine Gaul, 78;
  - goes to Greece, 88;
  - outlawed, 91;
  - makes himself master of Macedonia, 95;
  - battle of Philippi, 97;
  - sees the vision, 95;
  - victory of his fleet, 98;
  - defeated; takes his own life, 99;
  - his age, 99.
- M. Brutus carries on the business of a sycophant, iii, 77.
- Bubulcus. See Junius.
- Bunduica. See Boudicea.
- Burgundians cross the Rhine, iii, 331;
  - remain in Gaul under Roman supremacy, 332.
- Burning glasses, the destruction of the Roman fleet by means of them, doubtful, ii, 117.
- Burrhus, Nero’s tutor, præfectus prætorio, iii, 189.
- Busta Gallica near the Carinæ were still shown in Cæsar’s times, i, 384.
- Busts, after the time of Caracalla no busts were made, iii, 275.
- Buxentum, it is uncertain whether it became Roman after the Samnite war, i, 505;
  - conf. Pyxus.
- Byng, admiral, shot by the English, ii, 109.
- Bysacene belonged to Carthage as early as in the days of the Roman kings, ii, 229.
- Byzantines, fought in their most brilliant days with very small ships, ii, 17.
- Byzantium allied with Chios and Lesbos, ii, 145, 151;
  - with Egypt, 148;
  - destroyed by Septimius Severus, iii, 252;
  - conf. Constantinople.
- C
- Caia Cæcilia, wife of Tarquinius Priscus, i, 37;
  - her image in the temple of Semo Sancus, 37;
  - filings from the girdle of her brazen image were used as remedies, 37.
- Cæcilius mentioned by Strabo is very likely Dionysius of Halicarnassus, i, 39.
- Cæcilius, see Atticus, Metellus, Statius.
- Cæcina, Etruscan historian, i, 191.
- Cæcina is a gentile name, ii, 403, footnote.
- Cæcina, iii, 195, 197;
  - killed by the order of Titus, 208.
- 368 Cæculus, founder of Præneste, i, 137.
- Cædicius, iii, 158.
- Q. Cæditius, ii, 16.
- Cæles Vibenna, i, 88, 118, 129;
  - condottiere, 155;
  - an historical person, 191.
- Cælius joins Romulus in his war against the Sabines, i, 117.
- Cælius, Mount, foundation of the town on it, i, 129.
- Cælius Antipater. See Cœlius.
- Cælius Rufus, judicious, ii, 379;
  - beloved by Cicero, iii, 26;
  - his insurrection, 65;
  - his language like that of Cicero for excellence, 127.
- Cæpio, proconsul, ii, 259.
- Cæpio, proconsul, his army destroyed by the Teutones and the Cimbri, ii, 325.
- Cæpio, Q. Servilius, proconsul, murdered at Asculum, ii, 351.
- Cære, formerly called Agylla, i, 147;
  - gets isopolity, 152.
- Cærites, according to Diodorus, conquer the Gauls, i, 383;
  - give up part of their territory to Rome, 416.
- Cærite citizenship (sympolity), i, 535.
- Cæsar, C. Julius, his fondness for Marius, ii, 327;
  - his consulship to be looked upon as the beginning of the civil wars, iii, 28;
  - married to the daughter of Cinna, 29;
  - does not stoop to Sylla, 29;
  - the greatest general of his age, 30;
  - declares for Marius’ party, 30;
  - consul, 31;
  - his character, 31, 58;
  - had no military schooling, 31;
  - his work on analogy, 32;
  - his style, 33;
  - not one witty saying of him is recorded, 33;
  - gets Gaul as a province, 34;
  - founds a colony in Capua, 34;
  - estrangement between him and Cicero, 34;
  - his province belonged to him for five years, 37;
  - congress at Lucca, 39;
  - his commentaries, 39;
  - much to be expected from the MSS. for his bellum Gallicum, 40;
  - the MSS. de bello civili to be traced to one single family, not so those de bello Gallico, 40;
  - the other books, 40;
  - war with the Helvetians, 41;
  - against Ariovistus, 43;
  - victory near Besançon, 43;
  - conquers the Belgians, 44;
  - his conduct to the Usipetes and Tenchteri, 44;
  - victorious against the Veneti, 45;
  - goes to Britain, 45;
  - second expedition thither, 46;
  - crosses the Rhine twice, 46;
  - puts down the insurrection of Vercingetorix, 46;
  - made prisoner by the Gauls, 47;
  - has Vercingetorix put to death, 48;
  - is required to lay down the imperium, 51;
  - crosses the Rubicon, 53;
  - reaches Rome, 54;
  - to Brundusium, 55;
  - acts in Rome as a sovereign, 55;
  - goes to Spain, 56;
  - siege of Massilia, 56;
  - defeats Afranius and Petreius near Lerida, 56;
  - dictator, 57;
  - his law of debts, 57;
  - goes to Illyria, 58;
  - fails in his attempt against Dyrrachium, 58;
  - his bold march to Gomphi, 60;
  - battle of Pharsalus, 61;
  - the numbers which he gives are exaggerated, 61;
  - buries Pompey, 63;
  - the Alexandrine war, 64;
  - enslaved by Cleopatra, 65;
  - marches against Pharnaces, 65;
  - returns to Rome, 65;
  - meeting of the troops, 66;
  - surrounded in Thapsus, 67;
  - his victory, 67;
  - his Anti-Cato, 68;
  - goes to Spain, 70;
  - battle of Munda, 70;
  - his triumphs, 71;
  - regulates the calendar, 72;
  - plans a war against the Parthians, 73;
  - other plans, 73;
  - his places of honour, 74;
  - aspires to the title of king, 76;
  - want of courtesy to the senate, 76;
  - loves Brutus, 77;
  - pardons almost all his enemies, 78;
  - murdered, 80;
  - 369divine honours conferred upon him, 82;
  - his will, 83;
  - the finish of his style to be attributed to Cicero, 127;
  - his aim as a law-giver, 162.
- C. Cæsar. See C. Agrippa.
- C. Cæsar, called Caligula, son of Germanicus, conspires against Tiberius, iii, 177;
  - not born on the banks of the Rhine, but at Antium, 177;
  - his madness, 177;
  - favourable reception from the Romans, 178;
  - the name of Caligula is not to be met with among the ancient writers, but was only given him by the soldiers when a child, 178;
  - his sleeplessness, 179;
  - his waste, 179;
  - his war against the Germans, 179;
  - murdered, 180.
- Cæsar, L. Julius, consul, author of the lex Julia concerning the franchise of the Italians, ii, 354.
- Q. Cæsar. See L. Agrippa.
- Cæsar augusta (Saragossa), colony founded, iii, 150.
- Cæsarea, a bashaw there forbids to speak Greek, i, 145;
  - destroyed by the Persians after a noble defence, iii, 281.
- Cæsetius Flavus, tribune of the people, takes the diadem from Cæsar’s statue, iii, 76.
- Calabria, nearly the whole of it under Honorius is pasture land, ii, 265.
- Calagurris, siege of, ii, 403.
- Calatinus. See Atilius.
- Calendar in Cæsar’s times, more than eighty days behind hand, ii, 344; iii, 23;
  - regulated, 72.
- Cales, colony, i, 455; ii, 106;
  - occupied by the Romans, i, 497.
- Caligula. See C. Cæsar.
- Callicrates, Roman party-leader in Achaia, ii, 209, 216.
- Callimachus, ii, 198.
- Callicula, mount, ii, 96.
- Calones, i, 178.
- Calpurnius, his eclogues, iii, 292.
- L. Calpurnius Bestia, ii, 314;
  - condemned, 316.
- M. Calpurnius Flamma, ii, 16.
- Calpurnius. See Piso.
- Camarina conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
  - destroyed, ii, 4.
- Calvus, C. Licinius, poet and orator;
  - Quinctilian’s and Tacitus’s opinion of him, iii, 127;
  - conf. Licinius.
- Cameria, a colonia Romana, forms a separate community, i, 279.
- Camers, treaty with Rome, i, 509;
  - Umbrian name of Clusium, 528.
- Camillus, L. Furius, compelled by the Curies to go into exile, i, 94;
  - fictitious victory of his, 222;
  - his alleged condemnation by the tribes, 304;
  - appointed dictator, 356;
  - general against the Faliscans, 361;
  - accused of having enriched himself from the Veientine booty, 362;
  - goes to Ardea, 363;
  - probably condemned by the centuries, 363;
  - dictator, 380;
  - his appearance in Rome whilst the money was weighed to the Gauls, fictitious, 382;
  - a second Romulus, 385;
  - dictator, to counteract Manlius Capitolinus, 394;
  - at the age of eighty appointed dictator against the Licinian rogations, 402;
  - makes a vow to build a temple to Concordia, 402.
- Campanians, their people is formed, i, 343;
  - Campanian legion at Rhegium, 573;
  - overpowered, 574;
  - properly speaking, in rank equal to the Romans, 572.
  - See Capua.
- 370 Campania, extent of the country, i, 424;
  - has a large ager publicus, ii, 282.
- Campanus, Campas, appellatives derived from Capua, i, 161, 424.
- Campbells, five thousand of them looked upon the Duke of Argyle as their cousin, i, 159.
- Campi Catalaunici, Champagne, not Chalons, iii, 340.
- Campi Raudii, battle, ii, 332.
- Camunians, are of Etruscan race, i, 145;
  - stand their ground against the Gauls, 369.
- Candidati Cæsaris, iii, 118.
- Candidus, historian, iii, 327.
- Canidius, lieutenant of Antony in the battle of Actium, iii, 112.
- Cannæ in Apulia, destroyed by earthquake, ii, 92;
  - battle, 99;
  - seems to have been fought before the second of August, 99;
  - the first satisfactory description given by Swinburne, 100;
  - fifty to sixty German miles distant from Rome, 103;
  - the surviving soldiers have to stay a long time in Sicily, 377.
- Canosa, Prince of, witty but eccentric, ii, 298.
- Cantabrians, are according to the ancients of different race from the Turdetanians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60;
  - a free nation, iii, 1;
  - Augustus’ war against them, 149.
- Canusium, chief town of Apulia, i, 477.
- Canvassing, for the first time met with under the second decemvirate, i, 299.
- Capellianus, lieutenant of Maximin in Mauritania, iii, 268.
- Capena, its situation, i, 348, footnote;
  - disappears entirely, 362.
- Capenates, hasten to the help of the Fidenates, i, 347.
- Capital punishment, i, 316.
- Capite sensi, i, 178.
- Capitis deminutio, i, 177.
- Capitol, i, 378;
  - burned to ashes under Sylla, under Vitellius, iii, 201.
- Cappadocia, kingdom of, ii, 361; iii, 121;
  - quarrels about the succession decided by Mithridates, ii, 360, 362;
  - given up by Mithridates, 377;
  - not completely surrendered, 407;
  - kingdom under Roman supremacy, iii, 161.
- Capreæ, the most paradise like spot in the world, iii, 160.
- Capua, founded in the year 283 by the Etruscans, i, 148, 342, 419;
  - history of the Etruscan colony, 420;
  - the Campanians ask for the help of the Romans, 420;
  - equites Campani, 420, 453;
  - shuts its gates from Pyrrhus, 560;
  - Hannibal master of it, ii, 104;
  - enjoys isopolity with Rome, under its own government, 104;
  - wealthy, 104;
  - effeminate, 104;
  - separates from Rome and forms a league with Hannibal, 104;
  - three hundred Campanians serve with the Romans in Sicily, 104;
  - put the Romans to death in overheated bath rooms, 105;
  - besieged by the Romans, 111;
  - taken, 113;
  - colony founded by Jul. Cæsar, iii, 34.
- Caput, the place where the liver is grown to the midriff, in Italian capo, i, 440.
- Caracalla, eldest son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
  - this appellation is so generally bestowed on him only by the moderns, in the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ it is Caracallus, 254;
  - emperor, 256;
  - murders his brother, 256;
  - 371his cruelty, 256;
  - travels through the provinces, 257;
  - massacre at Alexandria, 257;
  - grants the right of citizenship to all the subjects of the Roman empire, 257;
  - his taste for gladiatorial arts, 258;
  - war against the Parthians, 258;
  - his fondness for Alexander the Great, 258;
  - murdered, 259;
  - fine busts of his age, 275.
- Carausius, revolts against Diocletian, iii, 296.
- Carbo, E. Papirius, an unworthy disciple of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 288;
  - his character, 288;
  - leaves his party, 306;
  - consul, 306;
  - takes away his own life, 306.
- Carbo, Cn. Papirius, consul, defeated near Noreia by the Cimbrians, ii, 324.
- Carbo, Cn. Papirius, joins Sylla, ii, 371;
  - consul, tyrant, 375;
  - consul, 380;
  - war in Etruria, 382;
  - flies to Africa, 383.
- Carchedon, ii, 2.
- Caria, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
  - to the Rhodians, 183;
  - taken from the latter by the Romans, 219.
- Carians, after the destruction of Troy, push forward from the interior country to the coast of Asia Minor, i, 144;
  - had attained to a considerable degree of civilization, even before they were hellenized, ii, 2.
- Carinus, son of Carus, profligate, iii, 290.
- Carmen, formula, i, 93.
- Carmentalis Porta, i, 263, footnote.
- Carnians, i, 369;
  - attacked in Noricum by the Cimbrians, ii, 323.
- Carnot, opposes masses to the thin lines of the enemy, ii, 14.
- Caroline, Queen of Naples, iii, 102.
- Carpenters, i, 177.
- Carseoli, Roman colony, i, 505.
- Carthage, Carthaginians, oldest alliance with Rome, i, 195;
  - renewed several times, 573; ii, 3;
  - spreads in Sicily, i, 566;
  - inclined to conclude peace with Pyrrhus, 566;
  - attack Pyrrhus on his passage to Italy, 567;
  - alliance with Rome, 574;
  - fleet of one hundred and twenty ships before Ostia, 574;
  - fleet appears in the roadstead of Tarentum, 574;
  - conquer Gela, Camarina, and other towns, and encamp before Syracuse, 575;
  - peace with Dionysius, 575;
  - is a colony of Tyre, ii, 1;
  - date of its foundation, 1;
  - origin of the legend of the bullock’s hide, 2;
  - was originally called Kartha chadta, new town, 2;
  - dependence upon the Libyan peoples and Tyre, 2;
  - makes its first appearance as a power about the middle of the third century of Rome;
  - conquered by Malcus, 3;
  - against Gelon of Syracuse and Theron of Agrigentum, 3;
  - chronological objections to this statement, 3;
  - confined in Sicily to Motye, Panormus, and Solois, 4;
  - after the defeat of the Athenians, Carthaginians send a considerable army over to Sicily, 4;
  - besiege Syracuse under Agathocles, 4;
  - peace on the basis of the river Himera forming the boundary, 4;
  - extent of their rule in the beginning of the first Punic war, 4;
  - factories on the coast of Algiers, 5;
  - constitution, 5;
  - the Hundred and Four, 6, 168;
  - mode of taxation of the subjects, 7;
  - they keep mercenaries, and have only a cavalry of their own, 7;
  - they were probably drawn up in a phalanx, just like the Greeks 10;
  - 372they had family-names and bye-names, 10;
  - their generals are very bad at the beginning of the war, 11;
  - reverse near the Liparian isles, 15;
  - had pulled down the walls of all the towns from fear of rebellions, 20;
  - treatment of the subjects, 20;
  - never employed their citizens as soldiers, but only as officers, 30;
  - try to get a loan from Ptolemy, 35;
  - their distress after the first Punic war, 44;
  - war of the mercenaries, 44;
  - new peace with Rome, 46;
  - their rule deeply hated in Africa, very easy in Spain, 59;
  - their weakness is this, that they have no national army of their own, 59;
  - their empire in Spain, 61;
  - their generals not only keep their office for life, but they also bequeath it at their death to others as an heir-loom, 61;
  - are at the beginning of the second Punic war in possession of Andalusia and the greater part of Valencia, 70;
  - boundaries of their empire there, 70;
  - their fleet makes its appearance off the coast of Etruria, 70;
  - have commissaries in the camp of Hannibal, 73;
  - have no fleet of any importance in the beginning of Hannibal’s war, 73;
  - their army encamps in the neighbourhood of Syracuse, to relieve it, but is destroyed by the unwholesome air, 117;
  - they make proposals of peace, 137;
  - take a Roman fleet during the truce, 139;
  - the democratical element is considerably on the increase after the second Punic war, 168;
  - Ordo judicum, the Hundred and Four to be compared with the state-inquisition of Venice, 168;
  - war with Masinissa, 229;
  - extent of territory, 230;
  - their arms given up to Rome, 233;
  - last demands previous to the third Punic war, 233;
  - despair, 233;
  - topography, 234, 239;
  - siege, 241;
  - they build a new fleet, 241;
  - conquest of the town, 243;
  - colony of C. Gracchus, 301;
  - their library given to the Numidian kings, 310;
  - conf. Hamilcar, Hannibal, etc.
- Carthage, Roman, its situation, ii, 240;
  - colony established by Cæsar, iii, 74;
  - the second city of the Western Empire, 234, 338;
  - literary opposition to Rome, 234;
  - many Christians there, 273;
  - profligacy of the people, 338.
- Carthagena, Carthago nova, founded by Hamilcar or Hasdrubal on account of the silver mines, ii, 59;
  - important place of arms, 124;
  - taken, 124.
- Carthalo, Carthaginian ambassador not received by Rome, ii, 106.
- Carus, præfectus prætorio, raised to the throne, iii, 289;
  - descent, 289;
  - war against the Persians, 290;
  - his death, 290.
- Carvilius, Sp., completes the reduction of Samnium, i, 569.
- Carvilius, Sp., brings forward a motion during the war of Hannibal, to complete the Roman senate, i, 342.
- Casca, iii, 80.
- Cascans, name of the conquering people in Italy, i, 104;
  - cascus, quaint, 105.
- Casilinum. See Casinum.
- Casinum, town of the Samnites, i, 480;
  - fortified, 497;
  - confounded with Casilinum, ii, 96;
  - Roman colony, 106.
- Casperius, præfect, iii, 215.
- Cassander expels Æacidas from his kingdom, 553.
- Cassius, prætor, iii, 76;
  - his character, 78;
  - quarrel between him and Brutus, 78;
  - demands the death of Antony, 81;
  - spoke Greek, 84;
  - goes to Greece, 88;
  - 373outlawed, 91;
  - in possession of Syria, 95;
  - battle of Philippi, 97;
  - death, 98.
- Cassius, Dio. See Dio.
- C. Cassius Hemina wrote a history of Rome, i, 26.
- C. Cassius Longinus, honoured as the justest man, goes as commissioner of inquiry to Africa, ii, 314;
  - patrician, 315.
- L. Cassius Longinus, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
- Sp. Cassius, his league with the Latins, i, 220, 246, 248;
  - his agrarian law, 256;
  - executed for high treason, 257;
  - question of his guilt or innocence, 257;
  - his family goes over to the Plebs, 258;
  - a son or grandson of his is tribune of the people, 325.
- Cassius of Parma, one of the murderers of Jul. Cæsar, iii, 113.
- Cassius Severus, his opinion on Cicero, iii, 95.
- Cassubians are Sclavonians, speak Wendish to this day, i, 367.
- Castes in the ancient states remained always exclusive, i, 158.
- Castra Cornelia, ii, 135.
- Castrum prætorianum, iii, 125, 175.
- Catalaunici. See Campi.
- Catamitus, Latin form instead of Ganymedes, ii, 194.
- Catana, an ally of Carthage, i, 578;
  - opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
  - Roman, ii, 116.
- Catapults invented in Syracuse for Dionysius, i, 354.
- Catiline, become a popular character, iii, 12;
  - his character, 13;
  - his object, 13;
  - Cicero’s saying of him, 14;
  - an action repetundarum brought against him, 14;
  - Cicero’s attack on him in the senate, 22;
  - he leaves Rome, 22;
  - in Etruria, 22;
  - his death, 24.
- Cato, M. Porcius, Censorius, his Origines, i, 26;
  - treated the Roman history ethnographically, 26;
  - plan of his work, 26;
  - fragment de sumtu suo, ii, 190;
  - his character, 191;
  - conquers the heights which command the Thermopylæ, 173;
  - carries on wars in Spain, 201;
  - his cunning, 201;
  - interests himself for the Rhodians, 219;
  - brings an impeachment against Galba, 224;
  - urges in the senate that Carthage should be destroyed, 231;
  - learned Greek only late in life, 191.
- Cato, M. Porcius, of Utica, his vote in Catiline’s affair, iii, 23, 68;
  - dreams of olden times, 32;
  - votes for having Cæsar given up to the Germans, 45;
  - leaves Sicily where he was prætor, 56;
  - in Africa, 66;
  - takes the command of Utica, 66;
  - his character, 67;
  - death, 69.
- Cato, Valerius, his Diræ are very doubtful, iii, 129.
- Catullus means by gens Romulique Ancique the Populus and the Plebes, i, 171;
  - Cicero’s kindness to him, iii, 26;
  - is the greatest poet Rome ever had, 128, 136;
  - his superiority not acknowledged until the end of the eighteenth century, 133;
  - in independent circumstances, 139.
- Catulus, Q. Lutatius, consul, defeats the Carthaginians near the Ægatian islands, thereby putting an end to the first Punic war, ii, 39.
- Catulus, Q. Lutatius, consul, a fair author, left memoirs in Greek, ii, 328;
  - falls back upon the Po, 331;
  - victory near Vercelli, 332;
  - death, 373.
- 374 Catulus, Q. Lutatius, head of the aristocracy, ii, 395;
  - an honest man, 396;
  - wants to have steps taken against Cæsar, iii, 30.
- Cavalry, always the worst part of the Roman army, i, 440, 559;
  - Thessalian cavalry excellent, 559;
  - the Roman was in the battle of Zama superior to that of the Carthaginians, ii, 141.
- Cavalry service, the terms belonging to it of Celtic origin, iii, 156.
- Cauca, its horrible fate, ii, 223.
- Caudinians, sprung from Sabine stock, i, 120;
  - seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst he was still on his march to Capua, ii, 107;
  - carry on the Marsian war, 358.
- Caudium, i, 421;
  - the capital of the Caudine Samnites, 487;
  - battle in the Caudine passes, 488;
  - what the yoke was, 490;
  - the peace ratified in Rome, 490;
  - broken, 491;
  - the town razed to the ground, 534.
- Caulonia, i, 458.
- Celer slays Remus, i, 115.
- Celeres, the patrician knights, i, 199.
- Celtiberians, mixture of Celts and Iberians, i, 367;
  - a brave people, ii, 60;
  - their country, 202;
  - peace of Gracchus, 60;
  - won over by Viriathus, 258;
  - war with the Romans, 260;
  - their tribes, 260;
  - seem to have had republican institutions, 260;
  - oppose the Cimbrians, 325.
- Celtiberian war, ii, 223.
- Celts, some of their tribes keep their ground in Spain longer than others, i, 146;
  - had Greek letters, 366;
  - according to tradition, Britain one of their most ancient seats, 366;
  - met with in Britain, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, 366;
  - possessed once the whole of Spain with the exception of Andalusia, besides southern France, Ireland, and part of England, 367;
  - driven by the Iberians across the Pyrenees into Aquitain, ii, 60;
  - barbarians, 71;
  - destroyed south of the Po, 164.
- Cenis, (Mount,) there was, in times of old, no road over it, ii, 77.
- Cenomanians, place themselves under the protection of the Romans, ii, 52;
  - between the Adda and the Lago di Garda, 55.
- Censors would place a plebeian in the equestrian body as a mark of distinction, i, 179;
  - are already elected in conformity with the law of the twelve tables, 328;
  - the first censors are not mentioned as consuls either in the Fasti or the libri magistratuum, but only in one of the libri lintei, 328;
  - have jurisdiction, 332;
  - the consuls are said to have formerly had their functions, 332;
  - their office, 333;
  - their registers are double, 333;
  - deprived of their arbitrary sway, 335;
  - their power had no reference to the patricians, 335;
  - they had also a moral control, 336;
  - two plebeians are censors, ii, 266.
- Censorinus. See Marcius.
- Censorship established, i, 328;
  - plebeians first entitled by law to hold it, 446.
- Census in Rome required very extensive book-keeping, i, 4;
  - affected realized property only, 179;
  - was not a property-tax, but a land-tax, 179;
  - before the Gallic calamity, 375;
  - the Attic census was a real property-tax, 179;
  - the census disturbed, ii, 344;
  - the census senatori is raised to a million sesterces, iii, 119.
- 375 Centenius, ii, 93.
- Centesimæ, i, 388.
- Centoripa, independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
- Centumcellæ, (Civitavecchia,) harbour built, iii, 222;
  - baths at the hot springs, 223.
- Centumviri, judges in questions of MEUM and TUUM, i, 404;
  - plebeian judges to decide in all cases concerning Quiritary property, 313.
- Centuria, a square in assignations, i, 256.
- Centuries and tribes, originally the same thing, i, 140;
  - the centuries of Servius Tullius, 174;
  - they could not vote on any subject which had not been laid before them by the senate, 184;
  - no one could get up and speak in them, 184;
  - could legally transact business on the dies comitiales only, 269;
  - a grand national court of justice, 303;
  - decrees of the senate are laid before them, as late as in Tiberius’ times, iii, 119.
- Centurions, non-commissioned officers, i, 434.
- Cephalenia, laid waste by the Romans, i, 175.
- Ceraunian rocks, sudden squalls there, i, 556.
- Ceres, bread distributed at her temple, i, 183; ii, 295.
- Ceremonial of the East, transplanted by Diocletian into the Roman court, iii, 295.
- Cerinthus, iii, 138.
- Cethegus, P. Cornelius, ii, 200;
  - outlawed with Marius, surrenders to Sylla, ii, 382.
- Cetræ, linen coats of mail, ii, 10.
- Chæreas writes a history of the first Punic war, spoken of with censure by Polybius, ii, 62.
- Chæronea, the battle there, and the downfall of the Latins takes place in the same year, i, 457;
  - battle in which Sylla defeats the Asiatics, 375.
- Chalcedon, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
  - oracle concerning its foundation, 296.
- Chalcis, pillaged, ii, 155;
  - evacuated by the Romans, 163;
  - joins the Achæans in the war against Rome, 253;
  - destroyed, 255.
- Chalcis, name of Cleopatra’s empire in Asia, ii, 108.
- Champagne, has calcareous soil, ii, 99.
- Charilaus, i, 473.
- Charisius, encyclopedist, iii, 323.
- Charles, Archduke of Austria, his military talent, i, 553.
- Charles XII., his march to Pultawa, iii, 60.
- Charlemagne, fabulous accounts of his expedition to Jerusalem, across the Alps, and others, in the chronicles, i, 86;
  - is stated to have driven all the Lombards out of Italy, 222;
  - in his laws the period is fixed, during which the people are bound to service, 350.
- Charops, a chieftain of the Epirote republic, betrays Philip, ii, 154;
  - brought up in Rome, 209.
- Chateaubriand neither more nor less than a bad Lucan, iii, 186.
- Chatti, in the country about the Mayne, Domitian’s expedition against them, iii, 211;
  - defensive war of the Romans, 242.
- Chauci, iii, 156.
- 376 Chersonesus, belonging to Egypt, ii, 145;
  - fortified by the Romans, ii, 167;
  - situation, 176;
  - abandoned by Antiochus, 176.
- Cherusci reduced by Drusus, iii, 153;
  - by Tiberius, 154.
- China, the old books are destroyed, but restored from the memory of old men and the supplements of the astronomers, i, 7
- Chios, in confederacy with Byzantium, ii, 145;
  - allied with Egypt, 148;
  - sea fight, 148;
  - free, 151;
  - in a league with Attalus, 152.
- Choiseul, Duc de, iii, 72.
- Christian VII. of Denmark, his insanity shown by his sleeplessness, iii, 179.
- Christian literature, iii, 325.
- Christian religion taken up by many like any other theurgy, iii, 251.
- Christians, persecution of, iii, 273;
  - by Diocletian, 297.
- Christianity, its spread unjustly reproached with having driven out the fine arts, iii, 224;
  - Severus’ reign favourable to it, 252;
  - increase of the number of Christians, 273;
  - in the west in towns only, not in the country, 273;
  - in the east in minority, but with life and energy, 312;
  - its working, 338.
- Chronographies of the Greeks, i, 5.
- Chronology of the earliest Roman history made according to a system of numbers, i, 84;
  - in the first thirty years of the republic there are wanting in Livy three pairs of consuls, given by Dionysius, 306;
  - the war of Porsena is to be dated ten years later than is generally stated, 215;
  - no fixed date for the battle at the Regillus, 219;
  - the story of Coriolanus placed in a wrong time, 244;
  - irregularity in the Fasti at the tribuneship of Lucinius and Sextius, 399;
  - the conquest of Rome by the Gauls is thought by the ancients to have happened under Archon Pyrgion (Ol. 98, 1), 400;
  - chronology is very unsettled towards the end of the fourth century on account of the uncertain change of the magistrates, 407;
  - Cato’s chronology is followed by Livy, 407;
    - and likewise by Polybius, 533;
  - that of Cato to be preferred to that of Varro, 533;
  - a perfectly satisfactory Roman chronology possible only from the time of the first Punic war, 533;
  - according to Cato the birth of Christ happens in the year 752, 546.
- Chrysogonus, ii, 390; iii, 17.
- Chrysostomus, Dio, see Dio.
- St. Chrysostom appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.
- Cibalis, battle, iii, 300.
- Cicero, M. Tullius, the MSS. of the books de legibus have all of them, in the fifteenth century, been copied from one single MS, i, 8;
  - the books de Divinatione exist only in bad MSS, 21;
  - little versed in Roman history, 21;
  - incorrect sometimes with regard to the prænomens, 21;
  - the books de Oratore and Brutus are corrupted in many little passages, 28;
  - the MSS. of Brutus do not date higher than 1430, 28;
  - speaks unfavourably of Licinius Macer, 33;
  - was unsuited for the task of writing history, 36;
  - a revolution in literature has been brought about by him, 172;
  - seems to have seen the tablets of Sp. Cassius, 220;
  - the old writers not to his taste, ii, 196;
  - the introduction of the Somnium Scipionis not historical, 239;
  - taken in by the hypocrisy of those in power with regard to the affair of the Gracchi, 283;
  - 377is to be blamed as the author of erroneous opinions on many subjects, 285;
  - explanation of the duodecim coloniæ in the oration pro Cæcina, 302;
  - as a youth of seventeen introduced by his father into the presence of the statesmen of the age, 313;
  - mistaken with regard to L. Opimius, 316;
  - his love for Marius, 327;
  - does not allow himself to be overawed, 337;
  - oration de imperio Cn. Pompeii, not pro lege Manilia, iii, 9;
  - defended Catiline before a court of justice, 14;
  - his youth, 15;
  - had in poetry all his life long the old Roman tinge, 16;
  - unwarlike, 16;
  - his knowledge of the law, 16;
  - the inward struggle of his mind, 17;
  - orations pro Roscio Comædo, pro Quinctio, pro Roscio Amerino, and others, 17;
  - goes to Rhodes, 17;
  - defects of his education, 17;
  - his wit, 18, 33;
  - his friendship with Atticus sprung up only in later years, 18;
  - his marriage, 18,
  - the source of his boastfulness, 19;
  - accusation of Verres, 19;
  - orations for and against Vatinius, for Gabinius, for Rabirius Postumus, 20;
  - answer of the Delphian oracle on him, 21, footnote;
  - consul, 21;
  - orations against Rullus, 21;
  - his sensibility, 24;
  - oration for Murena, 26;
  - attaches young men to himself, 26;
  - not a weak character, 26;
  - against Clodius, 27;
  - tacks between the two parties, 32;
  - speaks against a colony in Capua, 34;
  - estranged from Cæsar, 34;
  - leaves Rome, 36;
  - his house pulled down, rebuilt by the emperor Claudius, burnt down again in Nero’s fire, 36;
  - recalled, 36;
  - oration for Flaccus, 37;
  - speaks for the assignment of the provinces to Pompey, Crassus, and Cæsar, 37;
  - loses his presence of mind in pleading for Milo, 38;
  - proconsul of Cilicia, 39;
  - tries to mediate the peace between Cæsar and Pompey, 39;
  - in his books, de Republica, his conviction of the want of a king distinctly to be remarked, 75;
  - his affection for Brutus, 77;
  - for Virgil, 77;
  - slander against him, 79;
  - his Greek has a foreign air about it, 84;
  - allows himself to be entrapped by Octavian, 85;
  - de Officiis, de Divinatione, de Fato, Topica, de Gloria, 85;
  - stops at Rhegium, 86;
  - opposition against Antony, 86;
  - second Philippic, 87;
  - the question of the letters to Brutus being genuine or forged, 88;
  - oration pro Marcello, 88;
  - his death, 94;
  - his literary character, 94;
  - his oration pro Cælio, 95.
- Cicero, M. Tullius, the son, iii, 94.
- Cicero, Q. Tullius, a worthless man, iii, 18;
  - with Cæsar in Spain, 35;
  - nearly destroyed by the Eburones, 46.
- Ciceroniani, iii, 94.
- Cid, the romances of him have more historical matter in them than many others, i, 85.
- Cilicia, iii, 8;
  - well suited for pirates, 9;
  - hardly the rudiments of Greek learning to be met there, 69.
- Cilnii, iii, 144.
- Cimber, C. Tillius, iii, 80.
- Cimbrians did not come from Jutland, but from the East, i, 370;
  - their first appearance in the Roman empire, ii, 308.
- Cimbri and Teutones on the frontiers of Italy, ii, 322;
  - their descent, 322;
  - on the middle of the Danube, 323;
  - march into Gaul, 324;
  - defeat the Romans, 324;
  - turn towards Spain, 325;
  - go round the northern range of the Alps, 328;
  - 378burst upon Italy, 330;
  - remarks on their passage over the Adige, 331;
  - defeated at Vercelli, 332;
  - destroyed, 333.
- Ciminia silva, i, 506, 508.
- Cincinnatus L. Quinctius, alleged cause of his poverty, i, 281;
  - the poem on his dictatorship, 282;
  - brings about the condemnation of Volscius, 284;
  - dictator, 338.
- C. Cincius Alimentus wrote Roman history in Greek, i, 22;
  - made prisoner in the second Punic war, 22;
  - had from Hannibal an account of his passage over the Alps, 22;
  - called maximus auctor by Livy, 22;
  - wrote de Potestate Consulum, and on the Roman Calendar in Latin, 22;
  - made researches on the monuments of ancient times, 108;
  - the second Punic war formed the exclusive substance of its work, ii, 62;
  - excellent, 63.
- Cineas goes to Tarentum, i, 555;
  - his character, 555;
  - how far he might be called a pupil of Demosthenes, 555;
  - comes to Rome, 561;
  - his uncommon tact and extraordinary memory, 561.
- Cinna, L. Cornelius, consul, attached to Marius, ii, 369;
  - heads the democracy, 369;
  - aims at absolute power, 370;
  - at the head of the Italians, 370;
  - deprived of his consulship, 370;
  - returns to Rome with Sertorius, 371;
  - defeats Cn. Pompeius, 372;
  - consul for the second time, 373;
  - killed by his soldiers, 375.
- Cinna. See Helvius.
- Circeii, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197;
  - at the time of Sp. Cassius still a Latin town, 246, 344;
  - the colony restored, 345.
- Circus Flaminius was for the plebeians what the Circus Maximus was for the patricians, i, 312.
- Circus Maximus. See Circus Flaminius.
- Cirta, capital of Syphax, ii, 131.
- Cité, i, 167.
- Cities, large cities are always a proof of immigration, i, 103;
  - spring up in Germany, particularly after the tenth century, 167.
- Citizens sine suffragio were not received in plebeian tribes, i, 174.
- Citizenship, its rights and obligations probably ceased at the sixtieth year, i, 181.
- Cittadini, corresponding to Populus, i, 166.
- Civilis, rebellion, iii, 204.
- Civitas sine suffragio, i, 448.
- Civitates fœderatæ, in the provinces, ii, 41.
- Civitates liberæ, in the provinces, ii, 41.
- Clans of the Highlanders are called after individuals, i, 159.
- Clapperton and Denham hear, in the interior of Soudan, of the insurrection in Greece, i, 469;
  - meet among the Tuarics with an alphabet which is quite distinct from the Arabic, ii, 310.
- Classes in the Lombard towns, i, 161.
- Classis, a host of heavy armed men, i, 177, footnote.
- Clastidium, battle, ii, 56;
  - between Piacenza and Alessandria, 57.
- Claudian of Alexandria, a true poetical genius, iii, 324.
- Claudian family, the character for insolence hereditary in it, ii, 34.
- Ap. Claudius, consul, 233;
  - his opposition against the Plebes, 272.
- 379 Ap. Claudius, the decemvir president of the senate, i, 307;
  - his crime against Virginia, 309;
  - dies in prison, 316.
- Ap. Claudius, goes over to Sicily, i, 580.
- Ap. Claudius, proconsul, his forbearance at Capua, ii, 113;
  - prætor, negotiates with the Syracusans, 115.
- Ap. Claudius, father-in-law of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279.
- Ap. Claudius Cæcus, the grammarians still knew his moral maxims, i, 16;
  - Cicero read a speech of his against Pyrrhus, 16;
  - his character, 512;
  - places freedmen in a mass among the tribes, 514;
  - enters them on the rolls of the senate, 516;
  - his list was never made use of, 517;
  - claims the censorship during five years, 517;
  - makes the Appian road, 517;
  - cuts a canal through the Pontine marshes, 517;
  - brings an aqueduct to Rome, 518;
  - is said to have undertaken his works without any authority from the senate, 519;
  - opposes Volumnius, 527;
  - turns the scales with regard to the proposals of Cineas, 561.
- Claudius, Emperor, writes history, i, 87;
  - fragment of a speech of his on the Lugdunensian tablets, 87;
  - his stupidity, 88;
  - honest, 191;
  - without any sort of criticism, 192;
  - hides himself, iii, 180,
  - brother of Germanicus, 180;
  - character, 181;
  - writes memoirs of Augustus, 182;
  - consul, 182;
  - unfortunate in marriage, 182;
  - ruled by slaves and freedmen, 183;
  - his buildings, 183;
  - expedition against Britain, 184;
  - his death, 184.
- M. Claudius Glycia, son of a freedman, appointed dictator by P. Claudius, ii, 33;
  - resigns his dignity, 34.
- P. Claudius, son (grandson?) of Claudius Cæcus, leads reinforcements to the Romans in Sicily, ii, 31;
  - his defeat near Drepana, 32;
  - is condemned to severe punishment for having appointed the son of a freedman dictator, 33;
  - his sister condemned, 34.
- Q. Claudius. See Quadrigarius.
- Claudius, M. Aurelius Gothicus, emperor, a great man, iii, 284;
  - defeats the Goths, 284;
  - his death, 284.
- Clavus knocked in by the dictator on the Ides of September, i, 237.
- Cleanthes, iii, 68.
- Clement of Alexandria, iii, 235.
- Cleomenes, ii, 145;
  - destroys Megalopolis, 248.
- Cleonymus, in the pay of Tarentum, i, 461;
  - forces the Lucanians to make peace, 510;
  - taken into pay by one of the Sicilian parties against Agathocles of Syracuse, 511;
  - seizes upon Corcyra, 511;
  - marches to Venetia and against Padua, 511;
  - dies in Sparta at an advanced age, 511.
- Cleopatra, sister of Ptolemy Philometor, ii, 221.
- Cleopatra, daughter of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62;
  - flies to Syria, 63;
  - declared Queen by Cæsar, 65;
  - goes to Cilicia to join Antony, 101;
  - receives Cœlesyria, Judæa, and Cyprus, from Antony, 108;
  - married to Antony, 110;
  - takes to flight in the battle of Actium, 111;
  - tries to gain over Octavian, 113;
  - her death, 114.
- Clientes (cluentes), from cluere, to hear, i, 170.
- Clientship, earliest origin of it, i, 117;
  - its nature, 263;
  - different causes of its origin, 170;
  - its dangerous character, ii, 42.
- 380 Clients, are in the curies, i, 226;
  - enter into the tribes, 304;
  - appear in the centuries, 327.
- Clisthenes, takes the Ager Atticus as the basis for the division of the Athenian people, i, 172.
- Clitarchus, historian, i, 469; ii, 392.
- Clivus Publicius, leads from the Circus to the Aventine, i, 305.
- Cloaca maxima, i, 138;
  - equal in extent and bulk to the pyramids, 138;
  - of hewn Alban freestone, 138;
  - uncertain whether built by Tarquinius Priscus, or by his son Superbus, 138;
  - described, 188.
- Clockius, i, 55.
- Clodia, Antonius’ stepdaughter, betrothed to Augustus, iii, 143.
- Clodius. See Albinus.
- P. Clodius, brother-in-law of Lucullus, plays the mutineer against him, iii, 8;
  - his descent, 27;
  - his profligacy, 27;
  - adopted by a plebeian and made tribune, 28;
  - sells the government of the provinces, 35;
  - impeaches Cicero, 35;
  - slain, 38.
- Clœlia, her flight, i, 214.
- Clovis not allowed to appropriate to himself any exclusive share in the booty, i, 204.
- Cluilia Fossa, i, 108, 127.
- Cluilius, general of the Albans, i, 127.
- Clupea (Aspis), town in Africa, ii, 20;
  - taken by the Romans, 20;
  - rises against Carthage, 44.
- Clusium, in the war of Porsena, the chief town of the Etruscans, i, 131;
  - Gauls before the town, 372;
  - destroyed, ii, 383.
- Cluver, Philip, his Italia Antiqua and Sicilia, i, 75.
- Cocceius, iii, 103.
- Cœlesyria detached from Egypt, ii, 221.
- Cœlius. See Cælius.
- L. Cœlius Antipater, i, 36;
  - lived in the middle of the seventh century, many things in Livy, particularly the romantic accounts to be traced to him, ii, 63;
  - Cicero speaks slightingly of him, 63, 308.
- Cohortes urbanæ, iii, 123.
- Coins, of Sybaris preserved, i, 4;
  - are very good guides of history since the time of Hadrian, iii, 242.
- Cologne, there were there three orders, each of fifteen houses, i, 161;
  - the second and third order were admitted to offices later than the first, 162;
  - seat of the government of Gaul, iii, 283;
  - devastated, 308;
  - chronicle of Cologne excellent, i, 13, 125, 202.
- Collatinus, chronological impossibility of the accounts of him, i, 81;
  - goes to Lavinium, 136;
  - patrician consul, 202.
- Collin, battle, the employment of the oblique line of battle dangerous, ii, 101.
- Colline gate, its locality, i, 411;
  - battle, ii, 382.
- Colonia Ulpia, iii, 219.
- Coloniæ Romanæ, exclusively Roman colonies, i, 346;
  - in southern Italy, ii, 106.
- Colonial system of the Romans, i, 417;
  - of the Greeks, 417;
  - of the Samnites, 418;
  - of the Spaniards in Mexico, 420;
  - development of the Roman system, iii, 274.
- Colonies, Latin, i, 104;
  - their history, ii, 384;
  - conf. i, 452;
  - twelve out of thirty had furnished no contingent during the expedition of Hannibal, ii, 187;
  - 381south of the Po, 200;
  - twelve of M. Livius Drusus, 302;
  - Julian, iii, 101.
- Colonies sent into conquered towns, how it was done, i, 250.
- Colosseum built by Vespasian, iii, 207;
  - its dedication celebrated by Titus, 208.
- Colossus on the Capitoline hill, i, 498.
- Columna rostrata, the general representations quite unauthentical, it was perhaps cast from the beaks of conquered ships, ii, 15;
  - the inscription is not the original one, but restored by Germanicus, 16.
- Comana, temple of Anaitis, ii, 407.
- Comedy had quite gone down in the time of Augustus, iii, 129, 141.
- Comitia tributa have the initiative in passing laws, i, 201.
- Comitium, junction of the Roman and the Sabine senates, i, 118.
- Commentarii pontificum, i, 10;
  - are not as old as they would have us believe, 10.
- Commercium, explained, i, 171.
- Commodus, emperor, iii, 247;
  - his character, 247;
  - his prodigality, 248;
  - calls himself Hercules, 248;
  - murdered, 249.
- Commune, Italian for Plebs, i, 166, 168.
- Communication was much easier in ancient times than in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, i, 469.
- Communism, iii, 326.
- Community, right of, i, 165.
- Companies of trade traced back to Numa, i, 177.
- Compsa in the country of the Hirpinians destroyed, ii, 406.
- Conciliabula, i, 450.
- Concilium populi equivalent to curies, i, 395.
- Concio advocata could take place at any time, i, 270.
- Concordia, temple of, i, 403.
- Concubinage, iii, 163, 187.
- Confederacy, the northern, declares for the Samnites, i, 501.
- Congiarium given to the Roman people, iii, 231.
- Connubium did not exist between patricians and plebeians, i, 171, 280;
  - not allowed by the Twelve Tables, 300.
- Conquered place themselves, according to Asiatic custom, under the protection of the conqueror, iii, 105.
- Consacramentales, i, 266.
- Conscripti, i, 334.
- Conscription, i, 181.
- Consecrations for death a well known Roman custom, i, 379.
- Consistorium Principis, put on a surer footing by Hadrian, iii, 231.
- Constans, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
  - gets the præfecture of Italy and Illyricum, 305;
  - conquers the West, 305;
  - his death, 305.
- Constantia, Constantine’s half-sister, married to Licinius, iii, 300.
- Constantina, daughter of Constantine, wife of Gallus, iii, 307.
- Constantine, emperor, son of Constantius, had a confused sort of faith, had the god of the Sun on his coins, iii, 272, 303;
  - a great man, 295, 298;
  - proclaimed emperor, 298;
  - son of Helena, 298;
  - not a barbarian, 298;
  - acknowledged by Galerius as Augustus, 298;
  - 382marries Fausta, daughter of Maximinian, 298;
  - his war against Maxentius, 299;
  - triumphal arch, 299;
  - defeats Maxentius, 299;
  - war with Licinius, 300;
  - victory near Adrianople, 300;
  - wars against the Goths and Sarmatians, 300;
  - weight of taxation, 301;
  - character of his reign, 302;
  - his Christianity, 302;
  - his increasing irritability, 303;
  - causes his son Crispus to be executed, 303;
  - founds Constantinople, 303;
  - his buildings, 327.
- Constantine, JUNIOR, son of Constantius, iii, 304;
  - emperor of the præfectura Galliæ, 305;
  - dies, 305.
- Constantine, an usurper, proclaimed Augustus in Britain, iii, 334.
- Constantinople, the great fire in the fifth century had a most ruinous effect on Greek literature, iii, 190;
  - its foundation, 303.
- Constantinus Porphyrogenitus, ii, 251.
- Constantius, Cæsar in the West, iii, 295;
  - the name of Chlorus is not to be found in contemporary writers, 295;
  - Augustus, 297;
  - his wife Helena, 298;
  - marries Theodora, daughter of Maximian, 298.
- Constantius, Julius, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
- Constantius, son of Constantine, iii, 304;
  - receives the præfectura Orientis, 305;
  - war with Sapor, 305;
  - the most bearable of the three brothers, but swayed by his eunuchs, 305;
  - victorious against Magnentius, 306;
  - war against Julian, 309;
  - dies in Cilicia, 309;
  - his persecution of the Homoousians, 309.
- Constantius, general of Honorius, iii, 334;
  - marries Galla Placidia, 335.
- Consualia were kept in August, i, 117.
- Consulars under Hadrian appointed to the jurisdiction of Italy, iii, 255.
- Consular armies, their strength in the war of Hannibal, ii, 98.
- Consular election by the centuries not absolutely certain, i, 207.
- Consuls were first called prætores, i, 203;
