## The Project Gutenberg eBook of Travels in Western Africa, in the years 1818, 19, 20, and 21, from the river Gambia, through Woolli, Bondoo, Galam, Kasson, Kaarta, and Foolidoo, to the river Niger

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Title: Travels in Western Africa, in the years 1818, 19, 20, and 21, from the river Gambia, through Woolli, Bondoo, Galam, Kasson, Kaarta, and Foolidoo, to the river Niger

Author: Major William Gray

Staff Surgeon Dochard

Contributor: Sir William Jackson Hooker

Release date: November 10, 2023 [eBook #72084]

Language: English

Original publication: London: John Murray, 1825

Credits: Galo Flordelis (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS IN WESTERN AFRICA, IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, 20, AND 21, FROM THE RIVER GAMBIA, THROUGH WOOLLI, BONDOO, GALAM, KASSON, KAARTA, AND FOOLIDOO, TO THE RIVER NIGER ***

TRAVELS
IN
WESTERN AFRICA,
ETC.

G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.

W. Gray del.

BOKARI THE KARTAN GUIDE.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

MAP of the
ROUTES
pursued by the
Expeditions
under
MAJORS PEDDIE
AND GRAY.

Published as the act directs, March 15th. 1825. by John Murray Albemarle Street, London. | J. Walker Sculpt.

(Large-size)

# TRAVELS
IN
WESTERN AFRICA,
IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, 20, AND 21,

FROM THE

RIVER GAMBIA, THROUGH WOOLLI, BONDOO, GALAM,
KASSON, KAARTA, AND
FOOLIDOO, TO THE RIVER NIGER.

BY
MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY,
AND THE LATE
STAFF SURGEON DOCHARD.

WITH A MAP, DRAWINGS, AND COSTUMES, ILLUSTRATIVE
OF THOSE COUNTRIES.

Quòd si deficiant vires, audacia certè
Laus erit in magnis, et voluisse sat est.
PROP.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
MDCCCXXV.

WITH SENTIMENTS OF THE HIGHEST RESPECT
AND THE MOST SINCERE GRATITUDE,
THE AUTHOR OF THE FOLLOWING PAGES
HAS, BY PERMISSION, DEDICATED THEM
TO THE
RIGHT HON. THE EARL BATHURST,

HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR THE COLONIES.

## [vii]PREFACE.

In offering to the public the following pages, it may be necessary to state the motives which operated to my acceptance of that important command, which it will be their business to disclose. Though not born in the camp, nor altogether educated in the field, I have been early taught in that frankness which generally characterises the soldier, and, I trust, it will be found that, in all I describe, I have never deviated from strictly acting on that honourable and faithful basis.

I had reached the shores of Africa, in my tour of service, well remembering on my passage the labours and researches of the informed and the brave who perished in the exalted struggle of benefiting their country and the benighted Africans; while, at the same time, I could not help reflecting on the disappointing results which often attend the best directed human exertions. The brave and the scientific were gone; their country consecrated their labours, though partially abortive; and the enterprising mind felt no alarm in tracing their progress, while a chance[viii] remained of redeeming their fate by more successful exertions. Greece and Rome alternately fought and conquered, and were subdued by arms, the short summary of most nations’ history, while it remained for the British Government alone to extend their empire through the enlightened agency of moral sway, of civil institutes, and Christian regulations, and convey to the hapless, the neglected, and the enslaved, the highest blessings which can dignify, improve, or adorn man.

Warmed with those feelings, I felt an honourable pride in being entrusted with a command to explore the uncultivated regions of Western Africa. It was a task of peril, but the measure of danger was the measure of honour; and with a strong distrust of my own capacity I accepted the office of conducting the expedition. As soon as I became acquainted with its objects, it may be naturally supposed that I felt some uneasiness; but such were the measures taken by a superior commander, now no more, that any insufficiency on my part was compensated by the wisdom of a gallant and enlightened officer. The objects of the mission were not the mere acquisition of territory, or the unfair advantage of commerce; they were the improvement of science, the enlargement of trade, and the consequent diffusion of increased happiness to the[ix] African population. The sceptic in religion, and the would-be renovator of politics, may think differently on this subject; but every rational individual must feel that British life, British talent, and British treasure, would not be employed in such a quarter if there were not every wish to benefit and improve the condition of our degraded fellow creatures.

In undertaking this mission I was not employed to create a fabulous history, or describe romantic scenery; I was employed to glean and collect facts; to effect discovery when it was possible; to note down nothing which might not lead to some useful result; and, in the end, to draw such honest inferences as will, I humbly venture to trust, be found throughout these pages.

With the wisdom of all the previous plans adopted in exploring Western Africa I have nothing to do, and for that in which I was engaged, I only feel myself responsible as far as the resources placed within my reach. A difficult duty was assigned me; I attempted its execution; and, be the results satisfactory or not, I can safely say that my best exertions were in no case wanting to meet the views of those high authorities at home and abroad who confided its performance to me. If I have partially failed, the failure is attributable to circumstances,[x] which will be fully developed in the sequel. I shall say nothing of my sufferings and privations; but after all I have witnessed, I feel deeply impressed with the generous sentiments and wishes of his Majesty’s Government towards all who need their aid, and I entertain a fervent hope that to future travellers in Africa my humble endeavours may prove a source of more ample success than it has fallen to my lot to achieve.

I cannot conclude, without regretting the premature death of my friend and companion Staff Surgeon Dochard, who but a few months after my return from Africa, fell a victim to the consequences of the sufferings and privations he endured on the missions under the command of Major Peddie, Captain Campbell, and myself. I particularly felt the want of that assistance in preparing our several notes for the press, which he was so fully able to afford me. The importance of his notes have not, however, been altogether lost, though they are still deprived of much of that value which his reconsideration would no doubt have imparted to them. Such as he left them, they are faithfully preserved, and have been used in the narrative with the same attention as my own.

W. GRAY, Major.

## [xi]CONTENTS.

## PLATES.

|  | PAGE
Frontispiece. Portrait of Bokari the Kartan Guide.
1. | Hut at Tallabunchia | 5
2. | Swinging Bridge over the Tingalinta | 12
3. | Wandering Foolah | 49
4. | Kongcorong, and Kaartan ceremonial dress | 56
5. | Cane Bridge over the Wallia creek | 73
6. | Madina, capital of Woolli | 80
7. | Boolibany—Capital of Bondoo | 125
8. | Mosque and Place of Assembly at Galam | 282
9. | Musical Instruments | 301
| Map to face title-page. |
| Botanical drawings after page 396. |

N. B. For the nature and amount of presents, see Appendix.

ERRATA.

Page |  |
26 | For | Tumbo read Teembo.
75 | — | Sindey read Jindey.
77 | — | Somkeys read Sonikeys.
87 | — | Mausafarra read Mansafarra.
103 | — | 85° 22′ 6″. &c. read 14° 10′ 58″. Thermometer in shade 100°.
235 | — | Thurno read Thierno.
264 | — | Falume read Fa-lemme.

[1]TRAVELS IN AFRICA,
ETC.

## CHAPTER I.

Arrival of the Expedition at Senegal — Delay there — A Messenger despatched to Sego — Departure from Senegal, and Arrival at the Rio Nunez — Town of Tallabunchia — Major Peddie’s Death — Sickness of the Men and Officers — Departure from Robugga — Difficulties on the March — Arrival at the Panjetta.

It is no doubt in the recollection of many of my readers, that an expedition destined to explore the interior of Africa, from its western coast to the river Niger, the course and termination of which was its ultimate, and indeed grand object, left England in the latter end of 1815, under the command of Brevet-Major Peddie, of the 12th Foot, having with him Captain Campbell, of the Royal Staff Corps, and Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey; the latter, an officer who had some years before explored part of the country in the vicinity of the Cape of Good Hope, and all three fully qualified to the importance of the service entrusted to their care.