  - etymology, 203;
  - the candidates in the earliest times proposed by the senate, 205;
  - had absolute sway extending from one mile beyond Rome, 235;
  - inaugurated on the first of August, 238;
  - elected by the curies, 242;
  - one of them elected by the centuries, 243, 260;
  - their office suspended during the rule of the decemvirs, 298;
  - their title introduced instead of that of prætors, 312;
  - their election restored to the centuries with the reservation of its being confirmed by the curies, 313;
  - had the power of inflicting fines, 339;
  - one plebeian and one patrician consul, 403;
  - enter their office regularly in spring only after the Punic wars, and in the last years of the republic in August, 407;
  - both might have been chosen from the plebeians, according to a law, passed in the war of Hannibal, which was not acted upon, 432;
  - carried out only in the year 580, 432;
  - during the second Samnite war they enter upon their office in September, 493;
  - had the power of deciding the number of auxiliaries, which the allies had to furnish, 572;
  - have the right of appointing a dictator, ii, 33;
  - might freely dispose of the manubia, 184;
  - the privilege that one of the consuls should always belong to one order, done away with in the war of Perseus, 190;
  - arrested by the tribunes, 226;
  - under Sylla a patrician and a plebeian, 387;
  - do not leave Rome during their year of office, owing perhaps, to a regulation of Sylla, 396;
  - 383have the JUS RELATIONIS, iii, 119.
- Consus, the god of counsel, i, 117.
- Copais, lake, its drains choked up, i, 357;
  - at present merely a marsh, 358.
- Cora and Pometia fall into the hands of the Auruncians, i, 222, 223;
  - Cora retaken, 344.
- Corbulo, carries on war successfully against the Parthians, iii, 191;
  - executed, 192.
- Corcyra, besieged by the Illyrians, ii, 47.
- Cordova, Gonsalvo de, formed the Spanish infantry, ii, 259.
- Corfinium, in the country of the Pelignians, under the name of Italica, chief town of the Italian state, ii, 352;
  - takes its old name again, 358.
- Corinth, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
  - dependent on Macedon, 145;
  - the most flourishing of all the Greek towns, 153;
  - given up by the Achæans to Philip, 155;
  - restored to the Achæans, 162;
  - separated from Achaia, 250;
  - taken by Mummius, 255;
  - colony established there by Cæsar, iii, 74;
  - plundered and burnt by the Goths, iii, 280.
- Coriolanus, placed in a wrong time, i, 244;
  - Cn. or C. Marcius, 244;
  - cannot have conquered Corioli, 244;
  - very likely of the lesser clans, 287;
  - his story as commonly told, 287;
  - his presenting himself to Attius Tullius entirely copied from the visit of Themistocles to Admetus, 288;
  - centre of the emigrants, 291.
- Corioli destroyed, i, 275;
  - at first Latin town, afterwards Volscian, 288.
- Corneille forms the link between the antique and the classic in French literature, ii, 292.
- Cornelia, daughter of the elder Scipio, mother of the Gracchi, ii, 270.
- Cornelians, Sylla’s body guard, ii, 390.
- Cornelius. See Alexander, Cethegus, Cinna, Merula, Rufinus, Scipio, Severus, Sylla.
- Cn. Cornelius, general of the Romans, at a great disadvantage near the Liparian isles, ii, 15.
- A. Cornelius Cossus, consul, i, 425;
  - surrounded, 429.
- A. Cornelius Cossus, military tribune, conquers Lars Tolumnius, i, 348.
- Cornelius Nepos, a native of the country beyond the Po, i, 365;
  - his chronological accounts very highly valued, 365;
  - we have of him but the life of Atticus, iii, 126.
- Corn magazine established by C. Gracchus, ii, 296.
- Cornu does not mean wing, but half, i, 440.
- Coronea, burned to ashes, ii, 210.
- Corporales res, i, 179.
- Corporations come, in Italy, into the place of municipal constitution, i, 120.
- Correctores, iii, 255.
- Corridors, in the Roman houses without windows, lit up with candelabras, ii, 349.
- Corsica, settlements of the Carthaginians, ii, 5;
  - given up to the Romans, 46, 220.
- 384 Cortez, Ferdinand, iii, 64.
- Cortona, its inhabitants not at all different from the neighbourhood, i, 143;
  - peace with Rome, 509.
- Ti. Coruncanius, the first plebeian pontifex maximus, i, 523;
  - enjoyed the reputation of profound wisdom and knowledge of law, 348;
  - his son, ambassador to Illyria, murdered, ii, 47.
- Cossus. See Cornelius.
- Cothon, harbour of Carthage, ii, 240.
- Cotta, Roman consul, defeated by Mithridates, iii, 5.
- Cotton, manufactures of, iii, 237.
- Council of state, iii, 120;
  - under Hadrian, 231;
  - completely organized under Alexander Severus, 262.
- Court, its exclusiveness begins to show itself under M. Antoninus, iii, 246.
- Court days, there were thirty-eight of them in the year of ten months, i, 520.
- Craftsmen, excluded from the tribes, i, 177.
- Crassus, Roman governor, war in Mœsia, iii, 151.
- Crassus, M. Licinius, consul, conqueror of Spartacus, ii, 404, 406;
  - reconciled to Pompey, 404;
  - victory near Petilia, 406;
  - not unlikely that he used Catiline for his own ends, iii, 14;
  - his connexion with Catiline very likely, 22;
  - has a bitter spite against Cicero, 35;
  - consul for the second time, 37;
  - finds his death in the war against the Parthians, 37;
  - congress at Lucca, 39.
- Crassus, P. Licinius, general against Perseus, ii, 208;
  - defeated by him, 208.
- Crassus, P. Licinius, father-in-law of C. Gracchus.
- Crassus, P. Licinius, arises against Carbo, ii, 303;
  - his talent as an orator, 303;
  - goes over to the senate, 303;
  - put to death, 373;
  - is the first who sent for marble pillars from Greece, 395.
- P. Crassus, son of M. Crassus, very intimate with Cicero, iii, 36.
- Crassus, P. Licinius Mucianus taken prisoner by Aristonicus, ii, 267;
  - his rapacity, 267.
- Cremera, the settlement of the Fabii on its banks an ἐπιτειχισμός against Veii, i, 262.
- Cremona, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
  - destroyed by the Boians, 165;
  - Latin colony, then a municipium, and at last a military colony, 101;
  - victory of Antonius Primus over the troops of Vitellius, 200.
- Crete, independent, torn in factions, applies to Philip for his mediation, ii, 148, 151;
  - its inhabitants were at all times robbers by land and by sea, iii, 9.
- Crimen majestatis, iii, 173.
- Criminal causes had to be tried before the prætor, i, 404.
- Criminal law, its principles among the ancients, i, 318.
- Crispians, T. Quinctius, consul, defeated by Hannibal, killed, ii, 119.
- Crispus, son of Constantine, executed, iii, 303.
- Critolaus at the head of affairs in Achæa, ii, 252;
  - his death, 254.
- Crixus, leader in the Servile war, ii, 406.
- Cromwell, a great question whether he was an honest fanatic or an impostor, ii, 123; iii, 12;
  - the title of king had a great charm for him, 76;
  - wanted always to be guessed, 168.
- 385 Croton, i, 459, destroyed by the Romans, 567;
  - taken by Hannibal, which completes its ruin, ii, 107;
  - head-quarters of Hannibal, 134.
- Crustumeria, i, 216.
- Ctesiphon, near Seleucia, capital of the Parthian kings, iii, 108;
  - taken by Trajan, 220;
  - built by the Parthians to humble Seleucia, ii, 254;
  - taken and sacked by Severus, 254;
  - by its conquest the empire so much shaken, that its subjects thought of freeing themselves from its yoke, 263;
  - centre of the Persian empire, 264;
  - is said to have been taken by Carus, 292;
  - strongly fortified in Julian’s time, 313.
- Cumæ, i, 453;
  - its earliest history very obscure, 149;
  - was looked upon as wonderfully old, 150;
  - Etruscans throw themselves upon it, 214;
  - destroys the naval power of the Etruscans with the help of Hiero, 342.
- Cuman traditions, i, 213.
- Cumberland has its name from the Cymri, traces of the Cymric language were found there as late as a hundred years ago, ii, 322.
- Curia Hostilia, the sunset was seen from its steps, i, 270.
- Curies condemned Manlius to death, pronounced the disgraceful decision between the Ardeates and the people of Aricia, compelled Camillus to go into exile, i, 94;
  - receive their names from the thirty ravished Sabine maidens, 117;
  - in Greek φράτραι, unions of clans in certain numerical proportions, 119;
  - intermediate link between the clans and the tribes, 161;
  - their turn decided by lot, 162;
  - it was permitted to get up and to speak in them, 184:
  - condemn Cassius, 257;
  - could transact business only on the dies comitiales, 269;
  - voted VIVA VOCE, 266;
  - no previous notice needed to be given, 269;
  - could not do business without a SENATUS CONSULTUM, 269;
  - meet for the last time, 542;
  - give their sanction beforehand to the decrees of the centuries, 446;
  - had originally the right of declaring war and peace, 340.
- Curies & Centuries could be convoked only on certain days, i, 322.
- Curio, C. Scribonius, highly gifted, is in vain led to better ways by Cicero, iii, 26;
  - tribune of the people, 49;
  - bought over by Cæsar, 50;
  - takes the command in Sicily, 57;
  - killed in battle in Africa, 57;
  - falls out with the senate, because he wanted to have a month intercalated for himself, 72;
  - Cicero assigns to him a high rank as a writer, 127.
- M. Curius Dentatus, Roman general against the Sabines, i, 535;
  - quarrels with the senate, 537;
  - his poverty, 538;
  - refuses to take a greater share in the booty, 537;
  - draining of the lake Velinus, 538;
  - goes to Etruria, 546;
  - Roman general in the battle of Beneventum, 568.
- M. Curtius belongs to the time of Severus and Caracalla, writes in imitation of Livy, iii, 276, 283.
- Curule Dignities, no one should hold two of them at the same time, i, 433;
  - one could only be re-elected to it after the lapse of ten years, 433.
- Curulis magistratus, who was allowed to make use of a carriage, i, 326;
  - curulis Juno, 329;
  - CURULIS TRIUMPHUS, 329.
- Cyclades, formerly belonging to Egypt, in an unsettled state, ii, 151.
- 386 Cyclic poems, iii, 132.
- Cyclopian walls, i, 146.
- Cymri, or Belgians, not a mixture of Celts and Germans, as Cæsar has it, i, 367;
  - probably the oldest inhabitants of Britain, 368;
  - their migration, 368; ii, 322;
  - in Basse Bretagne, iii, 42;
  - their original abodes, 42.
- Cynoscephalæ, situation, ii, 157;
  - battle, 158.
- Cynthia, mistress of Propertius, her true name is Hostia, iii, 137.
- St. Cyprian, iii, 292.
- Cyprus, the Phœnician settlements there are of very early date, i, 1;
  - Egyptian, 221; iii, 3.
- Cyrene, colonized from Thera, i, 102;
  - Egyptian, ii, 221;
  - inscriptions in three languages found there, 310;
  - Cæsar there, iii, 66.
- Cythera, the Phœnician settlements there later than those of Cyprus, ii, 1.
- Cyzicus, true to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, ii, 364;
  - besieged by Mithridates, iii, 6;
  - destroyed by the Goths, 284.
- D
- Dacians, war under Domitian, iii, 212;
  - the same race as the ancient Getæ, 212;
  - are rich, no barbarians, 212;
  - constitution, 212;
  - first war with Trajan, 218;
  - second war, 219;
  - freed by Maximin from the inroads of the barbarians, 268;
  - given up to the Goths, 285.
- Dagalaiphus, iii, 315.
- Dalmatians subdued, ii, 220, 307;
  - campaign of Augustus against them, iii, 149;
  - reduced by Tiberius, 150;
  - revolt, 154.
- Dalmatius, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
- Dalmatius, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.
- Damasippus, prætor, causes all the partisans of Sylla to be put to death, ii, 381.
- Damaratus. See Demaratus.
- Dante feels for the men of the Roman era, as an old Roman would have done, i, 79; iii, 94.
- Daphnis, a true Sicilian hero, iii, 131.
- Dardanus, i, 96.
- Daughters could not convey gentilician rights, i, 112.
- Daun, by no means an inferior general to Fabius, ii, 68.
- Dauphin, son of Louis XV., iii, 172.
- Death, the black death, iii, 241;
  - famine after it, 292.
- Debt, bondage for debt without nexum, i, 233.
- Debt, the Roman system of debts in later days entirely borrowed from the Greek law, i, 388.
- Debtors, law of debtors of Servius Tullius, Tarquinius Superbus, and Valerius, i, 228;
  - that of Servius not contained in the Jus Papirianum, 228;
  - that of the patricians liberal, that of the plebeians strict, 228;
  - it was the general law of antiquity, that the borrower could pledge himself and his family for debt, 228;
  - law of debtors of P. Licinius, 398.
- Debts regulated, i, 413.
- Decebalus, greatness of his character, iii, 212;
  - peace with Domitian, 212;
  - 387first war with Trajan, 219;
  - his empire, 219;
  - conquered, 219;
  - second war, 219;
  - falls, 219.
- Decem primi taken from the Ramnes, i, 124;
  - held the government when there was no king, 124.
- Decemviri consulari potestate legibus scribundis, i, 298;
  - five of the second decemvirs are plebeian, 299;
  - the first represented the decem primi of the senate, 299;
  - the second a συναρχία after the pattern of the archons of Attica, 299;
  - their composition, 299;
  - those of the second year were probably chosen for several years, 306;
  - keep a guard of an hundred and twenty lictors, 307.
- Decemviri stlitibus judicandis first appointed in the century, i, 313.
- Decemvirs for the Sybilline books are half of them plebeians, i, 401.
- P. Decius Mus, tribune, saves by his boldness the arm of Cn. Cornelius Cossus, i, 429;
  - devotes himself to death in the battle near Veseris, 443.
- P. Decius Mus, consul, in the third Samnite war, i, 525;
  - devotes himself to the infernal gods, 530.
- Decius Q. (C.), Messius (Quintus) Trajanus, born in Illyricum, iii, 272;
  - overcomes Philip in the neighbourhood of Verona, 273;
  - considered by the heathen writers a hero, hated by the Christian ones, 273;
  - persecution of the Christians, 273;
  - relieves Nicopolis, 278;
  - defeated, loses his life, 278.
- Decuries, i, 120.
- Decurions, town magistrates, i, 120;
  - in Gaul, iii, 331.
- Deditionem facere, i, 212.
- Deguigne’s opinion on the earlier times of the Huns incorrect, iii, 317.
- Delia, in Tibullus, her real name Plania, iii, 137.
- Delictum manifestum, no trial required in case of one, ii, 297.
- Delos, given up to Athens, ii, 164;
  - conf. Delphi.
- Delphi and Delos, the centre of union of the Hellenic world, i, 97;
  - the sending of the sons of Tarquinius thither a later invention, i, 198.
- Damaratus brings the fine arts to the Tyrrhenians in Etruria, i, 116;
  - a Bacchiades from Corinth, i, 133.
- Demesne in the occupation of the patricians, i, 227.
- Demetrias occupied by the Romans, ii, 163;
  - evacuated by them and occupied by the Ætolians, 171;
  - taken possession of by Philip, remains Macedonian until the fall of that empire, 172.
- Demetrius II., father of Philip, ii, 144.
- Demetrius, son of Philip, hostage in Rome, ii, 161;
  - ambassador to Rome, 203;
  - favourable to the Romans, 203;
  - poisoned, 205;
  - delivers Andriscus to the Romans, 245.
- Demetrius, the false, not an impostor, ii, 245.
- Demetrius Pharius, governor of Corcyra, gives up the island to the Romans, ii, 47;
  - guardian to the king whilst a minor, 57;
  - conspires against Rome, 57;
  - commits piracy against the Cyclades, 57;
  - escapes to Macedon, 57.
- Demetrius Poliorcetes, i, 198;
  - a great genius spoiled, 553;
  - allied with Ptolemy Soter, 553;
  - put in possession of the throne of Macedon, 554.
- 388 Democracy established in Rome by the Hortensian law, i, 322.
- Δῆμος equivalent to plebes, i, 166;
  - afterwards the whole mass of the people, 169.
- Demosthenes, i, 248;
  - slander against him, iii, 79;
  - in him oratory is at its height, 275.
- Dempster, led astray by Annius of Viterbo and Inghirami, i, 141.
- Denham. See Clapperton.
- Diæus at the head of the affairs at Achaia, ii, 252, 254, 255.
- DETERIOREM PARTEM SEQUI, i, 280.
- Dexippus, his fragments, iii, 277;
  - heroism against the Goths, 280.
- Diadumenianus. See Antoninus.
- Diana. See Janus.
- Diceneus, iii, 212.
- Dictator, law UT EI EQUUM ESCENDERE LICERET, i, 330;
  - formerly selected by the patricians out of a number of candidates proposed to them, i, 415;
  - appointed by the consul, ii, 33.
- Dictatorship, properly a Latin magistracy, i, 221;
  - the imperium for six months only, 221;
  - probably referred to a league with Latium only 221;
  - its object, 235;
  - fallen into disuse, ii, 303.
- Diderot Essai sur le règne de Claude et de Néron, iii, 186.
- Dies diffisus, i, 270.
- Dimalus, (double mountain,) capital of the Illyrians, ii, 57.
- Dinon, ii, 219.
- Dio Cassius Cocceianus, his careful language derived from Fabius, i, 20; ii, 63;
  - MSS., iii, 152;
  - Dio Chrysostom, probably his grandfather on the mother’s side, i, 61;
  - lives forty years in Rome and then retires to Capua, 62;
  - writes the history of Commodus, 62;
  - twice consul, 92;
  - spends twelve years in collecting materials, and ten in writing his history, 62;
  - had a true vocation for writing history, 62;
  - draws from the very fountain-head, 62;
  - his character, 62;
  - no friend to tyranny, 63;
  - his style not free from faults, 63;
  - how much is still preserved of his works, 64;
  - Venetian MS. of the last books, 64;
  - editions, 66;
  - the seventieth book lost when Zonaras, and Xiphilinus made their extracts, iii, 236;
  - his opinion of Seneca has much truth, but is exaggerated, 186.
- Dio Chrysostom has started the question of the existence of Troy, i, 94;
  - a native of Prusa, an author of uncommon talent, iii, 227;
  - his pure Atticism, 227;
  - character, 227.
- Diocles, an unknown Greek writer i, 111.
- Diocletian, emperor, murders Aper, iii, 290;
  - conquers Carinus, 291;
  - takes Maximinian as his colleague, 293;
  - cannot himself have been a slave, 293;
  - derivation of his name, 293;
  - his character, 294;
  - his system of government, 294;
  - resigns his dignity, 295;
  - resides in Nicomedia, 296;
  - reduces Egypt, 296.
- Diodorus Siculus contains many notices concerning Roman history, which he can only have taken from Fabius, i, 20;
  - - the later ones from Polybius, 38;
    - then from Posidonius and others, 38;
  - the Roman history is to him only a secondary affair, 47;
  - writes the ancient history in synchronistical order, 37;
  - concludes before the civil war to avoid giving offence, 37;
  - writes his history after Cæsar’s death, 38;
  - Scaliger’s opinion concerning the time in which it was written, 38;
  - 389his writings falsified, 38;
  - the halves of two books entirely wanting, 65;
  - uses Roman sources in the Greek language, 373;
  - his account of the Samnite war perhaps borrowed from Fabius or Timæus, 493;
    - the Etruscan war from Fibius, 508;
  - his notices of Carthage probably from Timæus, ii, 2;
    - from Philinus of Agrigentum, 26;
  - has not read Nævius, 26.
- Diœceses of the Roman empire, iii, 294.
- Diomedes, grammarian, iii, 323.
- Dion, i, 575.
- Dionysia, the feast of the vintage, i, 550.
- Dionysius of Helicarnassus, publishes his history in the year 743, i, 39;
  - his rhetorical writings excellent, 39;
  - he is probably the person mentioned by Strabo under the name of Cæcilius, 39;
  - his history comprises the period from the earliest times to the first Punic war, 39;
  - Ἐκλογαὶ Διονυσίου, 39;
  - makes himself abridgment of his works, 39;
  - MSS. in existence of the first ten books, 39;
  - the eleventh book, 39;
  - editions and translations, 41;
  - character of his works, 43;
  - does not know Livy, 45;
  - the account of Naples falling into the power of the Romans, taken from Neapolitan Chronicles, 46;
  - conf., iii, 141;
  - an accomplished critic and historian, 227;
  - at the time of the consuls he has more materials than he gives, i, 124;
  - observes that the Etruscan has no resemblance to the Latin, 142;
  - is mistaken as to the relative positions of the plebs and the populus, 172.
- Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse, i, 575;
  - peace with Carthage, 575;
  - and ii, 4.
- Dionysius the younger, i, 575; ii, 4.
- Diophanes of Mitylene, friend of Tib. Gracchus, ii, 287.
- Dioscuri appear in the battle at the Regillus, ii, 217.
- Directory, French, in the year 1799, ii, 379.
- Disproportion in the division by numbers avoided by the ancients, i, 46.
- Dittmarsch, 3 × 10 houses, i, 161;
  - example from its history, 291;
  - the chronicles begin about a hundred and fifty years before the conquest of the country, 202;
  - sudden wealth, ii, 189.
- Dium, part of it set fire to by Perseus, ii, 211.
- Documents had no legal validity among the Romans, unless the accurate date was affixed to it, i, 5.
- Dodona, centre of union for the Pelasgian races, i, 97.
- Dodwell very seldom hits upon the right conclusion, i, 45;
  - often spoils by his subtleties what he has well begun, 106.
- Doges of Venice, forty in five hundred years, i, 83.
- Dolabella, son-in-law of Cicero, iii, 65;
  - quarrels with Antony, both of them equally bad, 70;
  - holds the province of Syria, 86.
- Dolabella, P. Cornelius, i, 546;
  - falls upon the country of the Sennonian Gauls, 546.
- Dolopians, Ætolian, ii, 151;
  - Macedonian, 203.
- St. Domingo, insurrection under Jean François, ii, 205.
- Domitia, wife, of Domitian, iii, 214.
- Domitianus, T. Flavius, Vespasian’s younger son, iii, 200;
  - usurps the government in absence of his father, 201;
  - takes upon himself the command of Gaul, 204;
  - 390seeks the life of his father and brother, 209;
  - a very accomplished man, 209;
  - the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus ascribed to Germanicus is by Domitian, 209;
  - takes the name of Cæsar Germanicus, 209;
  - establishes the endowment for rhetoricians, 210;
  - institutes the Agon Capitolinus, 210;
  - raises the pay of the army, 210;
  - his expedition against the Chatti, 211;
  - war against the Dacians, 212;
  - defeat, 212;
  - peace, 212;
  - takes the name of Dacius, 212;
  - his cruelty, 212;
  - stabbed, 214;
  - his buildings, 214.
- Domitius, Cato’s brother-in-law, iii, 37.
- Domitius Ahenobarbus commands the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii, 96;
  - carries on the war under his own auspices, 105;
  - unites himself with Asinius Pollio, 105;
  - reconciled to Antony, 105.
- Domitius Ahenobarbus crosses the Elbe for the first time in Bohemia, iii, 152.
- Cn. Domitius, ii, 308.
- Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus transfers the nomination to the pontificate and other priestly offices from the Colleges to the tribes, ii, 342.
- Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, Nero’s father, iii, 189.
- L. Domitius Ahenobarbus, general of Pompey, iii, 53;
  - besieged by Cæsar in Corfinium, 54.
- Donatists support the Vandals in Africa, iii, 337.
- Donativum, the first to the soldiers given by the emperor Claudius, iii, 182;
  - the custom given up, 315.
- Donatus, father of the Latin grammar, iii, 323.
- Double state in Rome, i, 122.
- Drakenborch, i, 57.
- Drepana, excellent harbour, ii, 30;
  - discomfiture of the consul Claudius there, 32.
- Droit d’Aubaine, i, 167.
- Druids, rulers of the Gauls, i, 575;
  - and iii, 44.
- Drusus, Nero Claudius, younger son of Livia, iii, 145;
  - wars in Germany, 153;
  - unfortunate for Germany, 153;
  - his death, 153;
  - his monument on the Rhine, 153;
  - a first-rate general, 156;
  - is said to have asked Augustus to restore the republic, 171.
- Drusus, son of Tiberius, iii, 160;
  - delivers the funeral oration for Augustus, 161;
  - suppresses the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
  - his wife Livilla, 175;
  - poisoned, 175.
- C. Duilius, naval victory of Mylæ, ii, 15;
  - his triumph and honours, 15.
- M. Duilius, tribune, proclaims an amnesty, i, 319;
  - refuses in the name of the tribunate to accept any votes, 325.
- Duker, i, 57.
- Duris of Samos, i, 532.
- Duumviri navales, i, 498;
  - this dignity abolished, 549, note.
- Dyme taken by the Romans, ii, 146.
- Dyrrachium, iii, 58.
- 391%center%E
- Earthquake, i, 536;
  - in the year of the battle at the Trasimenus, ii, 92.
- Ebb and flow of the tides almost unknown to the Romans, iii, 45.
- Eburones rise against the Romans, iii, 46.
- Ecbatana, iii, 265.
- Ecetræ, the south-eastern capital of the Volscians, i, 274.
- Echetus, prince of the Sicilians in Epirus, i, 100.
- Eckhel, his worth as a critical historian, iii, 265.
- Eclipse, in Cicero de R. P., fifteen years before the Gallic conflagration, seen at Gades, i, 7;
  - from it, all the preceding ones are calculated backward, 8;
  - that in the year 350, the first one really observed, which occurred in the annals, 83.
- Ecnomus, battle, ii, 19.
- Ecthlipsis, ii, 198.
- Edetanians, inhabitants of Valencia, ii, 71.
- Edicts, imperial, iii, 231.
- Edictum perpetuum, iii, 231.
- Edocere plebem, i, 270.
- Egeria, wife of Numa, melts in tears at his death, and gives his name to a well, springing from them, i, 125.
- Egnatius Gellius, leads the Samnites to Etruria, i, 527;
  - falls, 532.
- Egnatius Rufus, tumult, iii, 118.
- Egypt, the eighteenth dynasty of Manetho is historical, i, 7;
  - had a white population before conquered by the Æthiopians, ii, 5;
  - extent of the empire in Asia and Europe, 145, 147;
  - at war with Syria, 145;
  - retains Cœlesyria, 145;
  - on friendly terms with Rhodes, 148;
  - its extent at the end of the seventh century, iii, 2;
  - its manufactures very flourishing under Hadrian and the Antonines, 237.
- Egyptian towns, in Asia Minor, abandoned by Philip, apply to Antiochus for aid, ii, 167.
- Elagabalus, god of the sun, iii, 260.
- Elagabalus, corruptly Heliogabalus, iii, 260;
  - bore also the names of Avitus, M. Aurelius Antoninus, Bassianus, 260;
  - priest of the god Elagabalus, 260;
  - character, 260;
  - adopts Alexianus (afterwards Alexander Severus), 261;
  - killed, 261.
- Elatea besieged by Flaminius, ii, 155.
- Elbe, Roman armies go up the Elbe, iii, 154.
- Elections, transferred from the people to the senate, iii, 169.
- Elective princes, Newton assigns seventeen years as an average for the reign of each, i, 83.
- Eleans, independent and leagued with the Ætolians, ii, 151;
  - separate state, 163.
- Elephants opposed by burning arrows, i, 568;
  - may have been introduced from India, ii, 23, note;
  - brought to Rome, 28.
- Elis, the history of its constitution offers a close parallel to that of Rome, i, 306, note.
- Embassy to Athens to collect the Greek laws, ii, 295, note.
- Embolon, ii, 18.
- 392 Embratur (imperator), the highest magistrate of the confederation, i, 422.
- Emesa, aerolites which fell in the neighbourhood worshipped, iii, 260;
  - battle, 286.
- Emigrations, if not too extensive, will not weaken a country, iii, 42.
- Emissarius of Alba still preserved, i, 108.
- Empresses exercised a baleful influence upon morals, iii, 218.
- Enchelians, about the fortieth olympiad, burst into Greece, and plunder Delphi, i, 146.
- England, the war against France in the year 1793 popular again, then unpopular, then again, in the years 1798 and 1799, popular in the highest degree, i, 475.
- English, the English in the colonies learn English, after having in childhood spoken the language of the creoles, iii, 232.
- English government claims a veto in the election of the Irish (Roman Catholic) bishops, i, 242;
  - the Chancellor decides in Equity, 255.
- English Rebellion, the Irish Papists and Scotch Presbyterians, overpowered by Cromwell, join the old cavaliers, living abroad with the royal family, i, 225;
  - the liberties of the Dissenters greater immediately after the revolution than they were twelve or fifteen years before, 225.
- Enna, the community slaughtered by the Romans, ii, 116.
- Q. Ennius, composes his annals about the commencement of the war with Perseus, i, 23;
  - division of his work, 23;
  - accompanies M. Fulvius Nobilior into the Ætolian war, 24;
  - born in 513, and died 583, 24;
  - his vanity, 24;
  - fragments extant bespeak a poetical spirit, 24;
  - his history of the kings taken from Livy, 24;
  - his fragments collected by Hieronymus Columna, and Paul Merula, 25;
  - a Roman citizen, ii, 197;
  - friend of Scipio Fulvius Nobilior and the first men, 197;
  - his metres, 198;
  - introduces the hexameter, 198.
- Epagathus, the ringleader of the mutiny against Ulpian, iii, 263.
- Ephesus falls to the lot of Syria, ii, 148;
  - the residence of Antiochus, 167.
- Epictetus, a truly great man, iii, 239.
- Epicydes, emissary to Hieronymus from Hannibal, ii, 114;
  - the chief power placed in his grasp, 116.
- Epidamnus, dependent on the Romans, ii, 48.
- Epidaurus, embassy to the temple of Æsculapius, i, 537;
  - snakes kept there, 537.
- Epidius Marcellus, one of the tribunes, takes the diadem from the statue of Cæsar, iii, 76.
- Epipolæ, a quarter of Syracuse, ii, 117.
- Epirotes, their conjunction with the Pelasgians, i, 96;
  - less skilled than the Greeks in steering their ships, 556.
- Epirus, Pelasgian, but hellenized, i, 458;
  - the power of the kings very much limited, as in Lacedæmon, 552;
  - very likely fallen into the hands of Neoptolemus, a son of Alexander the Molossian, 553;
  - the Æacidæ extirpated, ii, 151;
  - republic, 151;
  - revenge of the Romans against the Epirotes, 215.
- Ἐπιτείχισις, i, 349.
- Epitaph of the Scipios, i, 91.
- Epitome of Livy, perhaps nothing more than a collection of the heads which were written in the margin, i, 58;
  - 393bears the name of Florus, inappropriately, 58;
  - conf., iii, 323.
- Epos, conditions of its success, iii, 132.
- Equestrian centuries, i, 180.
- Equestrian order, its census, i, 298.
- Equites, the statement of their pay having been lowered improbable, i, 435;
  - probably they got a fixed pay, 435;
  - bankers, 515.
- Era of the beginning of the consulship originates undeniably with Gracchanus, i, 34.
- Eratosthenes, ii, 199.
- Erbessus, the arsenal of the Romans, ii, 11.
- Erinna, poem on Rome, i, 110, note.
- Ernesti, i, 73.
- Erythræ, a free town, i, 183.
- Eryx, (Monte San Giuliano,) ii, 9;
  - mastered by the Romans, 35;
  - by Hamilcar, 36.
- Etesian gales, in the Mediterranean, blow from fifty to sixty days until the dog days, iii, 64.
- Etruscans have two sorts of sæcula, i, 83;
  - monuments, 141;
  - an indigenous people, call themselves Rasena, 142;
  - traditions of Herodotus and Hellanicus concerning them, 142;
  - had an aristocratical constitution, 145;
  - came down from the Alps, 145;
  - part of them subject to the Romans, 186;
  - absurd to think that they were forced by the Gallic conquest to retire from the plain into the Alps, 145;
  - are said to have taken three hundred Umbrian towns, 146;
  - have once inhabited Switzerland and the Tyrol, 146;
  - settle first in twelve towns in Lombardy, 147;
  - found or enlarge twelve towns in the Apennines, 147;
  - the extension of their sway belongs to the age of the last kings of Rome (Olymp. 60 to 70), 148;
  - found Capua, 148;
  - decline in the beginning of the fourth century, 148;
  - their war against Cumæ is mythical, 150;
  - passage over the Tiber, 250–280, 150;
  - a king reigns in each of their towns, 151;
  - assembly of their towns near the temple of Voltumna, 151;
  - in common enterprises a king chosen, whose supremacy all the others acknowledged, 151;
  - one city often usurped the leadership, 151;
  - the twelve cities send to Tarquinius Priscus the insignia of leadership, some say, to Servius Tullius, 151;
  - they have all the distinguishing features of an immigrating people, 152;
  - the oligarchical form of government makes them powerless against Rome, 152;
  - territorial aristocracy with vassals, 152;
  - unfavourable accounts of them in circulation among the Greeks, 153;
  - a people of priests, devoted to soothsaying, especially from meteorological and astronomical phenomena, 153;
  - show themselves unwarlike, 154;
  - their luxury, 154;
  - their books dated too early, 192;
  - king of each town had a lictor, 221;
  - their naval power destroyed by the people of Cumæ, 342;
  - fighting against the Gauls, 390;
  - the Etruscan league dissolved, 390;
  - declare against Rome, 499;
  - the good faith with which they keep their truces, 505;
  - armed after the Greek fashion, 507;
  - take the Gauls in their pay, 526;
  - defeated near the lake Vadimo, 547;
  - probably get favourable conditions from Rome, when the latter is threatened by Pyrrhus, 561;
  - 394have a law of their own, 572;
  - are during the Social war a short time under arms, ii, 350, 358;
  - get the franchise, 358;
  - their connection with the Romans, 358;
  - Sylla takes away from them the right of citizenship, 382.
- Etruscan fortifications, i, 147.
- Etruscan inscriptions are all found in the interior of the country, i, 144.
- Etruscan literature, decidedly older than that of the Romans, i, 155;
  - the value of their books known only from the Veronese scholia on the Æneid, 191.
- Etruscan language, entirely different from Latin, i, 136;
  - explained in the most arbitrary manner, 142.
- Etruscan vases, i, 134.
- Eubœa, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
  - dependent on Macedon, 151;
  - a separate state, 163.
- Eucheir and Eugrammos accompany Damaratus from Corinth, i, 135.
- Eucherius, son of Stilicho, iii, 332.
- Eudamidas, a son of his is nominal king of Sparta, ii, 145.
- Eudoxia, wife of Valentinian, forced to marry Petronius, iii, 342;
  - invites Genseric to Rome, 342.
- Eudoxia, daughter of Valentinian, iii, 341.
- Euganeans, friendly to the Romans, ii, 56.
- Eugene, Prince, reads the order, not to fight, after the battle only, i, 508.
- Eugenius, Tribunus notariorum, Emperor, iii, 321.
- Eugrammos. See Eucheir.
- Eumenes, son of Attalus, ii, 163;
  - rules only over Pergamos and some Ionian and Mysian towns, 178;
  - becomes a great king, 183;
  - hostile to Philip, 203;
  - complains of Perseus to the Romans, 207;
  - comes to Rome, 207;
  - attacked by assassins at Delphi, 208;
  - espouses the interests of Perseus, 211;
  - his brother implores for him the mercy of the Romans, 221.
- Eunapius, iii, 327.
- Eunuchs, iii, 305.
- Eunus, leader of the slaves in Sicily, ii, 265.
- Eutropius seems to have made an epitome of an abstract of Livy, i, 59;
  - iii, 323.
- Eutropius, eunuch, iii, 329.
- Evander, the founder of learning and civilization among the Italians, i, 110;
  - inventor and teacher of the use of letters, 111;
  - has his palatium on the Palatine, 116.
- Excerpta de Legationibus, de Virtutibus et Vitiis, de Sententiis, i, 65, 66.
- Exile is no punishment, does not imply the loss of citizenship, i, 305.
- Eximere diem, i, 270.
- Extravagance of Titus’s times has something whimsical and repulsive in it, iii, 208.
- 395%center%F
- Faber, Tanaquil, i, 57.
- Fabian family, very accomplished, i, 15.
- Fabii, represent the Tities, i, 259;
  - reconciled to the plebeians, 262;
  - declare that the agrarian law must be granted to the plebeians, 262;
  - their settlement on the Cremera, 262;
  - their destruction, 262;
  - have a gentilician sacrum on the Quirinal, 264;
  - three Fabii sent as ambassadors to the Gauls, and afterwards chosen as military tribunes, 373.
- Fabius, Cæso, elected consul by the plebeians, i, 262.
- Fabius Dorso, is said to have offered in the sight of the Gauls a gentilician sacrifice on the Quirinal, i, 381.
- Q. Fabius Gurges, son of Rullianus, i, 533.
- Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogricus, ii, 308.
- Q. Fabius Maximus, commander in the second Punic war, ii, 62;
  - his character, 67;
  - dictator, 94;
  - saves Minucius, 97;
  - Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
  - his opposition to Scipio, 132;
  - conf. 67.
- Fabius Maximus Rullianus, seems to have written his own history, i, 15;
  - his character, 482;
  - conquers the Samnites, 483;
  - condemned to death by Papirius Cursor, 484;
  - victorious as consul, 485;
  - unfortunate in the battle of Latulæ, 494;
  - proclaims Papirius Cursor dictator, 501;
  - gains a victory near Allifæ, 501;
  - relieves Sutrium, 508;
  - march through the Ciminian forest, 509;
  - conquers the Etruscans at Perusia, 509;
  - combines the Libertini into four tribus urbanæ, 522;
  - takes from thence his surname Maximus, ii, 67;
  - conducts the war in Samnium, i, 525;
  - proceeds to Sentium, 529;
  - his strategy, 530;
  - obtains permission to go out as legate to his son, 534.
- Fabius Maximus Servilianus, an annalist of note, i, 21.
- Fabius Pictor, his history written in Greek, i, 15;
  - was ambassador to Delphi, 18;
  - wrote the history of the war of Hannibal, 19;
  - Polybius taxes him with partiality to the Romans, 19;
  - writes against Philinus, 19;
  - his work held in exceedingly high estimation, 19;
  - one of the sources of Ennius, 24, 518, ii, 199;
  - his work a summary of the two first Punic wars, 62;
  - wrote Ol. 148, 1 (565 A. U. C. according to Cato), i, 400;
  - statements in Appian, taken from Fabius, ii, 62.
- Fabius Pictor, the painter, painted the temple of Salus, i, 18, 498;
  - must have been familiar with the Greek language and manners, 19;
  - his son ambassador to Alexandria, 19.
- Fabius Pictor, Numerius, spoken of by Cicero, i, 21.
- Fabius Pictor, Servius, mentioned by Cicero, i, 27;
  - probably ought to be Sextus Fabius Pictor, 28.
- Fabius Rusticus, i, 58; iii, 186.
- Fabius Valens, iii, 195, 196.
- C. Fabricius Luscinus, the first instance of a Greek town (Thurii) having raised a statue to a Roman, i, 546;
  - taken by the Samnites, 550;
  - friendship of Pyrrhus, 563;
  - consul, 565.
- Fabricius, Fr., Life of Cicero, iii, 83.
- Fabricius, Poetæ Christiani, iii, 325.
- 396 Factio Barcina, ii, 61.
- Factio forensis, i, 516.
- Fadilla, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.
- Φαίσολα, ii, 353.
- Fæsulæ, ii, 383.
- Falerii, a Tuscan town, i, 121;
  - destroyed, ii, 44.
- Faliscans, come to the aid of the Vaientines, i, 348;
  - are Volscians, 361;
  - had a language of their own, 361;
  - war of the Romans against them, ii, 44.
- Families, exclusive families become quickly extinct, i, 140.
- Family principles and characters hereditary, ii, 280.
- Family records, i, 93.
- Family events noted in Bibles, i, 5.
- Family policy, iii, 107.
- Famine, breaks out in Rome, i, 337.
- Fannius, i, 36;
  - his memoirs, ii, 309.
- C. Fannius, ii, 271;
  - consul, 303.
- L. Fannius, envoy of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.
- Fano (Fanum Fortunæ), defeat of the Germans, iii, 287.
- Farnese, Pietro Luigi, i, 198.
- Fasti, the Romans had an era, A REGIBUS EXACTIS, i, 5;
  - gap in them, 206;
  - interpolated, 206.
- Fasti Capitolini, i, 9, 68, 69.
- Fasti triumphales, i, 9.
- Fausta, daughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298;
  - the report of her having been suffocated in a bath is untrue, 303.
- Faustina, the daughter of Antoninus Pius, wife of M. Antoninus, iii, 240;
  - her share in the rebellion of Cassius a fiction, 244;
  - her letters, 244;
  - takes advantage of the weakness of M. Antoninus, 246.
- Faustulus, i, 113.
- Fehmern, law of inheritance there, i, 302.
- Female sex, its degeneracy and profligacy in Rome, iii, 187.
- Fenestella, i, 34.
- Feragosto, iii, 115.
- Ferentarii, i, 441.
- Ferentina, her grove the place of assembly for Latin towns, i, 129.
- Ferentines, seem to have declared for Hannibal, whilst on his march to Capua, ii, 107.
- Ferentinum, a place formerly Hernican, i, 344.
- Ferentum, a Hernican town, i, 247.
- Ferguson, not capable of any deep inquiry, i, 4, 72.
- Feriæ Augustæ, iii, 115.
- Feriæ Latinæ do not originate with a Tarquinius, but with the Latini Prisci, i, 185;
  - afterwards an assembly of all the Latin nations, 196, 451;
  - the whole of the Roman magistracy present at the solemnity, ii, 351.
- Feronia, feast of the Ausonian peoples at her temple, i, 350.
- Ferucci, Francesco, his achievements at the siege of Florence by Charles V., ii, 235.
- Festus, very trustworthy on the subject of Roman antiquities, as he makes extracts from Verrius Flaccus, i, 130; iii, 323.
- 397 Fetiales, form of their demand, i, 126;
  - their number twenty, 131
- Feudal system, i, 252;
  - in the kingdom of Marbod, iii, 55.
- Fezzan, under Trajan, was Roman, iii, 221.
- Ficanians, i, 171.
- Ficulea, i, 391.
- Fidenæ, holds out against the Sabines, i, 121;
  - a Tyrrhenian town, expels the Roman COLONI, 347;
  - throws itself into the arms of Veii, 347;
  - destroyed, 348.
- Fidenæ and Ficulea send out armies against Rome, i, 391.
- Fides, a goddess of great importance among the Romans, i, 229.
- Fides Punica cannot be entirely denied, i, 579.
- Fiducia, i, 522.
- Fimbria, C. Flavius, legate to Valerius Flaccus in the Mithridatic war, murders him, ii, 376;
  - destroys Ilium, 376;
  - takes away his own life, 377.
- Finance department, its place in the Forum Ulpium, iii, 223.
- Fir-Bolgs, in Ireland, not old Belgians, but a Danish colony, i, 99;
  - form the third immigration in Ireland, 99, note;
  - the Cyclopian walls in Ireland attributed to them, 99.
- Flaccus. See Valerius.
- Flaccus, Etruscan historian, i, 193.
- Flaccus, M. Fulvius, chosen tribune, ii, 288;
  - appointed triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301;
  - takes resolute steps, 305;
  - killed, 306.
- Flaccus, M. Fulvius, consul, hinders Hannibal from surprising the city, iii, 112;
  - his cruelty to Capua, 113.
- Flamininus, L. Quinctius, brother of Titus, his cruelty, ii, 190;
  - Cato expels him from the senate, 190.
- Flamininus, T. Quinctius, consul, marches against Philip, ii, 153;
  - well imbued with Greek learning, 154;
  - conquers by means of the treason of Charops near the Fauces Antigoneæ, 154;
  - unites with the Ætolians, 155;
  - besieges Alatea, 155;
  - battle of Cynoscephalæ, 157;
  - is too irritable, 161;
  - peace with Philip, 161;
  - freedom granted to the Greeks at the Isthmian games, 162;
  - sullies his fame, 172;
  - lends himself to the office of demanding from Prusias the giving up of Hannibal, 194.
- Flaminian highway lengthened, ii, 200.
- C. Flaminius, tribune, his bill for the division of the Ager Gallicus Picenus, ii, 50;
  - gains a battle against the Insubrians, for which he is unjustly reproached with bad generalship, 56;
  - consul, 87;
  - his law concerning the owning of ships by senators and their sons, 88;
  - charges against him, 88;
  - battle of Trasimenus, 92;
  - falls, 93.
- Flamma. See M. Calpurnius.
- Cn. Flavius, Scriba, i, 516, 520;
  - inscribes the days on which legi agi posset, on a tablet of plaster (ALBUM), 520;
  - publishes the FORMULÆ ACTIONUM, 521;
  - ædile, 521;
  - reconciles patricians and plebeians, 521.
- Flavius. See Fimbria.
- Flavius. See Sabinus.
- Fleury, ecclesiastical history, iii, 309.
- Florence, before the revolution in 12th century, there were hundred BUONI UOMINI, i, 120;
  - 398has three times four and twenty houses, 161;
  - its seven old guilds, 168;
  - the guilds the ruling power in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, 168;
  - the coat of arms of the city and of the commonalty placed side by side, 168;
  - Capitano di parte and capitano del popolo, 168;
  - the Guelphs and the Ghibellines fight against each other in the streets, 237;
  - the freemen of the district of Florence before the year 1530, 448;
  - Ordinanza della giustizia, 542;
  - very likely risen as a military colony out of old Fæsulæ, ii, 384;
  - besieged by Radagaise, iii, 331.
- Florianus, brother of the emperor Tacitus, iii, 288, note.
- Florus, Roman history, i, 58;
  - speaks of the earlier wars with derision, 349;
  - is a homo umbraticus, 331;
  - lives in the reign of Trajan, 227;
  - opinion of his works, 227.
- Flue, Nicholas von der, i, 125.
- Fœderati, iii, 344.
- Fœnus unciarium, i, 388;
  - contradiction between Livy and Tacitus cleared up, 388.
- Fog during the battle of the Trasimene lake, ii, 92;
  - common there at that time of the year, 92.
- M. [C.] Fonteius, murdered in Asculum, ii, 351.
- Formiæ, to be derived from ὅρμος, i, 110, 453;
  - severely punished by the Romans, 466.
- Fortes and Sanates, the clause referring to them in the Twelve Tables applies to Tibur, i, 279.
- Fortifications of two kinds in central Italy, i, 146.
- Fortunes in Rome, ii, 192.
- Fortuna muliebris, corresponds to the Fortuna virilis, her temple in the Via Latina, i, 244;
  - belongs to an earlier period than that of Coriolanus, 287.
- Forum, was originally a marsh, i, 188;
  - the province of a præfect called forum, 450.
- Forum Appii, i, 518.
- Forum Nervæ, more correctly Forum Augustum, iii, 148.
- Forum Olitorium, lay low on marshy ground, i, 518.
- Forum Palladium, built by Domitian, iii, 214.
- Forum Ulpium, iii, 223.
- Fossa Quiritium, i, 188.
- Fox, negotiation with Napoleon in the year 1806, i, 565.
- Franchise, the system of its being given to the lowest slaves, put a stop to by Augustus, iii, 122;
  - not always attended with exemption from taxes, 162;
  - the right extends over millions in the East, 235.
- France, time of prosperity under Henry IV., i, 345;
  - the right side in the Chamber of Deputies, 516;