On their arrival at Senegal in the month of[2] November, 1815, so many obstacles presented themselves to the immediate departure of the expedition for the interior, that Major Peddie, having proceeded to Sierra Leone for the purpose of consulting with his Excellency the Governor, decided on remaining at Senegal until the ensuing year.

They had not been long there, when Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey took ill, and in a few days fell a victim to the climate, much regretted by his brother officers, who were thus left without a medical assistant, and deprived not only of his society, but of his invaluable services as a naturalist and astronomer.

To fill the situation thus left vacant, at least in the capacity of a medical officer, I was applied to by Major Peddie; and although I felt that I possessed few of the qualifications requisite to the discharge of the duties of so important a situation, I nevertheless accepted the offer, with a determination that no exertion should be wanting on my part to forward the services of the expedition, which I joined at Senegal, in February, 1816.

Major Peddie’s first step was to despatch a messenger with a letter to the king of Sego, informing him of our intention to visit him, and begging he would send some of his chiefs to Senegal, to conduct us into his territories. The[3] person employed, whose name was Lamina, was a native of Sego, and promised to return with the king’s answer in three months.

Captain Campbell went to Sierra Leone in March, 1816, for the purpose of acquiring information respecting the path through Foota Jallon, and on his return so strongly urged Major Peddie to enter the country for the interior from the Rio Nunez, that he decided on doing so, and fixed the middle of November for their departure from Senegal. The interim was employed in collecting information respecting the countries through which we were to travel, and selecting from the regiment serving on the coast, a detachment of non-commissioned officers and men fitted to the peculiarity of such a service, and purchasing animals for the transport of the baggage.

All these preparations being completed, we embarked on board four vessels, hired for the purpose, and sailed from Senegal on the 17th of November, 1816.

The expedition was then composed of Major Peddie, Captain Campbell, Mr. Adolphus Kummer, a German, as naturalist, Mr. Partarrieau, a native of Senegal (possessing considerable knowledge of the Arabic and Moorish languages, with some of the native African tongues), and myself, having with us a party of[4] soldiers and civilians, amounting to 100 individuals, and a train of 200 animals. We called at Goree, where we remained until the 26th, when being joined by a vessel from the Cape de Verde Islands, having on board some horses and mules for our use, we proceeded and arrived, after a tedious passage of sixteen days, at Kakundy, a factory belonging to a Mr. Pearce, on the left bank of the Rio Nunez.

While waiting for the tide at the mouth of that river, we visited a small island formed by the alluvial matter brought down with the stream, and collected by a ridge of rocks which run nearly across its embouchure. It is called Sandy Island, from its soil being almost wholly composed of that substance. It is about a mile in length, and from a quarter to half a mile in breadth, having a gentle rise towards the centre, where it is covered by a grove of palm trees. We met on it a party of about twenty of the Bagoo tribe, who had come thither to collect palm wine, for the celebration of a mournful ceremony over one of their chiefs, who had died a short time before. At a little distance from the spot where we met them, there is an arbour, on approaching which we were stopped, and told the place was sacred, as it contained their idols; of those we could not obtain even an indistinct view.

[5]Tallabunchia, which we also visited, is situated on the north bank of the river, about four miles above Sandy Island, in a plain, beautifully shaded with lofty palm trees, and a great profusion of orange, lime, plantain, and bananas. The town is straggling and irregular, and contains about 200 inhabitants. The houses are about sixteen feet high, and divided, by a partition of split cane, into two apartments, one of which serves as a store for their rice, &c. and the other for a dwelling. The men are strong and well formed, but of an extremely savage appearance; their whole apparel consists of a fathom of cotton cloth wrapped round their waists; they practise cutting the incisor teeth and tattooing the breasts and arms; holes are pierced through the whole circle of the ear, in which are inserted bits of a coarse kind of grass. The dress of the women is still less decent or becoming; a strip of cotton bound round the loins, in the shape of what surgeons call a T bandage, is their only covering; a band of twisted grass round the upper parts of the thigh, one immediately above, and another below the knee, with one over the ankle, constituted the female ornaments. The children were quite naked, and had large copper rings hanging from the cartilage of the nose.

A NATIVE’S HUT AT TALABUNCHIA.

W. Gray del.

FAC SIMILE OF DRAWING ON THE WALLS OF THE HUT.

(Large-size)

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

On the morning of the 14th, Captain Campbell,[6] who had again proceeded to Sierra Leone, on matters connected with the service, joined us at Kakundy, where the whole of the men, animals, and baggage were landed. We encamped on an elevated piece of ground, cleared for the purpose, and overlooking the factory. There sickness soon began to prevail amongst the Europeans, few of whom escaped without one or two attacks of fever, and, such was their weak state, that, on the 24th of December, it was thought expedient to remove them about four miles east of Kakundy, to Robugga, a factory belonging to a Mr. Bateman, who politely gave up his house for their accommodation. On that day Major Peddie was attacked with violent fever, from which he experienced little relief until the morning of the 1st of January, 1817, when, thinking himself better, he left his bed, but was soon obliged to resume it, and in a few hours breathed his last.

This was a sad commencement of the new year, and the melancholy event cast a heavy gloom on the minds of every individual connected with the expedition. It made so deep an impression on some, that it was with much difficulty they could be prevailed on not to abandon the enterprise. Never was a man more sincerely beloved, nor more truly regretted by all who knew him. His remains were deposited, amidst[7] the heartfelt regrets of his friends and companions, on the following day, in the court-yard of Mr. Bateman, under the shade of two orange trees; and an appropriate epitaph, written by Captain Campbell, and carved on a slab of native mahogany, was placed on his grave.

The day previous to his death, the expedition was joined by Lieutenant Stokoe, of the Royal Navy, and Hospital-assistant Nelson. They were accompanied by Lieutenant M‘Rae, of the Royal African Corps, and Thomas Buckle, Esq.[1]; the latter was sent by his Excellency, Sir Charles M‘Carthy, to afford every facility to our departure from Kakundy, and was the bearer of presents to Mr. Pearce (the nominal king of Kakundy having no power whatever in the country), without consulting whom nothing is done in that river even by the European traders.

Lieutenant M‘Rae, hearing on his arrival of Major Peddie’s illness, and the little hope we entertained of his recovery, came forward with the most disinterested zeal, and told Captain Campbell that if his services were likely to be of any use to the expedition, he would readily accompany it; indeed he left Sierra Leone partly with that intention: and notwithstanding the great want of officers in that garrison at the time, and[8] that he filled some very important situations, his Excellency, with that alacrity he had all along shewn to comply with whatever was calculated to forward the views of the expedition, most willingly agreed to his proceeding, should his services be required. After Major Peddie’s death, they were considered very acceptable, and he was immediately added to our number. He did not, however, long survive our lamented commander; he was attacked with fever, for the first time since his arrival on the coast, on the 13th of January, and died on the 21st, deeply regretted by us all.

The convalescents, and in which condition were nearly all the Europeans, being in a very debilitated state, were moved forward, under the care of Mr. Nelson, to the borders of the Foota country, on the Tingalinta river, whence they might be easily sent back were they not sufficiently recovered by the time the whole might have moved forward.

We left Robugga in the afternoon of the 1st of February, and after a most fatiguing march of four hours reached Harrimakona, a small slave village belonging to a Mandingo chief, named Kirra Mahomadoo, who lives near Kakundy.