  - the national development, which always renews itself from the time of Julius Cæsar, never understood by the French, iii, 286.
- Frankish kings, their power consisted of the comitatus, i, 204.
- Franks, their origin, iii, 277;
  - break into the Roman territory, 279;
  - their kingdom on the Lower Rhine, 280;
  - Probus wages war against them, 288;
  - settled in Northern Brabant, 308;
  - acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 308;
  - dwell from Belgium to the Saone, 340.
- Freedmen, in the tribes and the senate through Appius Claudius Cæcus, i, 516;
  - 399combined by Fabius in the four tribus urbanæ, 522;
  - number of them, iii, 163;
  - had much to do with the demoralized state of the Roman world, 194;
  - very often mentioned in inscriptions until the middle of the third century, 274.
- French army on its retreat from Russia, ii, 80;
  - that of 1812 inferior to that of 1807, 106.
- French literature, difference between Paris and Geneva, iii, 234;
  - marked difference between the literatures of Northern and Southern France, 287.
- French restoration, state of feeling in France at its beginning, i, 308.
- Fregellæ, colony, i, 456, 467;
  - importance of the place, 491;
  - in possession of the Samnites, 491;
  - conquered by the Romans, 496;
  - fortified by them, 497;
  - Pyrrhus takes it by storm, 562;
  - Roman colony, ii, 106;
  - the people very brave, 112;
  - destroyed, 291.
- Freinsheim, John, his supplements to the books of Livy, i, 70;
  - to be reckoned among the ornaments of Germany, 70;
  - lives entirely in his books, ii, 347.
- Frederic II., emperor, his will to be traced in his laws, i, 301.
- Frederic the Great after the battle of Kunersdorf, i, 560; iii, 278;
  - eight and twenty years old when he conquers Silesia, ii, 64;
  - has an aversion to sieges, 93;
  - writes his memoirs in French, 328;
  - has never served any military apprenticeship, iii, 30.
- Frena, the curbs and bits of the Romans exceedingly cruel, i, 484.
- Frentanians, i, 419;
  - separate themselves from the Samnites, 476;
  - true to the Romans in the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.
- Freret, his scepticism, i, 4.
- Friesland, the landed estates rated according to pounds, i, 179;
  - the seven maritime provinces, 110.
- Frisian tribes, subdued under Tiberius, become afterwards free, iii, 216.
- Fritigern, leader of the Visigoths, iii, 318.
- Fronto, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 233, 245;
  - correspondence, 238;
  - importance of his letters, 245;
  - the year of his death, 247.
- Frusino, a Hernican town, i, 247, 502;
  - receives a Roman provost to administer justice, 503.
- Fucinus, Lake, called at present Celano, i, 103.
- Fuffetius Mettius, general of the Albans, i, 127;
  - traitor to Rome, 128.
- Fulvia, wife of M. Antonius, iii, 102;
  - withdraws to Asia, 103.
- Cn. Fulvius, i, 528, 529.
- Cn. Pulvius, proconsul, defeated by Hannibal near Herdonia, ii, 119.
- M. Fulvius Flaccus. See Flaccus.
- Q. Fulvius Flaccus. See Flaccus.
- C. Fundanius, a Roman general, his deportment towards Hamilcar, ii, 37.
- Fundi, i, 453;
  - joins with the Privernates against Rome, i, 466;
  - severely punished by Rome, 466.
- Furius Bibaculus, iii, 129.
- Furius. See Camillus.
- 400%center%G
- Gabii, Tarquinius Superbus takes it by stratagem, i, 197;
  - alliance with Rome, 197;
  - devastated in Dionysius’ time, 275.
- Gabinius, Cicero’s defence of him, a sacrifice made to the republic, iii, 20;
  - consul, 35;
  - ἀλιτήριος, 35;
  - buys the province of Syria of Clodius, 35;
  - routed by Octavius, 59.
- Gades, older than Carthage, ii, 1;
  - treated as a dependent, 5;
  - treachery against Mago, 128;
  - alliance with the Romans, 128.
- Gæsati, from gæsum, a javelin, ii, 55.
- Gaius, his error, ii, 41; iii, 237.
- Galations, i, 370;
  - called Gallo Grecians, ii, 181;
  - live in thirty free towns, 181;
  - defeated by Antiochus Soter, 182;
  - attacked and defeated by Attalus, 182;
  - besieged by Cn. Manlius, 182;
  - retain the Celtic language down to the time of Augustus, 182;
  - their origin, 322.
- Galba, Sulpicius, his conduct towards the Lusitanians, ii, 224;
  - impeached by Cato, 224.
- Galba, P. Sulpicius, devastates Dyme, Oreus, and Ægina, ii, 150;
  - consul, conducts the war against Philip, 150.
- Galba, Servius Sulpicius, proclaimed emperor in Spain, iii, 193;
  - light thrown on Galba by Tacitus’ Historiæ, 194;
  - he was old and under the influence of unworthy people, 194;
  - marches against Gaul, 194;
  - his covetousness, 195;
  - adopts Pisa, 195;
  - murdered, 196.
- Galenus, his name was, without doubt, Tiberius Claudius Galenus, iii, 193;
  - lived in the times of the Antonines, iii, 235, 237.
- Galeria Faustina, sister of the elder Annius Verus, iii, 236.
- Galerius, the Cæsar in the East, iii, 295;
  - his surname Armentarius, 295;
  - campaign against Persia, 296;
  - marches against Maxentius, 298.
- Galla, sister of Valentinian the second, iii, 321.
- Galla Placidia. See Placidia.
- Gallia Cisalpina appears too large on the maps, i, 371.
- Gallia Cispadana, united by the Lex Julia as to political rights with Italy, ii, 165; iii, 52.
- Gallienus, P. Licinius, son and colleague of Valerian, iii, 279;
  - a worthless prince, 281;
  - acknowledges the empire of Palmyra, 282.
- Gallo Grecians. See Galatians.
- Gallus, son of Julius Constantius, iii, 304;
  - holds the name of Constantius, and the dignity of Cæsar, 306;
  - prisoner in Cæsarea, educated, 306;
  - executed, 307.
- Gallus Ælius, iii, 162.
- Gallus, Cornelius, governor of Egypt, Virgil introduces his praise in the fourth book of Georgics, iii, 138.
- Gallus Trebonianus. See Trebonianus.
- Garamantes, inhabitants of Garama in Fezzan, iii, 162.
- Gauda, iii, 3.
- Gaudentius, son of Ælius, iii, 341.
- 401 Gaul dreadfully devastated by the Cimbri and Teutones, which accounts for its weakened state in the time of Cæsar, ii, 324;
  - rebellion in Cæsar’s time, iii, 41;
  - an exhausted country, 42;
  - much money in circulation, 45;
  - Gallia Transpadana receives the franchise from Julius Cæsar, 87;
  - registration of land changed, 125;
  - their fine cavalry, 156;
  - the surname of Julius given to all who bore the Roman franchise, 192;
  - condition under the first emperors, 202;
  - abandoned by Constantius to the Alemanni and the Franks, 307;
  - literary importance, 326;
  - misery, 326;
  - Roman possessions in the north, 346.
- Gaul, a Gaul and a Gallic woman, a Greek and a Greek woman sacrificed, i, 150.
- Gauls, Roman citizens, presented by the emperor Claudius with the right of admission into the senate, i, 87;
  - Gauls and Ligurians less like than Gauls and Cymri, 99;
  - the Gallic migration in the time of Tarquinius Priscus, 364;
  - their friendly reception among the Ligurians, 364;
  - can only have passed the Little St. Bernard, or over the Simplon, 365;
  - the Cymri distinct from the Celts but of the same stock, 367;
  - their migrations, 368;
  - in the inmost recesses of the Adriatic, 369;
  - in Sirmium, 369;
  - origin of their war with Rome, 373;
  - their resemblance to the Highlanders of the present day, 374;
  - already changed in the time of Cæsar, 374;
  - their appalling cruelty, 374;
  - have the feudal system and a priestly government, 375;
  - the account of their wealth exaggerated, 375;
  - the whole army not in Rome, but some in the country, 381;
  - try to storm the capital, 381;
  - called back by an insurrection of the Alpine peoples into Lombardy, 382;
  - willing to withdraw on payment of a ransom, 382;
  - march into Apulia from Rome and offer aid to Dionysius, 384;
  - the Gallic conquest must be placed four years later than it has been, 400;
  - the Sennonian Gauls appear in the year 393, 408;
  - migrate as far as the Anio, 409;
  - wander even to Apulia, 409;
  - appear before the Colline gate, 411;
  - third invasion in the year 405, 414;
  - retire to the Alban hills, the Monte Cavo, 414;
  - must have gone more than once to Apulia, 468;
  - peace with Rome, 499;
  - peacefully settled in the Romagna, 526;
  - their impetuosity, 531;
  - the Sennonian Gauls defeat Metellus, 546;
  - their land devastated by Dolabella, 546;
  - the whole nation exterminated, 547;
  - their migrations no more turned against Italy but against Thrace and Macedon, 547, 565;
  - fight in great masses, ii, 10;
  - the Sennonian territory, 50;
  - war with the Romans, 52;
  - conquer near Φαίσολα, 53;
  - their armour, 55;
  - conquered near Telamon, 55;
  - routed near Clastidium, 56;
  - leagued with Hannibal, 75;
  - rebellion of the Gauls, 83;
  - march to Thrace, 181;
  - in Asia, 181;
  - war in the Alps with Rome, 220;
  - the Cimbri not Gaels, but akin to the Cymri, 322.
- Gaurus, a mountain near Nuceria not far from Cumæ and the promontory of Misenum, i, 427;
  - Valerius encamps there, 429.
- Gela, conquered by the Carthaginians, i, 575;
  - destroyed, ii, 4.
- Gellius. See Egnatius.
- A. Gellius, a very clever man, enjoying the literature of the earlier times, i, 32;
  - refutation of his errors, iii, 112;
  - his book must be dated from the reign of M. Antoninus, 233;
  - 402ignorance of his own age and of antiquity, 233;
  - writes after the death of Fronto, 247.
- Cn. Gellius, a credulous, uncritical writer, should be placed in the second half of the seventh century, i, 28, 117.
- Gelon, in 262, at most only prince of Gela, i, 286;
  - comes to the throne of Syracuse after the battle of Salamis, ii, 3;
  - son of Hiero, 114.
- Genabum, the present Orleans, iii, 47.
- Γένη in Attica, their number 360 is in imitation of the solar year, i, 82.
- Geneva, the heart of the town is the cité, the bourg the suburbs, its inhabitants bourgeois, i, 167;
  - its institutions, 437;
  - constitutional struggles, ii, 347.
- Genitives of -um, instead of -orum, come from an old contracted nominative, i, 160;
  - in -i, of words of the third declension, 270, note.
- Genseric, Gonderic’s brother, king of the Vandals, iii, 337;
  - faithless, 337;
  - conquers Rome, 342;
  - burns the Roman fleet at Carthagena, 344;
  - treachery, 344.
- Gentes (γένη), national division with the ancients, i, 157, 158;
  - definition by Pollux, 159;
  - by Cicero, 159;
  - had lost much of their consequence in Cicero’s days, 159;
  - their number always fixed, 161;
  - all the families in it were not noble, 165;
  - send their representatives into the senate, 300.
- Gentes minores, i, 162.
- Genthius, king of Illyricum, ii, 211;
  - imprisoned, 215.
- Gentile names, Etruscan in -na, ii, 403, note.
- Cn. Genucius, a tribune of the people, arraigns the former consuls and is murdered, i, 267;
  - his law, 517.
- Genus and GENS, the same word, i, 160.
- Geography, mathematical geography flourishing, iii, 237.
- Gepidæ, a tribe of the Goths, iii, 317;
  - in Illyricum, 329.
- Gergovia above Clermont, iii, 47.
- Germans, the first mention of them doubtful, ii, 56;
  - mentioned in the Servile war among the rebellious slaves, 405;
  - had not, in earlier times, a geographical but personal distinction of rights, i, 228;
  - in Phrygia, ii, 182, note;
  - confederation, 248;
  - style of literature at the time of the seven years’ war, 392;
  - extent of the nation, iii, 3;
  - cross the Rhine, 43;
  - probably had their dwellings as far as the Alps before the Gallic conquest, 43;
  - wars in the time of Augustus, 152;
  - divisions, 154;
  - had no towns, 156;
  - their cavalry better than the Roman, 156;
  - conquered by Germanicus, 170;
  - Caligula’s enterprise, 179;
  - lose all longing for an offensive war after the time of Caligula, 198;
  - war against Domitian, 211;
  - tribes dwelling in Franconia, the Upper Palatinate, Hesse, and Westphalia, 216;
  - in general commotion in the time of M. Antoninus, 242;
  - war of Maximian, 268;
  - war with Decius, 278;
  - their manners approaching those of the Romans, 288;
  - their tribes overrun Gaul, 331;
  - pay homage to Attila, 339.
- Germany, general prosperity before the thirty years’ war, i, 345;
  - population and frontiers, 370.
- Germania superior, Alsace and Suabia, iii, 213.
- 403 Germanicus, son of Drusus, sent against the Germans, iii, 159;
  - lives with Agrippina in domestic happiness, 160;
  - a first-rate general, 166;
  - puts down the mutiny of the troops on the Rhine, 169;
  - his wars in Germany, 170;
  - called back by Tiberius, 170;
  - meets with an enthusiastical reception from the Romans, 171;
  - dies, 171;
  - the paraphrase of the Phænomena of Aratus, ascribed to him, is by Domitian, 209.
- Gerontius, iii, 334.
- St. Gervais. See Geneva.
- Gesner, John Matth., i, 71.
- Geta, second son of Septimius Severus, iii, 254;
  - murdered, 256.
- Getæ and Goths, often mistaken for the same people, i, 99, 369;
  - spread in Thrace, iii, 73, 212.
- Ghadames, divided by a wall into two parts and connected by a gate, i, 188.
- Gibbon, iii, 285.
- Gisgo, ii, 142.
- Glabrio, M. Acilius, consul, appears in Thessaly;
  - battle near Thermopylæ, ii, 173;
  - turns against the Ætolians, encamps near Heraclea, 173.
- Glareanus, startled at the contradictions in the old history, i, 3, 56;
  - examines Livy freely, 68.
- Glass manufacture, iii, 237.
- Glass windows, not used in old times, i, 154.
- Glaucia Servilius, his wit, ii, 335, note;
  - killed, 340.
- Glaucias, prince of the Taulantians, i, 553.
- Glosses, collection of, iii, 234.
- Glycerius, emperor, iii, 346.
- Goethe’s opinion of the murder of Cæsar, iii, 79;
  - his off-hand style, 140;
  - his remarks on the extravagant luxury of the Roman empire, 208.
- Gomphi, iii, 60.
- Gonderic, leads the Vandals, iii, 337.
- Gordianus I. and II., rival emperors of Maximin, iii, 268;
  - both of them lose their lives, 268;
  - acknowledged by the senate, 269;
  - belong to the family of the Antonii, 270.
- Gordianus III., Cæsar, iii, 270;
  - Augustus, 270;
  - defeats the Persians, 271;
  - murdered, 271.
- Gothinians, spoke Gallic, i, 370.
- Goths migrated, according to some, from Scandinavia to the South, according to others the reverse, i, 102;
  - under Vitigis they were cowards, 374, 468;
  - their devastations in the time of Belisarius, 519;
  - their slothfulness, ii, 182;
  - uncertainty on the subject of their migrations, iii, 277;
  - their empire in the beginning of the third century in the South-east of Europe, 277;
  - they invade the Roman empire, 277;
  - conquests, 278;
  - besiege Nicopolis, 278;
  - take Philippopolis, 278;
  - combat with Decius, 278;
  - treaty with Gallus Trebonianus, 278;
  - break into the Roman empire, 279;
  - burst in by Propontis, destroy Cyzicus, 284;
  - appear in Macedon, 284;
  - met by Claudius, 284;
  - peace with Aurelian, 285;
  - Constantine’s war against them, 300;
  - invade the Roman empire under Hermanric, 317;
  - 404divided into three tribes, 317;
  - beseech the Romans to receive them into the empire, 317;
  - conf. Getæ, Ostrogoths, Visigoths.
- Governors, their tyranny was far less under the emperors than it had been in the times of the republic, iii, 188.
- Gracchanus takes his description of the constitution from the Commentarii Pontificum, i, 15;
  - unlimited confidence may be placed in his history, 34.
- Gracchi, family of the, their mildness and kindness, i, 270, 280.
- Gracchus, C. Sempronius, his influence on younger men, i, 34;
  - many passages of his speeches quoted, ii, 291;
  - Cicero’s opinion of him as a writer, 292;
  - triumvir, 284, 292;
  - quæstor in Sardinia, 293;
  - goes without permission to Rome, 293;
  - tribune, 293;
  - his legislation, 294;
  - establishes a corn magazine, 296;
  - constructs high roads, 296;
  - founds a colony at Carthage, 301;
  - begs the consulship for C. Fannius, 303;
  - his death, 306;
  - unjustly called a demagogue, 320;
  - wrote prose in measured periods, 394.
- Gracchus, Tiberius Sempronius, puts Hanno to the rout near Beneventum, i, 110.
- Gracchus, Tib. Sempronius, speech quoted by Livy, ii, 184;
  - wishes to have L. Scipio arrested, 185;
  - becomes consul and goes to Spain, 202;
  - son-in-law to Scipio, 202;
  - concludes a peace with the Celtiberians, 202.
- Gracchus, Tib. Sempronius, at the head of the popular party, ii, 261;
  - saves the Roman army, 262;
  - opposes Great Phrygia’s being given to Mithridates, 268;
  - is the first to mount the wall of Carthage, 271;
  - becomes quæstor, concludes peace with Numantia, 271;
  - the first thought of amending the condition of Italy occurs to him in Etruria, 275;
  - Cicero calls him sanctissimus homo, 276;
  - his laws, 277;
  - moves for the deposition of M. Octavius, 281;
  - sends the treasure of Attalus to Rome, 283;
  - declared a traitor, 286;
  - murdered, 287.
- Gradi, Stefano, iii, 276.
- Granada, in the possession of Carthage, ii, 5;
  - Phœnician settlement, 59.
- Grassatores, iii, 122.
- Gratian, son of Valentinian, iii, 316;
  - emperor, 316;
  - calls Theodosius in to be his colleague, 319;
  - sinks into inactivity, 321;
  - slain, 321.
- Grecian history, even of the middle ages, free from fabrications intended to disguise defeats, i, 223.
- Grecian inscriptions in Egypt barbarous, iii, 231.
- Grecian names to Latin places, i, 110.
- Grecian nationality established in the East, iii, 164.
- Grecian language in Southern Italy, Campania, Apulia, etc., i, 18;
  - common among the Romans in the eighth century, iii, 84;
  - kept itself more alive than Latin, 232.
- Greece, a Roman province, ii, 256;
  - remains a wilderness to the time of Trajan, iii, 187.
- Greeks, their constitution, i, 164;
  - their joining the Achæan league, the only instance of a nation sacrificing its individual will to preserve its nationality, 422;
  - relations of Rome to them, 457;
  - not happy in agricultural pursuits, except the culture of the olive and the vine;
  - 405the Greek a cheerful fisherman and capital sailor, 460;
  - the inhabitants of conquered towns not sold by them as slaves, 462;
  - intercourse with the Sabellian peoples, 489, note;
  - have a great contempt for the Opicans, 489;
  - their wars not interesting, 530;
  - ships of war furnished to the Romans by the Greek towns in Lower Italy, 571;
  - Grecian literature dies at the time of the loss of the Piræeus, ii, 48, note;
  - Greeks in Carthage do not cease to be Greeks, 114;
  - their intellectual life fallen, 152;
  - very temperate, 189;
  - their literature not unknown to the Romans, 194;
  - decline of literature in the time of Augustus, iii, 142;
  - new era in their literature, 228.
- Greek fire, ii, 176.
- Gröningen, the district placed on the same footing as the town, i, 216.
- Gronovius, John Fred., i, 56.
- Gross Görschen, battle, i, 428.
- Grumentum taken and sacked, i, 406.
- Guilds, the ruling power in Italy in the thirteenth century, in Germany in the fourteenth, i, 168;
  - in Rome to be placed as far back as the time of Numa, 177.
- Guischard, i, 440, note; ii, 325.
- Gulussa, Masinissa’s youngest son faithless to Carthage, ii, 230;
  - suspicions of the Romans, 236, 307.
- Gundobald, king of the Burgundians, iii, 346.
- Gustavus Adolphus, ii, 66.
- H
- Hadrianople, the Greek language spoken there, iii, 267;
  - victory of Constantine, 300;
  - battle with the Visigoths, 319.
- Hadrian, Emperor, his predilection for the Greeks, i, 160; iii, 233;
  - gives up the conquests of Trajan in the East, ii, 147; iii, 229;
  - restores the statue of Pompey, iii, 63;
  - adopted by Trajan, 221;
  - had little taste for the fine arts, 224;
  - under him, the Greek language again becomes prevalent, 228;
  - married to the daughter of Marciana, 229;
  - uncertain whether he should be reckoned among the good princes or the bad, 229;
  - looks upon himself first as the emperor of the whole Roman empire, 229;
  - the first emperor that gives subsidies to the border nations, 229;
  - remission of taxes, 229;
  - travels over his empire, 230;
  - erects a wall in Britain, 230;
  - his love for Athens, 230;
  - invested with the dignity of Archon Eponymus, 230;
  - melancholical in the last years of his life, often cruel, 230;
  - adopts Ælius Verus, 231;
  - at his death chooses T. Antoninus Pius, 231;
  - his council of state, 231;
  - his preference for ancient literature, 232;
  - writers of his reign, 234;
  - his villa two miles from Tibur, 235;
  - fond of an artificial style of architecture, 275.
- Hagen, Gottfried, his poem on the feud of the bishops, paraphrased in prose in the chronicle of Cologne, i, 14.
- Haliartus, burnt to ashes, ii, 210.
- Halycus, river, boundary of the Carthaginian and Sicilian settlement in Sicily, ii, 4.
- Hamilcar, Barcas, almost greater than his son, ii, 35;
  - occupies Hercte, 36;
  - devastates the Italian coast, 36;
  - takes possession of the town Eryx, 36;
  - 406negociates a peace, 39;
  - rejects the demand to lay down arms, 39;
  - thwarted by a faction, 44;
  - the war of the mercenaries put down, 45;
  - to Spain, 58;
  - first introduces a system in working the mines of Spain, 59;
  - stays eight years there, 61.
- Hamilcar, remains behind from Mago’s army, organizes the Ligurian and Gallic forces, ii, 164.
- Hannibal, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, posts himself in Agrigentum, ii, 10;
  - makes a sally, 11.
- Hannibal, son of Hamilcar Barcas, did not speak Latin in the beginning of the second Punic war, i, 22;
  - marries a Spanish woman of Castulo, ii, 59;
  - the story of the oath rests on his own authority, 64;
  - born about 507, 64;
  - personal character, 65;
  - well acquainted with Grecian literature, 66;
  - the irresistible charm of his manners, 66;
  - his position to his army compared to that of Cæsar to his, 70;
  - his artifices to kindle the war, 71;
  - is wounded at the siege of Saguntum, 72;
  - passes the Ebro, 73;
  - probably sets out in May, 74;
  - tale of the demon, 75;
  - passage over the Pyrenees, 75;
  - mutiny in his army, 75;
  - in Gaul, 76;
  - passage over the Rhone, 76;
  - over the Alps, 77;
  - never let himself to be deceived, 79;
  - conquers Turin, 83;
  - battle at Ticinus, 83;
  - his tactics to go round the enemy and to cut off his retreat, 84;
  - strengthens his army, 85;
  - battle at the Trebia, 86;
  - makes the very most of his victories, 87;
  - resolves to go through the marshes, 89;
  - battle at the Lake of Trasimenus, 92;
  - changes the arms of his troops, 92;
  - generosity to the Italians, 93;
  - his aversion to sieges, 93;
  - why he did not besiege Rome, 94;
  - composition of his army, 95;
  - in Campania, 95;
  - the guide leads him to Casilinum instead of Casinum, 96;
  - his retreat cut off near Mount Callicula, 96;
  - defeats Minucius, 97;
  - battle of Cannæ, 99;
  - Maharbal calls upon Hannibal to follow him to Rome, 103;
  - in Capua, 103;
  - his troops become effeminate there, 105;
  - reckons upon support from Carthage, 106, 107;
  - driven back by Marcellus, near Nola, 107;
  - his object to gain a seaport, 107;
  - tries to relieve Capua, 109;
  - appears before the gates of Rome, 112;
  - his generosity to the Sicilians, 114;
  - negotiations with Hieronymus, 115;
  - keeps possession only of south-eastern Lucania and Bruttium, 134;
  - returns to Africa, 139;
  - tries to negotiate with Scipio, 140;
  - the battle of Zama, 140;
  - conduct to Gisgo, 142;
  - turns himself towards Antiochus, 166;
  - made suffete in Carthage, 168;
  - turns his attention to the financial abuses, 168;
  - the Romans demand that he should be given up to them, 168;
  - his advice to Antiochus, 169;
  - offers hospitality to Scipio, 170;
  - leads the fleet of Antiochus, 175;
  - sent by Antiochus to Pamphylia, 176;
  - his death, 193.
- Hannibalianus, half-brother of Constantine, iii, 303.
- Hannibalianus, son of Dalmatius, iii, 304.
- Hanno, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, ii, 11;
  - goes to the aid of Hannibal near Agrigentum, 11;
  - conquered by the Romans, 11, 38;
  - his conduct after the war, 58.
- Hanno, Carthaginian general in the second Punic war, routed near Beneventum by Tib. Sempronius Gracchus, ii, 109;
  - taken prisoner, 136.
- Haret, king of the Nabathæan Arabs, iii, 11.
- 407 Harvest in Thessaly, about the middle of June, ii, 157.
- Hasdrubal, Carthaginian general in the first Punic war, defeated by Metellus near Palermo, ii, 27;
  - conquered, 28.
- Hasdrubal, Hamilcar’s son-in-law, murdered after nine years’ administration, ii, 64.
- Hasdrubal, brother of Hannibal, whether he is older than the latter is doubtful, ii, 65;
  - his treaty with Rome, in which the Ebro is fixed upon as the boundary, 69;
  - goes to Italy, 124;
  - defeated near Sena Gallica, 126.
- Hasdrubal, Gisgo’s son, ii, 123;
  - his armies driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
  - goes over to Africa, 128;
  - meets with Scipio at the same banquet, 131.
- Hasdrubal, Carthaginian general in the third Punic war, ii, 230;
  - defeated by Masinissa, 230;
  - appointed general out of the town, 234.
- Hastati, i, 441.
- Heilbronn, guilds in the fourteenth century, i, 168.
- Heineccius, i, 387.
- Helena, mother of Constantine, iii, 298.
- Helena, wife of Julian, iii, 306.
- Helena, see Illiberis.
- Heliogabalus, see Elagabalus.
- Hellespont, belongs to Egypt, ii, 145.
- Helvetians, i, 370;
  - their inroads, iii, 41;
  - under the Romans, 151.
- Helvidius Priscus, iii, 202;
  - a Stoic, his opposition to Vespasian, 206;
  - put to death, 206.
- Helvius, see Pertinax.
- C. Helvius Cinna, iii, 128.
- Hemsterhuys, iii, 235.
- Heræa, well-affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145.
- Heræan Mounts, ii, 8.
- Heraclea, attacked by the Lucanians, i, 463;
  - battle, 558;
  - treated with particular favour, 571.
- Heraclea, in Sicily, ii, 11.
- Heraclea, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belonging to Ætolia Epictetus, ii, 174;
  - taken by storm, 174;
  - having isopolity with the Achæan league, 250.
- Heraclea, in Thrace, battle, iii, 300.
- Hercte, Monte Pellegrino, ii, 8, note;
  - must have been a state prison, 35;
  - Hamilcar gains possession of the height, 36.
- Herculanum, its destruction, iii, 209.
- Herdonia, battle, ii, 119.
- Herdonius, Appius, attacks Rome at the head of four thousand Sabines, i, 283.
- Hereditary governments, not to be met with in Italy, i, 151.
- Hermæum, headland over against Carthage, ii, 20.
- Hermann, see Arminius.
- Hermann, Gottfried, i, 73.
- Hermanric, leader of the Goths, iii, 317;
  - whether belonging to the time in which Jornandes places him uncertain, 317.
- T. Herminius, i, 206, 210.
- 408 Hermodorus of Ephesus, his advice said to have been asked by the decemvirs, i, 296;
  - friend of Heraclitus, 297;
  - banished from Ephesus because he was too wise, 297, 461.
- Hermogenianus, a mere compiler, iii, 275.
- Hermunduri, peace with the Romans, iii, 242.
- Hernæ, Sabine word for mountain, i, 247.
- Hernicans, enter into isopolity with the Romans and Latins, i, 220, 246;
  - league with the Latins and Romans, 246;
  - dwell in five towns, 247;
  - are said to have sprung from the Marsians and Sabines, 247;
  - severed from Rome, 390;
  - union with Rome, 410;
  - take part with the Samnites, 501;
  - the prisoners treated as guilty of high treason by the Romans, 502;
  - receive the right of citizenship through the Lex Julia, ii, 354.
- Herod, ii, 390;
  - his will, iii, 124.
- Herodes Atticus, teacher of M. Antoninus, iii, 238.
- Herodian, a stranger and a frivolous writer, iii, 250;
  - his account of the war of Alexander Severus borne out by its intrinsic probability, 265;
  - in all that he really knows, a writer of much judgment, 266.
- Herodotus, his superiority, i, 52.
- Hexameter, introduced by Ennius into Roman literature, ii, 198;
  - those of Ennius clumsy and full of faults, 198;
  - of Ennius and Lucilius, 393;
  - of the Augustan era, iii, 129.
- Heyne, i, 73, 251.
- Hiempsal, son of Micipsa, ii, 310;
  - murdered by Jugurtha, 311.
- Hierarchy, iii, 338.
- Hiero of Syracuse, alliance with Rome, i, 574;
  - his origin, 577;
  - is said to have had Theocritus put to death on account of a satire, 578;
  - peace with Carthage, 578;
  - treachery to his mercenaries, 578;
  - undertakes a war against the Mamertines, 579;
  - beaten by the Romans, 581;
  - makes peace with Rome, 581;
  - assists the Romans at Agrigentum, ii, 11;
  - remains independent from the first Punic war, 41;
  - dies at the age of ninety, 114;
  - his whole family murdered, 116;
  - his assertion respecting the Romans, 354.
- Hieronymus of Cardia, one of the sources of Ennius, i, 24;
  - has written from Pyrrhus’ own memoirs, 564.
- Hieronymus, grandson of Hiero, ii, 114;
  - conspiracy discovered, 115;
  - murdered, 115.
- Highroads paved with basalt, i, 518;
  - their excellent condition, iii, 197.
- Hilary, Pope, the greatest Christian poet, iii, 326;
  - takes Lucretius for his pattern, 327.
- Hilary, St., iii, 326.
- Hildebrand and Hadubrand, their song of more ancient date than Charles the Great, i, 13.
- Himera, the Carthaginian and Sicilian boundary in Sicily, ii, 4.
- Himera, the battle cannot have been fought on the same day as the battle of Salamis, ii, 3.
- Himilco, commander of the Carthaginians at the siege of Lilybæum, ii, 30.
- Himilco conducts the Carthaginian fleet to Sicily in the second Punic war, ii, 116;
  - makes himself master of Agrigentum, 116.
- 409 Himilco, Phameas, general of the Carthaginians in the third Punic war, ii, 235;
  - his conduct at the end of the war, 235.
- Hippo rises against Carthage, ii, 45.
- Hippocrates, emissary of Hannibal to Hieronymus, ii, 114;
  - obtains the dominion of Syracuse, 116;
  - dies there, 117.
- Hipponium, i, 458.
- Hirpinians, i, 419;
  - declare for Hannibal whilst on his march to Capua, ii, 107;
  - continue the Marsian war, 358;
  - their country laid waste by Sylla, 385.
- A. Hirtius, a most accomplished man, author of the eighth book de bello Gallico, and of the book de bello Alexandrino, iii, 40, 64;
  - advises Cæsar to be cautious, 80;
  - consul, 87;
  - the war of Mutina, 89;
  - his death, 89;
  - an elegant writer, 130.
- Hispania Bœtica, quite Latinized, iii, 215.
- Hispanicus Senatus, in the time of Sertorius, ii, 400.
- History has not the effect of weakening man’s belief in Providence, ii, 49;
  - importance of Roman history, i, 78.
- Historical annals, some existed before the burning by the Gauls, i, 5.
- Historical literature of the Germans, the oldest is written in poetry, i, 16.
- Hoche, general, ii, 14.
- Holidays of the senate during September and October, iii, 119.
- Holland, after the peace of Münster there arose there a wild sort of life and differences between William II. and the city of Amsterdam, i, 308;
  - takes the lead among the seven Dutch provinces, 386;
  - the hereditary Stadtholder Captain General and High Admiral, iii, 119.
- Holstein, bondage abolished, i, 251.
- Holy Scriptures, books restored after the destruction of the temple, i, 7.
- Homerides, a genos in Chios, of no relationship to Homer, i, 159.
- Homoousians, their persecutions, iii, 309, 315.
- Honoria, Justa Grata, iii, 335.
- Honorius, Emperor, iii, 322;
  - holds his court at Milan, 330;
  - hemmed in at Asti, 330;
  - flies across the Alps, 330;
  - triumphal arch, 330;
  - Stilicho’s son-in-law, 332;
  - his death, 335.
- Hooke not capable of deep enquiry, i, 4, 72; iii, 94.
- Horatii and Curiatii, their combat poetical, i, 81;
  - unknown which of them were Romans, and which Albans, 128.
- Horatii belong to the gentes minores, i, 206.
- M. Horatius, elected in the place of Collatinus, i, 205.
- M. Horatius Barbatus, requires the decemvirs to resign their power, i, 308.
- Horatius Cocles, i, 210.
- Q. Horatius Flaccus, i, 277;
  - loving mention of his father, ii, 292;
  - ignorant of the history of his own people, 312;
  - not to be compared with Virgil in his knowledge of the Greek writers, 312;
  - turns up his nose at Lucilius, 393;
  - his part in the battle of Philippi, iii, 99;
  - his journey to Brundusium, 104;
  - his most poetical time, 104;
  - his sayings concerning Octavian, 112;
  - his father not foreign, but of Italian origin, 134;
  - his earlier history, 134;
  - does not deserve the reproach of being called a flatterer, 134;
  - 410chronology of his works, 135;
  - fictitious names, 135;
  - opinion of him, 135.
- Von Hormayr, his work on the Tyrol, iii, 151.
- Horse, of the equestrian statue of M. Antoninus, belongs to a race which does not seem to us beautiful, iii, 275.
- Q. Hortensius, dictator, i, 540.
- Q. Hortensius, the orator, not free from envy, ii, 394;
  - ready to sell his convictions for money, 395; iii, 26;
  - his son put to death, iii, 99.
- Hostia, mistress of Propertius, iii, 137.
- Hostilianus, nephew or son of Decius, colleague of Gallus Trebonianus, iii, 279.
- Hostilius, Tullus, with him appears a new era in history, i, 126;
  - the legend of his death, 128;
  - one of the Ramnes, 131.
- Hostilius, his cruelty to the Greeks, ii, 210.
- Hudson opposed to Bentley by the university of Oxford, i, 42.
- Hugo, i, 387.
- Humbert, Colonel, his excavations in Carthage, ii, 239, 310.
- Von Humboldt, William, maintains that the Iberians were all of the same stock, ii, 60;
  - believes the poem on the Cantabrian war to be genuine, iii, 150.
- Hume, ii, 53.
- Huns, a nomadic tribe of Mongolian race, iii, 317;
  - push on the Goths, 317;
  - their abodes, 338;
  - their wars, 339.
- Hyksos, under them the old records must have been lost, i, 7;
  - their age forms the boundary of real history, 7.
- Hyrcanus, king of Judæa, iii, 11.
- I
- Iberians, break into Spain from Africa, i, 367;
  - in Southern Spain, the Balearic Isles, Sardinia, Corsica, western Sicily and Africa, 367;
  - driven by the Celts to the Garonne, 368;
  - send an embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
  - their personal attachment to their princes, ii, 64.
- Iberians, on the Caspian sea, brought into subjection by Sapor, iii, 313.
- Icelus, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
- Idumæi, cohort of the, iii, 271.
- Ignominia, i, 335.
- Ilia, mother of Romulus, i, 111.
- Ilia, name of Jerusalem according to the Arab writers, iii, 230.
- Ilium, destroyed by C. Flavius Fimbria, ii, 373.
- Illiberis, (also called Helena,) in Roussillon, iii, 305.
- Illiturgis, near Cordova, ii, 120.
- Illyria, as far as Scutari, a country of low hills, on the east it has a high ridge of mountains, ii, 152.
- Illyrian empire, its spread before the Peloponnesian war, ii, 47;
  - war with Rome, 47;
  - peace, 47;
  - second war, 57.
- Illyrians, see Enchelians;
  - waste the coast of Greece, ii, 46.
- 411 Illyricum, extensively colonized, iii, 272;
  - there are still some pure descendants of the Goths there, 320.
- Imbrivium, not Imbrinium, near Subiaco, i, 481.
- Imbros, Athenian, ii, 164.
- Imperator, surname of the Emperor, iii, 117.
- Imperia Manliana, i, 343.
- Incorporales res, i, 179.
- Indibilis, a Spanish prince, enters into an insurrection against Scipio, ii, 130.
- Indictions, iii, 301.
- Informers, under Tiberius, iii, 173;
  - under Domitian, 213.
- Inghirami, his forgeries, i, 141.
- Insanity of several princes, iii, 179;
  - no means were known in ancient times for its treatment, 179.
- Inscriptions, under Hadrian, in barbarous Latin, iii, 231;
  - most of the sepulchral inscriptions are from the end of the first to the beginning of the third century, P. C., 274;
  - written characters of a barbarous shape, 276.
- Instinct of substituting the fallen off members of political organizations, i, 109.
- Insubrians, in Italy, ii, 52;
  - conquered by Flaminius, 56;
  - ready for rebellion, 83;
  - declare for Hannibal, 87;
  - in arms against the Romans, 164;
  - submission after two campaigns, 164.
- Insula Batavorum, iii, 203.
- Interamnium built, i, 497;
  - Roman colony, ii, 106.
- Interdict, possessory, i, 254.
- Interest, it is forbidden in Rome to take interest, i, 541; ii, 192.
- Interreges, were only patricians, i, 454.
- Invading peoples not to be found in scattered spots, i, 367.
- Ionia, with the exception of some towns, comes into the possession of Eumenes, i, 185.
- Ipsus, battle, i, 553.
- Irak Ajemi, has in all probability preserved the language of the Medes, iii, 264.
- Ireland, after the peace of Limerick, under William the third, ii, 264;
  - the Roman Catholics sacrificed at the time of the Union, 283.
- Ἰσηγορία, i, 279.
- Ἰσονομία, i, 279.
- Isopolity, i, 220.
- Issa, delivered by the Romans, ii, 47.
- Isthmus of Corinth, Cæsar wishes to cut it through, iii, 74.
- Istrians, subjected even before the war of Hannibal, ii, 57.
- Itali, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 97;
  - principle of the Italians, that the complaint of the breach of treaty was to be made before the injured people, i, 266.
- Italia, originally the country south of the Tiber or south of Latium, iii, 97;
  - once bounded on the north by a line from the Garganus to Terracina, 97;
  - the name afterwards extended to a wider range, 97.
- Italian towns, Rome exacts from them military service, i, 571.
- Italians, begin in the fifteenth century to consider themselves the heirs of the ancient Romans, i, 67, 222;
  - apply themselves to history, 68;
  - 412their different laws in the middle ages, 228;
  - their tillage, 234;
  - their peasantry worthy and respectable, the herdsmen and townspeople good for nothing, 460; ii, 265;
  - unfit for a sea life, i, 460;
  - make beasts of themselves when they have an opportunity of feasting, ii, 189.
- Italica. See Corfinium.
- Italica, in the neighbourhood of Seville, iii, 216;
  - birth place of Trajan and Hadrian, 216.
- Italy divided with reference to taxation, i, 573;
  - southern Italy takes the form of a province, owing to the war with Hannibal, ii, 186;
  - the large estates there more profitable than the smaller ones, 272;
  - condition during the Servile war, 405;
  - divided into a number of regions, iii, 124;
  - aversion to military service, 159;
  - fields cultivated by slaves, and the population changed, 187;
  - free from the land-tax, 299;
  - the spirit of bravery died away, 330.
- Ituræi, iii, 271, note.
- Itzig, iii, 302.
- J
- Jacobi, F. H., compared with Cicero, iii, 26.
- Janiculum, the existence of an old town there, i, 121;
  - probably Roman, whilst the territory on the other side of the Tiber was Etruscan, 214.
- Janus and Jana (Diana), the heavenly lights, i, 169.
- Janus, two different ones on the Roman gates, i, 263, note.
- Janus, his temple closed, iii, 151.
- Janus, Quirini, i, 187.
- Janus’ head, symbol of the double state.
- Jerome, St., iii, 325;
  - his wit, 326.
- Jeremiah, ii, 252.
- Jerusalem, under Ezra and Nehemiah, i, 391;
  - conquered by Pompey, the temple plundered, iii, 11;
  - a military colony founded under the name of Ælia Capitolina, 230.
- Jews, their last struggle with the Romans, ii, 252;
  - rebellion under Claudius, iii, 199;
  - under Hadrian, 230;
  - not allowed to approach Jerusalem, 230;
  - outbreak under Antoninus Pius, 236;
  - divided into Jews and Proselytes, the latter into two classes, the Proselytes of Righteousness, and the Proselytes of the Gate, i, 164.
- Jewish tribes, i, 163.
- Johannes, the first emperor with a Christian name, iii, 335.
- Johannes Saresberiensis, quotes from Livy, i, 67.
- Josephus, his notice against Apion from Phœnician chronicles, ii, 1;
  - his book one of the most interesting historical works, iii, 199;
  - throws light on the tactic of the Romans, 199;
  - is a Pharisee, 199.
- Jovian, emperor, cedes a tract of country to the Persians, ii, 147;
  - becomes emperor, iii, 315;
  - concludes a peace with Persia, 315;
  - gives an edict for freedom of belief, 315;
  - his death, 315.
- Jovinus, usurper, iii, 333.
- Juba, ii, 322;
  - king of Mauritania, and client of Pompey, iii, 57;
  - presented by Augustus with the realm of Bocchus, 162.
- 413 Dec. Jubellius, leader of the Campanian legion at Rhegium, i, 573.
- Jubellius Taurea, his death, ii, 113.
- Judices equivalent to centumviri, i, 313;
  - delegated by a prætor, 404;
  - elected from the senate, 404.
- Jugera, five hundred, as much as seventy rubbii now, ii, 277.
- Jugurtha, son of Mastanabal, ii, 310;
  - sent to Spain, 310;
  - adopted by Micipsa, 311;
  - bribery in Rome, 311;
  - surrenders himself for appearance sake to the Romans, 314;
  - comes to Rome on the strength of Cassius’ word of honour, 315;
  - causes Massiva to be murdered in Rome, 315;
  - his behaviour towards Metellus, 317;
  - goes to Bocchus, 321;
  - given up to Marius, 321.
- Julia, Cæsar’s aunt, married to Marius, iii, 83.
- Julia, Cæsar’s daughter, married to Pompey, iii, 39.
- Julia, Cæsar’s sister, wife of M. Atius Balbus, iii, 83.
- Julia, Augustus’ daughter, first married to Marcellus, then to Agrippa, iii, 143;
  - her shameful depravity, 146;
  - transported to Pandataria, 147.
- Julia Domna, wife of Septimius Severus, iii, 252, 254, 259.
- Julia Emerita (Merida), a colony, iii, 150.
- Julian, emperor, taken in by any one who called himself a philosopher, iii, 245;
  - son of Julius Constantius, 304;
  - kept prisoner in Cæsarea, 306;
  - called by the Christian writers apostata, extolled by the Heathen ones, 307;
  - Cæsar, 306;
  - marries Helena, 307;
  - proclaimed emperor by the soldiers, 308;
  - his ostentation, 309;
  - character, 309;
  - Misopogon, 311;
  - war against Persia, 311;
  - his death, 314.
- Julianus, Claudius, Cæsar, his letter to Maximus and Balbinus, iii, 270.
- Julianus Didius, Emperor, iii, 250;
  - character, 250;
  - put to death, 251.
- Julii, an Alban clan, belonging to the gentes minores, iii, 29;
  - not to be found in the Fasti from the fourth to the seventh century, 29;
  - sided with the popular party, 29.
- July, month, origin of its name, iii, 114.
- Julius. See Cæsar.
- C. Julius, decemvir, summons the people to pass judgment on one who was not reus manifestus, i, 307.
- Juniores, i, 180.
- Junius. See Brutus.
- Junius. See Pennus.
- C. Junius Bubulcus, consul in the Samnite war, vows to Salus a temple, i, 498.
- L. Junius, consul, his fleet destroyed by a storm, ii, 34;
  - surprises Eryx, 35.
- Juno, the worship of Juno on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
- Jupiter, his worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
- Jurisdiction in Italy after the Lex Julia is obscure, iii, 255.
- Jurisprudence, the study of, becomes the province of the French, i, 68;
  - revival in the eighteenth century, 73;
  - has two sides, 388;
  - history of the emperors indispensable for it, iii, 164;
  - foundation of its system under Hadrian, 231;
  - its progress under Antoninus Pius, 237.
- 414 Jury, in ancient Rome, instituted after the laws of Gracchus, ii, 297.
- Jus agrarium, i, 252;
  - the Romans stand alone with regard to it, 253.
- Jus Cæritum exulandi, i, 210.
- Jus Flavianum, a sort of “Complete Lawyer,” i, 521.
- Jus gentium, had, perhaps originally a much wider meaning than is generally believed, i, 161.
- Jus Papirianum, i, 184, 226.
- Justina, wife of Valentinian the first, iii, 321.
- Justin, a careless writer, ii, 2.
- Justin, the Martyr, iii, 235.
- Juthungi, the reigning dynasty of the Lombards, iii, 280;
  - pass the Po, 287.
- Juvenal, reproached with having in his writings chiefly described depravity, iii, 178;
  - his opinion of Otho, 197;
  - one of the greatest minds, 210.
- P. Juventius Thalna, beaten by Andriscus, ii, 247.
- K
- Kant assails the eloquence and profession of advocate, iii, 21.
- Kent, iii, 45.
- Kinburn, iii, 71.
- Kinna, a place now unknown, i, 495.
- Klopstock, his hexameters, ii, 198.
- Kunersdorf, battle, i, 560; iii, 278.
- L
- Labeo. See Atinius.
- Laberius, ii, 16.
- Laberius, Dec., composer of Mimes, iii, 129, 141.
- Labici. See Lavici.
- Labienus, in the battle of Munda, iii, 71;
  - his conduct, 106;
  - goes to the Parthians, 106.
- Lacedæmon, one revolution follows another;
  - Machanidas seizes the government, ii, 145;
  - lose their ancient constitution, 151;
  - a separate state, 165.
- Lacedæmonians, the general population of Sparta, ii, 249.
- Laco, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
- Lactantius, his work a reproduction of Cicero, iii, 293, 325.
- Lælianus. See Ælianus.
- Lælius, supports Masinissa in his attack against Syphax, ii, 137.
- C. Lælius, gets the surname of Sapiens, ii, 275;
  - fragment of a speech, 292, 394.
- Lænas. See Popillius.
- Lætorius, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.
- Lætus Pomponius gives an impulse to the study of archæology, i, 67.
- Lætus, præfecto prætorio under Commodus, iii, 249.
- Lævians, a people on the Ticinus, i, 365.
- Lævinus, M. Valerius, restores Agrigentum, ii, 119;
  - takes out, as prætor, a fleet against Philip, 143;
  - 415his fleet a curse for Greece, 146.
- Lævinus, P. Valerius, consul, against Pyrrhus, i, 558;
  - battle near Heracles, 558;
  - follows Pyrrhus on the Appian road, 562.
- Lamennais, iii, 51.
- Lamia, on the Thessalian side of Thermopylæ, belongs to Ætolia Epictetus, ii, 174;
  - besieged by Philip, 174;
  - the siege given up, 174.