On the morning of the 2d, Lieutenant Stokoe was added to the sick list, and being unable[9] to render any assistance, rode forward to the Tingalinta. We left Harrimakona at two, P.M. and got on tolerably well until we arrived at a difficult pass in a wood, where those in front disturbed a swarm of bees, which made so violent an attack on both men and animals, that all were thrown into confusion. On my being made acquainted with the cause, I considered it a very frivolous excuse for allowing the horses and asses to run about in all directions, throwing off their loads; and was reprimanding the men for their carelessness, when I was attacked by so dense a swarm of those insects, that I was obliged to retreat, and suffer the mortification of exhibiting myself in the same predicament with those I had just been reproving. It was sunset before the bees dispersed, or we could collect the animals, many of whom suffered severely, from the bees getting into their eyes, ears, and nostrils; one of our best horses died on the spot, and some of the asses were unable to rise from the ground. We reached the Changêballê stream at nine o’clock, but the darkness of the night, and the difficulty of the passage prevented our crossing.

From the number of animals stung by the bees on the 2d, we were in a bad state for travelling on the morning of the 3rd; the third and fourth divisions, however, moved forward to the Tingalinta,[10] leaving the second and first, which arrived about noon from Robugga, at the Changêballê, where we found it necessary to halt, until the arrival of some animals from the divisions in advance enabled us to move, in the cool of the evening, to the Pompo stream, where we passed the night.

The following morning, we started at eight, and at ten reached a fine stream, the Falgori, which we were more than an hour in crossing. The difficulty did not arise from the depth of water, but from the acclivity of the hill on the east bank, up which some of the animals could not carry their loads without the assistance of two men. After passing this hill we entered a barren rocky waste, over which we travelled, for nearly twelve miles, without meeting water.

We were here met by Mahomedoo Mariama, a messenger sent by Major Peddie from Senegal in the preceding August, with a letter to the Almamy or king of Teembo. He was accompanied by Abdul Hamed, one of Almamy’s brothers, and three other chiefs, with their wives and attendants. We reached the Tingalinta village at four, P.M. and encamped for the night on the east side of a hill overlooking the river. The men were all extremely fatigued, and, although we had only travelled thirty miles, we had all had four days’ hard work, in consequence[11] of the difficulties of the path, and the accidents among our animals. The general appearance of the country we travelled over was extremely barren, and our course south-east. We found that the convalescents sent forward to the Tingalinta with Mr. Nelson, were still in a very weak state, and the scarcity of rice under which we laboured, tended to keep them so. We were in hourly expectation, however, of a supply from Kakundy. A little milk was all we could procure at the village which takes its name from the river, and contains about 100 inhabitants, principally slaves, belonging to Mr. Pearce, who has allowed them to settle there for the purpose of cultivation, and to keep up an intercourse with Foota Jallon. The rice, to the amount of ten men’s loads [ten cwts.], arrived on the 8th, and eight of those men, natives of the neighbourhood of Kakundy, were engaged to carry loads to Laby.

On the morning of the 9th, Abdul Hamed informed Captain Campbell it was Almamy’s orders, that a white man should be sent on in advance to Teembo, to explain to him the object we had in view in entering his dominions, and at the same time forbidding our nearer approach until he should be perfectly satisfied on that subject. I took the opportunity of offering my services to go with an interpreter, to make[12] any arrangements with that chief which might be thought necessary, but Captain Campbell did not conceive it requisite to send an officer; and, therefore, despatched one of our native serjeants[2], who had been before employed by the governor of Sierra Leone on similar occasions. He left us on the 10th of February, and was accompanied by Abou Baccary, one of the princes in Abdul Hamed’s train.

In the evening, the animals and baggage were removed across the Tingalinta, which, at that place is about 110 feet wide and from two to three deep, with a bottom of small round pebbles. At a little distance below the ford was a swinging bridge, composed of cane and bark ropes, by which it was attached, at about twenty-four feet above the water, to the branches of the trees which grew on the banks, and afforded during the rainy season and periodical floods, a safe, though apparently slight and tottering, passage for people on foot.

W. Gray del.

SWINGING BRIDGE OVER THE TINGALINTA.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

We were in motion at three o’clock on the morning of the 12th, but the Kakundy people, who had been hired as carriers, refused to cross the Tingalinta, assigning as a reason that they were afraid of being seized, and retained as slaves by the Footas, who had some years before[13] obliged them to quit that country, which formerly belonged to themselves. This delayed us a considerable time, and it was not until eleven o’clock that we left the ground on which we passed the night. The path by which we travelled was so extremely rugged and broken, that we had much labour and difficulty in keeping the animals from lying down under their loads. This arose from their not being shod, and from never having travelled on so hard a soil before; that in the vicinity of Senegal and Goree being a light moveable sand. On reaching a place where the path separates, one branch leading direct to Teembo, and the other to Laby, a halt was made until Captain Campbell came up, when, after some conversation between him and Abdul Hamed, he ordered us to follow that leading to Laby, in opposition to the advice of the prince. The reason assigned by Captain Campbell for his choice, was the expectation of the assistance of the chief of Laby, who had considerable power and influence in that quarter. At one, P.M. we passed a small stream[3] running north, and which, from the steep, rocky, and narrow nature of the path leading to and from its banks, occupied much time. At six, the rear reached the halting-place, which[14] was situate on the ridge of a rising ground, about two miles east of the stream, but so extremely barren that we could not find, for a considerable distance round us, a single blade of grass for the animals. Here again some bees, that were flying about in search of water, fastened on the animals’ backs as soon as the pack-saddles were removed; but on this occasion, we applied some dry sand, which absorbed the profuse perspiration that evidently attracted the thirsty bees, and by this means we got rid of our troublesome visitors. Abdul Hamed made himself very useful during this day’s march, and on finding that we expressed ourselves sensible of his attention, he presented Captain Campbell with his bow and arrows, modestly insinuating that a musket in return would be most acceptable; and this was given him.

It was eight o’clock on the morning of the 13th, before the rear moved forward. We marched over a gently descending plain for a mile and a half, when we came to a small brook named Calling Ko. The asses were as usual stubborn, and evinced a most determined dislike to wet their feet, which caused us much trouble and loss of time. The country here began to wear a more fertile, or, rather, a less barren appearance. It was thinly sprinkled with large trees and shrubs, and produced an abundance[15] of better grass than we had met before. We halted for the night at another small brook, a short distance from the Calling Ko, having abandoned during the day’s march six asses and one bullock.

On the following morning, we started at eight o’clock, and, in about twenty minutes, passed a fine brook called Sappacourie, running SSE. the path more rocky and difficult than before. At eleven we perceived, distant about a quarter of a mile to the right, a broad lake, thickly skirted with wood; it is called Silla Dharra[4]. At noon, we passed another smaller lake, and at one, P.M. arrived at the Cogan, a beautiful stream, which we crossed, and halted for the night on its eastern bank. It is about fifty yards wide, two feet deep, and runs rapidly to the north, over a rough stony bottom.

Though we were at work at three o’clock on the morning of the 15th, it was eleven before the last division left the top of the hill. The path led us over the most barren country I ever saw, until three, P.M. when we entered a rich valley, in which, at some distance to our right, stood a small town, the first we passed since we left the Tingalinta. At half after four, we arrived at the Serriwoomba, where we were[16] obliged to halt, in order to cut a passage through the thicket of cane, which covered its banks. We were all so much fatigued that we could scarcely keep our eyes open; indeed many of the men fell asleep on the path. A few shots were fired, to apprise the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages of our arrival; and in about two hours, they made their appearance from different directions, bringing corn, rice, and pistacios for sale.