- Lampadius, C. Octavius, divides Nævius’ history of the Punic war into books, i, 17.
- Lamponius M., ii, 382.
- Land tax, Savigny has done a great deal for its elucidation, iii, 229.
- Language, Polish and Lithuanian, their relationship, i, 95;
  - that of a conquered people often becomes extinct, 144;
  - the Western part of the Roman empire preserves a kind of unity of language, iii, 163.
- Languedoc, ii, 308.
- Lanuvians, full citizenship granted to them, i, 448.
- Lanuvium devastated by Marius, ii, 372.
- Lanzi supposes Etruscan to have been a sort of Greek, i, 142.
- Larinum, ii, 126.
- Larissa, a Pelasgian word signifying borough, i, 101.
- Lars, probably signifies king or God in Etruscan, i, 136, 208, note.
- Sp. Lartius, i, 206, 210.
- Latin language, a medley of Oscan, and Siculo-Pelasgian, i, 105;
  - degenerates, iii, 232.
- Latin form of Greek proper names, ii, 194.
- Latins, had a number of towns, from Tibur to the river Tiber, i, 101;
  - Latins and Sabines settle on the Aventine, 165;
  - the hegemony over them acquired by Tarquin the Proud, not by Servius Tullus, 185;
  - the feriæ Latinæ established on the Alban mount, 185;
  - the sacrifices on the Aventine offered in the temple of Diana, afterwards in a grove near Aricia, 186;
  - bind themselves ad majestatem populi Romani comiter colendam, 195;
  - leagued under Octavius Mamilius with Porsena, 210;
  - break the alliance with Rome after the Etruscan calamity, 216;
  - peace concluded in the year 259, 219;
  - receive isopolity, 220;
  - league of Sp. Cassius in the year 261, 220;
  - receive isopolity jus municipii, 243;
  - league with the Romans and Hernicans, 246;
  - defeated by the Volscians and Æquians in the valley of Grotta Ferrara, 276;
  - after the spread of the Volscians again subject to the Romans, 293;
  - free themselves after the Gallic calamity from the Roman rule, 386;
  - part of them unite with Velitræ and Antium in hostility against Rome, 390;
  - friendship with Rome restored, 410;
  - the new federation, 411;
  - has for its chiefs two prætors, 412;
  - continue the war against the Samnites alone, 436;
  - their constitution, 437;
  - proposals for a union with Rome, 437;
  - war with Rome, 438;
  - fight near Veseris, 439;
  - battle near Trifanum, 444;
  - conditions of their subjection, 444;
  - last insurrection, 445;
  - battle on the river Astura, 447;
  - the people are born husbandmen, 460;
  - revolt, 480;
  - opposed to the agrarian law of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 283;
  - C. Gracchus wishes to extend to them the full right of citizenship, 299;
  - meaning in the time of Livius Drusus, 346;
  - 416receive the full franchise by the Lex Julia, 354.
- Latini, iii, 258.
- Latin fortifications, i, 146.
- Latin towns, thirty in number, i, 109;
  - have all of them a council of a Hundred, 120.
- Latium extends as far as Campania, i, 102;
  - suffers dreadfully in the war with Cinna, ii, 372.
- Latteen sails of the ancients, ii, 39.
- Laudationes funebres, i, 11;
  - owing to them falsifications creep into Roman history, 11;
  - a tissue of repetitions like the λόγοι ἐπιτάφιοι, 261.
- Laurentum alone retains the old fœdus, i, 451.
- Lautulæ, insurrection, i, 430;
  - quelled by Valerius Corvus, 431;
  - battle, 494.
- Lavici, not Labici, 344;
  - Roman colony, 345.
- Lavinium founded by thirty households, i, 109;
  - a general name for Latium, central point of the Prisci Latini, 109;
  - keeps faithful to Rome, 390.
- Lays, historical, in Roman history, i, 88.
- Leagues, a clause in those of the ancients, wherein the contracting parties prescribed to each other the bounds of their intended encroachments upon other nations, i, 412.
- Leave of absence, purchased by the Roman soldiers, iii, 157.
- Legati Augusti, pro consule, pro prætore, &c., iii, 121.
- Legati pro prætore in the imperial provinces, often remained the whole of their lives in the same province, iii, 244.
- Leges, the resolutions of the patricians, i, 241.
- Leges annales, suspended during the second Punic war, ii, 132;
  - lex Villia annalis rigorously observed, 239;
  - those in force in Cicero’s days, dated from the age of Sylla, 239.
- Leges Liciniæ, (Licinian Rogations,) i, 205, 396;
  - violated in the year 412 for the last time, 425;
  - enlargement of it, 432.
- Leges Pompeiæ, iii, 38.
- Leges Porciæ, iii, 35.
- Leges Publiliæ, i, 447.
- Leges sacratæ, he who violated them was to be sold as a slave at the temple of Ceres, i, 290.
- Leges Semproniæ, ii, 277, 294.
- Leges Valeriæ, i, 207.
- Legio Martia, iii, 89.
- Legion, in the war of Hannibal, consisted of 4,200 men and 200 horse, ii, 98.
- Legions, the country and city, at the time of the Gallic calamity, i, 375;
  - the country legions armed with pikes, 376;
  - consisted half of Latins and half of Romans, 376;
  - three thousand men strong, 376;
  - their arrangement in the war against the Latins, 441;
  - their division in Cæsar’s time, ii, 326;
  - their time of service, iii, 126;
  - their camps on the frontiers in which they were stationed until superannuated, 169;
  - outbreak in Illyricum and on the Rhine, 169;
  - their degeneracy in the East, 243.
- 417 Legislations, of old, did not only comprise civil and criminal law and judicial procedure, but political law and transient measures also, i, 278;
  - should be independent of magistracy, 278.
- Lembi, the lightest ships, ii, 17.
- Lentulus, consul, prætor, accomplice of Catiline, iii, 22.
- Leo the Great, iii, 327.
- Lepidus, M. Æmilius, head of the democracy, ii, 395;
  - sets himself up as the avenger of Rome, 396;
  - dies in Sardinia, 397.
- Lepidus, M. Æmilius, in Gaul, iii, 87;
  - triumvir, 91;
  - confined to Africa, 105;
  - Pontifex Maximus, 110, 118.
- Lepontians, on the Lake of Como, of Etruscan race, i, 145;
  - stand against the immigrating Gauls, 368.
- Lerida in Catalonia, battle, iii, 56.
- Lesbos, allied with Chios and Byzantium, iii, 145.
- Lessing, endowed with a most philological spirit, i, 73; ii, 245;
  - German literature reaches perfection through Lessing, iii, 127;
  - connecting link between two generations, 130;
  - has no equal among German prose writers, 226.
- Letronne, ii, 78.
- Letters, their use known in the earliest times among the Romans, i, 4;
  - a common use not to be thought of previous to the use of the Egyptian papyrus, 4;
  - have a threefold root, 4, note;
  - of more ancient date in Europe than Homer, 4.
- Leuco-Syrians, ii, 360.
- Levesque, i, 73.
- Lex Ælia et Fufia, ii, 225;
  - repealed by Clodius, 226.
- Lex Ælia Sentia, iii, 122, 163.
- Lex Agraria of Sp. Cassius, i, 256;
  - probably accepted, 257;
  - lex agraria TRIBUNICIA, 346.
- Lex Aternia Tarpeia, i, 339.
- Lex Aurelia judiciaria, iii, 4.
- Lex Cassia not to be regarded as an innovation, ii, 285.
- Lex Cornelia de ambitu, ii, 227.
- Lex Flaminia, ii, 87.
- Lex Furia testamentaria may be placed about the year 450, i, 303.
- Lex de Gallia Cisalpina, ii, 165.
- Lex Genucia, i, 517.
- Lex Hortensia, i, 322, 542.
- Lex de Imperio, ii, 41.
- Lex Julia, i, 120, 172, 311;
  - unites Gallia Cispadana to Italy, ii, 165, 354.
- Lex Julia de adulterio, iii, 187.
- Lex Julia de judiciis, iii, 124.
- Lex Julia Norbana, iii, 119.
- Lex Junia, i, 280;
  - dated by Dionysius thirty years too early, 280.
- Lex Mænia, made the confirmation by the curies a mere form, i, 406, 539.
- Lex Mensia, i, 173.
- Lex Mucia Licinia, ii, 344.
- Lex Ogulnia, i, 130, 523.
- Lex Ovinia tribunicia, i, 335.
- 418 Lex Papia Poppæa, iii, 163, 187.
- Lex Pedia, iii, 91.
- Lex Publilia, of the dictator, Q. Publilius Philo, i, 321.
- Lex Servilia, ii, 345.
- Lex Terentilia, i, 278.
- Lex Thoria, ii, 290.
- Lex Trebonia, iii, 37.
- Lex Valeria, i, 235.
- Lex Valeria Horatia, i, 320.
- Lex Voconia, ii, 225.
- Leyden inhabited only about the centre, ii, 108.
- Libanius appeases the emperor Theodosius, iii, 322.
- Libertini and their descendants excluded from the gentes, i, 160. See Freedmen.
- Library of Ptolemy Philadelphus burnt, iii, 64.
- Libri augurales, i, 11, 238.
- Libri fatales, of Etruscan origin, i, 151.
- Libri legem, i, 9.
- Libri Magistratuum, i, 9.
- Libri Pontificum, i, 10.
- Liburnæ, light ships, ii, 17.
- Liburnians, the name of the earlier inhabitants of the North of Italy, i, 98.
- Libyans, oppressive neighbours of the Carthaginians, ii, 2;
  - mingle only gradually with the Phœnician settlers, 2, 4;
  - do not differ in their constitution from the inhabitants of Southern Europe, 5;
  - the relation between the Libyans and Pœni analogous to that of the Lettish and the Lithuanians to the Germans, 6;
  - take arms against Carthage, 44;
  - have an alphabet of their own, 310.
- Licinian family, defends the rights of the plebeians, i, 402.
- Licinius’ laws are in fact only a repetition of former ones, ii, 402;
  - conf., ii, 270.
- Licinius. See Crassus, Lucullus, etc.
- Licinius, Augustus in Illyricum, iii, 298;
  - war with Maximinian Daza, 300;
  - war with Constantine, 300;
  - married to Constantia, half-sister of Constantine, 300;
  - conquered near Adrianople, executed, 300.
- P. Licinius Calvus, plebeian senator, i, 340.
- C. Licinius Macer, writes history from documents, i, 33;
  - one of Pliny’s sources, 33;
  - Cicero speaks unfavourably of him, 33.
- C. Licinius Stolo, tribune of the people, i, 396;
  - accused of having evaded his own law, ii, 272.
- Lictors, among the Tuscans the king of each town has a lictor, i, 221;
  - twelve Latin and twelve Roman lictors given to the common dictator, 221;
  - represent the curies, 539.
- Lightnings, flashing forth from the earth, the fact already known to the Etruscans, i, 154.
- Ligue sharpened the wit and quickened the mind of the people, ii, 395.
- Ligurians in South of France, Piedmont, and Lombardy, i, 368;
  - pushed on by the Iberians as far as Aix in Provence, 368;
  - a warlike race, 371;
  - 419war against Rome, ii, 51;
  - new war against Rome, 200;
  - did not extend beyond the borders of Provence, 200;
  - fifty thousand Ligurians led from their homes into Samnium, 200.
- Ligurian peoples in Piedmont, ii, 57.
- Lilybæum, besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 566;
  - its fortifications one of the wonders of the ancient world, 567;
  - siege raised by Pyrrhus, 567;
  - the survivors of Motye become the founders of Lilybæum, 575;
  - besieged by the Romans, ii, 29;
  - etymology of its name, 29;
  - had a good harbour, 29;
  - Roman, 116.
- Limes, made road, iii, 157.
- Limigantes, a Sarmatian colony, iii, 301.
- Linen manufactures, iii, 237.
- Lingua rustica, or vulgaris, iii, 232.
- Lipariotes, the guardians of the Tyrrhenian sea against the pirates, i, 428.
- Liparian isles, sea fight, ii, 15.
- Lipsius, Justus, i, 240;
  - does not distinguish between the different ages, 240.
- Lis vindiciæ and lis vindiciarum, i, 123.
- Lista, chief town of the Opicans, i, 103.
- Liternum, a Latin colony, or colonia maritima, between Cumæ and Minturnæ, ii, 185.
- Literature, Christian, iii, 325.
- Literature, Grecian, ruinous effects of the great fire at Constantinople, iii, 190.
- Literature, Roman, under Augustus, compared with that of the French under Louis XIV., and the latter with that under Louis XV., i, 31;
  - the division into golden, silver, &c., ages very preposterous, iii, 185.
- Livia, mother of M. Cato, iii, 76.
- Livia Drusilla, wife of Augustus, iii, 143;
  - her sway over Augustus, 143;
  - accused of poisoning C. Cæsar, 148;
  - hatred to Germanicus 160;
  - daughter of Livius Drusus, 165;
  - Tiberius’ fear of her, 174;
  - her death, 174;
  - treated Claudius with particular harshness, 181.
- Livilla, daughter of the elder Drusus, wife of the younger, iii, 175.
- Livius Andronicus, ii, 195;
  - makes an abridgment of the Odyssey in the Italian measure, 196;
  - his tragedies, 196.
- M. Livius Drusus, tries to undermine the popularity of C. Gracchus, ii, 301;
  - founds twelve colonies, 302;
  - whether they were really founded, 302.
- M. Livius Drusus, son of the former, tribune, ii, 344;
  - his probable aim, 345;
  - his legislation, 345;
  - goes over to the opposition, 348;
  - murdered, 349;
  - denounces the conspiracy of the Italians against the senate, 351.
- Livius Drusus, father of Livia Drusilla, his real name Appius Claudius Pulcher, iii, 165.
- T. Livius Patavinus (Livy), liable to the censure of having made the earlier Roman history into disrepute, i, 4;
  - his statements concerning the booty, etc., are taken from the Triumphal Fasti, 10;
  - his carelessness with regard to making use of historical records, 11;
  - took his description of the time of the kings from Ennius, 24, 80;
  - 420anachronism with regard to the Origines of Cato, 26;
  - in his first books borrowed many things from Valerius Antias 33;
  - began to write in 743, 45;
  - born in 693 at Patavium, died 772, 45;
  - grounds for fixing the period at which he began to compose his history at so late a date, 45;
  - traces found in the last books of the first decade, that Livy had known Dionysius, 45;
  - died before he had finished his work, 45;
  - the division in decades an original one, 47;
  - in the later decades he paraphrases Polybius, 47;
  - becomes prolix in his old age, 47;
  - the old grammarians reproach him with tautology and palilogy, 48;
  - the preface belongs to the worst parts of the work, 48;
  - was, when he commenced his work, entirely deficient in general historical knowledge, 48;
  - dictated the whole of his work, 49;
  - always took one annalist as his ground work, 49;
  - his talent for description and narration, 50;
  - deficient in comprehensiveness of view, 50;
  - was in early life a Pompeian, 50; iii, 92;
  - reproach of Patavinity, i, 51;
  - the perfect correctness of his style, 51;
  - his amiable disposition, 52;
  - his influence on the later ages, 52;
  - all the MSS. of the first decade may be traced to a single one, 53;
  - missing books of Livy sought for in different parts of the world, 54;
  - fragments of the ninety-first book, 55;
  - condition of the text, 55;
  - commentaries and editions, 56;
  - no quotation from him since Priscian, during the whole of the middle ages, except in Joannes Saresberensis, 67;
  - his account the most unadulterated source for the earlier times, 81;
  - not to be supposed that he had written from the old heroic poems, 92, 136;
  - gives his sources without understanding them, 216;
  - the account of the war of the Auruncians occurs twice in him, 222;
  - does not generally alter the materials which he finds, but merely drops part of them, 241;
  - was, with all his genius, no more than a rhetorician, 327;
  - mistakes, in the second Punic war, a certain Heraclitus for the philosopher of the same name, 329;
  - makes use of Dionysius, perhaps as early as in the fifth book, 364;
  - looks upon earlier Roman history with a sort of irony, 383;
  - wrote history not to give an account of facts, but for the sake of the narrative, 397;
  - is very exact in his histories of the Fabian house, 507;
  - did not think of making any use of Hannibal’s memoirs, ii, 62;
  - the romantic in him may be traced to Cœlius Antipater, 63;
  - in his accounts of the war of Hannibal we may distinguish the different sources, 63;
  - all the speeches of Hanno and others are rhetorical trifles, 68;
  - the description of the siege of Saguntum certainly from Cœlius, 72;
  - opinion on Cicero, iii, 92, 95;
  - literary character, 141;
  - takes pity on Claudius, and encourages him to write history, 182;
  - influence of the rhetoricians on him, 185;
  - whenever he wants to be argumentative he is infinitely harder than Tacitus, 226;
  - stands forth as a great man in his age, 228.
- M. Livius Salinator, near Ariminum, ii, 126.
- Lixæ, i, 178.
- Loans, earliest system of them, i, 387;
  - loan from the rich in Rome ii, 37.
- Locks, known to the ancients, brought to perfection by the Netherlanders in the fifteenth century, iii, 74.
- 421 Locrians, Ozolian, Ætolian, ii, 151.
- Locri, i, 459;
  - taken by the Bruttians, ii, 107;
  - the first Greek town which declares for Hannibal, 107;
  - taken from Hannibal by Scipio, 133.
- Locris, well affected to Macedon during the war of Hannibal, ii, 145;
  - subject to the rule of the Macedonians, 151;
  - a separate state, 163.
- Locupletes, i, 182;
  - locupletes testes, 182.
- Logau’s poems at the end of the thirty years’ war, iii, 340.
- M. Lollius, legate, defeated by the Bructeri, iii, 153.
- Lombards, carried on the money trade in medieval Italy, i, 227.
- Lombards, fearing rebellions, pulled down the walls of all the conquered towns in Italy, ii, 20;
  - pass the Po, iii, 287;
  - see Juthungi.
- Lombardy, the cold there not less severe than in Germany, ii, 86.
- Louis XIII., conspires against one of his subjects, iii, 333.
- Louis XIV., the devastation of the Palatinate under him is the last war of horrors, ii, 119.
- Luca, colony founded, ii, 165;
  - congress between Cæsar, Pompey and Crassus, iii, 39.
- Lucanians, sprung from the Sabine stock, i, 122;
  - not in a position of equality with the Œnotrians, 153;
  - war against them decided by a miraculous apparition, 219;
  - come from the Samnites, 419;
  - attack Heraclea and Metapontum, 463;
  - send ambassadors to Alexander the Great, 469;
  - hostile to the Greek, but partake of Greek civilization, 472;
  - called a Samnite colony, 478;
  - are Œnotrians become Samnites, 479;
  - never strong, 479;
  - union with Rome, 479;
  - independent, 505;
  - war with Tarentum, 510;
  - with the Samnites, 524;
  - again turn their arms against Rome, 544;
  - send ambassadors to Pyrrhus to Epirus, 557;
  - acknowledge the supremacy, 571;
  - in the service of Agathocles, 577;
  - fall away from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
  - not trustworthy, 111;
  - hardly dealt with after the war of Hannibal, 187;
  - revolt in the Social war against Rome, 352.
- Lucania, nearly the whole country under Honorius was pastureland, ii, 264.
- Lucan, the Pharsalia wretched, iii, 132;
  - immensely read during the middle ages, 186;
  - the Lucanian school, 186.
- Luceres, Lucertes, the third tribe of the earliest Roman population, i, 129;
  - in the same relation to the two older tribes, as Ireland was to Great Britain to the year 1782, 130;
  - introduced into the senate by Tarquinius Priscus, 141;
  - are called factio regis, 194.
- Luceria, originally a Samnite town, taken from them by Apulians, besieged by the Samnites, i, 486;
  - the conquest happened very likely in the year 439, 493;
  - receives a colony, 497; ii, 106.
- Lucerne and Berne, insurrection in the year 1657, i, 237.
- Lucerum, name of the town on the Cœlius, i, 129.
- Lucian’s Lexiphanes, iii, 234;
  - overrated for some time, 234;
  - his style calls forth our admiration, 234.
- Lucilius, from Suessa Aurunca, his verses, ii, 393.
- Lucilla, sister of Commodus, iii, 248.
- Lucretia, ii, 198;
  - her marriage with Collatinus belongs to poetry alone, 204.
- 422 Lucretius, Roman prætor, particularly notorious by his cruel deeds against the Greeks, ii, 209.
- T. Lucretius Carus, his eminence, iii, 128.
- Q. Lucretius Ofella, besieges Præneste, ii, 381.
- Sp. Lucretius Tricipitinus, belongs to the Ramnes, i, 200;
  - princeps Senatus, 201.
- Lucullus, historian, i, 36.
- L. Lucullus, general in Spain, ii, 223;
  - opinion of him, iii, 6;
  - outbreak against him, 8;
  - retreats to Cappadocia, 8;
  - recalled, 8.
- Lucumo, joins Romulus in the war against the Sabines, i, 117;
  - title of an Etruscan king, 136.
- Lucus Petelinus, place of assembly for the populus outside the town, i, 269.
- Ludi Romani, after the Licinian rogations a fourth day is added to them for the plebeians, i, 405.
- Luneburg, only one house left, i, 140.
- Lugdunensian tables, i, 87, 190.
- —LUS, adjective-termination, had a diminutive meaning given it at a later period, i, 341.
- Lucitanians, their dwelling-place, ii, 223;
  - Galba’s treachery to them, 224;
  - peace, 260.
- Lutatius. See Catullus.
- Lycia, civilised, even before it was hellenized, ii, 2;
  - under Egyptian rule, 147;
  - conquered by Syria, 148;
  - Rhodian, 183;
  - taken from the Rhodians by the Romans, 219; iii, 3.
- Lyciscus, partisan of the Romans in Ætolia, ii, 209.
- Lycortas, father of Polybius, ii, 209.
- Lydians, under Atys emigrate to Tyrrhenia, i, 142;
  - after the destruction of Troy, they push forward nearer the coast and subjugate the Meonians, 144.
- Lydia, given to Eumenes, ii, 183.
- Lydus, Joannes, makes use of excellent materials, i, 205;
  - was a heathen, iii, 335, note.
- Lygdamus is very likely not the name of the author of the poems in the collection of Tibullus, iii, 137.
- Lysimachia, destroyed by the Thracians, ii, 167;
  - fortified, 167;
  - its situation, 176.
- Lysimachus, obtains the whole of Macedon after having shared it with Pyrrhus, i, 554;
  - a curse on his house, 576.
- M
- Maccabees, iii, 2.
- Macedon abandons Antigonus Gonatas, proclaims Pyrrhus emperor, leaves the latter again, and sides with Antigonus, i, 569;
  - extends in Philip’s times as far as the Nestus, ii, 161;
  - division of the country after the defeat of Perseus, 218;
  - province, 247;
  - favoured by Caracalla, iii, 238.
- Macedonians, originally Pelasgians, i, 96, note;
  - their system of fighting in masses, 559;
  - their true home the mountains east of Illyria, ii, 152;
  - 423formerly under their own liege lords, then dependent on Philip, 153;
  - were no barbarians, 157.
- Macer. See Licinius.
- Machanidas siezes upon the government of Sparta, ii, 145.
- Machares, son of Mithridates, makes a separate peace with Pompey, iii, 10.
- Macchiavell, i, 251.
- Mack, general, capitulates near Ulm, iii, 280.
- Macrianus, Gessius, husband of Mamæa, iii, 260.
- M. Macrinus, præfectus prætorio, iii, 259;
  - emperor, 259;
  - tries to restore discipline among the soldiers, 259;
  - rebellion, 259;
  - his death, 250;
  - was not, perhaps, of noble race, 266.
- Macro, favourite of Tiberius, præfectus vigilum, iii, 176.
- Macrobius, refuted, iii, 112;
  - flourished at end of the fourth century, 323.
- Mæcenas, C. Cilnius, iii, 103, 134;
  - character, 154;
  - his ancestors on both sides seem to have been raised to the highest magistracies at Arretium, 145.
- Sp. Mælius affords help during a famine, i, 337;
  - murdered by Servilius Ahala, 338.
- C. Mænius, conquers on the river Astura, finishes the Latin war, i, 447;
  - prætor rei gerendæ causa, 496.
- Mæsa, sister of Julia Domna, iii, 259;
  - forms a conspiracy against Macrinus, 260.
- Maestricht, sacked in 1576, i, 577.
- Maffei, proposes a union of the nobility of Venice and of the terra firma, i, 512, 542.
- Magalia, or Megara, suburb of Carthage, ii, 240.
- Magdeburg, the number of its inhabitants, after its destruction, reduced from thirty thousand to three thousand, i, 386, 500.
- Magister, warden of the Vicus or pagus, i, 174; iii, 123.
- Magister equitum, his office a continuation of the dignity of tribunus celerum, i, 199;
  - not necessarily a patrician, 199.
- Magister populi, i, 221.
- Dec. Magius, allowed by Hannibal to leave Capua, ii, 67;
  - advises to remain true to the Romans, 105.
- Magnentius, rebellion, iii, 305;
  - defeated by Constantine, 306.
- Magnesia, constituted as an independent state, ii, 163.
- Magnesia, on the Sipylus, battle, ii, 164, 178.
- Magnus, surname of Caracalla, iii, 258.
- Mago, brother of Hannibal, ii, 65, 123;
  - driven back to the Atlantic, 128;
  - goes to the Balearic isles, and from thence to Liguria, 128;
  - his progress in Italy, 139;
  - recalled, dies, 139.
- Maharbal, commander of the Carthaginian cavalry, calls upon Hannibal to follow him to Rome, ii, 103.
- Mai, Angelo, his vanity, i, 40.
- Majorian, emperor, iii, 343;
  - his high character, 344;
  - his undertakings and his death, 344.
- Malaga, Phœnician settlement, ii, 59.
- Malchus, historian, iii, 327.
- Malcus conquers Carthage, ii, 3.
- 424 Cn. Mallius, consul, his army destroyed by the Cimbri and Teutones, ii, 325.
- Malta, its evacuation demanded of the English after the peace of Amiens, but not executed, i, 467.
- Maltese dialect still retains some Punic elements, ii, 5.
- Malthinus, in Horace instead of Mæcenas, iii, 135.
- Mamæa, younger daughter of Mœsa, iii, 260;
  - mother of Alexander Severus, 261;
  - her avarice, 262;
  - murdered, 267.
- Mamertines, get possession of Messana by treachery, i, 566, 567;
  - common name for the Oscan mercenaries, 577;
  - apply to the Romans, 579;
  - independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
- Mamertus, Claudius, iii, 326.
- L. Mancinus, consul, ii, 237.
- Mancinus, C. Hostilius, defeated by the inhabitants of Numantia, ii, 262;
  - delivered up to the Numantines, but not accepted, 262.
- Mandonius, Spanish chief, joins an insurrection against Scipio, ii, 129.
- Manichæism, iii, 316.
- M’. Manilius, consul, ii, 232;
  - a highly distinguished jurist, ii, 234.
- Maniple, i, 197.
- Manlius Capitolinus, condemned to death not by the people, but by the Curies, i, 94;
  - befriends the sufferers, 392;
  - condemned by the concilium populi, 395;
  - thrown from the Tarpeian rock, 395.
- Manlius drives back the Gauls, i, 382.
- C. Manlius Torquatus, his duel with a Gaul seems to be historical, i, 409.
- C. Manlius, general of Catiline in Etruria, iii, 23.
- Cn. Manlius, killed in the Veientine war, i, 261.
- Cn. Manlius, consul, his campaign against the Galatians, ii, 181;
  - conquers them, 183.
- L. Manlius, consul, with Regulus to Africa, ii, 20;
  - recalled, 21.
- T. Manlius, consul, his declaration against the Latins, i, 438;
  - has his son executed for disobedience, 440.
- Mannert’s work on ancient Italy can only receive very qualified recommendation, i, 75.
- Mantua, iii, 101.
- Manutius, his commentary to Cicero’s epistles indispensable, i, 269, note; iii, 94;
  - his researches on Roman jurisdiction, ii, 299.
- Maps, disadvantage of the want of them, ii, 95.
- Marble, its first introduction into Rome, ii, 394;
  - Carrara marble first brought into use by Augustus, iii, 149;
  - foreign, 222.
- Marbod, his kingdom, iii, 154, 159.
- Marcellinus, prince of Illyria, iii, 344.
- Marcellinus, see Ammianus.
- C. Marcellus, consul, iii, 49;
  - cancels the decree of Curio, 51.
- Marcellus, M. Claudius, distinguished captain, slays Viridomarus, ii, 56;
  - gains a victory near Clastidium, 56;
  - drives Hannibal back near Nola, 107;
  - Hannibal’s opinion of him, 110;
  - conquers Syracuse, 117;
  - his alleged humanity, 118;
  - is the first to carry works of Grecian art in mass to Rome, 118;
  - enriches the temple of Virtus and Honor, 119;
  - defeated by Hannibal, dies of his wounds, 119.
- 425 Marcellus, M. Claudius, thrice consul, his generous conduct in Spain, ii, 222, 257.
- Marcellus, M. Claudius, general in the Cimbrian war, ii, 330.
- M. Marcellus, consul, annoys and offends Cæsar, iii, 49, 78.
- M. Marcellus, son of Octavia, iii, 143;
  - differences between him and Agrippa, 146;
  - dies, 146.
- Marcellus, Sextus Valerius, husband of Soæmis, iii, 259.
- Marcia, concubine of Commodus, iii, 248, 249.
- Marciana, Trajan’s sister, iii, 217.
- Marcianopolis, in the neighbourhood of Schumla, iii, 318.
- Marcius, see Ancus, Philip.
- C. Marcius Rutilus, first plebeian censor and dictator, i, 415.
- L. Marcius, according to Livy retrieves the losses of the Romans, an improbable story, ii, 121.
- L. Marcius Censorinus, consul, 232.
- Marcomanni, iii, 155, 211;
  - cross the Danube, 240;
  - mentioned for the last time, 242;
  - the war against them had two different epochs.
- Mardia, battle, iii, 300.
- Marforio, iii, 211, note.
- Maria, daughter of Stilicho, wife of Honorius, iii, 332.
- Marinus, proclaimed emperor, soon after murdered, iii, 272.
- C. Marius, his descent, ii, 318;
  - the name is Oscan, 318;
  - must have made some money, 318;
  - superstitious, 319;
  - consul, 320;
  - demagogue, 320;
  - disdained the refinement of his age, 320;
  - a first-rate general, 320;
  - gets the chief command in Numidia, 321;
  - ends the war with Jugurtha, 321;
  - further consulships, 322, 325;
  - author of the great change in Roman tactics, 325;
  - takes every able-bodied man into the army, 326;
  - defeats the Ambrones, 329;
  - the Teutones, 330;
  - fifth consulship, 331;
  - victory near Vercellæ, 333;
  - sixth consulship, 333;
  - triumph, 333;
  - his weakness, 333;
  - his conduct at the legislation of Saturninus, 337;
  - declares against Saturninus and Glancia, 339;
  - distinguishes himself in the Social war, 356;
  - his relation to Sylla, 359;
  - sinks in his later days in moral worth, 365;
  - outlawed together with his son and partisans, 368;
  - hides himself in a marsh, 368;
  - escapes to Africa, 368;
  - recalled by Cinna, 371;
  - consul for the seventh time, 373;
  - dies, 374;
  - married to the sister of Cæsar’s father, iii, 29.
- C. Marius, son or nephew of Marius, consul, ii, 380;
  - defeated by Sylla near Sacriportus, 381;
  - flies to Præneste, 381, 383.
- L. Marius, ambassador of Sertorius to Mithridates, ii, 408.
- Marius, armourer, emperor, iii, 283.
- Marius Gratidianus, cousin of Marius, ii, 373.
- Markland, Jeremy, the first who speaks without prejudice of Virgil, iii, 133.
- Maronea, Macedonian, ii, 203.
- Marrana, canal, five miles from Rome, which carries the water of the low ground at Grotta Ferrara into the Tiber, i, 289.
- Marrucinians, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
  - side with the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
  - revolt against the Romans in the Social war, 352;
  - make a separate peace with Rome, 357.
- El Marsa, the ancient Magalia, ii, 240.
- 426 Marsala, the ancient Lilybæum, ii, 30.
- Marsians, of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
  - allies of Romans, i, 505;
  - side with Romans after battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
  - had a share in the Apulian pastures, ii, 282;
  - equal to the Romans in refinement, 352;
  - revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
  - had a language of their own, but Latin letters, 353;
  - make a separate peace with Rome, 357;
  - their relation to Rome, 358.
- Marshes near Pisa, ii, 89;
  - the Pontine marshes drained by Trajan, as far as they can be drained, iii, 223.
- Marsicum bellum, ii, 365.
- Martha, Syrian soothsayer, ii, 319.
- Martial, his flatteries, iii, 211.
- Mascov, i, 33; iii, 127.
- Masinissa, prince of the Massylians, ii, 135;
  - goes over to the Romans, 136;
  - against Syphax, 136;
  - conquers Cirta, 137;
  - lays claim to Bysacene, 229;
  - war with Carthage, 230;
  - defeats Hasdrubal, 230;
  - his faithfulness to Rome wavers, 233;
  - makes Scipio executor of his will, 309.
- Massesyles, ii, 5.
- Massilia, transactions with Rome, probably on account of the fisheries, i, 458;
  - besieged, iii, 36;
  - had always been a staunch ally to the Romans, 36.
- Massilians, get from Rome a strip of country for protection against the Ligurians, ii, 307.
- Massiva, descendant of Masinissa, murdered by Jugurtha, ii, 315.
- Massylians, people on the frontiers of what is now Tunis, ii, 135.
- Mastanabal, son of Masinissa, ii, 309;
  - imbued with Greek learning, 309.
- Mastarna, name of Servius Tullius in Etruscan annals, i, 88, 154, 190.
- Mastrucæ, sheepskins of the Sardinians, ii, 5.
- Maternus, iii, 213.
- Mausoleum, iii, 148.
- Maxentius, son of Maximian, Cæsar, iii, 297;
  - his conduct to his father, 299;
  - war with Constantine, 299;
  - the taxes raised, 299;
  - defeated near Turin, and then near Ponte Mollo, 299.
- Maximian, colleague of Diocletian, iii, 293;
  - his coarseness, 294;
  - resigns his dignity, 295;
  - lives at Milan, 296;
  - returns to Rome, 296;
  - goes to Gaul, differences with Constantine, his death, 299.
- Maximin, the first barbarian adventurer who rose to the imperial throne, iii, 266;
  - born in Thrace, 266;
  - earlier history, 266;
  - did not even understand Greek, 267;
  - his son an amiable and well-bred young man, 267;
  - his cruelty, 267;
  - his wars, 268;
  - insurrection in Thysdrus, 268;
  - insurrection in Italy, 269;
  - murdered, 270;
  - chronology, 270.
- Maximinus Daza, nephew of Galerius, Cæsar in the East, iii, 279;
  - Augustus, 298;
  - war with Licinius, death, 300.
- Maximus, L. Appius, puts down the insurrection of Saturninus in Germany, iii, 213.
- Maximus, M. Clodius Pupienus, emperor, iii, 269;
  - murdered, 270.
- Maximus, revolt in Britain, emperor, iii, 321;
  - marches against Valentinian II., 321;
  - defeated near Aquileia, 321.
- 427 Maximus, proclaimed emperor by Gerontius, iii, 335.
- Maxyes, ii, 5.
- Mazzochi, i, 68.
- Mecklenburgh, the Vandal (Wendish) language vanished, i, 145.
- Medes, have Persian language, iii, 264.
- Medicis, Cosmo of, plots in his family, iii, 167.
- Media, the king beseeches the protection of Antony, iii, 108;
  - Persian vassal kingdom, 253.
- Mediterranean, the Sirocco increases in summer often into the most dreadful hurricanes, ii, 25;
  - southern gales there are most dangerous, north winds harmless, 27;
  - north-easterly winds dangerous at the meeting of the currents of the Adriatic and the Pontus, 27.
- Megara, given up to Philip by the Achæans, ii, 155;
  - Achæan, 163.
- Megara. See Megalia.
- Melas, general, bungling and stupid, ii, 84.
- Melians, among them the government placed in the hands of the men above sixty, i, 181.
- Melpum, in the country of the Insubrians, said to have been destroyed on the same day with Veii, i, 364;
  - must have stood near the spot where Milan is now, 365.
- Melville, general, his researches on the march of Hannibal over the Alps, ii, 77.
- C. Memmius, tribune of the people, moves for an inquiry against Calpurnius Bestia, ii, 314;
  - opposes Saturninus, 335, 337;
  - consul, 339;
  - murdered, 339.
- Mena, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.
- Menalcidas, general of the Achæan league, ii, 249;
  - bribed by the Oropians, 249.
- Menander, his tone compared to that of Horace, iii, 136.
- Menecrates, commander of S. Pompey, iii, 109.
- Mentz, devastated, iii, 308.
- Meonians are Tyrrhenians, distinguished from the Lydians, i, 144.
- Mercenaries, war against Carthage, ii, 44;
  - rising in Sardinia against Carthage, 45.
- Mericus, Spanish general of the mercenaries before Syracuse, bribed by Marcellus, ii, 118.
- Merida, down to the Arabian times a first-rate town, its foundation, iii, 150.
- Merobaudes, iii, 324, 325.
- Merovæus, king of the Franks, iii, 340.
- Merula, Paul, has perhaps committed a fraud in his edition of the fragments of Ennius, i, 25.
- Merula, L. Cornelius, chosen consul in Cinna’s stead, is again deposed, ii, 373;
  - his death, 373.
- Mesomedes, a lyric poet, had a pension from Hadrian, iii, 233.
- Mesopotamia under Roman supremacy, iii, 254.
- Messala, Valerius, surnamed from Messana, i, 581.
- Messala, M. Valerius, spoke Greek, iii, 84, 98;
  - prose writer, 130;
  - orator of about the same standing as Virgil, 130.
- Messana, conquered by the Mamertines, i, 566;
  - massacre, 573, 577;
  - besieged by Hiero and the Carthaginians, 581.
- 428 Messapians, Grecian name for Sallentines, i, 46;
  - hellenized, ii, 355.
- Messenians, separated from the Ætolians and Achæans, ii, 151;
  - independent, 163.
- Metapontum, i, 459;
  - attacked by the Lucanians, 463;
  - taken by Cleonymus, 510;
  - goes over to Hannibal, ii, 110.
- Metellus, tribune of the people, iii, 55.
- Metellus, C. Cæcilius, prætor, against the Sennonian Gauls, i, 546;
  - defeated, 546.
- Metellus, L. Cæcilius, besieged by Hasdrubal near Palermo, defeats him, ii, 28.
- Q. Metellus Celer against Catiline, iii, 24.
- Q. Metellus Macedonicus, conquers Andriscus, ii, 247;
  - scatters the Achæans near Scarphea, 253;
  - all his four sons consulars, 307.
- Metellus, Q. Cæcilius Numidicus, ii, 307;
  - goes to Africa, 316;
  - character, 316;
  - war against Jugurtha, 317;
  - conduct towards Marius, 317;
  - opposes the laws moved for by Saturninus and goes into exile to Rhodes, 338;
  - recalled, 340.
- Q. Metellus Pius ends the Nolan war, ii, 374;
  - in the Romagna, 380;
  - against Sertorius, 401.
- Μετεωρία, iii, 1.
- Metres, anapæsts of the modern Greeks, and those among the Sclavonic nations, ii, 198.
- Mexicans, their name transferred upon the Spaniards there, i, 143.
- Mezentius, probably the Etruscan conqueror of Cære, and also of Latium, i, 147.
- Micali, i, 73.
- Micipsa, son of Masinissa, ii, 309.
- Middleton, life of Cicero, iii, 94.
- Miguel, Dom, his most intimate confidant is his barber, iii, 183.
- Milan, residence of Maximian, iii, 296.
- Military colonies of Sylla, ii, 384;
  - of Augustus, iii, 125.
- Military service, the obligation for it lasted in Sparta until the sixtieth year, i, 180;
  - regulated by general laws, 572.
- Military tribunes, law, that he who had been military tribune should no more become a centurion, i, 434;
  - appointed part of them by the tribes and part by the consuls, 434.
- Military tribunes with consular power, i, 327;
  - inferior to the consuls, 329;
  - their number changes, 330;
  - their election seems to have passed from the centuries to the tribes, 331, 347, 416;
  - were almost without any exception patricians, 401.
- Milo, general of Pyrrhus in Tarentum, i, 568;
  - character, 570;
  - sells Tarentum, 570,
- Milo, T. Annius, iii, 38, and note;
  - insurrection, 65.
- Mimes, consisted very much of improvisation, iii, 129, 141.
- Minerva, her worship on the Capitol Etruscan, i, 148.
- Minervina, Constantine’s first wife, iii, 298.
- Minority decides in the constitution of Servius Tullius, i, 183.
- Minturnæ, Roman fortress, i, 510.
- Minucius, consul, surrounded by the Æquians on the Algidus, i, 282.
- Minucius, magister equitum, defeated by Hannibal, ii, 97.
- L. Minucius Augurinus, præfectus annonæ, i, 337.
- 429 Misenum, peace, iii, 105.
- Misitheus, præfectus prætorio of young Gordian, iii, 270;
  - others call him Timesicles, or Timesitheus, 270, 271;
  - father-in-law of Gordian, 271;
  - is said to have owed his death to the arts of Philip, 271.
- Mithridates of Pontus, gets Great Phrygia, ii, 268;
  - by bribery, 268.
- Mithridates, king of Pontus, descent, ii, 360;
  - his earlier history, 361;
  - outbreak of the war with Rome, 363;
  - conquers, 363;
  - brought up in the Greek manner, 364;
  - on his coins there is the sun and the moon, 364;
  - received with rapture in Greece, 364;
  - accepts the peace, 376;
  - second war, 407;
  - third war, 408; iii, 5;
  - extent of his empire, iii, 1;
  - overrated in history, 5;
  - besieges Cyzicus, 6;
  - flies to Tigranes, 7;
  - breaks into Cappadocia, 8;
  - conquered by Pompey, 10;
  - his death, 11.
- Mitylene, free, ii, 151.
- Mnaseas, pupil of Aristarchus, i, 100.
- Modena, probably fortified after the battle of Clastidium, afterwards lost again, ii, 57;
  - Roman colony, 165;
  - must have been of very great extent, iii, 89;
  - war of Mutina, 89.
- Mœsia, war of Crassus, iii, 151.
- Möser, Justus, i, 175;
  - his remark concerning the ancient Germans, iii, 154.
- Mohammed, an inspired enthusiast, or a crafty impostor, ii, 123.
- Mohocks, in the times of Queen Anne, i, 281.
- Moles Hadriani, iii, 235;
  - the tower still existed in the middle ages, 235.
- Molossians, their empire first rising from insignificance in the Peloponnesian war, i, 552;
  - their princely race branches into two lines, that of Arymbas and that of Neoptolemus, 552.
- Mons sacer, i, 236.
- Montbeliard, in its neighbourhood there are magnificent ruins of a place, iii, 203.
- Monte Sasso di Castro, i, 414, note.
- Monte Testaccio, iii, 330.
- Montesquieu, sur les causes, &c., a masterly work, i, 71, 186, 251;
  - mistaken with regard of the struggle of the optimates and the equites, ii, 341.
- Moors, disturbances under Hadrian, iii, 229;
  - under Antoninus Pius, 236;
  - invade Spain under M. Antoninus, 268;
  - have never been quite subject to Roman rule, 268.
- Moreau, was general of division already in his first campaign, iii, 30.
- Morelli, abbate, i, 64, 279.
- Morgetians of the same stock as the Pelasgians, i, 116.
- Mortgage, the Roman law of mortgage borrowed from the Athenian, i, 229.
- Mosaic, its rise, iii, 275;
  - peculiar to the West, 327.
- Mosheim, iii, 126.
- Motye, conquered by Dionysius, i, 575;
  - Carthaginian, ii, 4;
  - Phœnician settlement, 4;
  - destroyed, 4.
- Movement, trochaic or iambic, of native use among the Romans, ii, 198.
- Mucianus, Licinius, in Parthia, against Vitellius, iii, 198;
  - of noble birth, 200;
  - character, 200.
- 430 Mucias Scævola, i, 211;
  - the Mucii Scævola plebeians, 211;
  - Mucius was, in the old poems, certainly called only C. Mucius, 211.
- P. Mucius, a tribune, causes his nine colleagues to be burnt alive, i, 294;
  - criticism on this statement, 294, 325.
- P. Mucius Scævola, consul, ii, 279;
  - called upon by Scipio Nasica to take strong measures, 286;
  - a great lawyer, iii, 16.
- Q. Mucius Scævola, in great danger of being condemned guiltless, ii, 342;
  - pontifex maximus, murdered, 381.
- Von Müller, Johannes, i, 165, 214.
- Mulcta, regulations concerning its amount, i, 339.
- Mummius, novus homo, ii, 255;
  - takes Corinth, 255.
- Mummius, tribune of the people, ii, 285.
- Munatia Plancina, daughter of Munatius Plancus, wife of Piso, iii, 172.
- Munatius Plancus, iii, 37;
  - in Gaul, 87;
  - a native of Tiber, a man of distinguished intellect, a Cæsarian, 107;
  - a flatterer, 117;
  - a skilful orator, 130.
- Municipia, i, 449.
- Murcia, dependent on Carthage, ii, 5.
- L. Murena, general against Mithridates, ii, 407.
- Mursa, the present Essek in Slavonia, iii, 306.
- Musicians, i, 177.
- Mutina. See Modena.
- Mutines, a Numidian Captain, treacherously goes over to the Romans, ii, 119.
- Mylæ (Milazzo), naval victory of Duilius, ii, 15;
  - battle, iii, 109.
- Myonnesus, sea fight, ii, 175.
- Mysia, in the possession of Eumenes, ii, 183.
- Mysians, push forward after the destruction of Troy to the coast of Asia Minor, i, 144.
- N
- Nabis, tyrant of Lacedæmon, ii, 151;
  - peace with Rome, 163;
  - slain in a riot, 163.
- Cn. Nævius, his bellum Punicum in Saturnian rhythm, i, 16; ii, 196;
  - the year in which he first brought out a play undecided, i, 16;
  - libellous verses against the Metelli, 17;
  - cannot have died in Utica, 18;
  - Varro places his death at a later period than others did, 18;
  - gives the legend of the Troian settlement, 105;
  - has himself served in the first Punic war, ii, 21;
  - has written tragedies and comedies, 196;
  - an eminent poet, 196.
- Names, too great a stress should not be laid on their resemblance, i, 99;
  - those ending in -ing and -ung, names of dynasties, iii, 280.
- Naples, saying of Prince Canosa, ii, 298;
  - butchery of 1799, 306;
  - the dregs of the populace armed in 1799, 386.
- Napoleon, negotiation between him and Fox in the year 1806, i, 565;
  - twenty-seven or twenty-eight years of age when he undertook the Italian campaign, ii, 64;
  - battle of Marengo, 84;
  - his plight after the battle of Borodino, 106;
  - in the Russian campaign the Italian troops suffered less than the northern nations did, 330;
  - falls into the hands of an Austrian patrol, iii, 47;
  - 431his opinion of Tiberius, 174;
  - knew Roman military history very well, 174;
  - sometimes sick of war, 220;
  - charge of cowardice unfounded, deficient in moral courage, 294;
  - should have died at Waterloo, 294.
- Narbo acquires the Roman franchise by the lex Julia, ii, 354;
  - colonia civium Romanorum, 354.
- Narcissus, iii, 183.
- Narni, conf., Nequinum.
- Nasidienus in Horace, means Salvidienus, iii, 135.
- Nasos, of Syracuse, ii, 117.
- National Convention, iii, 173.
- Naupactus, siege, ii, 174.
- Navius. See Attus.
- Navigation laws, first traces of them among the Romans, ii, 45.
- Neapolis, founded, i, 470;
  - of Chalcidian origin, 470;
  - situation, 471;
  - receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
  - betrayed to the Romans, 473;
  - obtains a favourable alliance, 473.
- Neapolis, suburb of Syracuse, ii, 117.
- Nebrodian mountains, ii, 8.
- Negotiatores, bankers, i, 515;
  - bloodsuckers in the provinces, ii, 297.
- Nemesian, poem on the chase, iii, 292.
- Nemi, its lake higher than that of Alba, i, 359;
  - aqueduct made by Augustus, iii, 149.
- Neniæ, i, 91;
  - two of them still preserved in the tombs of the Scipios, 91.
- Neodamodes in Sparta, ii, 22.
- Neoptolemus, prince of the Molossians, father of Olympias, i, 552.
- Nepet. See Sutrium.
- Nepheris, ii, 237.
- Nepos, Julius, emperor, iii, 346.
- Nequinum, Latin colony under the name of Narnia, i, 509, 524.
- Nero, emperor, in his time the style of architecture first changed, iii, 148;
  - son of Agrippina by her first marriage, 183;
  - adopted by Claudius, 183, 184;
  - mannerism of his writing, 186;
  - emperor, 188;
  - his parents, 188;
  - pupil of Seneca and Burrhus, 189;
  - his profligacy, 189;
  - uncertain whether he set Rome on fire, 190;
  - builds the golden palace, 190;