Both men and animals were so much exhausted, that it was found necessary to halt until the 18th, when we moved forward at eight, A.M. and, travelling east for about two miles up hill, we passed a deserted town, from which we continued marching on a level barren plain for six miles, and then descending gently for about four miles more, we arrived at the Kuling, a fine stream running NNE. We crossed it, and halted on its eastern bank for the night. We had scarcely unloaded the animals when the long dry grass to windward of our position was set fire to, and nothing but the greatest exertion on the part of the men could have prevented it from destroying the whole of our baggage.

It behoves travellers in that country to be extremely guarded in their choice of a halting-place, for the path generally lies through grass six or seven feet long, and so dry at that season,[17] that the smallest spark of fire is sufficient to set it in a blaze for miles. One of our animals that had not come up with the rear, lay down with his load, within range of the burning grass, which soon communicated with some gunpowder, and blew the whole to pieces. On the morning of the 19th, we moved forward at eight o’clock. The first hour’s march lay along the side of a steep hill, rendered doubly difficult for the animals by being covered with small rough stones. At ten we descended to a plain, and crossed three small brooks, the first running NNE. and the two latter S. and by W. Several of the European non-commissioned officers and soldiers were so ill during this march, that they lay down under some trees on the path-side. I prevailed on two of them to move slowly forward, but the others requested to be allowed to rest until the cool of the evening. My own horse, and every animal in the division, were so heavily laden, that we could not afford them any assistance. At one, P.M., we began to ascend some rocky hills, where we were obliged to abandon three animals. At the bottom of those hills, we passed the dry bed of a rocky watercourse, and, shortly after, had considerable difficulty in crossing another of the kind, near which we halted, in a small valley by the side of a brook called Bontong Ko.

[18]On the 20th, a messenger was despatched with small presents to Almamy and the men in authority about him, and to advise him of our approach. He was accompanied by a young chief, one of the prince’s suit, likewise the bearer of a message to the king from his brother. Finding it impossible, with the assistance of all the carriers we could procure, to move the whole of our baggage with any degree of regularity or safety, we decided on abandoning our two small field guns, with their shot and grape, and, having buried them about three feet beneath the surface, we made a fire, to conceal where the ground had been broken. By this means we got rid of three very heavy loads. Captain Campbell thought it better to dispose of them in that way than to make a present of them to Almamy, for although it was not likely he could make any use of them, yet the very circumstance alone of possessing such destructive engines, and of having received them from us, might induce those nations with whom he occasionally wages war (and through which we were likely to travel), to entertain unfavourable opinions of us.

When about to move on the forenoon of the 20th, the prince commenced a long palaver with Captain Campbell on the subject of our proceeding without giving him previous notice. It had[19] never been done; and why he should have expected it on this occasion, was no less matter of surprise than his haughty language and deportment. After much conversation, little of which was relevant to the question, he consented to our moving, which we did at four, P.M., and ascending a steep hill, so closely covered with cane that we had more difficulty in passing it than any former part of our path, the dry leaves of the cane with which it was covered, rendered the ground so slippery, that the men with difficulty kept their feet; and that nothing might be wanting to complete our confusion, the Foolahs set fire to the dry grass and roots, in which the place abounded. We fortunately escaped without any injury, save the loss of two asses that lay down unable to move further. It was dark when we began to descend the eastern side of the hill, which, from the animals frequently falling, occupied two hours. We reached the Poosa, a small stream, at eleven, P.M., and encamped on its banks. Our want of the means of conveyance was every day, nay every hour, becoming more distressing; carriers could not be procured for all the loads of the animals that died or were abandoned; we therefore destroyed two of our tents and a large quantity of flints and musket balls.

The prince, observing Captain Campbell seated[20] on a mat outside his tent, approached the spot, accompanied by one of his attendants, named Salihou, and, without further ceremony, seating themselves near him, began to destroy a portion of the vermin with which even royalty in that country is covered. They opened a conversation on the dangerous part of the country we were then in, and the difficulty of preventing the natives from robbing and otherwise annoying us, adding that we should not have left the Bontong Ko without consulting them.

Although we were aware that the object of all this was to induce Captain Campbell to make the prince a present, he nevertheless took no notice of them. Salihou then, taking hold of the prince’s trowsers (which, by the way, were in very bad repair), and holding them up, asked if it was a fit dress for the brother of Almamy to appear in before the white people? But even this failing to produce the desired effect, they closed the conversation, and, at the same time, their more disgusting occupation.

On the following morning, we left the Poosa at nine o’clock, and at eleven, entered a valley of great beauty and fertility. The light coloured sandy and rocky soil, which, with little variation, we passed over since entering the Foolah country, here changed to a rich dark mould; hills on all sides, rising gently one[21] above another, and covered with large clumps of trees, bounded this luxuriant spot. Having passed it, we entered a deep gully, in the bottom of which the brook Lagoody runs to the NE. The path on both sides is extremely broken and rocky, forming a nearly perpendicular precipice of about one hundred and sixty feet; down which two of the animals, a horse and ass, rolled into the brook, and, strange to say, received little or no injury. We soon reached the plain of Parowell, where we encamped for the night. During this march, one of the Foolah carriers absconded with a portmanteau, containing several articles of value, and, although the prince sent one of his men in search of him, he effected his escape unmolested.

On the morning of the 23rd, we moved forward at eight o’clock. In half an hour we passed another deep ravine, and crossed a plain about a mile long, from whence the path continued along the side of a hill, rising to a ridge, of steep ascent; the east side being very steep, narrow, and rocky. It was so broken before the last division reached, that we were obliged to make much use of the pickaxe, in order to clear a passage for the horses, one of which fell over the precipice, and was much hurt. We continued descending, until we arrived at the Koba stream, running north, over a rocky bottom;[22] here we encamped for the night. We were all much fatigued, and one of our sick, being unable to walk, was most cruelly treated by some Foolahs who were hired to carry him. They obliged him to walk to the Parowell, where, had he not met Mr. Stokoe, who lent him his horse, he must have sunk from weakness and fatigue. When he reached the camp, he was so much exhausted, that his pulse was scarcely perceptible, and he was covered with a cold clammy perspiration.

We left the Koba at eight o’clock on the morning of the 24th, and, passing some large unconnected lumps of rock of from five to twenty feet perpendicular height, crossed the Yangally, a small stream running to the east over stones and small gravel. Soon after, we entered a valley, which, although an apparent good soil, bore no marks of cultivation. It is bounded on the right by bold rocky cliffs, behind which, at no great distance, rise a chain of lofty mountains running SE. and NW. At two P.M. we crossed a small brook that joins the Dunso, and shortly after heard the noise of the waterfall, which we were informed was caused by the junction of that river with the Thoominea. At three, we reached the former, running with great rapidity to the NNW., and having crossed it at a ford about thirty yards wide, halted for[23] the night. At about four miles NE. from our camp, was a lofty perpendicular rock of sand-stone, bearing a strong resemblance to the ruins of a cathedral.

We left the Dunso at half after seven on the morning of the 26th, and travelled through a valley bounded by lofty mountains and perpendicular cliffs of sand-stone. At eleven, we passed a small stream running E. by S., and in an hour after arrived at the Kankeenhang stream, running N. by W., where we encamped.

In consequence of some hesitation on the part of the prince to accompany us farther, until, as he said, a white man had visited Almamy, we halted at the Kankeenhang until the 2d, when, not being able to procure a sufficient supply of rice or other provisions, we moved forward, much against the advice of the prince, who plainly told us we were doing so altogether on our own responsibility.