  - seems to have been insane, 192;
  - strolls about Greek towns, 192;
  - kills himself, 194.
- Nero, C. Claudius, sent to Spain, ii, 122;
  - opposes Hannibal, 126;
  - his bold expedition against Hasdrubal before Sena Gallica, 126.
- Nero, Ti. Claudius, husband of Livia, tries to get up an insurrection in favour of the proscribed, iii, 99, 102;
  - compelled by Augustus to give up to him Livia, 142;
  - quæstor with Cæsar, 156;
  - flies to Naples, 156.
- Nerva, M. Cocceius, his history imperfectly known, iii, 214;
  - character of his government, 215;
  - adopts Trajan, 215;
  - dies, 217.
- Nervians, seems to have had no serfs, iii, 44.
- Nestor, Russian chronicle of the eleventh century, i, 14.
- Netherlands, their growing prosperity at the time of the thirty years’ war, i, 459;
  - horrors of year 1576, 577;
  - constitution, ii, 248.
- 432 New-Platonism, iii, 293, 310.
- Newton, Sir I., assigns seventeen years as an average to each king, i, 83.
- Nexum and Nexus i, 230;
  - done away with, 522.
- Niall, the Great of Ireland, fabulous tales concerning him, i, 86.
- Nibelungen, existing only in the form in which the poem was composed in the thirteenth century, i, 13;
  - interpreted as an historical war of the Burgundians, 29;
  - historical characters appear in it, but nothing of the whole poem belongs to history, 85;
  - it cannot be chronologically placed anywhere, 214;
  - originally Gothic, iii, 317.
- Nice, council, iii, 303.
- Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, ii, 181.
- Nicomedes, son of Prusias, hostage in Rome, ii, 221;
  - his territory enlarged, 267.
- Nicomedes, king of Bithynia, ii, 362;
  - leaves his kingdom to the Romans, iii, 1.
- Nicomedia, destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278;
  - residence of Diocletian, 296.
- Nicopolis, besieged by the Goths, relieved by Decius, iii, 278.
- Niebuhr, B. G., his attention directed to Roman history by political affairs, i, 74;
  - relied too much on Varro’s authority, wherefore he arrived only late at clear views, 103, note;
  - searches for the old churches in Rome, 122, note;
  - deemed at first Rome to be an Etruscan colony, 148;
  - first led to critical researches on Roman history by the jus agrarium, 250;
  - his researches on Roman topography arisen from the discovery of the spot of the Curia Hostilia, 270, note;
  - retracts his opinion, first expressed in the first edition of his Roman history, that three envoys had been sent to Athens to collect the Greek laws, 295;
  - understands the first Punic wars from the campaign of the English in 1812, ii, 9;
  - takes much trouble to become acquainted with farming in Italy, 273;
  - makes out the place on the Palatine where Cicero’s house stood, iii, 36;
  - puts up Cæsar’s Commentaries as subjects for a prize essay, 40;
  - intended to continue his Roman history down to the institution of the Feriæ Augustæ, 115;
  - keeps the laurel from the grave of Virgil as a dear relic, 133;
  - lived in Rome beside the theatre of Marcellus, 149;
  - on Petronius, 276.
- Niebuhr, Carsten, meets in Arabia with positive news of the seven years’ war, i, 469;
  - conf. d’Anville.
- Night marches, people always arrive later than is calculated, i, 568,
- P. Nigidius Ficulus, iii, 127.
- Nisibis, the ancient Zobah, iii, 8;
  - border fortress of the Romans against Persia, 8.
- Nissa, on the borders of Bulgaria and Servia, battle, iii, 284.
- Nizza, taken, ii, 220.
- Nobility, ii, 268.
- Nola, Samnite colony, i, 426;
  - hellenized, 472;
  - conquered by the Romans, 496;
  - taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
  - destroyed, 406.
- Nolanum bellum, ii, 365.
- Nomen dare, abnuere, i, 233.
- Nomentans, acquire the full right of Roman citizenship after the Latin war, i, 448.
- 433 A. Nonius, elected tribune, murdered by the influence of Saturninus, ii, 336.
- Nonius Asprenas, iii, 158, 159.
- Nonius Marcellus, iii, 323.
- Norba, i, 344.
- C. Norbanus Balbus, consul, democrat, ii, 378;
  - defeated by Sylla near Canusium and the Mount Tifata, 380.
- Noricans, i, 369;
  - of Celtic descent, 370.
- Normandy, the excavations there betoken towns of great extent, iii, 203.
- Normans, gain settlements in Neustria, ii, 181;
  - devastations in the ninth and tenth centuries, iii, 280.
- North America, hardly any homebred population, i, 163;
  - there are in the United States similar sentiments said to prevail as in Carthage, ii, 7.
- Notarii, see Scribæ.
- Nota censoria, i, 336.
- Nubia becomes a Roman province under Trajan, iii, 221.
- Nuceria, yields itself up to the Romans, but afterwards falls off again, i, 479;
  - reconquered by the Romans, 504;
  - the story of the murder of the senate unauthenticated, ii, 65;
  - conquered by Papius Mutilus, 355.
- Nuremberg, the guilds crushed, i, 168.
- Numa Pompilius, poetical account of him, i, 80;
  - born on the day of the foundation of Rome, 84;
  - first sæculum at Rome ends with his death, 84;
  - belongs, as husband of Egeria, to the cycle of the Gods, 85;
  - the account of his election merely a representation taken from the books of rituals, 123;
  - compromises the dissension between the Romans and Sabines, 124;
  - doubles the number of augurs and pontiffs, 124;
  - all the spiritual law traced back to him, 156;
  - imagined to have been a Pythagorean, a truly Sabine tradition, 489, note.
- Numantia, town of the Arevaci, ii, 260;
  - situation, 260;
  - the peace with Pompey not approved by Rome, 261;
  - delivers up Mancinus out of regard for Ti. Gracchus, 262;
  - destruction by Scipio, 263.
- Numeri, original meaning, i, 81.
- Numerian, son of Carus, well educated, but unwarlike, iii, 290.
- Numerical systems, two different ones in the Roman legends, i, 106.
- Numidia, united with the province of Africa, most of it an independent kingdom, ii, 321.
- Numidians, ruthless and reckless, ii, 66;
  - excellent for foraging, reconnoitring, harassing the enemy, by no means fitted to stand the shock of the battle, 101;
  - have an alphabet of their own, 310;
  - extent of their kingdom, 310.
- Numidian kings receive the Carthaginian library, ii, 310.
- Numidian horsemen, the Cossacks of the ancients, ii, 11.
- Numitor, prænomen, i, 112.
- Nummi restituti of Trajan, i, 403.
- Numonius Vala, iii, 158.
- Nundines are no more to be the same as court-days, i, 520.
- Nursia, Val di Norcia, constitution anterior to the French revolution, ii, 397;
  - its inhabitants of the present day, 398;
  - in Cicero’s times, 398.
- 434 Nursina durities, ii, 397; iii, 200.
- Nymphius, i, 473.
- O
- Obrecht, one of the ornaments of Germany, i, 70.
- Obsessio, i, 354.
- Obtorto collo, i, 267.
- Oceanus, statue on the Forum Martium, iii, 211.
- Ocellus, the Lucanian, has hardly written all the works attributed to him, i, 18.
- Ὄχλος, the mass of the poor, i, 169.
- Octavia, half-sister of Octavian, widow of Marcellus, marries Antony, iii, 104;
  - divorce, 110;
  - the most respectable of all the Roman matrons, 143.
- C. Octavianus, (conf. C. Octavius,), makes particular advances to Cicero, iii, 85;
  - gets prætorian power, 88;
  - the war of Mutina, 89;
  - suspected of having caused the death of Hirtius and Pansa, 90;
  - consul, 91;
  - triumvirate, 91;
  - battle of Philippi, 97;
  - accused of not having taken the least share in the battle, 98;
  - his cruelty after the war, 99;
  - the Perusian war, 103;
  - peace of Brundusium, 103;
  - receives the West, 104;
  - peace of Misenum, 105;
  - war against S. Pompey, defeated near Taurominium, 108;
  - his fleet, 111;
  - battle of Actium, 111;
  - to Egypt, 113;
  - conf. Augustus.
- C. Octavius, grandson of the sister of Julius Cæsar, his heir ex dodrante, iii, 83;
  - of the equestrian order, 84;
  - his age, 84;
  - sent to Apollonia, 84;
  - from Velitræ, 147;
  - conf. Octavian and Augustus.
- C. Octavius, C. F., a worthy man, dies early, iii, 83.
- Cn. Octavius, consul, colleague of Sylla, ii, 367, 368;
  - opposes Cinna, 370;
  - murdered, 373.
- M. Octavius, tribune of the people. friend of Ti. Gracchus, ii, 281;
  - turns against Gracchus, 281;
  - deposed 281.
- M. Octavius, Pompey’s best general, iii, 58, 59.
- Octavius Mamilius, son-in-law of Tarquinius Superbus, i, 210, 216, 218.
- Odenathus, king of Palmyra, justly reckoned among the great men of the East, iii, 281;
  - princeps Saracenorum, 281.
- Odoachar, iii, 347.
- Œnomaus, leader in the servile war, ii, 406.
- Œnotrians, earliest inhabitants of Southern Italy, i, 98.
- Œnotria proper, the present Basilicata and Calabria, i, 143.
- Ofella. See Lucretius.
- Ofellus in Horace, ii, 396; iii, 134.
- Officers, the class of officers one of the best things in the Roman military system, i, 434.
- Olybrius, emperor, iii, 345.
- Olympiads, the reckoning by them very late among the Greeks, i, 149.
- Olympiëum, iii, 230.
- Olympus, Mount, ii, 212.
- Opicans, crush the Siculians in Central Italy, i, 98;
  - in Samnium and Campania, 98;
  - held in great contempt by the Greeks, 489, note.
- 435 L. Opimius, prætor, destroys Fregellæ, ii, 292;
  - consul, 303;
  - persecutes the partisans of C. Gracchus, 305;
  - declares for Jugurtha, 311;
  - condemned, 316.
- Oppidum, town wall, also a town surrounded by walls, i, 330, note.
- C. Oppius, author of the book, de bello Africano, iii, 40;
  - Cæsar’s friend, 40.
- Sp. Oppius, decemvir, president of the senate, i, 307;
  - becomes obnoxious, 308;
  - dies in prison, 316.
- Orbi, orbæque, pay a tax for the equites, i, 351.
- Orchomenes, in the power of Philip, ii, 155.
- Orchomenus, in Arcadia, ii, 250.
- Orders in Cologne, i, 161.
- Ordinanza della giustizia in Florence, i, 542.
- Orestians, well inclined to the Romans, ii, 153;
  - free, probably united with Thessaly, 163.
- Orestes. See Aurelius.
- Orestes, a patrician, iii, 346.
- Oreus, taken by the Romans, ii, 146.
- Oricum, situation, iii, 58.
- Origen, addresses letters to the emperor Philip, iii, 272.
- Orkney islands, visited by Agricola, iii, 211.
- Orleans, besieged by Attila, relieved by Aëtius, iii, 340;
  - conf. Genabum.
- Oropians, quarrel with the Athenians, ii, 249.
- Orosius seems to have written from an abstract of Livy, but assigns dates which clash with him, i, 59;
  - exaggerates, 553;
  - an unadulterated source for the history of the Cimbri and Teutones, ii, 329.
- Osca, (Huesca,) town in Northern Spain, academy there, ii, 400.
- Oscan, histories of Italy, not written in the Oscan but in Greek, i, 18;
  - Oscan language distinguished from the Sabine by Varro, 99;
  - Oscan language still existing in some monuments, 105;
  - Oscan people receive isopolity, 572;
  - Oscans in the service of Agathocles, 577.
- Osroëne, Persian vassal kingdom, iii, 253;
  - Roman province, 258.
- Ossaja, the name does not refer to the battle of the Trasimene lake, but was formerly called Orsaria, ii, 91.
- Ostia, founded by Ancus, i, 132;
  - holds out against the Gauls, 381;
  - devastated, ii, 372;
  - the harbour bad, iii, 73;
  - filled with silt, 222.
- Ostrogoths, iii, 317;
  - rush into the places left by the Visigoths, 318;
  - in Illyricum, 329.
- Otho, M. Salvius, his person, iii, 195;
  - proclaimed emperor, 196;
  - war against Vitellius, 197;
  - battle near Bedriacum, 197;
  - puts an end to his life, 197;
  - character, 197.
- Otho, emperor, makes a question rising out of the law of inheritance to be decided by an appeal to the judgment of God, i, 132.
- Ottilienberg in Alsace, the heathen wall there evidently an Etruscan work, i, 146.
- Ovid, the greatest Roman poet after Catullus, iii, 139;
  - influence of his age on him, 140.
- 436%center%P
- Pacuvius, nephew of Ennius, composes only in imitation of Æschylus and Sophocles, ii, 199;
  - tragic writer, 392.
- Pacuvius, tribune of the people, iii, 118.
- Padua, see Patavium.
- Pæstum, Roman colony, ii, 106;
  - conf. Posidonia.
- Pætus, Thrasea, iii, 190.
- Paganism, the attempt of Julian to revive it a downright absurdity, iii, 310.
- Pagi, subdivision of the tribes in the country, i, 174.
- Paix of Fexhe, i, 243.
- Palæopolis, a Cuman colony, i, 470;
  - its situation, 471;
  - receives Samnite auxiliaries, 472;
  - betrayed by Rome, disappears from the face of the earth, 473.
- Palazzo Savelli, iii, 149.
- Palatine and Aventine hostile to each other, i, 113;
  - Palatine, seat of the noblest patrician tribe, 115.
- Palestrina, see Præneste.
- Pallas, iii, 183.
- Palmerius, see Paulmier.
- Palmyra, makes head against Sapor, iii, 281;
  - the empire acknowledged by Gallienus, 282;
  - its extent, 283;
  - protects the eastern frontier, 284;
  - destroyed, 286.
- Pamphylia, whether, after the peace of Antiochus with the Romans, it remained under the rule of Antiochus, uncertain, ii, 180;
  - Roman, iii, 3.
- Panætius, ii, 238.
- Panegyrists, iii, 324.
- Pangæus, gold mines, iii, 97.
- Pannonia, subjected, iii, 151.
- Pannonians, of Liburnian race, called by the Greeks Pæonians, had a language of their own, iii, 151;
  - revolt, 155;
  - had Roman manner, 155.
- Panormus, (Palermo,) Carthaginian, ii, 4;
  - taken by the Romans, 27;
  - a thoroughly Greek city, 29;
  - Roman, 116.
- Pansa, a generous and wise man, iii, 80;
  - a commonplace soldier, 85;
  - consul, 87;
  - the war of Mutina, 89;
  - wounded, 89.
- Pantheon of Agrippa, the finest relic of ancient Rome, iii, 144, 148.
- Panvinius, Onuphrius, elucidates the Roman antiquities, i, 68;
  - weak in Greek literature, 68.
- Paphlagonia, ii, 376.
- Papinian, murdered by Caracalla, iii, 263;
  - a great jurist, 275;
  - excellent with regard to language, 275.
- Papirius, see Carbo.
- L. Papirius, a written law attributed to him, i, 5.
- L. Papirius Cursor, dictator, character, i, 482;
  - consul, 493;
  - appointed dictator by the consul Fabius, 501;
  - defeats the Samnites, 501.
- L. Papirius, the younger, completes the reduction of the Samnites, i, 569;
  - takes Tarentum, 570.
- 437 Papius Brutulus, the life and soul of the Samnite campaign, i, 485;
  - makes away with his own life, 486;
  - the Samnites send his corpse to Rome, 486.
- C. Papius Mutilus, a Sabine, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353, 355;
  - coins existing with his likeness, 354.
- Papus, see Æmilius.
- Parætonium in Libya, iii, 113.
- Parentationes, see Laudationes.
- Parma, colony founded, ii, 165.
- Paros, Athenian, ii, 164.
- Parthamasiris, king of Armenia, pays homage to Trajan, iii, 219.
- Parthamaspates, made king of the Parthians by Trajan, iii, 220.
- Parthians, foundation of their empire, ii, 222;
  - spread, 267; iii, 2;
  - are not without Greek learning, ii, 310;
  - war against them, iii, 105;
  - commanded by Labienus, driven back by Ventidius, 107;
  - hostages of theirs among the Romans, 161;
  - expel a king given to them by Tiberius, 171;
  - war against them in Nero’s times, 191;
  - Trajan’s war against them, 219;
  - deserve but little our esteem, 220;
  - hostilities under Antoninus Pius, 236;
  - burst into Armenia, 240;
  - peace, 241;
  - had excellent cavalry, 244;
  - defeated by Avidius Cassius, 244;
  - war of Septimius Severus, 253;
  - of Caracalla, 259;
  - downfall of the Parthian dynasty, 263;
  - their light cavalry seldom spoken of in later times, 263;
  - vanish, 264;
  - the downfall of their empire commemorated by a bas relief and an inscription, 264.
- Pasion in Athens, i, 227.
- Patavium, (Padua,) capital of the Venetians, ii, 56;
  - destroyed by the Huns, iii, 341.
- Patres, synonymous with the patricians, i, 224, note;
  - ambiguous use of the word, 330.
- Patres conscripti, i, 104.
- Patricians are in the centuries, i, 174;
  - do not belong to the classes, i, 183;
  - were tenants in capite, not freeholders, 183;
  - forbidden by Servius Tullius to dwell on the Esquiline, 193;
  - their money trade, 227;
  - cannot have possessed such immense moneyed resources, 227;
  - had different civil rights from the plebeians, 227;
  - in cases of difficulty their clients or kinsmen had to step in, 231;
  - their proceedings, 236;
  - usurpatores agri publici, 255;
  - origin of this matter, 255;
  - go over to the plebes, 315;
  - in the tribes since the time of the second censors, 315;
  - connubium with the plebeians sanctioned by law, 326;
  - coëunt ad interregem prodendum, 340;
  - the appeal from the dictator to the curies open to them, 484;
  - relations to the plebeians in the fifth century of the city, 512;
  - in the times of Dionysius there are not more than fifty patrician families left, ii, 268;
  - their number increased by Julius Cæsar, iii, 75.
- Patrician falsifications of history, i, 287.
- Patriots, the so called, in the times of George I. and II., intrigue and secretly correspond with the Pretender, i, 63.
- Paul, Vincent de, iii, 24.
- Paullus, not to be spoken of in the same breath with Papinian and Ulpian, iii, 275.
- Paullus, see Æmilius.
- 438 Paulmier de Grentemesnil, (Palmerius,) his criticism on the end of Regulus, ii, 25.
- St. Paul, church of, built by Ricimer, iii, 347.
- Pausanias writes in the days of the Antonines, very useful and important, iii, 235.
- Pavia, was not Etruscan, i, 147.
- Pax Augusta, (Badajoz,) founded, iii, 150.
- Pax Julia, (Beja,) iii, 150.
- Pay of the soldiers raised by Cæsar and Augustus, iii, 126;
  - by Domitian, 210.
- Peace of the patricians and plebeians, i, 238.
- Peasants, their landed property could not pass to the noblemen, i, 171.
- Peasants’ wars in Gaul, iii, 332.
- Pecuniary embarrassments of the plebeians only to be understood of the mortgages which encumbered the landowners, i, 169.
- Q. Pedius, iii, 91.
- Pelasgians, dwell from Italy to Asia Minor, i, 96;
  - on the other hand as far as Liguria, Sardinia, and Corsica, 97;
  - vanish in the age of history, 97;
  - their migration, 98;
  - settle at the mouth of the Po at Spina, from whence they cross to Etruria, 142;
  - their old abodes, 418.
- Pelasgus, son of Palæchthon, rules in Argos, i, 143.
- Pelignians, from Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
  - faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
  - revolt against Rome in the Social war, 352;
  - make a separate peace with Rome, 357.
- Pella, destroyed, ii, 247.
- Pella, the real centre of the Jewish-Christians, ii, 272.
- Pennus, M. Junius, tribune of the people, his decree concerning the allies, ii, 290.
- Pentalides in Mitylene, i, 281.
- Pentameter, the Roman poets have peculiarities in its construction, iii, 129.
- Penteconters, manned with fifty men, open, ii, 12, and note.
- Pentrians, i, 419;
  - carry on the Marsian war, ii, 358.
- Peregrini, may be received in the gentes, i, 160.
- Peregrinitas, abolished, iii, 258.
- M. Perennis, præfect under Commodus, iii, 247;
  - death, 248.
- Perinthus, acquired by Syria, ii, 148.
- Peripatetics, fallen to nothing in the times of the emperors, iii, 239.
- Perizonius, Jacob, historical criticism, i, 3;
  - his animadversiones historicæ, a thoroughly classical work, 71;
  - a real genius for history, 71;
  - conf. 88, 111, 263, 282.
- M. Peperna, defeats Aristonicus, ii, 267.
- M. Peperna, an Italian, becomes consul and censor, ii, 343, and note.
- M. Peperna, lieutenant of M. Lepidus, ii, 397;
  - conspires against Sertorius, 403;
  - conquered by Pompey, 404.
- Perrhæbia, detached from Thessaly, ii, 163.
- Persepolis, iii, 264.
- Persians, insurrection against the Parthians, iii, 264;
  - Tadjicks (inhabitants of towns) of the Iran race, 264;
  - their later worship very different from the former one, 264;
  - 439war of Gordian, 271;
  - peace, 271;
  - burst into the Roman empire, 279;
  - defeat Valerian, and overrun Asia Minor and Syria, 280;
  - their relations with their eastern neighbours hidden from us, 281;
  - peace with Rome, 286;
  - war with Carus, 290;
  - campaign of Galerius, 296;
  - wars of Constantius, 305, 306;
  - war of Julian, 312;
  - peace, 315.
- Perseus, son of Philip, ii, 205;
  - maddened against the Romans, 205;
  - character, 206;
  - wins the hearts of the Greeks, 206;
  - marries the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, 207;
  - war with Rome, 208;
  - defeats Crassus, 208;
  - allows himself to be taken in by Marcius Philippus, 210;
  - successful in the second and third years of the war, 210;
  - battle of Pydna, 213;
  - flies, 214;
  - made prisoner, 214;
  - declension of his name, 215, note;
  - a prisoner at Alba on the Lake Fucinus, 245;
  - his son becomes a clerk at Alba, 245.
- Persian families, seven noble, ii, 360.
- Persona, in its legal meaning, i, 227.
- Pertinax, Helvius, distinguished in the administration, iii, 247;
  - emperor, 249;
  - murdered, 249;
  - not of noble birth, 266.
- Perusia, (Perugia,) concludes a peace with Rome, i, 509;
  - breaks it, 526;
  - fate of the town, iii, 103;
  - rebuilt as a Julian military colony under the name of Perusia Augusta, 103.
- Perusian war, iii, 103.
- Peruvians, their name transferred upon the Spaniards, i, 143.
- Pescennius Niger in the East, iii, 246;
  - proclaimed emperor, 250;
  - defeated near Issus by Septimius Severus, 253.
- Pestilence, in the Volscian war, i, 276;
  - after the Samnite wars, 536.
  - See Plague.
- Petelia, i, 479;
  - the only place which remained faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109;
  - destroyed by the Carthaginians, and the other Lucanians, 109.
- Peteline grove, i, 395, 435.
- Petilia, battle, ii, 406.
- Petrarch, read the war of Hannibal in Livy, and also Cæsar’s Commentaries with passionate fondness, i, 67;
  - felt for the old Romans as an old Roman himself would have done, 79; iii, 94.
- M. Petreius, against Catiline, iii, 24;
  - general of Pompey in Spain, 54;
  - defeated near Lerida, 56;
  - in Africa, 66;
  - his death, 67.
- Petronius Arbiter, witty but profligate, lived in the reign of Alexander Severus and Gordian, iii, 276;
  - the greatest poetical genius of Rome since the days of Augustus, 276.
- Petronius Maximus, emperor, iii, 342.
- Peucetians i, 98.
- Φαίσολα in Polybius, must have been situated in the neighbourhood of Aquapendente, ii, 54.
- Phalanx, its meaning explained, i, 176;
  - was not one compact mass, but advanced by smaller divisions, 569, note.
- Phameas. See Himilco.
- Pharnaces, son of Mithridates, iii, 11;
  - peace with Pompey, 11;
  - mixes himself up with the civil wars, 11, 65.
- Pharsalus, battle, iii, 60.
- Pherecydes, the philosopher, ii, 390.
- 440 Philemon, poet, legend of him, ii, 48, note.
- Philinus of Agrigentum wrote the first history of the first Punic war, highly exasperated against the Romans, i, 19;
  - always represents the Carthaginians as generous, ii, 37.
- Philip II. of Spain, ii, 390;
  - plots in his family, iii, 167.
- Philip, son of Amyntas, had crossed the Hellespont even before Alexander, ii, 176.
- Philip III. of Macedon negotiates with Hannibal, ii, 111;
  - we read the treaty in Polybius, 143;
  - war with the Romans, 144;
  - his character, 144;
  - overcomes the Asintanians and Ardyæans, 146;
  - invades Ætolia, 147;
  - peace, 147;
  - peace with the Romans, 147;
  - allies himself with Antiochus the Great against Ptolemy Epiphanes, 147;
  - conquers the whole of the Thracian coast, 148;
  - applied to by Crete for his mediation, 148;
  - second war with Rome, 150;
  - defeated by Flaminius near the fauces Antigoneæ, 155;
  - flies, 155;
  - keeps Orchomenus, without asking leave of the Achæans, 155;
  - defeated near Cynoscephalæ, 160;
  - concludes peace with the Romans, 161;
  - a pretender opposed to him by Antiochus, 169;
  - seizes the fortress of Demetrias, 172;
  - must have had a secret treaty with the Romans, 172;
  - union with Rome, 173;
  - besieges Lamia, 174;
  - left in the lurch by the Romans, 174;
  - reduces the Athamanians and Dolopians, 174;
  - supports Scipio, and receives for his reward the towns on the Thracian coast, 177;
  - extent of his empire, 203;
  - his death, 205.
- Philip, M. Julius, emperor, præfectus prætorio under Gordian, murders him, iii, 207;
  - from Bostra in Arabia Petræa, 207;
  - called an Arabian, 207;
  - peace with the Persians, 207;
  - is assumed to have been a Christian, 207;
  - his coins bear heathen emblems, 272;
  - tradition of his having done penance, 272;
  - rebellion in Pannonia, 272;
  - is killed in a fight near Verona, 273.
- Philippi, battle, iii, 96.
- Philippus, consul, enemy of Livius Drusus, ii, 348;
  - ὅρκος Φιλίππου, 348;
  - plot to murder him, 351.
- Philippus, Q. Marcius, Roman general against Perseus, ii, 210;
  - crosses Olympus, 210.
- Philocles, Macedonian governor of Corinth, takes Argos, ii, 156.
- Philology, blighted in Germany by the Thirty Years’ war, i, 70;
  - grammatical, 73.
- Philopœmen, ii, 156, 162, 209;
  - his hatred against Sparta, 248.
- Φιλοστοργία, iii, 26.
- Phintias, prince of Agrigentum, i, 576.
- Phlius, Achæan, ii, 151.
- Phocæa, free, ii, 183.
- Phocæans, beaten by the Agyllæans and the Carthaginians in Corsica, i, 147.
- Phocis, during the war of Hannibal, well-affected to Hannibal, ii, 145;
  - dependent on Macedon, 151;
  - a separate state, 163, 256.
- Phœnicians had settlements on Cyprus, ii, 1;
  - may have frequently emigrated under the Persian to Carthage, 3;
  - subjected by Pompey, iii, 11;
  - did not fetch their tin from India, 45.
- 441 Phœnician chronicles known to the Romans, after the destruction of Carthage presented to the Numidian kings, ii, 1.
- Phraata, town in Media, iii, 108.
- Phraortes, king of the Parthians, iii, 108.
- Φράτραι, i, 161.
- Phrygia, on the Hellespont, and Great Phrygia (afterwards made one under the kingdom of Asia) falls to Eumenes, ii, 183, 377.
- Phthiotis, for the greater part Ætolian, ii, 151, 163.
- Phthiriasis, ii, 390.
- Piali, Stefano, iii, 148.
- Picenians, from Sabine stock, i, 120.
- Picentians, i, 418;
  - acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, 571;
  - faithful to the Romans after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 109.
- Picenum, the commotion in the Social war fiercest there, ii, 351;
  - revolt against Rome, 352;
  - had to suffer most grievously, 356.
- Pictor, mentioned in Cicero as a Latin annalist, i, 21;
  - de jure pontificio in Macrobius, 21.
- Picts, of Cimbrian stock, ii, 322.
- St. Pierre, Bernardin de, iii, 186.
- Pighius, Steph., historical criticism, i, 3;
  - his annals a chimerical undertaking, 69.
- Pilani in the Roman army, ii, 326.
- Pillars, colossal pillars, formerly thought to have been portions of the temple of Jupiter Stator, belong to the Curia Julia, iii, 148.
- Pilum, its practice not easy to learn, ii, 92.
- Pindar sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.
- Pinnes, son of Agron, ii, 47.
- Pinnes, leader of the Pannonians, iii, 155;
  - treacherously given up to the Romans, 156.
- Pirates, iii, 8;
  - encouraged by Mithridates to make prizes, 9;
  - land at Ostia, 9;
  - reduced by Pompey, 9.
- Pisa, the valley there was at one time a great marsh, ii, 53;
  - is now inhabited only in the centre, 108.
- Pisidia, Roman, iii, 3.
- Piso, C. Calpurnius, conspiracy under Nero, iii, 192.
- Piso, Cn. Calpurnius, his conduct to Germanicus, iii, 172;
  - will not give up Syria, 172.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius, author of a work De continentia veterum poëtarum, i, 25;
  - doubts on it, 25.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius, Frugi Censorius tries to bring consistency into the earliest history, i, 29;
  - historicises the birth of Romulus, 81; ii, 121.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius, consul, ii, 237.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius, consul, ἀλιτήριος, iii, 35;
  - buys the province of Macedonia from Clodius, 35;
  - Cæsar’s father-in-law 82;
  - not among his heirs, 83.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius, præfectus urbi, iii, 123.
- Piso, L. Calpurnius adopted by Galba, iii, 195.
- Pitt, after the loss of America, with redoubled courage undertakes the task of infusing new strength into his country, ii, 58.
- 442 Placentia, Roman colony, ii, 57, 75;
  - destroyed by the Boians, 164;
  - colony or municipium, 385.
- Placidia, sister of Honorius, married to Adolphus, iii, 334;
  - flies to Constantinople, 335.
- Plague in the Peloponnesian war, i, 176; iii, 241;
  - in Greece at the time of Antigonus Gonatas, i, 536; iii, 241;
  - epoch in literature owing to it, 241;
  - not in Africa, 246;
  - its intensity, 246, 284;
  - ceases, 289.
- Plancius, quæstor, his conduct to Cicero when outlawed, iii, 36.
- Plania, mistress of Tibullus, iii, 137.
- Platen, count, his metrical art, ii, 198; iii, 24;
  - the tomb in Busento, 334.
- Plato, his letters old but not genuine, i, 576;
  - attached to the uncle of his mother, iii, 29;
  - his Phædon does not give the faith of immortality, 69.
- Platonists had sunk into thaumaturgi and theurgi, iii, 239.
- Plautus and Terence, in their iambic and trochaic verses, observed the rhythmical measure only, and not the quantity, i, 90;
  - P. is one of the greatest poetical geniuses of ancient times, ii, 196;
  - his irony, 196;
  - very poor, 197;
  - his metres by no means Greek, 197.
- Plebeians, in the tribes, i, 174;
  - constitute a fourth order, 190;
  - oppressed by the patricians, 225;
  - had different civil rights from patricians, 227;
  - were no rabble, 234;
  - in possession of the Capitol, conquerors, after the downfall of the decemvirs, 312;
  - connubium with the patricians, 326;
  - may become military tribunes, but the election always foiled, 330;
  - have a share in the senate, 334;
  - in the consulship, 397; ii, 269;
  - curule ædiles, i, 405;
  - prætors, 454;
  - add to their names those of their fathers and grandfathers, 513;
  - their distinguishing character is that of being landowners, 513.
- Plebs sincera, 516;
  - sedition, 540;
  - two plebeians for the first time censors together, ii, 268.
- Plebeian forgeries of history, i, 226.
- Plebeity, the notion of it changed, ii, 97.
- Plebes, its origin, i, 133;
  - does not by any means consist of the poorest classes of the people, 169;
  - existed even before the reign of Ancus, 173;
  - sciscit, 269;
  - assembles in the forum, afterwards in the Area Capitolina, 269; ii, 285;
  - votes tabellis, i, 269;
  - plebs urbana distinguished from the tribes, ii, 295.
- Plebiscita, rules at pleasure, i, 241;
  - had not at first any authority over the whole community, 241;
  - the spelling, plebisscita, incorrect, 270, note;
  - acquire general validity, 320;
  - ut omnes Quirites tenerent, 447;
  - there is no longer any mention made of them under Augustus, iii, 118.
- Plebiscitum Canuleium, i, 326;
  - that a tribune could be elected two years running, ii, 293.
- Pleias, Alexandrine tragedy, iii, 138.
- Pleminius, his cruelty against Locri, i, 445.
- Pleuron in Ætolia has isopolity with the Achæans, ii, 250.
- Pliny, the elder, mentions Licinius among his sources, i, 33;
  - his excerpta little weighed by him, 98;
  - has seen the treaty of Porsena, 212.
- 443 Pliny, the younger, mentioned along with Tacitus, iii, 226;
  - vain, 226;
  - his letters most instructive, 226;
  - striking likeness to the Parisian writers of the eighteenth century, 226.
- Plotina, wife of Trajan, an excellent woman, iii, 217;
  - has perhaps only spread the report of Hadrian’s adoption, 221.
- Plutarch, made, like Montaigne, for quiet and cheerful contemplation, i, 59;
  - his lives most delightful reading, 59;
  - no critic, 59;
  - follows at one time one authority and at another time another, 60;
  - understood little Latin, 60;
  - conf. 175;
  - had a keen perception of individual character, ii, 191;
  - wrote the life of the Gracchi without any knowledge of the state of affairs, 271;
  - very detailed on the Cimbric war, 329;
  - has made use of Sylla’s memoirs, 367;
  - his life of Cæsar is ἀκέφαλοι, iii, 29;
  - life of Antony, 108;
  - the only writer of eminence since Polybius from old Greece, 142;
  - his defects, 228;
  - character, 228.
- Plutei, i, 354.
- Poetical traditions, source of the early Roman history, i, 12.
- Poggius, the letters to him most affecting, i, 67.
- Police in Rome, iii, 122.
- Πόλις, its original meaning, i, 166.
- Πολῖται, i, 166.
- Πολιτεία, union of the clans and the community, i, 166.
- Political views hereditary in certain families, i, 401.
- Political delinquencies, for many of them no penalty fixed, i, 318.
- Politorians, i, 171.
- Pollentia, in Montferrat, battle, iii, 330.
- Pollnumber, the ancients never voted according to accidental pollnumber, i, 421, and note.
- Polyaratus, ii, 219.
- Polybius, i, 36, 133;
  - a very good officer, 530;
  - does not mention the first misunderstanding between Rome and Carthage, 574;
  - his list of the Roman reserve in the war with the Cisalpine Gauls wrongly written, ii, 52;
  - has made use of a brass tablet of Hannibal in the temple of Juno Lacinia, 62;
  - his work leaves nothing to desire, 62;
  - his account of the battle of Cannæ, 63;
  - two editions of his work, 69;
  - acquitted of the charge of partiality for the Romans, 71;
  - his clear exposition of the state of political affairs, 209;
  - taken to Rome, 217;
  - the second edition added the war against Corinth and the third Punic, besides an introduction, 220;
  - tutor of Scipio, 238;
  - obtains fair conditions for his countrymen, 256;
  - his share in framing the constitution of Achaia, 256.
- Polybus, or Polybius, very likely not as contemptible as he is generally represented, iii, 183.
- Pomerania, extinction of the Vandal (Wendish) language, i, 145.
- Pometia, i, 222, 223.
- Pomœrium of Romulus, i, 187.
- Pompæ, in connexion with the prætextatæ, ii, 195.
- Pompædius, (Poppædius,) Silo, consul in the Italian state, ii, 353.
- Pompeia, wife of Julius Cæsar, iii, 27.
- Pompeii, conquered by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355;
  - the so-called barracks there a ludus gladiatorius, 405;
  - destruction, iii, 209.
- 444 Pompeian race, iii, 109.
- Cn. Pompeius Magnus, (Pompey,) in Picenum, ii, 380;
  - character, 401;
  - held in particular esteem by Sylla, 402;
  - against Sertorius, 402;
  - ends the war, 403;
  - consul, 404;
  - reconciled with Crassus, 404;
  - restores the tribuneship, iii, 5;
  - war against the pirates, 9;
  - against Mithridates, 10;
  - had Mithridates buried with kingly pomp, 11;
  - against Tigranes, 11;
  - goes to Egypt, 11;
  - dismisses his army, 11;
  - his surname of Magnus conferred on him by Sylla, 12;
  - his indifference to Cicero, 25;
  - sets on Clodius against Cicero, 28;
  - falls out with Clodius and friend with Cicero, 37;
  - consul for the second time, 37;
  - his laws, 37;
  - congress at Lucca, 39;
  - marries Cæsar’s daughter, 39;
  - dangerously ill, 51;
  - receives the command in Italy, 52;
  - goes to Brundusium, 54;
  - tyranny of the Pompeians, 55;
  - betakes himself to Illyricum, 55;
  - defeats Cæsar near Dyrrachium, 59;
  - battle of Pharsalus, 60;
  - flies, 62;
  - goes to Egypt, 62;
  - murdered, 63;
  - his statue, 63.
- Cn. Pompeius, Cn. F., a by far more able general than his father, iii, 70;
  - cut down, 71.
- Cn. and Sex. Pompeius in Spain, iii, 70;
  - battle of Munda, 70.
- Cn. Pompeius Strabo, father of Magnus, prætor with proconsular power, is the first who had any brilliant success in the Social war, ii, 356;
  - victory near Ascalum, 356;
  - Cicero’s opinion of him, 369;
  - ambiguous, 372;
  - defeated by Sylla, 372;
  - dies of the plague, 372.
- Q. Pompeius, A. F., consul, in Spain chief of the aristocracy, ii, 261;
  - brought to great straits by the Numantines, offers peace, 261;
  - hand and glove with Scipio Nasica, 279.
- Q. Pompeius, Sylla’s colleague, receives the command in Italy against Cinna, ii, 369;
  - murdered, 369.
- S. Pompey, hides himself among the Celtiberians, iii, 71;
  - master of Sicily, 104;
  - peace of Misenum, 105;
  - sermone barbarus, 105;
  - war with Octavian, 109;
  - battles near Mylæ and Taurominium, 109;
  - murdered, 109.
- Pomponius, friend of C. Gracchus, ii, 305.
- Pomponius, see Atticus, Lætus.
- Pondemate, (Pound-mead) i, 179.
- Ponte di Sanguinetto, wrongly referred to the battle of the Trasimene lake, ii, 91.
- Ponte Mollo, iii, 300.
- Pontifex Maximus, lived below in the town, i, 7.
- Pontifices, their number doubled by Numa, two Ramnes, two Tities, i, 124;
  - number at a later period, 130, 523;
  - their number is increased by Sylla from nine to fifteen, ii, 389;
  - their jurisdiction must have been done away with, iii, 27.
- Ti. Pontificius, tribune of the people, puts a veto to the levy of soldiers, i, 260.
- Pontian isles, Roman colony there, i, 489.
- Pontine marshes, Ap. Claudius cuts a canal through them, i, 517;
  - object of it, 517.
- C. Pontius, general of the Samnites, one of the greatest men of ancient times, i, 487;
  - victory in the Caudine passes, 488;
  - gives to the departing Romans beasts of burden for the wounded 490;
  - 445sends back the prisoners, 492;
  - the account of his having been conquered in Luceria, 493;
  - put to death, 534.
- Pontius, Herennius, father of Caius, friend of Archytas, i, 489;
  - occurs as a speaking personage together with Archytas in a philosophical dialogue of a Pythagorean, 489, note.
- Pontius Glaucus, a poem written by Cicero in his youth, iii, 16.
- C. Pontius Telesinus, ii, 353;
  - against Rome, 382;
  - battle at the Colline gate, 382.
- Pontus, population, ii, 361.
- Poor, the poor received corn in the temple of Ceres, ii, 259;
  - care taken by C. Gracchus for them, 259.
- M. Popillius, ambassador of Rome to Antiochus Epiphanes, prevents him from the conquest of Egypt, ii, 221.
- P. Popillius Lænas, consul, persecution of the adherents of Gracchus, ii, 287;
  - goes into exile, 294.
- Popillius Lænas, iii, 93.
- Popolanti, in the middle ages, no Romans but Albanians and Illyrians, i, 236, note.
- Popolo, in Italian, union of the clans and the community, i, 168.
- Poppæa Sabina, wife of Nero, iii, 189.
- Poppædius, see Pompædius.
- Populonia destroyed, ii, 383.
- Populus Romanus Quirites, i, 104, 123.
- Populus, πολῖται, citadini, i, 166;
  - etymology, 166;
  - populus and plebes without a doubt in all the towns of Italy, and also in the Greek colonies of Lower Italy and Sicily, 171;
  - assembles in the comitium and in the Lucus Petelinus, 269;
  - jubet, 269.
- Porcia, wife of Brutus, iii, 77, 80.
- Porcius, see Cato.
- Porsena, Martial’s incorrect scansion of the name, i, 208, note;
  - his mausoleum at Clusium, 209;
  - his war is fabulous, 210;
  - his peace quite a different thing from what the Romans would make us believe, 211;
  - acquires the septem pagi agri Veientium, 213;
  - seems to have failed against Aricia, 213;
  - his goods symbolically sold before every sale by auction, 213;
  - his war very likely happened ten years later than is generally presumed, 215, 232.
- Porta Carmentalis, i, 263, note.
- Portico of Octavia, the entrance still standing, iii, 149.
- Portogallo, i, 384.
- Portugal, down to the times of Pombal, had many negro slaves, wherefore also many Mulattos there, ii, 274.
- Portus Julius, iii, 144.
- Posidonia, i, 458;
  - see Pæstum.
- Posidonius, i, 36;
  - not inferior to Polybius, 252;
  - history of the Gracchi, 252.
- Posidonius, contemporary of Perseus, has described the war of Perseus, ii, 214.
- Possessio and property distinguished, i, 254.
- Postumius, see Albinus.
- Postumius Regillencis, dictator in the battle at the Lake Regillus, i, 217;
  - an interpolation, 219;
  - consul, according to some, 219.
- 446 L. Postumius, consul, given up to the Samnites, i, 492;
  - insults old Fabius, 543;
  - impeached by the tribunes, 543;
  - head of an embassy to Tarentum, 550;
  - mocked by the Tarentines, 550.
- A. Postumius Tubertus, dictator, conquers the Æquians and Volscians, i, 343.
- M. Postumius, military tribune, slain by the soldiers, i, 346.
- C. Postumius Megillus, ii, 272.
- Postumus, M. Cassianus, (Cassianius) Latinius, severs Gaul, Spain, Britain, from the Roman empire, iii, 282;
  - an eminent man, 282;
  - loses his life, 282.
- Pothinus, eunuch, guardian of Ptolemy, iii, 63;
  - wishes to overpower Cæsar, 64.
- Potitii, extinct in the times of Appius Claudius, i, 140.
- Pouilly, i, 3.
- Pound of the Romans weighed about twenty-three half-ounces of Cologne, i, 382.
- Præfectura annonæ, seems to have been a temporary magistracy, i, 337;
  - præfectura explained, 450;
  - præfectures with Cærite rights, ii, 185;
  - præfectura ærarii, iii, 123;
  - præfectura Galliæ, 282, 295.
- Præfectura Urbi, his office abolished during the decemvirate, i, 299;
  - has jurisdiction, and probably likewise the presidency in the senate, 330;
  - Latinarum causa, ii, 351;
  - under Augustus, iii, 123;
  - has since Hadrian a district of a hundred Italian miles round Rome, 255.
- Præneste, disappears in the Volscian war, i, 275;
  - independent since the Gallic invasion, 384;
  - seems to have been united with Tibur, 390;
  - together with part of the Æquians hostile to Rome, 390, 451;
  - the citadel occupied by Pyrrhus, 562;
  - receives Roman citizenship by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
  - declares for Marius, 372;
  - the present Palestrina is a part only of the ancient arx, 381;
  - reduced by hunger by Q. Lucretius Ofella, 381;
  - fate after the conquest, 383;
  - military colony, 385.
- Prærogativa, decided by lot, i, 162; ii, 366.
- Prætextatæ, native tragedies in Italy, ii, 195;
  - historical pieces in the manner of Shakspeare, 393.
- Prætor urbanus, a new magistracy instead of the præfectus urbi, patrician, i, 403;
  - is not so called merely in contradistinction to the prætor peregrinus, 403;
  - his functions, 403;
  - was called collega consulum, six lictors, 404;
  - appointed by the centuries, 406;
  - the office accessible to the plebeians, 454;
  - the office of prætor peregrinus created, ii, 42;
  - the phrase is a barbarism, 42;
  - the prætor not limited to civil jurisdiction, 42;
  - their number raised from four to six, 186;
  - the patrician privilege done away with, 190;
  - their number increased by Sylla, 389;
  - raised to ten, and again to sixteen, iii, 74.
- Prætores, the original name of the consules, i, 203.
- Prætorians, their increase by Sejanus is the most momentous event in the later Roman history, iii, 175;
  - their despotism, 179;
  - tale of their having offered the empire for sale, 249;
  - cowardly, 251;
  - transformed by Septimius Severus into a guard, 257;
  - accompany Severus and Caracalla in their expeditions, 257.
- 447 Prætorian cohorts, iii, 125.
- Prætura urbana, honourable and lucrative, iii, 78.
- Priestly offices, the nomination for them transferred upon the smaller half of the tribes, ii, 342;
  - co-optation restored by Sylla, 388.
- Primus, Antonius, tribune, excites the Mœsian legions to rebellion against Vitellius, iii, 198;
  - is victorious near Cremona, 200;
  - conspires against Vespasian, and thereby loses his life, 206.
- Principes, i, 441.
- Prisci, name of the Cascans, i, 104.
- Prisci Latini, i, 104.
- Priscus, quaint, i, 104;
  - a common name with the Romans, 136.
- Priscus, see Helvidius.
- Priscus, Statius, iii, 240.
- Priscus, historian, iii, 327.
- Privernum, Volscian town, i, 353;
  - seems not to have entered into the league of the Latins, 444;
  - rises against Rome, 466;
  - receives the citizenship and constitutes the tribus Ufentina, 466.
- Privilegia, laws against individuals abolished by the laws of the Twelve Tables, i, 303.
- Probus, emperor, iii, 288;
  - wars, 288;
  - his popularity, 289;
  - came from the neighbourhood of the Limes Illyricus, 289;
  - murdered, 289.
- Proconsular power, its origin, i, 473.
- Proconsuls, in the senatorial provinces, iii, 244.
- Procopius, general of Julian, iii, 312.
- Proculeius, an officer of Octavian, iii, 113.
- Procuratores Cæsaris, iii, 125.
- Prodigality never became rife again among the Romans since Vespasian, iii, 206.
- Profuturus, Renatus, historian, iii, 325.
- Proletarii, i, 178;
  - paid no taxes, 182.
- Propertius, mentions patres pelliti, i, 120;
  - his poems imitations of the Alexandrian school, iii, 139.
- Property tax, ii, 37.
- Property, different from possession, i, 254.
- Proscribed, the sons of the proscribed by Sylla, persuaded by Cicero to renounce recovering their honours, iii, 22;
  - the jus honorum restored to them by Cæsar, 74.
- Proscriptions, ii, 383; iii, 91.
- Prose, in olden times always developed by oratory, iii, 130.
- Proselytes of the gate and of the temple, i, 164.
- Provence, its inhabitants were during the whole of the middle ages in possession of the coral fisheries of Africa, i, 458;
  - is called Italia altera, iii, 122.
- Province, explained, ii, 41;
  - Roman province in Gaul, 308;
  - senatorial and imperial, iii, 120;
  - proconsular and pro-prætorian, 121;
  - provinces less heavily oppressed than Italy, 257;
  - the difference between senatorial and imperial provinces done away with, 274.
- Provinces distributed in the senate previous to the election of the magistrates, ii, 300.
- Provincials of the west much sooner assimilated themselves to Roman manners than those of the east, i, 61;
  - 448the ownership of the provincials not according to Roman but to provincial law, ii, 41.
- Prudentius, iii, 326.
- Prusa destroyed by the Goths, iii, 278.
- Prusias, king of Bithynia, ii, 193;
  - marries Perseus’ sister, 207;
  - connexion with Perseus, 211;
  - goes to Rome, 221.
- Prussian army of 1762 much inferior to that of 1757, ii, 105.
- Pseudophilip, ii, 237;
  - an impostor, 245;
  - given up by Demetrius to the Romans, 245;
  - routs the Macedonians, 246;
  - defeated by Scipio Nasica, 246;
  - beats P. Juventius Thalna, 247;
  - conquered by Q. Metellus, 247;
  - put to death, 247.
- Ptolemy Auletes, driven from Alexandria, comes to Rome to be reinstated, iii, 28;
  - restored by Gabinius, 62;
  - his death, 62.
- Ptolemy Epiphanes, son of Ptolemy Philopator, against him Philip III., Antiochus the Great united, ii, 147.
- Ptolemy Euergetes, war against Seleucus Callinicus, ii, 182.
- Ptolemy Euergetes II., (Physcon,) ii, 221;
  - receives Cyprus and Cyrene, 221.
- Ptolemy Ceraunus, i, 556;
  - succumbs under the invasion of the Gauls in Macedonia, 546.
- Ptolemy Lagus, historical writer, i, 470.
- Ptolemy Philadelphus, in alliance with Rome, ii, 13, 50.
- Ptolemy Philometor, ii, 221.
- Ptolemy Philopator, an unworthy king, under him the empire falls into utter decay, ii, 148.
- Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy Auletes, iii, 62.
- Ptolemy Soter, friendly with Seleucus, enemy to Cassander, quarrels with both of them about the spoil of the battle of Ipsus, i, 553.
- Publicani, farmers of revenue, i, 253; ii, 193.
- Public debt in Rome during the war of Hannibal, ii, 187.
- Public works in Rome done by contract, ii, 38.
- Publicius, see Clivus.
- Publicum, chest of the patricians, i, 233;
  - after the Licinian laws very likely the general exchequer of the country, 408.
- Q. Publilius Philo, dictator, his laws, i, 445;
  - first plebeian prætor, 454;
  - conquers Naples as first proconsul, 473;
  - consul, 493.
- Vol. Publilius, insult offered to him by the patricians, i, 268;
  - elected tribune, 268;
  - his rogations, 269.
- Pulcheria, iii, 335.
- Pullani, descendants of the Crusaders in the Holy Land, become unwarlike, ii, 166.
- Pulsare, to violate the law of nations, ii, 251.
- Punic, spoken in the provincial towns of Africa, iii, 234.
- Punic wars, periods of the first, ii, 9;
  - the ideas of the Romans quite changed by the taking of Agrigentum, 12;
  - peace, 39;
  - the first Punic war one of the causes of the degeneracy of the Roman people, 42;
  - no war in ancient history to be compared to the second Punic, 61;
  - division, 68;
  - peace, 142;
  - the third Punic war, 227.
- Puteus, cistern, i, 518.
- Puzzuoli, dyke across the harbour, iii, 180.
- Pydna, battle, ii, 213.
- 449 Pyrgi, Roman fortress, i, 571.
- Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, i, 551;
  - compared to Charles XII., 552;
  - brought up by Glaucias, prince of the Taulantians, 553;
  - goes to the court of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and of Antigonus the One-eyed, 553;
  - restored by Demetrius, king of the Molossians, 553;
  - in his service, 553;
  - sent to Ptolemy, 553;
  - marries Antigone, daughter of Berenice, 554;
  - acquires Ambracia, Amphilochia and the Epirote provinces, 554;
  - war with Demetrius Poliorcetes, 554;
  - unites with Lysimachus, and shares with him Macedon, 554;
  - a mighty master in the method of battle array, 555;
  - treaty with Tarentum, 555;
  - sails to Italy, 556;
  - raises a levy among the Tarentines, 556;
  - the only barbarian king fraught with the brilliancy of old Hellenism, 557;
  - offers his mediation between Rome and Tarentum, 558;
  - battle of Heraclea, 558;
  - advances against Rome, 560;
  - sends ambassadors, 561;
  - takes Fregellæ by storm, 562;
  - resolves upon turning back, 562;
  - embassy of the Romans to him, 562;
  - has left memoirs, 563;
  - gives leave to the prisoners to go to Rome to the Saturnalia, 563;
  - an enthusiastic admirer of the Romans, 563;
  - battle near Ascalum, 564;
  - always placed alternately an Italian moveable cohort and solid battalion of the phalanx, 565;
  - the attempt at poisoning by his physician seems to have been a preconcerted farce, 565;
  - exchange of prisoners, 566;
  - goes to Sicily, 566;
  - his son becomes king of Syracuse, 566;
  - drives out the Carthaginians from Sicily, except from Lilybæum, 566;
  - conquers the Mamertines, 566;
  - siege of Lilybæum, 567;
  - returns to Italy, lands near Locri, 567;
  - attacked by a Carthaginian fleet, 567;
  - battle of Taurasia, (Beneventum,) 567;
  - leaves Milo behind in Tarentum, 568;
  - returns to Epirus, 569;
  - proclaimed king of Macedonia, 569;
  - soon forsaken again, 569;
  - expedition against Sparta, 569;
  - marches to Argos, 569;
  - his death, 569.
- Pythagoras, uncertain whether an historical person, i, 458;
  - the Pythagorean philosophy known at an early period to the Romans, 458;
  - to be sought for among the Pelasgians, 472.
- Pyxus, i, 458.
- Q
- Quadi cross the Danube, iii, 240, 242.
- Quadratum saxum, flagstone, i, 518.
- Quadriremes, ii, 12.
- Quadrigarius, Q. Claudius, his history is brought down to about the time of Cicero’s consulship, i, 31;
  - unwieldiness of his language, 31.
- Quæstiones perpetuæ, analogous to the modern jury courts, ii, 345;
  - assigned by Sylla to the prætors, 389;
  - gave the verdict of innocence or guilt, and also had the right of pardoning, iii, 21.
- Quæstor, his office ceases during the decemvirate, i, 298;
  - chosen by the centuries, 325;
  - Quæstores parricidii and Quæstores classici to be distinguished, 325;
  - quæstores parricidii synonymous with the duum viri perduellionis, 325;
  - the office thrown open in the year of the town 346 to both orders, 335, 340;
  - quæstors appointed for Italy, 572;
  - their number increased to eight, 572;
  - by Sylla to twenty, ii, 389;
  - by Cæsar to forty, iii, 74.
- 450 Quæstura Ostiensis, ii, 335.
- Quatremere de Quincy, i, 209.
- Quatuorviri, i, 406.
- Quinctilian, his saying on Cicero, iii, 94;
  - on Cornelius Gallus, 138;
  - restorer of good taste in Rome, 186, 228;
  - on Domitian, 210;
  - has a pension from him, 210.
- Quinctilis, month, called July, iii, 114.
- Quinctilius, brother of Claudius Gothicus, iii, 288, note.
- Quinctius, see Cincinnatus, Crispinus.
- Quinctius, Cæso, son of Cincinnatus, offers the most violent resistance to the lex Terentilia, i, 280;
  - prosecuted on the Lex Junia, 281;
  - leaves the town, 281;
  - his death, 284.
- Quinqueremes in the Macedonian, Sicilian, and Punic fleets, ii, 12;
  - manned with three hundred rowers, and hundred and twenty marines, 13.
- Quirinal Hill, iii, 223.
- Quirites, the name wrongly adopted as a common one of the united Romans and Sabines, i, 123.
- Quirium, name of the Sabine town, i, 129.
- R
- C. Rabirius, iii, 106.
- Radagaise besieges Florence, iii, 331;
  - forced back by Stilicho into the Apennines, 331.
- Rafaelle, iii, 299.
- Ramnes, name of the Latin tribe, i, 124.
- Ranks, their line of demarcation formed by landed or moneyed property, iii, 4.
- Rape of the Sabines, i, 117;
  - their number, 117.
- Rasena, original name of the Etruscans, i, 142, note.
- Rastadt, murder of the French ambassadors, ii, 139.
- Raudii, see Campi.
- Ravenna, built on islands, iii, 333.
- Rea Silvia, mother of Romulus, i, 112;
  - Rea is a cognomen, 112;
  - changed into a goddess, made the wife of the god Anio, 112.
- Rebellio, instead of rebellis, iii, 245.
- Regifugium, i, 198.
- Regillus, battle, the account of it poetical, i, 218;
  - its date not fixed, 219.
- Regillus, M. Æmilius, at the head of a fleet against Antiochus, ii, 175;
  - battle of Myonnesus, 175.
- Regions of Servius Tullius, i, 173.
- Regions of Rome, iii, 123;
  - of Italy, 124.
- Regulus, M. Atilius, consul, goes to Africa, ii, 20;
  - battle of Adis, 21;
  - takes Tunis and encamps near the river Bagradas 21;
  - character, 21;
  - conquered by Xanthippus, 23;
  - legends concerning his death, 25;
  - seem to have been taken from Nævius, 26.
- Reichardt, his map of Italy thoroughly bad, i, 77.
- Reimarus, Herm. Sam. editor of Dio Cassius, i, 66; iii, 127.
- Reiske, J. J., his qualities, i, 42;
  - his edition of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, 42.
- 451 Reiz, F. W., i, 73.
- Remi, the most distinguished people among the Belgians, iii, 44;
  - seem to have intrigued with the Romans, 44.
- Removal, from the tribus rusticæ to the urbanæ, a nota ignominiæ, i, 174.
- Remuria, a hill three miles south of Rome, i, 114;
  - town on that hill, 114;
  - Pelasgian, 116.
- Remus, i, 113;
  - according to some on the Aventine, according to others on the Remuria, 114;
  - his end, 115;
  - personification of the plebeians, 129.
- Reno, river, iii, 91.
- Representation, based on districts of towns, i, 157.
- Republic, has the duty of providing for its members, ii, 295;
  - restored in Rome after Caligula’s death, iii, 180.
- Republics, in confederate republics similarity of constitution has no influence whatever on their mutual support, i, 237;
  - drawbacks, 259;
  - their forms sometimes a mere phantom, 279.
- Resolutions of the people were to be carried before sunset, i, 270.
- Responsa prudentum, given in the name of the emperor acquire real authority, iii, 231.
- Revenue, tenths and fifths, i, 254.
- Rhætians, of Etruscan race, i, 145, 370; iii, 151;
  - their abodes, 151;
  - stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.
- Rhegium, i, 459;
  - occupied by a mutinous Campanian legion, 567, 572;
  - massacre, 573;
  - besieged by the Romans, 573;
  - conquered, 573.
- Rhetoricians, Greek, their influence upon Roman literature, iii, 184, 227;
  - in the second century, 235.
- Rhianus, in his poem on Messene, clashes with Pausanias and Tyrtæus, i, 13.
- Rhine, the population along its banks German, iii, 203.
- Rhodes free, friend of the Romans, ii, 145;
  - friend with Alexandria, 148;
  - defends Ptolemy Epiphanes, 148;
  - great and powerful, 151;
  - against Antiochus, 167;
  - their fleet defeated by the Syrians, 173;
  - has the best seamen of the age, 173;
  - its wealth, 183;
  - thoroughly respectable, 183;
  - tries to mediate between Rome and Perseus, 212;
  - peace with Rome, 219;
  - faithful to the Romans in the war of Mithridates, 364;
  - besieged by Mithridates, 364;
  - taken by Cassius, iii, 96;
  - earthquake, 237.
- Rhone, has its mouth choked up with silt, iii, 327.
- Ricimer, iii, 342;
  - a Sueve of royal race, 343;
  - treachery to Marjorian, 344;
  - conquers Rome, 346;
  - dies, 346.
- Rienzi is said to have read all the books of the ancients, i, 79.
- Right of community, i, 165.
- Robespierre, very likely had no purpose whatever, ii, 236.
- Roche Blanche, ii, 78.
- Rollin’s Roman history, i, 72.
- Roma, a small place on the Palatine, i, 110;
  - its name Greek, place of strength, 110;
  - Pelasgian, 116.
- Romances on Charlemagne, i, 87.
- Roman empire, its extent at the end of the seventh century of the town, iii, 1.
- 452 Roman history, existed from about the period of the secessio, i, 203;
  - its sources destroyed by the Gallic conquest, 202;
  - the same events very often recur again, 216;
  - becomes general history, ii, 251.
- Roman law distinctive with regard to the rights of persons and things, i, 295.
- Romans by no means barbarians previous to the time when they learned from the Greeks, i, 15;
  - unite with the Sabines, 118, 122;
  - pay tithe to the Etruscans, 212;
  - their laws not borrowed from those of Athens, 295;
  - their hypocrisy, 424;
  - their practice in sieges still in its very infancy, 473;
  - fight with the pilum and the sword, 507;
  - tactics, 530;
  - treat their allies with more honour than other peoples, 572;
  - never served in foreign armies, 577;
  - their perseverance, ii, 11;
  - build a fleet after the model of a Carthaginian quinquereme, 13, 38;
  - their fleet destroyed in the Mediterranean by storm, 25, 27;
  - always learn from their enemy, 30, note;
  - lose a large merchant fleet, 34;
  - embassy to the Achaians and Ætolians, 48;
  - to Athens, 48;
  - to Corinth, 48;
  - get a part in the Isthmian games, 48;
  - receive from the Athenians isopolity and admission to the Eleusinian mysteries, 49;
  - awful liars when they want to lay the blame upon their enemies, 65;
  - show themselves unskilful at the beginning of every great war, 74;
  - in many respects slaves established usage, 82;
  - example of their discipline, 84;
  - their system of tactics the worst when the troops were not well trained, the best with practised soldiers, 88;
  - would not ostensibly deviate from their principles, 118;
  - their religion was not mythology, but theology, 194;
  - universally hated, 204;
  - their policy truly Macchiavellian, 207;
  - their laws did not apply to the allies, 282;
  - their art of war in Cæsar’s time, 326;
  - conduct the Social war with troops of all nations, 353;
  - murdered in Asia Minor, 363.
- Rome, sister town to Antium and Ardea, i, 116, 223;
  - the commemoration of the foundation of the city held in April, 117;
  - formerly supposed to have been an Etruscan colony, 148;
  - was under the last kings the capital of a mighty empire, 152;
  - consisted originally very likely of three tribes, of a hundred clans each, 161;
  - all the primary agencies in nature and in the world of intellect designated as male and female, 169;
  - the liberties of the old town extended about one German mile on the road leading to Alba, 170;
  - the oldest town consists of about a thousand households, 175;
  - the boundary in the second period of the Volscian war on the other side of Tusculum, 275;
  - census at the period of the Gallic calamity, 375;
  - conquest by the Gauls, and fire of the town, 380;
  - the summer in Rome pestilential, 380;
  - pays its ransom to the Gauls probably from the treasure on the Capitol, 382;
  - advantages of its situation, 386;
  - tradition of the weakened state of Rome, 309;
  - census after the first Punic war, dispute about it between Hume and Wallace, ii, 53;
  - difficulty of besieging Rome, 94;
  - unhealthy air, 94;
  - after the war of Hannibal freedmen received as citizens, 187;
  - standing army, 188;
  - language in Rome at the end of the Republic, iii, 106;
  - division in fourteen regions, 123;
  - fire under Nero, 190;
  - under Titus, 209;
  - literary opposition to Carthage, 234;
  - the thousandth anniversary of the city, 271;
  - a great number of Christians among the middle classes, 273;
  - 453fortified by Aurelian, the walls in a very bad state under Honorius, 330;
  - besieged by Alaric, 333;
  - laid in ashes, 334;
  - conquered by Genseric, 342;
  - taken by Ricimer, 345.
- Romulus, his wondrous birth an historical impossibility, i, 81;
  - the same his removal from the earth during an eclipse of the sun, 81;
  - belongs, as son of Mars, to the cycle of the gods, 85;
  - a personification of Rome, 85;
  - legends, 111.
- Romulus Augustulus, emperor, iii, 346.
- Rorarii, i, 441.
- Rostra stood between the comitium and the forum, i, 270;
  - vetera and nova, iii, 162.
- Royal races, of the Greek are dissolved into γένη ἀρχικὰ, i, 204.
- Royalist party in Rome continued long time after the expulsion of the Tarquinii, i, 225.
- Royal dignity, its abolition decreed by a Lex curiata, i, 201.
- Rubicon, very likely in the neighbourhood of Cesena, iii, 53.
- Q. Rubrius, tribune, ii, 285;
  - very likely triumvir for the establishing of colonies, 301.
- Rufinus, P. Cornelius, covetous, removed from the senate, i, 548.
- Rufinus, præfectus prætorio, favourite of Theodosius, iii, 322;
  - receives the government of the East, 328;
  - murdered, 328.
- Rufus, see Cælius.
- Rullus, Servilius, moves for establishing a colony in Capua, iii, 34.
- P. Rupilius, consul, puts an end to the servile war in Sicily, ii, 265.
- Russia and Persia make war against each other for a couple of months every year on the frontiers of Georgia, i, 350.
- Rusticus, Arulenus, writes the life of Pætus Thrasea, iii, 218.
- Rusticus, see Fabius.
- Rusticus, Junius, tutor of M. Antoninus, iii, 239.
- Rutilius, i, 36.
- F. Rutilius, legate of Metellus in Africa, ii, 321;
  - an honest man, but condemned by the evidence of false witnesses, 341.
- P. Rutilius Lupus, general against Pompædius Silo, killed in battle, ii, 356.
- Rutilus, see Marcius.
- Ryckius, Theodore, treatise on Æneas, i, 94.
- S
- Sabellus and Sabinus, synonymous, except that according to usage the name of Sabellians is given to the whole nation, and that of Sabines to a small district, i, 341;
  - Sabines in the last half of the third century often seen as enemies of the Romans, 342;
  - victory of Valerius and Horatius, 342;
  - isopolity established between them, 342;
  - emigration towards the South leaves off, 343;
  - take no active share in the contest of the Romans and Latines, 438;
  - isopolity, 572;
  - great part of them receive the full right of citizenship, ii, 185.
- Sabines, call themselves aborigines, push on the Opicans, i, 98;
  - come according to Cato from Amiternum, 99;
  - unite with the Romans, 118, 122;
  - 454become one of the greatest peoples of Italy, 120;
  - very likely they came only at a later period into the country afterwards occupied by them, 121;
  - leagued with Rome under Servius Tullius, 186;
  - allied with Rome under Sp. Cassius, 248;
  - war against them, 323;
  - declare for the Samnites, 534;
  - conquered, 535.
- Sabines, rape of the S., poetical, i, 81.
- Sabine chapels on the Quirinal, i, 122.
- Sabine town on the Quirinal and Capitolinus, i, 121.
- Sabine element in the Roman worship, i, 122.
- Sabinus, T. Flavius, brother of Vespasian, præfect of Rome, iii, 200.
- Sacchetti, Francesco, novel, i, 67.
- Sacra familiarum, unknown to the Romans, i, 161.
- Sacra gentilitia, i, 161;
  - could only be offered in Rome, 263.
- Sacramentum, i, 317.
- Sacranians, name of the conquering people at the popular migration in Latium, i, 103;
  - the name explained, 103;
  - unite with the Siculians under the name of Prisci Latini, 104.
- Sacriportus, battle, ii, 381.
- Sacrovir, Julius, rising against Tiberius, iii, 202.
- Sæcula of the Etruscans, two sorts of them, i, 83;
  - astronomical ones of a hundred and ten years, 83;
  - nearly correspond to a hundred thirty years of ten months, 84;
  - physical sæculum, 84.
- Sagax, his continuation of Eutropius, i, 66.
- Saguntum, Livy fancies that it lay East of the Ebro, ii, 69;
  - Polybius knows nothing of the fact that it was to remain independent, 69;
  - its siege did not happen in the year 534, but in 533, 71;
  - was perhaps not purely Iberian, but Tyrrhenian, 71;
  - the derivation from Zacynthus probably originated only from its name, 71;
  - conquered, destroyed by the inhabitants themselves, 72.
- Sailors, levied from the capite censi, ii, 33.
- Salapia, an Apulian town, taken by Hannibal, recovered by the Romans, ii, 120.
- Salarian gate, iii, 334.
- Salassians may have been a Gallic people, i, 365;
  - Ligurians, 370; ii, 81; iii, 151.
- Salernum, it is doubtful whether it was Roman after the second Samnite war, i, 504.
- Salii, brotherhoods on the Quirinal, i, 131.
- Salinator, Julius, ii, 399, note.
- Sallentines, war against the Romans, i, 511;
  - allied with the Romans against Cleonymus, 511;
  - acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
  - fall off after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
  - conf. Messapians.
- Sallust, writes detached parts of Roman history, i, 36;
  - the histories begin from the time after Sylla’s death, 37;
  - had an uncommon acquaintance with the old constitution, 224;
  - his war of Jugurtha, ii, 307;
  - reproached with malignity, but he is not sinning against truth, 313;
  - historiæ, 391;
  - the number of the books of the histories uncertain, 397;
  - probably went down from the war of Lepidus to the end of the war of Pompey in Asia, 397;
  - the historiæ were his last, Catiline the first, of his works, 397;
  - has written the history of Catiline with great truthfulness, iii, 12;
  - ill-treated by the soldiers 66;
  - 455his style, 127;
  - considerably younger than Cicero, 127.
- Sallustius, præfectus prætorio, iii, 314.
- Salluvians or Salyans, war against the Ligurians, ii, 307;
  - conf. Salyans.
- Salonius, i, 434.
- Salvian, iii, 326;
  - socialist views, 326;
  - description of Carthage, 338.
- Salvius, see Otho.
- Salyans, war against them, ii, 200;
  - see Salluvians.
- Samaritans, iii, 230.
- Sambre, battle, iii, 44.
- Samnites, do not oppress the old Oscan people, but combine into one whole with them, i, 153;
  - make conquests on the upper Liris, 410;
  - league with Rome, 412;
  - form a confederation of four peoples, Pentrians, Caudinians, Hirpinians, and Frentanians, 419;
  - conquer Cumæ, 420;
  - constitution, 421;
  - their spread on the Liris was the cause which in 412 first engaged the Romans and Samnites in a war together, 422;
  - attack the Sidicinians at Teanum, 423;
  - peace, 436;
  - allied with Rome in the battle of Veseris, 438;
  - embassy to Alexander the Great, 469;
  - friendly with the Greeks, 472;
  - division of the second Samnite war, 474;
  - had dependencies, 476;
  - defeated by Fabius in the neighbourhood of Subiaco, 481;
  - seek for peace, 485;
  - conquered by Fabius, 485;
  - again for peace, 485;
  - looked upon by the Greeks as a Spartan colony, 489, note;
  - ornament of their arms, 501;
  - very likely had subsidies from Tarentum, 502;
  - held Lucania in check, 502;
  - lead a guerilla war, 503;
  - the second war ended by the battle of Bovianum, 504;
  - peace, 505;
  - carry the war into Etruria, 526;
  - end of the war, 534;
  - peace, 534;
  - embassy to Pyrrhus in Epirus, 557;
  - their country laid waste, 560;
  - conquered by Sp. Carvilius and L. Papirius, 569;
  - peace, 569;
  - in the service of Agathocles, 577;
  - fall off from Rome after the battle of Cannæ, ii, 107;
  - revolt in the Social war, 352;
  - the Oscan the prevailing language among them, 353;
  - end of the war, they receive the right of citizenship, 374;
  - all but exterminated by Sylla, 385, 394.
- Samnite people sprang from Sabine stock, i, 120;
  - tradition of the founding of their country, 121.
- Samos belonging to Egypt, ii, 145.
- Samothrace, metropolis of Ilium, i, 96;
  - their mysteries a gathering point of many men, 96;
  - their worship akin to that of the Penates at Lavinium, ii, 214.
- Sanchoniathon, his fragments genuine, ii, 1.
- Sancus, Semo, his temple, i, 137.
- Sandwich-islanders, their poetical traditions, i, 12, note.
- Sannio, Pulcinella, earliest mention of this mask, ii, 352.
- Santafedists in Naples were Lazzaroni, i, 513.
- Sapor, king of Persia, iii, 279, 305, 307, 309.
- Saracens, etymology, iii, 281;
  - the name occurs long before Mohammed, 281.
- Saragossa, founded, iii, 150.
- Sardinia, subject to the rule of the Carthaginians, except the highlands, ii, 5;
  - 456the way of living of the inhabitants the same to this day, 5;
  - on the coast the Punic language and manners spread, 16;
  - attack of the Romans, 16;
  - submits to the Romans, 46;
  - given up by the Carthaginians to the Romans, 46;
  - refuse obedience, 52.
- Sarmates, i, 370;
  - break through the Roman frontier, iii, 242;
  - uncertain whether they dwelt on the middle, or the lower Danube, 268;
  - war of Maximin against them, 268;
  - that of Probus, 288;
  - their abodes, 300;
  - Constantine’s wars, 300.
- Sarmatian peoples, great move among them on the Dniepr, ii, 204;
  - driven back over the Danube, iii, 151.
- Sarsinates, acknowledge the supremacy of Rome, i, 571.
- Sarti, i, 240.
- Saticula, in the neighbourhood of Capua besieged by the Romans, i, 494;
  - fortified, 497.
- Satricum, i, 494.
- Saturn, with him the first step of civilization begins, i, 110;
  - Saturnus and Ops, deities of the generating powers, 169.
- Saturnia, Siculian town on the Capitoline, i, 121.
- Saturnian verse, i, 90;
  - examples of it in Charisius, 90, and note;
  - worked up in Plautus to a high degree of beauty, 90.
- Saturnian year, consisted of thirty common years, i, 106;
  - hundred Saturnians a grand year, 106.
- Saturninus, L. Antonius, rising against Domitian in Germania Superior, iii, 213.
- Saturninus, L. Apuleius, character, ii, 335;
  - deposed from the quæstorship, 335;
  - becomes a tribune of the people, 335;
  - behaves in the most savage manner, 335;
  - his legislation, 336;
  - flatters Marius, 336;
  - demands that the senate should swear to his Lex agraria, 337;
  - killed, 340;
  - his laws seem to have been repealed, 340.
- Saturninus, Sentius, against Marbod, iii, 155.
- Savigny, i, 73, note, 120;
  - on land-tax, iii, 229, 301.
- Saxo Grammaticus, tries to change the Danish Saga into history, i, 13.
- Saxons, according to Wittikind, come out of Britain into Germany, according to the usual account from Germany to Britain, i, 102.
- Scævola, interpreted, the left handed, means in the family of the Scævola, amulet, i, 211.
- Scævola, see Mucius.
- Scaliger, Joseph, receives without any hesitation the details of ancient history, i, 2, 38, 170;
  - great philologist, iii, 235.
- Scansion, by long and short syllables is Greek, ii, 197.
- Scarphea, defeat of the Achæans, ii, 253.
- Scaurus, historian, i, 36.
- Scaurus, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
- Scaurus, M. Æmilius, ambassador to Jugurtha, his character, ii, 312;
  - Cicero holds him in great respect, 313;
  - becomes quæsitor in Africa, 316;
  - Cicero’s apostrophe to him, iii, 19.
- Schärtlin von Burtenbach, ii, 394.
- Schilhas, ii, 5.
- Schiller, the great characters in Mary Stuart reviled, i, 461;
  - struggles with the form, iii, 140.
- 457 Schlegel, Friedrich, iii, 339.
- Scholiast to the Ibis of Ovid, i, 578.
- Schoolmen, iii, 348.
- Schools, grammatical, existed in Rome until beyond the seventh century, in Ravenna even down to the eleventh, i, 53.
- Schottus, Andreas, finished the annals of Pighius, i, 69.
- Schrader, i, 387.
- Von Schütz Major-General, a distinguished general, ii, 85.
- Schubert, misled by Pighius, i, 69.
- Schulting, i, 387.
- Schwytz had its government and its territory not according to its subdivision, i, 157;
  - the country people divided into four quarters, afterwards into six, 173, note.
- Scepticism of the seventeenth century, i, 71.
- Scindere vestem, i, 268.
- Cn. Scipio, killed in Spain, ii, 121.
- Scipio, L. Cornelius, brother of Africanus, consul, ii, 176;
  - most insignificant, 177;
  - conquers near Magnesia, 178;
  - impeached, 184;
  - found guilty, 185.
- Scipio, L. Cornelius, consul, democrat, ii, 378.
- Scipio, P. Cornelius, father of Africanus, consul, puts in at Marseilles, ii, 76;
  - arrives at the Po whilst Hannibal was descending the Alps, 82;
  - battle on the Ticinus, 83;
  - wounded, 83;
  - joined by Sempronius, 83;
  - slain owing to the faithlessness of the Celtiberians, 121.
- Scipio, P. Cornelius, Africanus, is the first to get a surname from a place which he had conquered, i, 217;
  - not fully equal to Hannibal as a general, ii, 62;
  - his letter to Philip of Macedon on his achievements, 62, 199;
  - forgets himself after the victory, 66;
  - well acquainted with Greek literature, 66;
  - is said to have rescued his father from the battle on the Ticinus, 83;
  - offers to go to Spain, 122;
  - compels the young Romans after the rout of Cannæ to take an oath not to go away, 122;
  - surnamed the Great, 122;
  - his character, 122;
  - takes Carthago nova, 123;
  - puts down an insurrection in his camp, 130;
  - goes over to Africa to visit Syphax, 131;
  - consul, 132;
  - is to be made consul and dictator for life, 133, and note;
  - receives Sicily as a province, 133;
  - supported by the Etruscan and Umbrian states, by the Sabines, Picentines, and Marsians, and others, 133;
  - stays in Sicily, 134;
  - crosses over to Africa, 135;
  - gains, with the assistance of Masinissa, an advantage over the Carthaginians, 136;
  - attacks the camp of Hasdrubal and Syphax, 136;
  - conditions on which he first proposes to conclude the peace with Carthage, 138;
  - battle of Zama, 140;
  - opposes the demand for the extradition of Hannibal, 168;
  - sent to treat with Antiochus, 170;
  - conversation with Hannibal, 170;
  - legate of his brother, 177;
  - censor, 177;
  - sick in Elæa, 177;
  - his son taken prisoner, 177;
  - the year of his death uncertain, 184;
  - charges against him, 184;
  - goes to Liternum, 185;
  - his death, 193;
  - goes as Roman commissioner to Carthage, 229.
- Scipio, P. Cornelius, Paulli F., ii, 236;
  - is not called Æmilianus, 237, note;
  - character, 237;
  - consul, 239;
  - destroys Carthage, 243;
  - against Numantia, 262;
  - 458his cruelty, 263;
  - declares against Tib. Gracchus, 289;
  - his death, 290.
- Scipio, Q. Cornelius, Pompey’s father-in-law, iii, 66.
- Scipio Nasica, has written the history of the war of Perseus, ii, 199;
  - son-in-law of Scipio Africanus, 213;
  - did not wish Carthage to be destroyed, 231;
  - is son of him who was called “the Best,” 231;
  - conquers Andriscus, 246.
- P. Scipio Nasica, grandson of “the Best,” heads the coalition against Tib. Gracchus, ii, 279;
  - encourages consul Mucius Scævola to take strong measures, 286.
- Scipio Serapio, origin of his surname, ii, 336.
- Scipiones, P. and Cn., duo fulmina belli, ii, 35, 121;
  - sent to Spain, 120;
  - establish themselves in Tarragona, 120.
- Scirians, i, 371.
- Scordiscans, overrun Greece, ii, 308;
  - their dwellings, iii, 3.
- Scotland, sailed round by Agricola, iii, 211.
- Scribæ, their class, i, 515;
  - do the work of the officials, 515;
  - minutes of the prætors kept by them, 515;
  - did services for the bankers, 515.
- Scribonia, wife of Augustus, mother of Julia, iii, 143.
- Scriptores historiæ Augustæ, iii, 236;
  - their incapacity, 245, 250;
  - it is impossible to separate the several vitæ, 245.
- Sculptures, on the arch of Antonine far inferior to those of the time of Trajan, 224.
- Scuta introduced, i, 352.
- Scutari, (now Scodra,) residence of Genthius, ii, 211.
- Scyros, Athenian, ii, 164.
- Scythed chariots, an Asiatic invention, found among the Celts, especially in Britain, ii, 179.
- Scythians, i, 369.
- Sebastian of Portugal, one of them very likely the true king, ii, 245
- Sebastian, Julian’s general, iii, 313.
- Σεβαστός, translation of Augustus, iii, 117.
- Secessio of the Plebes, i, 236;
  - said to have lasted four months, but cannot have lasted longer than a fortnight, 238;
  - its result by no means a decisive victory of the plebeians, 243;
  - under the rule of the decemvirs, according to some on the Mons Sacer, according to others on the Aventine, 311.
- Secretaries, imperial, the statutes detestably drawn up by them, iii, 276.
- Sedulius, Cælius, iii, 326.
- Segestæans, Pelasgian or Doric people at the foot of Mount Eryx in Western Sicily, i, 575;
  - betake themselves to the Carthaginians as their refuge, 575;
  - boast of Troian descent, ii, 15;
  - relieved by the Romans, 15.
- Segida a town of the Celtiberians, ii, 222.
- Segur, Marshal, his regulation, that only nobles were to hold commissions, i, 543.
- Seius Strabo, of Vulsinii, father of Sejanus, iii, 174.
- Sejanus, Ælius, friend of Tiberius, iii, 174;
  - præfectus prætorio, 174;
  - his character, 174;
  - aims at supreme power and wishes to root out the whole of the emperor’s family, 175;
  - his downfall, 176.
- 459 Selden, i, 164, note.
- Seleucia, reduced by Trajan, iii, 220;
  - conquered by Avidius Cassius, 241.
- Seleucidæ, poor in great men, Seleucus himself hardly deserves to be so called, ii, 165.
- Seleucus Callinicus, suffers shipwreck, ii, 25;
  - alliance with Rome, 50;
  - war against Ptolemy Euergetes, 182.
- Seleucus, brother of Antiochus, ii, 166.
- Selinuntians, an Ionic people, i, 575.
- Selinus, in Cilicia, afterwards Trajanopolis, iii, 221.
- Selinus, in Sicily, destroyed by the Carthaginians, ii, 4.
- Semo, see Sancus.
- Sempronius, see Gracchus.
- Ti. Sempronius Longus, consul at the outbreak of the second Punic war, ii, 73;
  - sent to Africa, 74;
  - lands at Malta, 83;
  - returns, 83;
  - dismisses his soldiers with orders to meet him again near Ariminum, they march to the Trebia and join Scipio, 84.
- Ti. Sempronius Tuditanus, concludes peace for the Romans with Philip, ii, 147.
- Sena Gallica, battle, ii, 126.
- Senarius, may be Greek, iii, 198.
- Senate, of one hundred persons, i, 118;
  - the senate of the third estate was not consulted until the other two had voted, 163;
  - had no authority by itself to declare war, 232;
  - nothing could be taken to the Plebes direct from the senate, 269;
  - sets up a bust to the wisest Greek, 296;
  - becomes, towards the middle of the fourth century, an assembly chosen by the people, 335;
  - its power increases, as that of the curies loses, 416;
  - changed into a sort of elective council, its vacancies supplied from the quæstors, ii, 43;
  - conduct towards Scipio, 130;
  - had an unbounded power over the finances, 296;
  - reorganized by Sylla, 386;
  - enlarged, 389;
  - never to be looked upon as a representative body, 389;
  - its number increased by J. Cæsar, iii, 74, and note;
  - purified by Augustus, 119;
  - had its regular sittings three times a month, and holidays in the months of September and October, 119;
  - is the supreme court to judge political crimes, 120;
  - only a condemning machine in the hand of the tyrant, 173;
  - was under Hadrian only a set of presumptuous people, 231;
  - the senatorial dignity hereditary, 231.
- Senators, are judges in all the causes which do not concern quiritary property, ii, 197;
  - their census, iii, 4;
  - no senator should be a general, which must have been different from what is generally believed, 289.
- Senatus consultum de Bachanalibus, ii, 197, note.
- Seneca, M., his Suasoria, iii, 59;
  - Suasoria and Controversies, 185;
  - writes his Controversies when upwards of eighty, 185.
- Seneca, L. Annæus, the philosopher, his historical work probably one of the best, iii, 165;
  - humbles himself before Polybus, 183;
  - Ludus de morte Claudii, 184;
  - remarkable character, 185;
  - Dio Cassius’ opinion of him, 186;
  - the similarity of his style to that of Rousseau and Buffon, 186;
  - man of the world, Nero’s tutor, 189;
  - enemy of Agrippina, 189;
  - composes Nero’s speech after the murder of his mother, 190;
  - executed, 191.
- 460 Seneca, tragedies, iii, 139.
- Senecio, Herennius, writes the life of Helvidius Priscus, iii, 213.
- Seniores, limited to the defence of the walls only, i, 180;
  - had as many votes as the juniores, 181.
- Senonians, make their appearance in Gaul, i, 376;
  - their territory, ii, 50.
- Sentinum, battle, i, 529.
- Septimius, see Severus.
- L. Septimius, gives the advice to murder Pompey, iii, 63.
- Septimuleius, from Anagnia fills the head of C. Gracchus with molten lead, ii, 306.
- Sequani rise in Gaul, iii, 42.
- Serena, niece of Theodosius, married to Stilicho, iii, 328;
  - condemned to death, 330.
- Serpent in the camp of Regulus, very likely borrowed from the Bellum Punicum of Nævius, ii, 21.
- Serranus, Attilius, dictator, the same story told of him as of Cincinnatus, i, 282.
- De Serre, friend of Niebuhr’s, i, 471.
- Q. Sertorius, character, ii, 371;
  - induces Cinna to put a stop to the slaughter, 374;
  - breaks the armistice with Sylla, 380;
  - from Nursia, 397;
  - goes to Spain, 398;
  - takes to flight, 399;
  - places himself at the head of the Spaniards, 400;
  - his fanciful belief, 400;
  - war against Metellus, 400;
  - relieves Caligurris, 403;
  - sells the hostages, 403;
  - murdered, 404.
- Servile war in Italy, ii, 404.
- Servile war in Sicily, ii, 264.
- Servilia, Cato’s half-sister, iii, 77.
- Servilius, consul, i, 233.
- Servilius, consul, brings reinforcements to Flaminius, ii, 93.
- Servilius Ahala, stabs P. Mælius, i, 338;
  - impeached as a murderer, 338.
- Servilius Cæpio, stepfather of Cato the younger, iii, 76.
- P. Servilius Isauricus, iii, 3.
- Servilius Nonianus, historian, iii, 165.
- Servilius, see Cæpio, Glaucia, Rullus.
- Servius, appears not to have read Nævius’ history on the Punic war, i, 17; iii, 332.
- Servius, a standing prenomen in the gens Sulpicia, iii, 193;
  - becomes almost a nomen, so that another prenomen is put before it, 193.
- Servius Tullius, legends of him, i, 85, 155;
  - in the Tuscan annals called Mastarna, 88;
  - son of a man of rank at Corniculum, 155;
  - all the political law traced back to him, 156;
  - before him the country district was not yet united with the state, 171;
  - divides the town into four, and the country into twenty-six regions, 172;
  - intends to resign the throne and to have two consuls elected, 185;
  - war against the people of Cære, and of Tarquinii, 185;
  - his reign probably very short, 185;
  - alliance with the Latins, 186;
  - his great rampart, 190;
  - his legislation bears the impress of a Latin stamp, 191;
  - has to be carried through almost by force, 193;
  - attempts to murder him, 193;
  - murdered, 193.
- 461 Sesterces, done away with, iii, 302.
- Setia, i, 344.
- Settlers and cultivators of the soil alone had a vote in the plebeian tribes, i, 174.
- Seven-Years’-War, compared to the second Punic war, ii, 61.
- Severus, see Alexander.
- Severus, Cæsar in the West, iii, 297;
  - Augustus, 298.
- Severus, Cornelius, fragments of his, iii, 140.
- Severus, Libius, emperor, iii, 344.
- Severus, Septimius, general on the Illyrian frontier, iii, 246;
  - proclaimed emperor by the Pannonian and German legions, 250;
  - enters Rome, 251;
  - from Leptis, thoroughly Punic, 251;
  - a good writer both in Greek and Latin, 251;
  - writes his memoirs, 251;
  - leans to foreign religions, astrology, and soothsaying, 251;
  - gives protection to Christianity, 252;
  - his cruelty, 252;
  - war with Pescennius Niger, 252;
  - gains over Albinus, 253;
  - wars against the Parthians, 253;
  - in Britain, 254;
  - causes himself to be adopted as the son of M. Aurelius, 254;
  - his measures but little known, 255;
  - fine busts and statues from his age, 275.
- Sextilis, month, receives the name of August, iii, 114.
- L. Sextius Lateranus, tribune, i, 396;
  - first plebeian consul, 407.
- Sextus Empiricus, iii, 237.
- Shaftesbury, ii, 314.
- Shakespeare, connects awful natural phenomena with frightful moral ones, ii, 92.
- Shaw, fixes with admirable precision the point where Scipio landed, ii, 135.
- Sibylline books, after the destruction in Sylla’s time, made up again by collations, i, 7.
- L. Siccius, the story of his assassination seems to be a poetical figment, i, 309.
- Sicelus comes from Roma on the south to the Pelasgians, i, 116.
- Sicily, its language was Greek and Arabic, which afterwards utterly disappears, i, 145;
  - rent in factions owing to the death of Agathocles, 566;
  - natural features of the island, ii, 8;
  - mountains in the South of Italy belong geologically to Sicily, 8;
  - laid waste by the first Punic war, 40;
  - modern Sicilians, next to the Portuguese, rank lowest among the nations of Europe, 40;
  - fates of the island, 40;
  - Roman province, 40;
  - condition after the Punic war, 264.
- Siculians, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, Sicily, and Epirus, i, 97.
- Siculio, part of the town of Tibur, i, 100.
- Sicyon, Ætolian, ii, 151.
- Sidicines of Teanum, sprung from the same stock as the Volscians, not limited perhaps to that town, i, 423;
  - league against the Samnites, 436;
  - war of the Romans, 455.
- Sidonius Apollinaris iii, 325.
- Sieges, sample of them, i, 354.
- Sigambri, i, 46, 152;
  - reduced by Drusus, 153;
  - by Tiberius, 154;
  - rising under Vespasian, 242;
  - call themselves Franks, 277.
- Signia, colony of Tarquin the Proud, i, 197, 344.
- Sigonius has not the least idea of historical criticism, i, 3, 56;
  - arranges the Roman Fasti, 68;
  - 462his works on Roman antiquities recommended, 269, note.
- Sigovesus, general of the Gauls, i, 368.
- Silanus, defeated by the Cimbrians and Teutones, ii, 324.
- Dec. Silanus, iii, 23.
- Sila, forest, half of it yielded by the Bruttians to the Romans, i, 571;
  - of great value for ship-building, 571.
- Silex, basalt, i, 518.
- Silius Italicus, has paraphrased Livy, i, 53.
- Silva Ciminia, i, 362.
- Simonides sings the achievements of Gelon and Theron, ii, 3.
- Singara, battle, iii, 306;
  - taken by Sapor, 309.
- Singeric, iii, 335.
- Sirmium, Probus wishes to drain the fens in the neighbourhood, iii, 289.
- Sisenna, his work extended from the time of Jugurtha to the consulate of Lepidus, i, 37; ii, 389.
- Sismondi, i, 175.
- P. Sitius, of Nuceria, an adventurer, iii, 67.
- Slaves, who gained their freedom, stood to their late masters in the relation of clients, i, 170;
  - punished with death if they presumed to take to themselves the honour of military service, iii, 159;
  - admitted into the army by Augustus, 159;
  - Greek, had a good education in Roman houses, 183;
  - black, in the American colonies, their language, 232.
- Slave-trade, its extension after the Punic wars, ii, 265.
- Slave-market at Delos, ii, 265.
- Slavonic nations, their advance from the East sets the Germans in motion, iii, 242.
- Smyrna, free, ii, 183;
  - earthquake, iii, 237.
- Soæmis, daughter of Mæsa, iii, 259.
- Social war, scantiness of our information, ii, 350;
  - its division, 355.
- Socii and Latini opposed to the agrarian law of Gracchus, ii, 282;
  - afterwards sacrificed by the oligarchs, 283;
  - conspiracy of the Socii, 291;
  - C. Gracchus’ intentions with regard to them, 299;
  - armed in the Roman manner, true legions, iii, 43.
- Solois, Carthaginian, ii, 4.
- Solon, introduces the Attic law of mortgage, i, 229;
  - his legislation contained regulations concerning matters of momentary interest, i, 278;
  - two of his laws met with in the Pandects, which does not prove that the Roman law had sprung from the Attic, 295.
- Sonnino, division of the landed property there, ii, 274.
- Sophonis, Sophonisbe, daughter of Hasdrubal, son of Gisgo, marries Syphax, ii, 135;
  - takes away her own life, when Scipio demands her extradition, 137.
- Sora, i, 456;
  - taken by the Samnites by treachery, 494;
  - conquered by the Romans, 497;
  - restored, 497;
  - retaken by the Samnites, 501;
  - reconquered by the Romans, 504.
- Soranus, Bareas, iii, 191.
- Sosilus, wrote a history of the second Punic war, staid in the camp with Hannibal, spoken of with censure by Polybius, ii, 62.
- 463 Southern people are able to stand heat and frost better than others, ii, 330.
- Spain, the royalist volunteers belonged to the very lowest of the people, i, 513;
  - southern S., its natural advantages, ii, 59;
  - population of the country, 59;
  - southern peoples have quite a different character from those of the north, 60;
  - have an alphabet of their own, 60;
  - saying of an Arab general concerning them, 60;
  - several towns were republics, 71;
  - not barbarians, 71;
  - overpowered by the Romans, 128;
  - citerior and ulterior, provinces, 186;
  - the Roman armies become quite domesticated there, 201;
  - union is wanting, 223;
  - wars with the Romans, 257;
  - character of the Spaniards, 259;
  - southern S. takes up arms for the sons of Pompey, iii, 70;
  - the country on the side of the Mediterranean subject to the Romans, the southern provinces to the Western Goths, 340.
- Spaniards, probably stood in catervas and fought with small swords and in cetris, ii, 10;
  - vanity of the present Spaniards, 160.
- Sparta, the obligation to military service lasted until the sixtieth year, i, 180;
  - unsuccessful attack of Pyrrhus, 569;
  - stunted, owing to her not making the Lacedæmonians equal to the Spartans, ii, 23;
  - compelled to adopt Achæan νόμιμα, 248;
  - population, 248;
  - severed from the Achæan alliance, 248;
  - defeated in the war with Achaia, 250;
  - remains a libera civitas, 256;
  - conf. Lacedæmon.
- Spartacus, a Thracian, breaks out of a barracks at Capua, ii, 404;
  - escapes to Mount Vesuvius, 405;
  - war, 405.
- Spartianus, cannot be relied on, iii, 252.
- Speech, art of, vanished from Greece, had sought a new home among the Asiatic peoples, ii, 152.
- Spendius, a slave from Campania heading the insurrection of the mercenaries against Carthage, ii, 45.
- Spina on the mouth of the Po, i, 142.
- Spoletum, Roman colony, faithful to Rome in Hannibal’s war, ii, 93.
- Sponsio, i, 317.
- Stabiæ, taken by Papius Mutilus, ii, 355.
- Standing armies, ii, 201.
- Statianus, legate of M. Antony, iii, 108.
- Statius, Cæcilius, his comic skill praised by Cicero, ii, 392.
- Statius Gellius, Samnite general, taken prisoner, i, 504.
- Statius Murcus, commander of the fleet of Brutus and Cassius, iii, 96;
  - joins Sextus Pompey, 105.
- Statius, his Silvæ agreeable, his Thebais a cold poem, iii, 210;
  - does not win with the Thebais the Capitoline prize, 210;
  - his poem, the Leptitani, 251.