A march of four hours, rendered extremely painful and tedious from the swampy nature of part of the path, and a no less number than fourteen streams crossed, brought us to the Panjetta river, which we also crossed, and halted on its east bank. Abdul Hamed, on seeing us cross the last, thought we were going to continue our march; and, although he had been told that such was not our intention, he would[24] not allow the Foolah carriers to move their loads from the west bank. Our own men soon remedied the evil, much to the temporary annoyance of the prince, who, on seeing us encamp, expressed his regret at having doubted us. Our situation was now become truly alarming; a scarcity of provisions had existed for some days, and on the 3d the men had none at all: and as the prince could not be prevailed upon to allow our moving from the Panjetta, until the king’s sanction could be obtained, Captain Campbell determined on sending Lieutenant Stokoe, with presents to him and two of his principal chiefs, requesting permission to pass through the country without any further delay.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.

[2]William Tuft.

[3]Diudilicourie.

[4]A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”

## [25]CHAPTER II.

Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the Capital — His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions — Another Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain Campbell’s interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the Intentions of the Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see the King — Arrival of the Messenger from Sego — Captain Campbell’s Return — No satisfactory Answer — Illness of the Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast — Captain Campbell decides on retracing his steps — Departure from the Panjetta — Arrival at Kakundy — Death of Captain Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival at Sierra Leone — Description of Foota Jallon.

When Lieutenant Stokoe was about to move, on the morning of the 4th of March, Sergeant Tuft and Abou Baccary, the messengers sent to the king from the Tingalinta, made their appearance, and informed Captain Campbell that having delivered the presents, and made known to his majesty the purport of their message, he told them that he could not permit us to pass through Foota Jallon until he had consulted his chiefs, to whom he could not address himself on the subject before Captain Campbell thought fit to make them suitable presents: the messengers also said, it appeared that many unfavourable[26] reports, respecting the objects of the expedition, had been made to the king, who nevertheless expressed himself well disposed towards us, and said he should be extremely sorry if any thing unfortunate happened to us in his territories.

The arrival of those messengers, and the result of Tuft’s interview with the king, rendered it necessary, in Captain Campbell’s opinion, that Tuft should return to Teembo in the place of Lieutenant Stokoe. A dispute now arose between Salihou, who was to have accompanied the latter, and Abou Bacary, as to which of them should be Tuft’s companion. The latter insisted that Almamy directed him to attend all messengers from Captain Campbell, and the former, knowing that whoever went must receive some present, urged his claim with much obstinacy. It was at length determined that both should go, in consequence of the prince not wishing to entrust Abou Bacary with his commands. Although from Salihou’s conduct we could not expect him to report very favourably of us, yet he had been so troublesome, and his wife, a sister of Almamy’s, so beggarly and importunate, that we were glad to get rid of them. We were now in the district of Laby, the chief of which (who, as before stated, has much influence in the country) sent one of his head men,[27] named Mode-Duran, to remain with us, and prevent our being imposed on by the natives of the surrounding villages.

Sergeant Tuft, being furnished with large presents for the king, and a host of chiefs, ministers, and favourites, left us on the 5th, to meet his majesty at Pappadarra, a village near Laby, where he was assembling his army, for the purpose, as was reported, of invading the Gaba country, on the southern bank of the Gambia. We were reduced since our arrival at the Panjetta, to a very small daily allowance of provisions, and from which there appeared no prospect of relief, at least as far as we could foresee; a pint of rice between four men was our usual ration, and even that scanty pittance failed us on the evening of the 6th.

In this state we could not have remained long; and although we were daily enabled to purchase enough from the natives to keep body and soul together, yet our sufferings were great indeed. The health of the Europeans was rendered worse than it had been, in consequence of their eating unripe fruit, and even that they could not procure in sufficient quantities to satisfy their appetites.

On the 7th, a chief named Omerhou Kano arrived at our camp, and having seated himself with all pomp imaginable under a tree at a short[28] distance from it, where he was surrounded by his followers to the number of three hundred armed men, sent to summon Captain Campbell to appear before him. This was complied with, when, after the usual compliments, he stated that he had been sent by Almamy to ascertain and make a faithful report on the state and numbers of the expedition, and the objects it had in view in entering the country, which he said the king suspected had all been misrepresented by the former messengers. This he repeated several times, and concluded by advising us to wait with patience until he returned to Almamy, when arrangements agreeable to our wishes would be effected. He left us on the 8th, after having examined with the most scrutinizing curiosity every thing in or about our camp.

Every day brought us some messenger from the king, but none of them were the bearers of any satisfactory answer. One stated that we were ordered to return to Kakundy, and another, that the king had received a letter from Mahomedoo Mariama, informing him that our object in entering the country was the subversion of their religion, for which purpose we had provided ourselves with machines that could kill at any distance, and that we were accompanied by one hundred large dogs, each able to fight one hundred men. These, with other similar reports,[29] were in circulation; but it is scarcely possible that a being of the most ignorant and unsophisticated nation on earth could believe them.

On the 13th, Sergeant Tuft, who was still at the king’s camp, sent Brahima to inform Captain Campbell that as there did not yet appear any probability of obtaining permission to proceed, he recommended that he should himself see Almamy, with as little delay as possible; and it appearing to Captain Campbell, as well as all the other officers, that some decisive answer should be obtained from the king, he left the camp on the morning of the 16th, accompanied by Mr. Partarrieau, and four men (natives) with a train of carriers, amounting in all to about eighteen persons; they were soon followed by the prince and his suite. They had not gone long when we received a letter from Lamima, the messenger sent to Sego from Senegal in 1816, apprising us that he, together with some men from the king, were on their way to meet us. It was time that some decisive step should be taken: our animals were dying fast; provisions were extremely scarce; and the wet season had that evening set in, by visiting us with a heavy shower of rain, which lasted for an hour, and proved that our huts were not calculated to secure us from a wetting.

Captain Campbell did not return before the[30] 27th, and then without having obtained any very satisfactory answer from Almamy, whom he met at a village called Dhoontoo, on the eve of commencing a campaign against some of the neighbouring chiefs. He said, that being obliged to lead the army himself, and considering his reputation at stake for our safety, he could not allow us to proceed during his absence, which would not be long, and as he understood we had lost the greater number of our animals, he had given directions that we should be provided with men to carry our baggage to Woondê, a town near Laby, where we were to await his return. On the following morning, the prince returned, accompanied by Sergeant Tuft and thirteen carriers, which not being near half the number required, having lost eighty-five animals since we left Robugga, the prince said the remainder would soon follow; and immediately ordered all strangers, except Foolahs, to quit the vicinity of our camp. The object of this we could not ascertain, but it deprived us of many persons whom we had found extremely useful in collecting provisions for the party.

In this state we remained until the 7th of April, when we were for a moment inclined to think that a sufficient number of carriers would be furnished us, by the arrival of another party of men for that purpose, but we were much surprised[31] and disappointed to find, that on the following day, not only those, but the thirteen who came with the prince, had decamped without any previous notice of such being their intention. Abdul Hamed despatched one of his followers, on the 9th, to recal them, but as they did not obey the summons,—he sent, on the 10th, to request Almamy to issue fresh orders concerning them.

Brahima, who had been absent from the camp for some days, watching Almamy’s manœuvres (by Captain Campbell’s orders), returned and informed us that many debates had arisen, and various proposals been made with respect to what conduct they should pursue towards the expedition. Some of the chiefs proposed plundering us, to which Almamy would not consent, but said we should pay well before he would allow us to pass. A third party insisted that the country was already polluted by the presence of so large a body of Cafirs[5], and that their offence against the will of their prophet, in allowing us to pass, with such valuables as we possessed, to their enemy, the king of Sego, who was himself a Cafir, would be much aggravated. By this it was evident that the general feeling on the subject of our going to Sego, was not favourable,[32] and that if we should succeed at all, it would probably be at a period when the advanced state of the season must render our doing so extremely difficult, if not wholly impracticable.