- Stilicho pushes on the Eastern Goths under Radagaise to the Apennines not far from Fiesole, i, 414; iii, 331, 322;
  - was not of Roman extraction, 328;
  - marries Serena, 328;
  - defeats Alaric, 329;
  - conquers Alaric near Pollentia, 330;
  - murdered, 333.
- Stipendium introduced, i, 351;
  - monthly, 351.
- Stoic philosophy particularly welcome to the Romans, ii, 271;
  - did not raise up any heroes among the Greeks, iii, 68;
  - republicanism in Rome, 206;
  - importance in the time of the emperors, 239.
- Stonians stand their ground against the Gauls, i, 368.
- 464 Stories, the same told in different ways which are entirely opposed to each other, i, 102.
- Strabo, judicious and excellent, mistaken in thinking of the marshes near Parma as those through which Hannibal passed, ii, 89;
  - eminent for his practical turn for history, iii, 227.
- Strabo, see Seius.
- Strasburg, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.
- Stratonicea, ii, 219.
- Styria, out of two thousand noble families scarcely a dozen remain, i, 140.
- Sucro in Spain, ii, 130.
- Suessa Aurunca, fortified, i, 497, 510.
- Suessula, i, 453.
- Suetonius’ life of Cæsar ἀκέφαλος, iii, 29;
  - the dedication also wanting, 29;
  - life of Horace, 134;
  - criticism of the purpose of his work, 164;
  - is a writer who has little of the antique about him, 178;
  - tainted with the profligacy of his time, 179;
  - had no insight into character, 194;
  - not able to do much without books, 204;
  - his book must have been a work of his youth, 205.
- Suetonius Paullinus crushes the rebellion in Britain, iii, 191.
- Sueves invade Gaul, iii, 42;
  - defeated near Besançon, 43, 46, 211;
  - cross the Rhine, 331;
  - evacuate Gaul, 332;
  - in Spain, 332;
  - defeated by Adolphus, 334.
- Suffetes, ii, 6;
  - heads of the state in peace, 168;
  - always called by the Greeks βασιλεῖς, 168, note.
- Sully, i, 239, 398.
- Sulpicia, iii, 138.
- Sulpician aims at the sovereignty, iii, 249.
- Sulpicius, tribune, flies after the battle on the Alia to the Capitol to defend it, i, 378.
- Sulpicius, his fleet a curse for Greece, ii, 146;
  - does not succeed against Philip, 153;
  - his undertaking a complete failure, 153.
- P. Sulpicius, tribune, brings forward a motion, that the command against Mithridates should be transferred to Marius, ii, 365;
  - moreover, that the new citizens should be distributed in the old tribes, 366;
  - Cicero’s opinion of him, 366; iii, 17;
  - outlawed, ii, 368;
  - killed, 368.
- Sulpicius Severus, iii, 326.
- Sunnah corresponds in form to the commentarii Pontificum, i, 10.
- Suprema tempestas, i, 270.
- Surnames, taken from places, betoken a relation of patrons, i, 217.
- Susa, iii, 264.
- Sussex, iii, 45.
- Sutrium and Nepete, border fastnesses of Etruria against Rome, i, 392.
- Suwarow, iii, 71.
- Swabia was not a German country, has become so only by the Alemanni, iii, 152;
  - little war in the days of Nerva, 216.
- Swabians, partly called Sueves, and partly Alemanni, dwell on the Maine, iii, 277;
  - break through the Limes and take possession of what is now Swabia, 280.
- 465 Swinburne gives a satisfactory description of the ground of the battle of Cannæ, ii, 100.
- Switzerland, whenever danger threatened from abroad the aristocratical cantons mild to their country districts, otherwise harsh and cruel to them, i, 225;
  - growing prosperity at the time of the Thirty Years’ war, 459;
  - the office of Bailiff sold in the smaller cantons, ii, 7.
- Syagrius, iii, 347.
- Sylburg’s edition of Dionysius excellent, i, 41;
  - not inferior to any philologer of the first renown, 41.
- Sylla, L. Cornelius, promotes proletarians into the senate, i, 516;
  - treats with Bocchus about the delivering up of Jugurtha, ii, 321, distinguishes himself in the Social War with the main army, 356;
  - consul, 359;
  - character, 359;
  - appointed general by the senate against Mithridates, 360;
  - marches against Rome, 367;
  - conquers near Chæronea, 375;
  - greatness of his character, 378;
  - his return to Italy, 378;
  - confirms all the rights of the new citizens, 379;
  - defeats Norbanus near the Mount Tifata, 380;
  - trace, 380;
  - conquers the younger Marius near Sacriportus, 381;
  - marches upon Rome, 381;
  - goes to Etruria, 382;
  - battle of the Colline gate, 382;
  - has eight thousand Samnites put to death, 383;
  - conduct towards Præneste, 383;
  - proscriptions, 383;
  - his fantastic activity, 385;
  - reorganizes the senate, 385;
  - regulates the consulate and tribunate, 387;
  - deprives the children of the proscribed of their rights as citizens, 387;
  - gives back the administration of justice to the senators, 388;
  - further changes, 388;
  - dictatorship, 390;
  - his disease, 390;
  - death, 391;
  - was not false, 407.
- Symmachus, iii, 324.
- Symplegades, according to one legend in the eastern, and according to others in the western sea, i, 102.
- Sympolity, synonymous to connubium and commercium, i, 503.
- Syngraphæ, i, 388.
- Syphax, king of the Massæsylians, ii, 131;
  - makes overtures to the Romans, 131;
  - marries Sophonisbe, 135;
  - wishes to act as mediator between Rome and Carthage, 136;
  - defeated by Masinissa, led in the triumph of Scipio, dies at Alba, 136;
  - his statues common, 136.
- Syracuse besieged under Agathocles by the Carthaginians, ii, 4;
  - the cradle of mechanical art, 12;
  - falls off from Rome, 114;
  - proclaims the republic, 115;
  - revolution by the mercenaries, 116;
  - conquered, 117;
  - acknowledged by Timæus as the first of Greek towns, 118.
- Syria at war with Egypt, ii, 145;
  - wins the northern fortresses of Phœnicia, 145;
  - Roman province, iii, 11;
  - one of the finest and richest countries in the world, 12;
  - overrun by the Persians, 280.
- P. Syrus, iii, 141.
- T
- Tabelliones under the emperors, i, 515.
- Tabulæ novæ, cancelling of debts, i, 540.
- Tacitus, his loving memory of his father-in-law, ii, 292;
  - the excellent dialogus de Oratoribus, iii, 130, 185;
  - has not described the time of Nerva, 214;
  - 466has written from the death of Augustus down to Trajan, 164;
  - the Annales were very likely twenty books, 164;
  - throws in the beginning of his Historiæ some light on Galba, 194;
  - his opinion of Otho’s end, 198;
  - his Agricola one of the greatest masterpieces of biography, 211;
  - character of his writings, 224, 225;
  - first edition of Agricola, 224;
  - the Historiæ comprised thirty books, 225;
  - his age did not acknowledge his eminence, 225.
- Tacitus, princeps Senatus, emperor, iii, 287;
  - the statement of his advanced age deserves little credit, 288;
  - carries on the war against the Alans, 288;
  - dies, 288.
- Tactics of the Romans, great light thrown on it by Cæsar’s commentaries and by Josephus, iii, 199.
- Tadjiks, inhabitants of towns, iii, 264.
- Tænarus, the gathering place of men without a home, i, 462; ii, 23.
- Talents in Appian are not Attic, but Egyptian, i. e., copper talents, iii, 72.
- Talmud, corresponds in form to the Commentarii pontificum, i, 10.
- Tamphilus, see Bæbius.
- Tanaquil, lives to see the death of Servius, must at that time have been a hundred and fifteen years old, i, 81, 155;
  - every woman, who is stated to have been Etruscan, is called by the Romans Tanaquil, 137.
- Tarchon, i, 192.
- Tarentum waxes great by the immigration of the Greeks from the other states, i, 459;
  - state of its affairs, 460;
  - constitution, 460;
  - the blame heaped upon it is unjust, 460;
  - calls in Archidamus of Sparta, 461;
  - then Alexander of Epirus, 461;
  - wool dying manufactories, 478;
  - its share in the second Samnite war, 497;
  - calls in Cleonymus against the Lucanians, 510;
  - very likely throughout the Samnite war hostile to Rome, 511;
  - treaty with Rome, 511, 544;
  - excites the people far and near against the Romans, 544, 548;
  - destroys the Roman ships, 549;
  - the citadel given up to Cineas, 556;
  - sold by Milo, 570;
  - garrison of the Romans there, ii, 50;
  - goes over to Hannibal, 110;
  - the citadel remains to the Romans, 110;
  - fallen into the hands of Hannibal owing to treachery, again betrayed to the Romans, 120;
  - colony sent thither by C. Gracchus, 120;
  - loses all its rights, 186.
- Tarpeia, a Sabine heroine, i, 29.
- Tarquinians, after their expulsion reside at Laurentum, i, 136;
  - gens Tarquinia, 137;
  - treated at first with forbearance, then exiled, 204.
- Tarquinii, an important town, its connexion with Corinth not to be mistaken, i, 134;
  - its people carry on war against the Romans, 390;
  - threaten Rome, 408;
  - war of them, 413;
  - routed by C. Martius, 413.
- Tarquinius Priscus, legends of him, i, 81, 185;
  - is a Latin, not an Etruscan, 136;
  - his wife in the old legend a Latin woman, Caia Cæcilia, 137;
  - in all likelihood belongs to the Luceres, 137;
  - his time seems to be parted from the former by a great gulf, 137;
  - Cloaca maxima, 138;
  - wishes to double the Romulean Tribus, 139.
- Tarquinius Superbus, stated by Piso to have been the grandson of Tarquinius Priscus, i, 29;
  - 467at least fifty years of age when he kills Servius, 81;
  - forbids the plebeian Sacra, 173;
  - destroys the laws of Servius Tullius, 184, 194;
  - undertakes immense works, uses the plebeians as bondmen, 194;
  - subjects Latium, 195;
  - presides at the sacrifices of the Feriæ Latinæ, 197;
  - said to have founded colonies at Signia and Circeii, 197;
  - Gabii taken by stratagem, 197;
  - his statue remained on the Capitol, 199;
  - goes to Cære, Tarquinii, Veii, 208;
  - his death, 219.
- Sex. Tarquinius, his outrage against Lucretia, i, 189.
- L. Tarquitius, master of the horse of Cincinnatus, i, 282.
- Tarraco, in the beginning of the second Punic war, in possession of the Romans, ii, 69.
- T. Tatius, dies in the fourth year of the town, i, 84, note;
  - gains, by means of treason, a settlement on the Tarpeian Hill, 118;
  - slain at the sacrifice in Laurentum, 118, 121;
  - his memory hated, 121;
  - called by Ennius a tyrant, 121;
  - refuses to the people of Lavinium to give up their kinsmen, 266.
- Taurasia, battle, i, 567.
- Taurea, see Jubellius.
- Taurinians were Ligurians, i, 370.
- Tauris, capital of Armenia, iii, 296.
- Tauriscans are among the tribes in arms in the war of the Cisalpine Gauls, otherwise only in Carniola, ii, 52;
  - their dwellings, iii, 3.
- Taurominium, allied with Syracuse, i, 578;
  - opens its gates to the Romans, 581;
  - independent after the first Punic war, ii, 41.
- Taxes among the ancients were mostly on land, ii, 183;
  - made superfluous in Rome by the Macedonian booty after the defeat of Perseus, 219; iii, 301.
- Taxiles, general of Mithridates, ii, 375.
- Tectosages, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 81.
- Telamon, near Populonia, battle of the Romans and the Cisalpine Gauls, ii, 55.
- Tellenians, i, 171.
- Tellus and Tellumo, deities of the earth, i, 169;
  - temple of Tellus on the Carinæ, 257.
- Telmissus comes to Eumenes, ii, 183.
- Temple of Penates, falsely called the temple of Romulus, at the foot the Velia, i, 206;
  - that of Venus and of Roma is summa Velia, 206;
  - of Virtus and Honos, dedicated by Marcellus, thoroughly stripped in the time of Livy, ii, 119;
  - the temple of Jerusalem plundered by Pompey, iii, 11;
  - of the temple of Apollo on the Palatine nothing is left, 149;
  - the temple of peace built by Vespasian, 207;
  - of Mars Ultor, all the columns of marble, 222;
  - the temples of Venus and Roma erected under Hadrian, 224.
- Tenchteri, Cæsar’s conduct to them, iii, 44.
- Terentia, Cicero’s wife, her influence over him, iii, 18.
- C. Terentilius Harsa appoints five men to draw up a law, declaring the limits of consular authority, i, 277.
- P. Terentius Afer (Terence), ii, 392;
  - conf. Plautus.
- Terentius Culleo, ii, 185.
- C. Terentius Varro, consul, son of a butcher, ii, 97;
  - seems unjustly to have been condemned by historians, 98;
  - 468in the account of Appian, taken from Fabius Pictor, he is far from being so blameable as Livy and Polybius want to make him out, 99.
- M. Terentius Varro, descendant of C. Terentius Varro, dates the death of Nævius later than others do, i, 18;
  - not a learned philologist in the modern sense of the term, 99;
  - has read an immense deal, but is confused, 103;
  - belongs to the aristocratical party, ii, 98; iii, 56;
  - does not at all write like one who lived in the same age with Cicero, 127;
  - by far less learned in Greek things than in Roman, 127.
- Terina, i, 458.
- Termantia, or Termessia, town of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.
- Terni, origin of the cascade, i, 538;
  - conf. Amiternum.
- Terra di Lecce and Terra di Otranto, the Greek language extinct there, i, 145.
- Terracina, Tyrrhenian, called formerly Τραχεινή, i, 110;
  - afterwards Volscian, called Anxur, 223;
  - conf. Anxur.
- Tertullian, a man of the highest talent, iii, 234;
  - his book against the theatre, 235;
  - should be read much more generally by philologists, 235.
- Tetricus, C. Pesuvius, emperor in the West, iii, 283, 284;
  - goes over to Aurelian, 286.
- Teuta, Queen of Illyria, ii, 47.
- Teutoburg Forest, battle, iii, 157.
- Teutones, of German stock, ii, 323;
  - may have been chased out of the East by the advance of the Sarmatians, 323;
  - conquered by Marius, 329.
- Teutonic Knights at Königsberg, had a book with stories from the O. T., and from the heroic age of Rome, i, 79.
- Thalna, see Juventius.
- Thapsus, peninsula with a fortified town, iii, 67.
- Tharyps, king of the Molossians, i, 552.
- Thasus, the Phœnician settlement there later than that of Cyprus, ii, 1.
- Theatres, Greek, had most of them a view of the sea, i, 549;
  - in them the people used to assemble, 549;
  - of Marcellus, iii, 149.
- Thebes, destroyed, ii, 255.
- Theocritus, said to have been put to death by Hiero on account of a Satire, i, 578;
  - his idyll Χάριτες, 578;
  - his shepherds are Siculian, not Greek, iii, 131.
- Theodora, stepdaughter of Maximian, wife of Constantine, iii, 298.
- Theodoric, king of the Western Goths, iii, 340;
  - his classical knowledge, 343.
- Theodorius, emperor, colleague of Gratian, iii, 319;
  - native of Spain, 319;
  - character, 320;
  - conquers the Goths, 320;
  - defeats Maximus near Aquileia, 321;
  - against Eugenius, 321;
  - does penance, 322.
- Theodosius, iii, 335.
- Theology, of the Romans Etruscan, i, 148;
  - a knowledge of the imperial history indispensable for it, iii, 164.
- Theophilus, his mistake, ii, 41.
- Theophrastus, did not yet reckon by Olympiads, i, 149.
- 469 Thera, rises out of a clod of earth, i, 102.
- Thermantia, Stilicho’s daughter, Honorius’ wife, iii, 332.
- Thermometer, its height much less in old times than now, i, 357, and note.
- Thermopylæ, Ætolian, ii, 151;
  - battle, 173.
- Thesmophoriæ, celebrated by women only, iii, 27.
- Thessalians, are connected with the Pelasgians, i, 96.
- Thessalonica, besieged by the Goths, iii, 284.
- Thessaly, country of Cineas, has produced no other distinguished man, i, 555;
  - well affected to Macedon, ii, 145;
  - part of it Ætolian, 151;
  - blended with Macedon, 151;
  - forms with Phthiotis the Thessalian republic, 163;
  - quite unable to take care of its own affairs, 171.
- Thirty Years’ War, did nothing but destroy in literature, ii, 395;
  - in the latter years of it the French, Swedish, and imperial armies were equally bad, iii, 201.
- Thrace, the towns on the southern coast belonged to Egypt, ii, 145;
  - conquered by Philip, 148;
  - a kingdom, iii, 121.
- Thracians, surprise the Roman army, ii, 204;
  - are not without Greek learning, 309;
  - speak Wallachian, iii, 267;
  - only the seaports and the larger inland towns, Greek, 267.
- Thrasea, see Pætus.
- Thucydides mentions natural phenomena, ii, 92;
  - no other historian of the same spirit rose up after him, iii, 275.
- Thurii, i, 459;
  - conquered by the Lucanians, 551;
  - by Rome, 551;
  - destroyed, ii, 406.
- Thurinians, supported by the Romans against the Lucanians, i, 545;
  - erect a statue to Fabricius, 546;
  - the protection of Tarentum withdrawn from them, 551.
- Thysdrus, provincial town in Africa, iii, 268;
  - insurrection against Maximian, 268.
- Tiberius, Claudius Nero, a very able ruler, iii, 126;
  - compelled to marry Julia, 147;
  - proud of high birth, 147;
  - goes to Rhodes, 147;
  - adopted by Augustus, heir presumptive, 148;
  - looked upon with gloomy forebodings, 149;
  - campaign against the Dalmatians, 149;
  - suspected of having caused the death of Drusus, 153;
  - receives the command in Gaul, 153;
  - subdues the Sigambri, Bructeri and Cherusci, 154;
  - against Marbod, 155;
  - to Gaul, 159;
  - speaks the funeral oration of Augustus, 161;
  - was in danger of life even when still an infant, 165;
  - has the quæstura Ostiensis, 166;
  - goes to Armenia, 166;
  - character, 166;
  - a first-rate general, 166;
  - heir of two-thirds of Augustus’ property, 168;
  - dissimulation, 168;
  - his apparent refusal to undertake the government, 168;
  - did all for peace, 170;
  - hoards treasures, 173;
  - his dread of Livia, 174;
  - gives himself up to the most infamous lusts, 174;
  - Napoleon’s opinion of him, 174;
  - withdraws to Capreæ, 175;
  - declares against Sejanus, 176;
  - poisoned, 177;
  - knew Caligula as the monster he really was, 177.
- Tibullus, his fortune had suffered in the stormy times in which he was placed, iii, 137;
  - genuineness of his poems, 137.
- Tibur seems to have formed a distinct state, hostile to the Romans, i, 413;
  - 470receives the full franchise by the Lex Julia, ii, 354;
  - declares for Marius, 370;
  - conf. Præneste, Tivoli.
- Tiburtines, attached to the party of Cinna, iii, 107.
- Ticida, iii, 129.
- Ticinus, battle, probably near Pavia, ii, 83.
- Tifata, Mount, battle, ii, 380.
- Tigellinus, præfectus prætorio, iii, 192.
- Tigranes, king of Armenia, iii, 2;
  - extent of his empire, 2;
  - buys the peace with Rome, 11.
- Tigranocerta, iii, 7;
  - taken by Lucullus, 7.
- Tigurini, in Helvetia, of Gallic stock, join the Cimbrians, ii, 324;
  - revenge of the Romans, iii, 41.
- Timæus, source of Ennius, i, 24;
  - statement from him, 98;
  - is the first who reckons by Olympiads, 149;
  - his history of the Samnite wars merely an introduction to that of Pyrrhus, 493;
  - his history of the war of Pyrrhus, 562; ii, 1;
  - lived in Athens, ii, 118.
- Timesicles, see Misitheus.
- Timesitheus, see Misitheus.
- Τιμηταί of the Greek towns, i, 332.
- Timoleon checks the spread of the Carthaginians in Sicily, i, 457;
  - pacifies Sicily, 575; ii, 4.
- Tin, of great value to the ancients for making copper fusible, ii, 58;
  - even now found principally in England and the East Indies, iii, 45;
  - very great quantities used in ancient times, 45;
  - channels of its trade, 45.
- Tin mines in Cornwall, iii, 45.
- Tiridates receives Armenia as a fief from Nero, iii, 191;
  - mention of him in the Mirabilia Romæ, 192.
- Tiridates, prince of Armenia, iii, 313.
- Tities, name of the Sabine tribe, i, 124.
- Titthi, tribe of the Celtiberians, ii, 260.
- L. Titurius, his legion annihilated by the Eburones, iii, 46.
- Titus, son of Vespasian, remains behind in Judæa, iii, 201;
  - carries on the government, 207;
  - very unpopular before his father’s death, 207;
  - his generosity, 208;
  - præfectus prætorio, 208.
- Tivoli had in the 15th century fifty times more owners of the soil than now, i, 228;
  - destroyed places in its neighbourhood, 409 and note;
  - constitution in modern times, ii, 398;
  - conf. Tibur.
- Toga, its form, i, 267.
- Toichographies of the Greeks, i, 5.
- Tolistoboii, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.
- Lars Tolumnius, king of Veii, i, 347.
- Tomi (Kustendji), lay outside the contiguous Roman empire, iii, 161.
- Tongres, burnt to ashes, iii, 308.
- Town-house in America, i, 450.
- Trajan, fond of transporting himself into the past, i, 403;
  - has written his memoirs, iii, 214;
  - adopted by Nerva, 215;
  - his descent, 216;
  - goes to Germany, 216;
  - comes to Rome only a year after his accession, 217;
  - his energy, 217;
  - gets the finances into excellent order, 217;
  - the first Dacian war, 218;
  - conquers, 218;
  - second war, 219;
  - successfully ended, 219;
  - war against the Parthians 219;
  - 471reduces Seleucia and Ctesiphon, 220;
  - makes peace, 220;
  - makes Arabia a Roman province, 220;
  - dies at Selinus, 221;
  - adopts Hadrian, 221;
  - his buildings, 221.
- Trajanopolis, formerly Selinus, iii, 221.
- Trajan’s pillar, iii, 212, 223.
- Transitio ad plebem, i, 200; iii, 28.
- Trapani, the Drepana of old, ii, 29.
- Trasimenus, battle, ii, 91;
  - has great resemblance to the battle of Auerstedt, 91.
- Travertino, is fire proof, i, 380.
- Treasury of Rome during the time of the Social War, ii, 296;
  - well filled at the death of Antoninus Pius, iii, 248.
- Trebia, locality of the battle, ii, 84;
  - battle of Macdonald against Suwarow in 1799, 86.
- Trebonianus, Gallus, emperor, iii, 278;
  - concludes a treaty with the Goths, 278;
  - falls, defeated by Æmilianus, 279.
- Trebonius, a Lucanian name, iii, 37.
- C. Trebonius, general of Cæsar, takes a part in the conspiracy against him, iii, 79.
- Trent, a Lombard colony, i, 103.
- Treves, seat of the Gallic government, iii, 283;
  - Porta nigra, 283;
  - destroyed, 308.
- Triarii, i, 441.
- Triballians, make their appearance in Thrace nine (twelve) years after the taking of Rome, i, 365, 369.
- Tribuneship, brought back by Sylla to what it was before the Publilian law, ii, 387;
  - no one, after having been tribune, is to have any office, which led to the senate, 387;
  - restored by Pompey, iii, 5.
- Tribuni ærarii, iii, 4.
- Tribuni celerum, not one but four of them, i, 199.
- Tribuni militares, their number, i, 192;
  - in the army, when complete, there are twenty-four of them, 488.
- Tribuni Plebis, entered upon office on the tenth of December, i, 237;
  - institution of the office, 239;
  - elected by the whole of the community, 239;
  - inviolable, 340;
  - chosen auxilii ferendi causa, 340;
  - looked upon like the ambassador of a foreign state, to protect the subjects of his sovereign, 241;
  - their houses open by day and night, not allowed to absent themselves from the city, 241;
  - elected by the centuries, 242;
  - confirmed by the curies, 242;
  - their number at first two, afterwards five, 242;
  - were anything but mutinous, 256;
  - their character changes under Pontificius, 260;
  - no longer confirmed by the curies, 261;
  - impeach the consuls, probably before the curies, 265;
  - after that before the Plebes, 265;
  - their procedure in their motions before the people, 270;
  - receive by the Publilian rogations the initiative, 271;
  - their office not abolished under the first decemvirate, only under the second, 298;
  - ten elected under the presidency of the Pontifex Maximus, 312;
  - after the downfall of the decemvirs they enter upon their office in December, 312;
  - the protest of one might paralyze the influence of the whole body, 314;
  - representatives of their order, 314;
  - seem also to have taken auspices, 314;
  - patricians among them, 314, 326;
  - 472their college divided, 328;
  - their power limited by the Lex Ælia and Fusina, ii, 226;
  - arrest consuls, 226;
  - change of the character of the tribuneship, 269;
  - can only check each other, 280;
  - belong to the first families, 281;
  - merely commissioned to bring motions before the people, 281;
  - enter upon office on the ninth of December, 284;
  - take part in the discussions of the senate, 284.
- Tribunus, head of a tribe, i, 174.
- Tribunus notariorum, cabinet councillor, iii, 321.
- Tribes, the names of the oldest Roman tribes Etruscan, i, 148;
  - of Servius Tullius, i, 173;
  - had common Sacra, 173;
  - names of the country tribes taken from heroes, 173;
  - plebeians only received into them, 174;
  - tribus urbanæ were minus honestæ, especially the Esquilina, the Crustumina standing higher, 336, 522;
  - there seems to have been discussion allowed in them, 184;
  - their privileges, 184;
  - an appeal to them granted by Servius Tullius, 184;
  - their number reduced from thirty to twenty by the peace of Porsena, 212;
  - tribus Crustumina added as the twenty-first, 212;
  - consist of two decuries, 239;
  - were allowed only to transact business on the Nundines, 269;
  - a curulian magistrate not allowed to be present at their assemblies, 269;
  - mode of voting, 260;
  - become a general national division, 304;
  - might assemble every day, 322;
  - decide on war, 415;
  - after the first Punic war there are thirty-five of them, ii, 185;
  - new tribes formed in the Social war, 357;
  - conjectures on their number, 357, note;
  - done away with, 374.
- Tribus Æmilia, ii, 374.
- Tribus Pupinia, i, 448.
- Tribus Quirina, ii, 185.
- Tribus Sergia, ii, 374.
- Tribus Tarquinia, i, 204.
- Tribus Ufentina, i, 466.
- Tribus Velina, ii, 185.
- Tribute of the conquered countries to Rome, iii, 12.
- Trierarchies in Rome, i, 405.
- Trifanum on the Liris, battle, i, 444.
- Trinundinum or Trinum nundinum, i, 269, 270.
- Triremes of the Athenians had from two hundred to two hundred and twenty men, partly rowers, partly marines, ii, 12;
  - of the Romans and Antiates, ii, 13.
- Triumph on the Alban mount, i, 411, note.
- Triumphal Fasti, see Fasti.
- Triumphal arches at the entrances of the Forum Ulpium, iii, 224, on that of Severus the falling of the art is to be seen, 224.
- Triumviri, more correctly tresviri, i, 544.
- Triumviri agrorum dividendorum, ii, 284;
  - were not sacrosancti, 284.
- Triumviri capitales were perhaps an offshoot of the ædilieian power, i, 406, 543;
  - their offices, 544.
- Triumviri monetales, established after the Lex Hortensia, i, 406.
- Triumviri reipublicæ constituendæ, i, 407; iii, 92.
- Trocmi, tribe of the Galatians, ii, 181.
- 473 Trogus Pompeius, born near Massilia, used native chronicles, i, 364;
  - of Ligurian extraction, ii, 49.
- Trojans to be looked upon as Pelasgians, i, 96.
- Trojan immigration in Italy quite unauthenticated, i, 105;
  - mentioned by Nævius, 105.
- Tuarics have an alphabet quite distinct from the Arabic, ii, 310.
- Tubero, Q. Ælius, writes the Roman annals anew, i, 35;
  - no longer knew the old style of language, nor did he see the difference between the institutions of his own day and those of primitive times, 35;
  - made use of documents, 35.
- Tuditanus, consul, ii, 288.
- Tullia gens, an Alban clan on the Cœlius, i, 156.
- Tullus, see Attius, Hostilius.
- Tunes, Tunis, its territory subject to Carthage, ii, 4;
  - the dialect probably still contains Punic and Latin elements, 5; iii, 234;
  - conquered by Regulus, ii, 21.
- Turditanians, according to the ancients of different race from the Cantabrians, according to Humboldt of the same, ii, 60.
- Turin, battle, iii, 299.
- Turini, ancient form for Tyrrheni, i, 102.
- Turnus, synonymous with Turinus, Tyrrhenus, i, 109.
- Turnus Herdonius, the tale of him has a highly poetical colouring, i, 195.
- Tuscanica signa prized at Rome, i, 153.
- Tuscany, the grand duke Peter Leopold divided his subjects, and thereby made them bad, i, 451.
- Tusci, synonymous with Tyrrheni, i, 144.
- Tusculans, become full citizens after the Latin war, i, 448;
  - put into the Tribus Pupinia, 448;
  - the most renowned Roman families were Tusculan, 448;
  - rising, 480.
- Tusculum remains faithful to Rome, i, 390;
  - the theatre there presupposes the performance of native and Greek pieces, ii, 195.
- Twelve Tables, the laws of the, introduce one uniform civil law for patricians and plebeians, i, 228, 230;
  - their origin, 297;
  - the laws hostile to the liberty of the plebeians were on the two last, 298;
  - constitution after them, 300, 303;
  - the laws were not entirely new, 301;
  - give unlimited right to dispose by will, 301;
  - forbid the enactment of any privilegia, 303.
- Tycha, part of Syracuse, ii, 117.
- Tyndaris, on the northern coast of Sicily, sea fight, ii, 16.
- Tyrants, thirty, iii, 281.
- Tyre, by its connexion with Persia becomes the port for the whole of Asia, ii, 3.
- Tyrrhenians, old name of the Pelasgian population of Latium, i, 98;
  - among the Greeks the Pelasgian inhabitants of the whole western coast of Italy, 102;
  - go from Meonia to Italy, 102;
  - the name transferred by the Greeks to the Etruscans, 148;
  - dwelt, according to Thucydides, near Athos, and in Lemnos, according to Herodotus, in Attica, near the Hymettus, 143;
  - the national hatred of the Greeks against them in Pindar to be understood of the Etruscans, 151;
  - make their appearance before Cumæ, 214.
- 474%center%U
- Ulixes, Latin form for Odysseus, ii, 194;
  - Siculian, 194, note.
- Ulm, the guilds the ruling power there, i, 168.
- Ulphilas, iii, 317.
- Ulpianus, Domitius, chief of Septimius Severus, iii, 262;
  - of Tyrian origin, but not born in Tyre, 262;
  - murdered, 263;
  - a great jurist, 275;
  - excellent with regard to language, 275.
- Ulster, it is problematical whether any Cymri had dwelt there, ii, 322.
- Umbrians, belong to the same stock as the Opicans, i, 99;
  - their language has some resemblance to Latin, 142;
  - Umbria, a district in Tuscany, 146;
  - become tributary to the Gauls, 372;
  - connexion with the Romans, 509;
  - acknowledge Rome’s supremacy, 571;
  - under arms during the Social War, ii, 352, 358;
  - get the Roman franchise, 358.
- Umbro, river in Tuscany, i, 146.
- Unction often applied as a remedy, iii, 252.
- Uri, the Beisassen, a subjugated community, i, 167;
  - the canton oligarchical, 437.
- Usipetes, Cæsar’s conduct against them, iii, 44.
- Utica, older colony of Tyre than Carthage, ii, 1;
  - rises against Carthage, 45;
  - throws itself into the arms of Rome, 232;
  - saved by Cato, iii, 69.
- V
- Vaccæans, their subjection, ii, 202;
  - war against them, 231.
- Vadimo, lake, i, 547.
- Valais, iii, 43.
- Valckenaer, iii, 235.
- Valencia, province, Latinized, ii, 257.
- Valencia, town, founded, ii, 260.
- Valenciennes, excavations, iii, 203.
- Valens, see Fabius.
- Valens, brother and colleague of Valentinian the First, iii, 315;
  - cruel and cowardly, a fanatical Arian, 316;
  - battle of Adrianople, 319.
- Valentinian, emperor, an Illyrian, iii, 315;
  - character, 315.
- Valentinian II., son of Valentinian the First, iii, 316;
  - flies before Maximus to Thessalonica, 321;
  - murdered by Arbogastes, 321.
- Valentinian III., Placidus, iii, 335;
  - emperor, 335;
  - conspires against Aëtius, 342;
  - murdered, 342.
- Valeriani, ii, 377; iii, 5.
- Valerianus defeats Æmilianus, emperor, iii, 279;
  - censor, 279;
  - his history very obscure, 279;
  - war with the Persians, capitulates and becomes a prisoner, 280;
  - dies in captivity, 281.
- Valerian laws restore those of Servius, i, 207.
- Valerius, see Messalla.
- Valerius and Horatius, consuls after the downfall of the decemvirs, i, 342;
  - conquer the Sabines, 342.
- 475 L. Valerius, duumvir navalis, sent with his squadron to Tarentum, i, 549;
  - killed, 549.
- M. Valerius, dictator, i, 235.
- Valerius, Volesus, and the several contemporary Valerii, i, 200, note, 218;
  - belong to the Tities, 200.
- Valerius Antias, the most untrue of all the Roman historians, i, 32;
  - does not belong to the gens of the patrician Valerii, 32;
  - Livy has repeatedly taken from him, 33, 117.
- M. Valerius Corvus, character, i, 425, 481;
  - conquers near the Mount Gaurus, 427;
  - a second time, 429;
  - puts down the insurrection near Lautulæ, 431;
  - lives to an advanced age, 547;
  - six times consul, ii, 333.
- Q. Valerius Falto, prætor, conquers near the Ægatian isles, ii, 38.
- L. Valerius Flaccus, friend of Cato, ii, 173, 192.
- L. Valerius Flaccus, head of the democracy, ii, 369;
  - gets the command against Mithridates, 375;
  - murdered by his quæstor or legatus Fimbria, 376.
- Valerius Flaccus, prætor, iii, 23;
  - Cicero’s oration for him, 37.
- Valerius Maximus, one of the most wretched of writers, i, 66;
  - during the middle ages the mirror of virtue, 79;
  - no historical authority, 466.
- Valerius Poplicola, præfectus urbi, i, 202;
  - generally mentioned as the successor of Collatinus, 205;
  - the accounts of him are fabulous, 206;
  - said to have been chosen into the senate, 334.
- L. Valerius Potitus, requires the decemvirs to resign their power, i, 308.
- C. Valerius Triarius, iii, 8.
- Valesius, Hadrian, iii, 276.
- Valgius, iii, 129, 141.
- Valla, Laurentius, his grave discovered by Niebuhr, i, 3;
  - startled at the contradictions of ancient history, 3, 56.
- Vandals, fearing rebellions, pull down the walls of the conquered towns, ii, 20;
  - make their appearance, iii, 284;
  - threaten Rome, 287;
  - cross the Rhine, 332;
  - evacuate Gaul, 332;
  - in Spain, 332;
  - conquered by Adolphus, 334;
  - invited to Africa by Boniface, 337;
  - truce and peace, 337;
  - pillage Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, and the coast of Italy, 338.
- Q. Vargunteius, has reviewed, not divided the books of Ennius, i, 24.
- Q. Varius, tribune, his law, ii, 349.
- Varius, ranked by the ancients among the greatest of that age, iii, 138;
  - his tragedy of Thyestes, 138;
  - composed very likely after Alexandrinian tragedy, 138.
- Varro, see Terentius.
- Varro Atacinus, translator of Apollonius Rhodius, iii, 129.
- Varus, general of Pompey in Africa, iii, 56.
- Varus, Martius, iii, 241.
- Varus Quinctilius, iii, 156.
- Vases, Etruscan, near Tarquinii, perfectly similar to the oldest Greek ones, i, 134;
  - Arretinian, 134.
- Vatinius, Cicero’s charge and defence, iii, 20;
  - causes, as tribune of the people, Cisalpine Gaul to be given to Cæsar for five years, 34.
- Vaudoncourt, general, asserts, that the Italian, Spanish, and African nations, fought in phalanx, i, 476;
  - 476his notions with regard to the battle on the Trebia inconceivable, ii, 84.
- Vegetation in southern countries always springing up about walls, i, 382.
- Veientine war of Tarquin mythical, i, 208.
- Veii, extent of the town, i, 261;
  - war with Rome, 261;
  - conquer the stronghold of the Fabii at the Cremera, 264;
  - attack against Rome, 264;
  - truce, 265;
  - last war with Rome, 352;
  - parallel to that of Troy, 354;
  - conquered, 359;
  - occupied by patricians, and partly also by plebeians, 360;
  - the Etruscans try to reconquer it, but are repulsed by the Romans under Cædicius, 381;
  - proposition to inhabit Veii instead of Rome, 386;
  - destroyed by the orders of the senate, 387;
  - restored as military colony under Augustus, 387.
- Velabrum, i, 189;
  - lay low on marshy ground, 518.
- Velia summa, infima, i, 206.
- Velinus, lake, its draining, i, 538.
- Velitræ, originally Latin, i, 445;
  - afterwards a Volscian town, 344, 345;
  - Roman colony, 345;
  - separated from Rome, 390;
  - fate after the Latin war, 450.
- Velleius Paterculus, writes as far as 783, independent of Livy, i, 57;
  - character, 58; ii, 357;
  - hits off many characters with masterly touches, iii, 146;
  - has much of the mannerism of the French writers of the eighteenth century, 165.
- Venafrum, got Roman franchise perhaps by the Lex Julia, ii, 354.
- Venantius Fortunatus, iii, 154.
- Vendeans in the year 1793, i, 526.
- Veneti, near the mouth of the Loire, conquered by Cæsar, iii, 45.
- Venetians, friends to the Romans, ii, 56;
  - their chief town Patavium, 56;
  - different from the Tuscans, probably of Liburno-Pelasgian descent, 56;
  - their residences, 56;
  - dependent, 58.
- Venice, position of the nobili, i, 131, 512;
  - in the concilio grande every one was equal to his neighbour, 174;
  - wishes for peace after the battle of Ghiera d’Adda, 475;
  - the places were sold, ii, 7;
  - fought in its most brilliant times only with small ships, 18;
  - senate, iii, 288;
  - foundation, 341.
- Vennonius, an annalist, i, 28.
- Venusia, colony, i, 534, 560; ii, 106; iii, 133;
  - probably besieged by Pyrrhus, i, 564;
  - takes part in the Social war, ii, 352, 355;
  - military colony, iii, 133.
- Ver sacrum, i, 104.
- Vercelli, battle, iii, 332.
- Vercingetorix, insurrection against the Romans, iii, 46;
  - gives himself up to the Romans, 48.
- Verrius Flaccus, i, 130, 136; iii, 323.
- Verses, old German, their construction, i, 90;
  - Arabic, 90;
  - Persian, 90;
  - Spanish coblas de art mayor, 90.
- Versuram facere, to add the interest to the principal, i, 388.
- Verulæ, Hernican town, i, 247.
- Verus, Ælius, adopted by Hadrian, iii, 231.
- Verus, L., adopted by T. Antonius, iii, 237;
  - wallowed in luxury, 240;
  - sent against Parthia, 240.
- 477 Vescia, Ausonian town, very likely the present S. Agata di Goti, i, 443.
- Veseris, battle, i, 439, 443.
- Vespasian from Nursia, ii, 397; iii, 199;
  - has the golden house of Nero destroyed, iii, 190;
  - in Syria against Vitellius, 198;
  - instaurator reipublicæ, 199;
  - of low birth, 199;
  - a distinguished officer, 200;
  - comes late to Rome, 201;
  - character, 204;
  - avarice, 206;
  - his saying concerning the wants of the Roman state, 206;
  - his buildings, 207;
  - dies, 207.
- Vesta, see Vulcanus.
- Vestales, their number reduced to six by Tarquin the Proud, i, 130.
- Vestinians of Sabine stock, i, 120, 419;
  - friends to the Samnites, 476;
  - fall off from Rome in the Social War, ii, 352;
  - make peace with Rome, 356.
- Vesuvius, quite burnt out at the time of Spartacus, ii, 405;
  - quiet since the time of the Greek settlements, begins to throw up fire under Titus, iii, 209.
- Veterans, of Scipio’s army, rewarded by a special grant of land, ii, 187, 273;
  - veterans form settlements where they have been encamped, iii, 152;
  - colonies of them founded by Cæsar, 74.
- Vetranio, iii, 306.
- Vetrius Messius, i, 344.
- Via Appia, i, 518;
  - paved with basalt as far as Brundusium, iii, 222;
  - see Appian road.
- Via Setina, i, 518.
- Vibenna, see Cæles.
- Vibius Virrius, head of the Carthaginian party in Capua resolves to die, ii, 113.
- Vici, a certain number assigned to each region, i, 172; iii, 123.
- Victor, the Origo gentis Romanæ, a forgery of modern times, i, 34; iii, 323.
- Victoriensis, Neu Wied, iii, 283.
- Victories, invented after defeats, i, 222.
- Victorinus, M. Piavvonius, emperor, iii, 282.
- Victorinus, Marius, rhetorician, iii, 324.
- Vicus, septem viarum, i, 188;
  - sceleratus, 194.
- Videant consules, ne quid detrimenti capiat res publica, i, 277; ii, 304, and note.
- Vienna, siege by Soliman, ii, 280.
- Vienne, capital of the Allobroges, ii, 78.
- Vigiles, iii, 123.
- Villani, Giovanni, i, 120;
  - Matteo, iii, 292.
- Ville, original meaning, i, 167.
- Villius, consul, only a short time against Philip, ii, 154;
  - stationed at Antigonea, 154.
- Viminalis, first brought within the precincts of the city by the wall of Servius Tullius, i, 190.
- Vincula Petri, iii, 114.
- Vinculum fidei, i, 230.
- Vindelicians, are of Liburnian stock, i, 370; iii, 151.
- Vindex, Julius, an Aquitanian of rank, insurrection under Nero, iii, 192;
  - 478had the rank of a Roman senator, 193;
  - slain, 193;
  - a Gallic national feeling manifested in his rebellion, 202.
- Vindiciæ contra libertatem, secundum libertatem, i, 309.
- Vinius, favourite of Galba, iii, 196.
- Virgil, changes the old legend of the settlement of Æneas in Latium, i, 116;
  - Gensque virum truncis et duro robore creti, i, 110;
  - recens horrebat regia culmo, 120;
  - his life in danger, iii, 101;
  - his fourth eclogue, 103;
  - may be called the contemporary of Asinius, 130;
  - never has any obsolete phrases but in the Æneid, 131;
  - opinion of him, 131;
  - lyric poetry his true calling, 132;
  - wishes to burn the Iliad, 133;
  - deserves the reproach of flattery far more than Horace, 134;
  - follows in the track of the poets of Alexandria and Pergamus, 139;
  - Virgilian school in the middle ages, 186.
- Virgin, her image washed in the river Almo, iii, 115.
- Virginia, daughter of the centurion L. Virginius, i, 309;
  - crime of Ap. Claudius against her, 309.
- Virginius, father of Virginia, not Aulus, as Livy has it, i, 309.
- T. Virginius Rufus, commander of the German troops, iii, 193;
  - truce with Vindex, 193;
  - refuses to be emperor, 193;
  - declares himself for Galba, 194.
- Viriathus, ii, 224, 257;
  - his peace with the Romans, 258;
  - murdered, 259.
- Viridomarus, Gallic chief slain by M. Claudius Marcellus, ii, 56.
- Visigoths, iii, 317;
  - their national civilization, 317;
  - received into the Roman empire, insurrection at Marcianopolis, 318;
  - overrun Mœsia and Thrace, 318;
  - besiege Adrianople, 319;
  - disarmed by Theodosius, 320;
  - defeated in Greece by Stilicho, 329;
  - conf. Alaric and Adolphus.
- Vitellius, proclaimed emperor by the troops on the German frontier, iii, 196;
  - his character, 196;
  - his father, 196;
  - marches against Italy, 197;
  - battle near Bedriacum, 197;
  - takes possession of Rome, 198;
  - murdered, 201.
- Vitruvius Vaccus, i, 466.
- Vituli or Vitelli, name of the Pelasgians in Italy, i, 79.
- Vodostor, Carthaginian commander, ii, 37.
- Volaterra, destroyed, ii, 383.
- Volcano, on Ischia, an eruption, i, 536.
- Volnius i, 148.
- Vologæsus, iii, 391.
- Volones, ii, 110.
- Volscians, are Opicans, i, 98, 223;
  - periods of the wars against them, 246;
  - advance against Rome from the sea-side, 275;
  - very likely those of Ecetræ had a friendly alliance with Rome, 285;
  - get isopolity, 285, 292;
  - the Volscians of Ecetræ crushed by Postumius Tubertus, 344;
  - split into several states, 410;
  - their land Roman, 504;
  - peace, ii, 147.
- Volscius, who informs against Cæso Quinctius, banished by Cincinnatus, i, 284;
  - his surname of Fictor, 284.
- Voltumna, temple, i, 151;
  - festivals of the Etruscans there, 350.
- Volumnius, consul, carries on the war in Samnium, i, 525;
  - goes to Etruria, where Ap. Claudius wants not to admit him, 527.
- 479 Voss, J. II., the truth of his remarks on Tibullus not admitted owing to party spirit, iii, 137.
- Vossius, Ger. John, i, 38;
  - misled by Pighius, 69.
- Vulcanus and Vesta, deities of fire, i, 169.
- Vulsinii, the insurrection there betokens the condition of a vanquished people, i, 152;
  - war with Rome, 361, 390, 509.
- Vulturnum, another name for Capua, i, 343.
- W
- Walch’s emendations on Livy, i, 57.
- Wall of Servius Tullus, i, 190;
  - that which is called after Trajan, probably built by Augustus, iii, 61.
- Wallace, ii, 53.
- Wallachia, language of the country, iii, 219.
- Wallia, iii, 345.
- Walpole, i, 464.
- Warnefrid, Paul, Eutropius continued by him, i, 66.
- War, a different notion of waging war has come into vogue since the end of the seventeenth century, ii, 119.
- War, declaration of war by the Fetiales, its formula in Livy, i, 104.
- War, art of war was of a far higher order in the Seven-Years’ war than it is now, ii, 17.
- Wars in the French revolution conducted with sluggishness and want of design on the part of the enemy, ii, 82.
- Waterloo, battle, i, 560.
- Wattignies, battle, turning point of the modern history of warfare, ii, 14.
- Well, on the Capitol, i, 378.
- Wendes, in Germany, have most of them adopted the German language without colonization, i, 367.
- Western Asia, ruled over by Syrian kings, ii, 145.
- Western Goths, see Visigoths.
- Westerwald, iii, 46.
- Wieland, his commentary on Horace, iii, 134.
- Will, double form of it, i, 301;
  - in procinctu, 301;
  - auguries requisite for it, 302;
  - the free disposition of property gave rise to the most shameful abuse, 303.
- Winkelmann, i, 73;
  - led astray by Dempster, 141;
  - belongs from his style to the period before Lessing, iii, 127.
- Winter, severe, in Rome, i, 357.
- Wittekind, of Corvey, in his time all memory of the Roman wars entirely vanished, iii, 150.
- Wolf, F. A., i, 73, 251.
- X
- Xanthippus, not a Spartan, but a Neodamode, ii, 22;
  - becomes general of the Carthaginians, 23;
  - defeats Regulus, 24;
  - leaves Carthage, 24.
- Xanthus, in Lycia, iii, 96.
- 480 Xanthus, of Lydia, his work unjustly suspected of not being genuine, i, 143.
- Xenagoras, i, 223.
- Xiphilinus, extracts from Dio Cassius, i, 64.
- Y
- Year, the oldest year of the Romans had ten months, i, 84, 387;
  - that of the Etruscans likewise, 387.
- Yellow fever, in Cadix in 1800, i, 276.
- Yemen, etymology, iii, 281.
- Z
- Zama, battle, ii, 140.
- Zanclæans, their curse on Messana, i, 577.
- Zarmizegethusa, capital of Dacia, Roman colony under the name of Colonia Ulpia, iii, 219.
- Zeno, iii, 68;
  - by far inferior to Plato and Aristotle, 239.
- Zenobia, widow of Odenathus, iii, 282;
  - war with Aurelian, 286;
  - must have had bad infantry, 286;
  - taken prisoner, 286.
- Zeuxis, ambassador of Antiochus to Scipio, ii, 179.
- Zonaras, follows in the track of Dio Cassius, i, 20;
  - his extract from it has a slight admixture from Plutarch, 64;
  - character of his work, 64;
  - statements of his of a marked character are taken from Fabius, ii, 62.
- Zorndorf, battle, 531.
- Zurich, the guilds the ruling power there in the fourteenth century, i, 168.