Our situation was daily becoming more alarming; provisions were not only scarce, but almost impossible to be procured even in small quantities, and at exorbitant prices; and sickness increased rapidly since the rains set in. Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Stokoe, and Mr. Kummer were added to the list since the 12th; the two latter continued to decline until the 26th, when, seeing no chance of their immediate recovery, they were prevailed on to return to the coast. Mr. Kummer left us on that day, and Lieutenant Stokoe on the 28th. The mode adopted for their conveyance (for they were unable to ride) was cradles, or long baskets of cane, at each end of which was a loop, or long handle, for the purpose of receiving a pole, that served the same use as the pole of palanquins, and supported a curtain to defend them from the rays of the sun. Two men could easily carry one of these with a person of ordinary size in it, but, in order that no delay should arise from want of carriers for themselves or their baggage, five accompanied each.

On the 2d of May, Lamina, accompanied by one of the chiefs, named Abou Hararata, and[33] a long train of attendants, came to the camp, and informed Captain Campbell that Almamy sent them to say he had given permission to Lamina, in consequence of his being the messenger of the king of Sego, to conduct us through the country by whatever path he chose, and had also given directions to Abou Hararata to collect carriers for the conveyance of our baggage. This, however plausible in words, was not acted upon, and as nothing could be obtained from them but promises which they never intended performing, with the view of detaining us until the state of the country, occasioned by the rains, would prevent us moving in any direction. Captain Campbell, who was himself very ill, came to the decision of retracing his steps to the coast, and made known the same to Almamy, who sent us word that, although we were returning, it was not his desire that we should do so, as his country was open to us in any way we wished. This was his last effort to detain us, but, finding it would not answer, he ordered that we should be provided with carriers.

It was not, however, until the 18th of May, that a sufficient number were collected, and even then, we found so much difficulty in putting them to their work, that we were obliged to[34] hold out to them promises of large rewards on their arrival at Kakundy.

Our retreat was by far more painful and difficult than our advance; the carriers required more attendance than even the fatigued and sulky asses; and what with the sick men and officers, my time and exertions were so completely taken up, that I found myself, on the 20th of May, in a state that rendered me unable, however willing, to afford myself the assistance, so many others wanted from me.

From that date to the 1st of June, I remained in a state of insensibility to the objects around me, and was conveyed, in a basket similar to those already described, to the house of Mr. Bateman, where, on coming to my senses (an event which those about me did not expect), I was informed of Mr. Kummer’s death, and the departure of Lieutenant Stokoe for Sierra Leone.

Captain Campbell, who, although a little better than I was, still continued very weak, wished on the 10th to proceed down the river, for the purpose of hiring a vessel to convey the expedition to Sierra Leone, but he was in that state which I conceived must, in case of his moving, prove of serious consequence, and I therefore persuaded him to remain quiet, and send Mr. Nelson in his place.

[35]On the 12th, I again visited him, and was sorry to find him worse, so much so, that he could not speak to me, and so debilitated that I much doubted the possibility of his recovery. My fears were unfortunately but too well grounded; he breathed his last on the following morning, sincerely regretted by every individual of the expedition. We deposited his remains on the 14th, by the side of those of his highly-valued friend and companion, Major Peddie, amidst the tears and lamentations of all present, and which were greatly aggravated by the painful recollection of the untimely death of our former and much-beloved commander.

Thus ended the mortal career of two distinguished officers, who, in the prime of life, and scorning a state of inactivity at home, entered on an enterprise of the most difficult and truly forlorn nature; and who, by their anxiety and exertions for the advancement of the arduous service committed to their care, fell early victims to that inhospitable climate, leaving their bones in the sands of Africa, a sad memento of their own melancholy fate, and of the unfortunate issue of the expedition under their command. To express my own feelings on that occasion, would, indeed, be impossible; the service lost a gallant officer, and I lost a sincere friend.

[36]The sick, who were left at the Panjetta, joined us in safety, and, in order to avoid starvation at Kakundy, and to obtain that relief and rest of which we were all so much in want, we sailed immediately for Sierra Leone, where we did not arrive until our provisions were nearly exhausted, and then, with the loss of two men and nearly all our remaining animals.

On landing at Free Town, his Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy omitted nothing that could tend in any way to relieve our wants and sufferings, and it is with particular satisfaction that I take this opportunity of offering my grateful acknowledgments for his marked kindness and attention to myself.

Lieutenant Stokoe, on whom the command then devolved, as soon as he had recovered from the effects of his late illness and fatigues, although in the depth of the rainy season, set out by the Port Logo path, with the intention of going to Teembo, in order to enter into arrangements, if possible, with Almamy, and obtain from him hostages for the free and unmolested passage of the expedition through his country to the Niger. In this, however, he failed, and returned to the colony, to wait until the ensuing dry season would admit of his endeavouring to penetrate by some other route; but he, like his[37] predecessors, was not doomed to see his projects realized, and died at Sierra Leone, after a few days’ illness.

Foota Jallon, of which Teembo is the capital, is a country of considerable extent, lying between the Sierra Leone and Gambia rivers. When it was in the possession of the aboriginal inhabitants, the Jallonkeas, it bore the name of Jallonk, which has been gradually softened into Jallo, to which was prefixed the name of Foota, signifying together the Foolahs of Jallo, or Foota Jallo. The Jallonkeas are now subject to the Foolahs, who conquered the country, under the direction of a family from Massina, consisting of the father, two sons, and a few followers. One of the sons was a Mahomedan priest, and gradually gained such influence among the Jallonkeas, that he converted many of them to his own faith, and by means of his wealth (of which he is said to have possessed much), strongly attached them to his interest. A few years enabled them to make so many converts to their religion, and their riches procured them so much favor, that they planned and carried into execution the subjugation of the Jallonkeas, at least of such as would not embrace the Mahomedan faith; and the usurpation of the supreme government of their country, the first exercise of which was, to oblige those who still adhered to[38] paganism, to pay them a yearly tribute or quit the country which had for ages been their own.

From that family is descended the present Almamy. Karamoka Alpha was the first Almamy of Teembo, and was surnamed Moudoo, or the great, being at the same time acknowledged as the chief Iman and defender of their religion. He was succeeded by his son, Yoro Padde, surnamed Soorie, at whose death the regal power was assumed by Almamy Saadoo, who was deposed by Ali Bilmah and Alpha Salihou, and to whose sanguinary intrigues he afterwards fell a victim. Salihou was next proclaimed king, and distinguished his reign by a succession of predatory excursions against several Cafir or pagan tribes of the neighbouring states, many of whom he destroyed, plundered, or rendered tributary. He was succeeded by Abdulahi Ba Demba, who, having a dispute with Ali Bilmah, sent him in irons to Bondoo, where he vainly thought he could not injure him; but Ali Bilmah contrived to keep up a secret communication with his friends, and was eventually instrumental in removing his tyrannical sovereign from the throne, which was next occupied by Abdoolghader. Ba Demba then retired to Toogumba, a village at some distance north-west of Teembo, and, with the assistance of a few friends, assembled an army for the purpose of attempting to regain his[39] crown, which Abdoolghader on his side prepared to defend; for which purpose the latter marched with a large army to give Ba Demba battle and decide the affair. The latter, aware of his own inferiority in point of number, retreated; but, being pursued and overtaken by his enemies, was killed, together with one of his sons. In an affair which then took place on the banks of the Tingussoo river, his second son would have shared the same fate, had he not been protected by Abdoolghader, who considered himself secured in his possession of the crown, by the death of the father, and he has reigned unmolested to the present time.