1. Ad Cornelianam p. 78. Ps. Asconius ad Cic. Divin. Verr: p. 103. Or. and in other places, see Orellii Onom. Ind. Leg. p. 142.—German Edition.

2. Ch. viii. 3.—Germ. Ed.

3. 1749.

4. There is a story that Cicero, when going to Rhodes, consulted the Delphian oracle concerning his life, and that the Pythia replied, that he ought not to trouble himself about the opinion of others but always to follow his own. If this be an invention, it was devised by a man of profound penetration; if the Pythia said it, it is one of those cases in which one feels tempted to believe in her inspiration.

5. Lydus de Magistr. II, 6.—Germ. Edit.

6. Lucan, Pharsal. I, 125.

7. It is remarkable, that of Cæsar not one witty saying indeed is recorded, whilst of Cicero an immense number are known, all of which have a particular stamp, so that their genuineness is not to be doubted.

8. This unaccountable expression is found in the MSS., and therefore I did not choose to suppress it. Milo was, as is well known, from Lanuvium, and had been adopted into the family of the Annii; but in fact he was sprung from the gens Papia. The epithet Syllanian seems to refer to his marriage with Fausta, the daughter of the dictator Sylla.—Germ. Ed.

9. Servius on Virg. Æn. XI, 743.—Germ. Ed.

10. This view is contradicted by Bunsen in his Description of the City of Rome,—Vol. III, 2d div., p. 110.—Germ. Ed.

11. 320 against 22. App. B. C. II, 30.—Germ. Ed.

12. V. Id. Sextil. consequently on August 9th, according to the Kalendar. Amiternin. in Foggini p. 112. 153. Not having access to the book itself, I have borrowed the quotation from Fischer’s Römische Zeittafeln, p. 278. Orelli (Inscript. II, p. 397) agrees with it.—Germ. Ed.

13. Licinus was a barber, an upstart who had amassed an immense fortune, and had caused himself to be splendidly buried.

14. When Dio Cassius, XLIII, 47, says, ὥστε καὶ ἐννακοσίους τὸ κεφάλαιον αὐτῶν γενέσθαι, he does not mean by it a regularly fixed amount, but an accidental maximum.—Germ. Ed.

15. The same friendly affection Cicero had shown also to Virgil, of whom he is said to have used the expression, Magnæ spes altera Romæ: Virgil, at the death of Cicero, was twenty-six years old. (Donat. vit. Virgil. XI.)

16. The other prætorships were unimportant, their occupants being mere chairmen of the courts of justice.

17. Against Demosthenes also similar calumnies were uttered, and the lines (Plut. Demosth. c. 30),

Εἴπερ ἴσην ῥώμην γνώμη, Δημόσθενες, εἶχες,
Οὔποτ’ ἂν Ἑλλήνων ἦρξεν Ἄρης Μακεδών,

have been misrepresented, as having reference to it.

18. Posthumous Works, XIII, 68., “How little even the better men among them (the Romans) understood what government means, may be seen from the most absurd deed, which was ever done, even from the murder of Cæsar.”

19. Plut. Brut., c. 40.—Germ. Ed.

20. See vol. I., p. 406.

21. According to Cic. Brut. c. 64. and 94. Hortensius had made his first speech in the consulship of L. Crassus, and Q. Scævola (657 according to Cato), ten years before the birth of Brutus, who was therefore born in 667, and as he died in 710, must have been in his forty-fourth year. The other statement is that of Velleius Paterculus.—Germ. Ed.

22. The ode

O sæpe mecum tempus in ultimum
Deducte
II, 7.

is to be dated either from the time when Domitius Ahenobarbus united with Asinius Pollio (712), or more likely somewhat later, when Sextus Pompey made peace with the triumvirs, 713, Horace being then twenty-five years old. The punctuation in the edition of Lambinus is incorrect in the passage

Cum fracta virtus et minaces
Turpe solum tetigere mento.

There ought to be a comma after minaces, and a note of admiration after turpe, which is not an adjective but an adverb, according to the Horatian usage. The passage refers to those who in their flight stumble and fall.

23. De Orat. III, 12, 45.—Germ. Ed.

24. I.,—7.

25. In several manuscripts, there is here only a very short reference to the Fasti Prænestini; but as these do not contain the month of August, I conjecture that the Kalendarium Amiterninum is meant (Orellii II, p. 397), where it is stated, Feriæ ex S. C. Q(uod) E(o) D(ie) Cæsar Divi F. Rempublic(am) tristissim ... periculo liberat.—Germ. Ed.

26. Lammas day.

27. Gell. XIV, 7, 8.—Germ. Ed.

28. For details on the subject, see Strabo XVII, towards the end; Dio Cassius, LIII, 12.—Germ. Ed.

29. Conf. Plin. H. N. III, 4, 5.—Germ. Ed.

30. Here there seems to be some mistake. The passage of Quintilian, X, 1, 115, runs as follows, Inveni qui Calvum præferrent omnibus, inveni qui Ciceroni crederent, eum nimia contra se calumnia verum sanguinem perdidisse: sed est et sancta et gravis oratio et custodita et frequenter vehemens quoque. On the other hand, in the Dial. de Orat. c. 18. Sunt enim (antiqui) horridi et impoliti et rudes, et informes et quos utinam nulla parte imitatus esset Calvus vester, aut Cælius, aut ipse Cicero! And Legistis utique et Calvi et Bruti ad Ciceronem missas epistolas, ex quibus facile est deprehendere, Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et attritum—rursumque Ciceronem e Calvo quidem male audivisse tanquam solutum et enervem. In those writings of Cicero which are still extant, there occur two larger passages, Brut. c. 82, Epist. ad Famil. XV, 21, 5, where Calvus indeed is judged with great leniency, but is certainly not spoken of with unqualified praise.—Germ. Ed.

31. Should Seneca perhaps be meant here? conf. Gell. XII, 2.—Germ. Ed.

32. Weichert Poet. Lat. Rel. p. 361, not. 20.—Germ. Ed.

33. Plin. Ep. I, 18.—Germ. Ed.

34. Dio Cass. LXI, 20, LXIII, 8; but indeed in quite a different meaning—Germ. Ed.

35. According to vol. I. p. 45. to his seventy-ninth.—Germ. Ed.

36. Pro Cluentio, c. 56.

37. Humboldt, in Adelung’s Mithridates, vol. IV. p. 351, &c.—Germ. Ed.

38. I. 15.

39. Here ended the winter lectures on Roman history, April 1st 1829. Those which follow on the history of the emperors, were delivered in the following summer one hour every week; which accounts sufficiently for their greater conciseness—Germ. Ed.

40. Goethe’s Faust, Hayward’s Translation.—Transl.

41. Basiliscus?—Germ. Ed.

42. This name is supplied by conjecture. N. very likely had said of the sun and the moon: one MS. has “of Apollo and ...” (here follows an illegible name). The emendation is correct beyond a doubt, according to Descript. of Rome III, 1, 104.—Germ. Ed.

43. Posthumous Works, vol. XIII. p. 68. “The Romans, from a narrow, moral, easy, comfortable, bourgeois state had risen to the broad range of the dominion of the world, without losing their narrow-mindedness.—To the same source we may trace their luxury. Underbred men who acquire a great fortune, will always make a ridiculous use of it: their pleasures, their pomp, their profusion, will be absurd and overdone. Hence also arises that fondness for the Strange, the Innumerable, the Immense. Their theatres which turn round with the spectators; the second population of statues, with which the town was thronged, as well as the gigantic bowl in after times, in which the large fish was to be kept entire, are all of the same origin: even the insolence and cruelty of their tyrants mostly partakes of the absurd.”

44. The so-called Marforio. See Descript. of the city of Rome, III, 1. p. 138.—Germ. Ed.

45. Plin. Ep. IV. 22.—Germ. Edit.

46. Aurel. Vict. Imp. Rom. Epit. c. 12.—Germ. Ed.

47. 195 palms, according to Platner in Bansen’s Description of the City of Rome, III, 1. p. 289. 10 Palmi = 99 Parisian Lines.—Conf. however, on this matter, Platner and Urlich’s Description of Rome. Stuttg. and Tüb. 1845, pp. 24, 25.—Germ. Ed.

48. N. namely reads instead of laudati essent, capitale fuisse, laudati capitales fuissent; and previously, in c. 1. instead of at mihi nunc, at mihi nuper. See “Two classical Latin Writers of the Third Century, P. C.” (Kleine historische und philolog. Schriften I, p. 331.)—Germ. Edit.

49. Any one who writes High German, must feel that phrases and words are wanting, for which the popular dialect has very apt expressions, only they are not used in High German. This is most keenly felt by an inhabitant of Lower Saxony, as in Upper Germany people write very nearly as they speak.

50. That is, from Bonn.—Germ. Ed.

51. Alfieri, in one of his pieces, makes Pliny address a speech to Trajan in which he calls upon him to restore the republic.

52. Three months and six days, according to Dio Cassius.—Germ. Ed.

53. Laurentum, according to Herodian I. 12. 1.—Germ. Ed.

54. In Rome there is an amulet which has not been described before, a silver plate with magic inscriptions, having on it the silver candlestick of Jerusalem and the usual Christian monogram. It is in Greek, mingled with quite barbarous words in an unintelligible language. There is written on it, that he who wore this plate, was sure of being in favour with gods and men. This medley of Christianity, Judaism, and paganism, is of particularly frequent occurrence in the beginning of the third century of the Christian era.

55. In the dissertation “Two Classical Latin Authors of the Third Century, P. C.” (Lesser Historical and Philological Writings, I. p. 321)—Germ. Edit.

56. One of the Scriptores Historiæ Augustæ (Vit. Maximin. jun. c. 7.) is as ignorant as to make Maximus and Pupienus two different persons.

57. In Schmitz II, 320, this passage is given in the following version, “if he had been a Bedouin, he could not have been enlisted in a Roman legion, but would have remained in the cohorts of the Ituræi.” As my sources already begin to be more scanty, and in the ancients themselves very few notices are to be found, from which one might arrive at a correct opinion, I feel particularly bound to quote here this variation.—Germ. Ed.

58. Schmitz has Jotapianus, whereas my MSS., one and all, give the right version.—Germ. Ed.

59. According to the Fasti consulares, C. Messius Quintus Trajanus Decius.—Germ. Ed.

60. In some MSS., Cassianius, which form Eckhel lays down as the correct one.—Germ. Edit.

61. The MSS. give Ælianus and Lælianus, both forms, as is well known, being found of these names.—Germ. Ed.

62. X, 9. Niebuhr, Two Classical Writers, &c. (Lesser Histor. and Philol. Writings, I, p. 304. sqq).—Germ. Ed.

63. IV. 4.

64. A mistake for Florianus, Quintilius being brother to Claudius Gothicus.—Germ. Ed.

65. Review (Zeitschrift) on Historical Jurisprudence. VI. 323. Conf. XI. 20. Walter’s History of the Roman Law (Römische Rechtsgeschichte), I. p. 483. 2d edition.—Germ. Ed.

66. Apotheos. 450.

67. Claudianus de tertio consul. Honorii 90.—Germ. Ed.

68. Qy! Galiani!—Germ. Ed.

69. P. 765. Conf. Niebuhr’s preface to Merobaudes, p. x.—Germ. Edit.

70. Renatus Profuturus Frigeridus in Gregorius Turonensis II, 8.—Germ. Ed.

71. Conf. on this Godofredus’ Prosopography of the Codex Theodosianus.—Germ. Edit.

72. The words “on the banks of the Danube” are not in the MSS. I have supplied them merely from conjecture.—Germ. Ed.

73. Johannes, however, is not an exclusively Christian name. Johannes Lydus certainly was an heathen.

74. The reading Placidius has less authority for it, most of the coins on monuments have Placidus.

75. More correctly, nephews.—Germ. Ed.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

Page | Changed from | Changed to
--- | --- | ---
281 | called Princeps Saracenorum (from شرق to rise, دشرق | called Princeps Saracenorum (from شرق to rise, مشرق

- Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.
- Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter.

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