The Foolahs, according to their own account, have had possession of Foota Jallo for about sixty years. The government is of a mixed kind, partaking more of the nature of a republic than a monarchy, and is composed of the states of Teembo, Laby, and Teembee, with their dependencies. Almamy, although he has the chief power, cannot decide upon any thing of importance to the country without the consent of those chiefs, each of whom has a voice in the cabinet.

The religion is Mahomedan, and so strict is their observance of its ceremonies that they pray regularly five times every day, and should any one be prevented by unavoidable engagements[40] from attending to his devotions at the stated periods, he must compensate for it by repeating the whole ceremony the exact number of times he omitted it.

Their manufactures are the same as those of Bondoo, as will be described hereafter. The vegetable productions are indigo, cotton, rice, maize, yams, cassada, shalots, and pompions; and their fruits are oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, tamarinds, and nittas, or the locust fruit; the latter is a kind of mimosa, very much resembling the tamarind tree. The flowers or blossoms are produced at the extremities of the branches, and are succeeded by pods similar to those of a garden bean, with the exception of their being from nine to twelve inches long, and one broad; each pod contains from nine to twelve black stones, resembling those of the tamarind in size and shape, but are enveloped in a fine farinaceous powder of the appearance of sublimed sulphur. Its taste is not unlike liquorice-root powder, and, when mixed with milk, affords a very palatable and nutritious diet; and although some of the men, who swallowed the stones of this fruit, were affected with sickness at stomach, bad as our situation was from the scarcity of provisions, it would have been exceedingly aggravated, had the nittas not been ripe before we left the Panjetta.

[41]The men are of the middle stature, well-formed, very active and intelligent, and are dressed nearly in the same manner as those of Bondoo; the cap is of a different form, and most frequently made of scarlet cloth; they wear sandals, and usually carry a long cane or spear. Thus equipped they strut about, with all the air and affected dignity of men of the first consequence. They are characterised by a high degree of cunning, duplicity, self-interestedness, and avarice; to gratify which they are neither deterred by shame nor fear. This renders it extremely difficult for strangers to guard against the crafty devices they have recourse to in all their dealings of whatever kind, or to elude the rapacious advantages they are always on the alert to take of them, either by imposition or theft.

The women are good figures, have a lively and graceful air, and prominent features, much resembling the European. They are at great pains to preserve their teeth of a pearly white, by constantly rubbing them with a small twig of the tamarind tree, which is an admirable substitute for the tooth-brush. They are, like all other African females, extremely fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, which they bestow in profusion on their heads, necks, arms, waists, and ancles.

The commerce of Foota Jallon may be divided[42] into two heads; namely, first, that in slaves, now nearly extinct, at least as far as exportation is concerned, in consequence of the constant surveillance of the British cruisers on the coast, and the unremitted exertions of the government of Sierra Leone to lead the people of that country to a more intimate connexion with the colony, and a more valuable employment of their time, in cultivating and bringing into our market there the other productions of their own and surrounding countries, which may be considered as the second head under which their commercial pursuits can be classed. The Rio Nunez and Pongas, which were formerly infested by slave dealers and their emissaries, are now freed from the odious burden of such a party, and those who still retain factories there, although they would smile at the revival of that unnatural trade, see so little prospect of its ever again being open to them, that they begin to think of other and less nefarious means of amassing wealth.

FOOTNOTES:

[5]Infidels.

## [43]CHAPTER III.

Major Gray takes the Command — Departure from Sierra Leone — Arrival at Bathurst, St. Mary’s — Occurrences there — Departure for, and Arrival at Kayaye — Description of a tribe of wandering Foolahs — Description of Kayaye, the surrounding Country, and Inhabitants — Their Amusements, &c. — Visit to Katoba — The King’s Visit to us — Arrival of Camels from Senegal — Our Guide’s proposal respecting the path — My Decision, and Reasons — Fatality among our Animals — Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from St. Mary’s — Arrangements for Departure.

Such was the state of the expedition, when, in the month of November, 1817, I volunteered my services to conduct it. Mr. Dochard, who was second in command, had been despatched some time before, on board a transport to the Cape Verde Islands, to procure animals, and from thence proceed to Bathurst, St. Mary’s, river Gambia; but although Mr. Stokoe had packed, previous to his death, and sent forward with that officer, a part of the baggage, much yet remained at Sierra Leone in a confused state, the arranging and packing of which, together with selecting from amongst the men who composed the former expedition, such as were both willing and[44] able to proceed on a second attempt, and equipping them, occupied so much time that it was not before the 14th of December, 1817, that we sailed, on board the colonial brig Discovery, from Sierra Leone for the Gambia.

We had been but a week at sea, when we fortunately found that the casks, which contained the water for our use, and that of eleven horses, were in so leaky a state that a few days more would have left us without a drop. This obliged us to put into the Isles des Loss, where, with the assistance of a Mr. Lee, then resident there, we soon remedied the evil, and again put to sea.

A strong north-west wind, and a heavy sea, opposed our progress for several days, and, as if all things combined to retard us in the very first stage of our proceedings, the brig sprung a leak, and nearly carried away her mainmast in a squall. In this state, with constant work at the pumps, we were kept out until the 13th of January, when we reached Cape St. Mary’s, with only one day’s half allowance of water on board. Our horses (one of which died) were reduced to the very last stage of want, having subsisted, for several days, on a little rice and biscuit dust, with a very small quantity of water.

On landing at Bathurst, St. Mary’s, I found Mr. Dochard had arrived there from the islands,[45] where he could not procure more than ten horses and six mules, and he was in such very bad health, and apparently so ill calculated to undergo a second series of the exposures, privations, watchings, and disappointments incident to such a service, that I almost despaired of his being able to accompany me.

He had, a few days before my arrival, despatched Ensign Pattoun a second time to the islands, in order to procure if possible a few more horses.

I proceeded myself to Goree, to endeavour to obtain a few of any description at the towns on the opposite main. I so far succeeded as to purchase seven horses, and was fortunate enough to meet there fifteen camels that had been purchased at Senegal, by Governor M‘Carthy’s orders, for the use of the expedition, and had arrived there the day only before I intended leaving it.

On my return to the Gambia, I found Ensign Pattoun had arrived, having purchased eighteen horses; but as we had not yet a sufficient number, I sent Ensign Burton, of the Royal African Corps (who had volunteered to accompany the mission), up the river, to try if any could be procured there. I was, in the mean time, enabled to collect a few on the island, and having despatched Mr. Nelson on the 16th of February,[46] and made all the necessary preparations, we left Bathurst on the 3rd of March.

On our voyage up the river, we called at Tendebar, where we were enabled to purchase three small horses. I also landed at Kawour in the Salum country. The ground for some distance in the vicinity of this town, bore the marks of cultivation, but at that season was completely destitute of verdure; the soil, which was a mixture of brown mould and light-colored sand, appeared good; a few small onions were the only vegetable I observed growing, and those were regularly watered morning and evening.

The town is a considerable one, and may contain from 500 to 800 inhabitants. Their huts are composed of cane reeds and long dry grass, and are very neat and comfortable. The natives, who are a mixture of Jaloffs and Soosoos, are a peaceable inoffensive race, and are chiefly engaged in trade, except when the approach of the rains summons them to the corn and rice grounds.

We lost one of our native soldiers in consequence of a slight cut in the hand, which caused mortification; the existence of which, and of cold spasms and rigours, deterred Mr. Dochard from performing amputation.

The country in the immediate vicinity of the[47] river, is very low, and bears the evident marks of inundation during the rains. It is much wooded, some of which is large, and no doubt fitted for general use.

The hippopotamus and alligator are to be found in great numbers in the river, and are hunted by the natives, who make use of their flesh as food, and consider it a delicacy. The river swarms with a great variety of fish, but the natives are either unacquainted with the proper mode of taking them, or too indolent to take advantage of so valuable a supply, at least to the extent they might.

Soon after leaving Kawour, I went on shore on the right bank of the river, with the intention of walking to Yani Maroo, accompanied by Lamina, and two of my men armed. At about half a quarter of a mile from the water-edge, we came to a range of hills, running parallel with the river. On ascending them, I found they were flat on the top to a considerable distance, and covered with wood and long dry grass; they were composed of a red compact clay, light sand of the same colour, and large masses of red sand-stone. At the foot of one of the hills forming this range, I observed some small huts, in the vicinity of which was feeding a herd of black cattle, but I could not discern any people. I therefore descended to the huts,[48] where I found an old man, the only person there. He, with much apparent apprehension for his own safety, desired me to keep off, which requisition he seemed determined to enforce, for he laid hold of his bow, and snatched up one of a few arrows that were lying at his side on the ground. By means of my interpreter, I endeavoured to explain to him his fears were without cause, and that chance only, not intention, led us to his retreat. This, however, did not convince him; he still desired us to keep off. A little tobacco, and a few beads, in exchange for which we requested some milk, induced him to think more favourably of us. It was, nevertheless, with much difficulty I convinced him of his error, and prevailed on him to go in search of his companions, who, on our approach, had ran into the woods, driving their cattle before them. In about fifteen minutes, he returned, and in a few more, the whole tribe made its appearance. The women and children, however, could not be induced to approach nearer than three hundred yards of us. Their numbers did not exceed four men, as many women, and ten or twelve children; the latter totally naked. They are of a dark copper colour, and belong to the Dhyangele tribe, the chief of which resides in a wilderness of three days’ journey, lying in latitude 14° and 15°, between the kingdoms of Joloff and[49] Bondoo. There they always remain during the rains, at which time they find a sufficiency of pasturage and water for their cattle, but are obliged to wander in search of both after January; the banks of the rivers are their last resource. Their appearance is extremely filthy and poor. They subsist chiefly on milk, a little corn, which they obtain in exchange for butter when in the vicinity of towns, and such game as they can kill.

Their only furniture consists of a few mats to lie on, some wooden bowls and calabashes, and a few leather bags; the latter serve them as churns, and to carry water in when encamped at a distance from where it is to be found.

Their dress is very plain, being nothing more than a piece of cotton cloth, about two and a half yards long and three quarters wide, wrapped round the waist, and descending a little below the knees, with another of the same kind thrown over the shoulders. The men wear a cotton cap besmeared with grease, to which is sometimes added, by way of ornament, the end of a cow’s tail, died blue or red. Like all other pagans, they are very superstitious, and wear a great number of grigres, or charms, round their necks, arms and legs. They are inordinately fond of red cloth, which they make use of in covering those charms. Their weapons are[50] long spears, bows and arrows, and occasionally a long gun. They are good marksmen with all these, and seldom throw away a shot; but this arises more from the difficulty they find in obtaining powder, ball, and small shot, than from any dislike to miss their mark.

W. Gray del.

WANDERING FOOLAH.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

We also visited the town of Yanimaroo. It is beautifully situated at a short distance from the river-side, on an elevated spot, thinly sprinkled with large shady trees of the mahogany kind, and interspersed with evergreens and other shrubs, and a great number of that kind of palm from which is extracted the palm wine.

The greater proportion of the inhabitants are pagans; a few, however, profess the Mahomedan religion, retaining many of their pagan superstitions. The latter are much respected, and enjoy a considerable degree of influence over their unenlightened brethren. The soil about Yanimaroo is a light yellow sand, mixed with stiff clay of the same colour, except where there are groves of palm trees, and then it is invariably a dark, rich, vegetable mould, mixed with a light red or white sand.

There are, on the banks of the river, a little above Yanimaroo, a great number of the self-consuming tree. We never saw any of them on fire, nor yet smoking, but their appearance would lead a person to suppose they had been burnt.

[51]On our arrival at Kayaye, we landed our men, animals, and baggage, and encamped on an elevated spot between the river and the town, which are distant from each other about half a quarter of a mile.

Mr. Bellaby, a British merchant resident there, accommodated us with a large mud house, which served at the same time as quarters for the officers, and a store for some of our baggage.

Kayaye is but a very small and insignificant village, and is remarkable for nothing but its situation, and the residence of a Mulatto lady, who possesses considerable influence in the country. The town does not contain above fifty huts; its inhabitants are all either relatives to, or dependants on Madame Eliza Tigh, whose name the place takes, being called by the natives Tigh Cunda, or the town of Tigh. The people of Kayaye, and the neighbouring towns, are a mixture of Mandingoes and Sousous; the former from a country in the interior so called, and the latter from the south bank of the river. They are chiefly engaged in trade and agriculture, and are a very shrewd active race, subject to the king of Katoba, and professing the Mahomedan religion; but I believe the greater proportion of them do so, not from any religious motive, but in order to ensure to themselves that[52] protection which the followers of Mahomet invariably meet with, wherever they go in their trading excursions. Caravans from the interior frequently stop there, on their way to the settlements on the coast, and dispose of their goods to the masters of some of the small trading vessels from St. Mary’s, or to the native merchants, who carry on at that place, and the towns lower down the river, a very considerable trade in gold, ivory, and bees’ wax; in exchange for which they receive fire-arms, powder, India-goods, coral, amber, glass beads, iron, tobacco, rum, and cutlery.

The dress of these people is far from being inelegant or inconvenient: the men wear on the head a white cotton cap, very neatly worked with different coloured silks or worsteds; a close shirt of white cotton, with short sleeves, next the skin, covers the body from the neck to the hips, and is surmounted by a very large one of the same materials, with long loose sleeves, not unlike a surplice; this descends below the knees, and is embroidered, in the same way as the cap, about the shoulders and breast. The small-clothes, which are very roomy above, descend about two inches below the knee, where it is only sufficiently large not to be tight. This part of their dress is generally blue. They wear their hair cut close, and make use of none of the[53] grease or rancid butter of which the Joloff men are so lavish. Sandals or slippers protect their feet from the heat of the sand, and from thorns; and complete the catalogue of their wardrobe.

The dress of the women is neither so decent nor so clean. The body, from the waist upward, is almost always naked, except when enceinte, in which case a sort of short chemise, without sleeves, covers the neck and stomach. They plat their hair neatly into a profusion of small braids, but are so lavish of butter or palm oil on them and their skins (which are generally of a very fine black) that they cannot be approached without experiencing the very unpleasant effects of such anointings, rendered doubly offensive by the addition of profuse and constant perspiration.

The huts and yards of these people are extremely clean, and, although small, are comparatively comfortable. The walls of both are, for the most part, composed of split cane formed into a sort of wicker work resembling hurdles. The roofs of the former are conical, and covered with long dry grass, fastened on with a small line made from the inner bark of the monkey-bread tree. On the whole, their houses have a very neat appearance.

The amusements of these people are confined to dancing and music, which take place almost[54] every fine evening at a late hour, in the centre of the village, where, when the moon does not afford them light, a large fire is made for that purpose.

The young of both sexes, dressed in their gayest attire, attend on these occasions; a ring is formed by them and the spectators, and the former dance in regular succession by pairs. The instrument which accompanies this dance is called a ballafo[6], and affords better music than might be expected from such rude materials; it is composed of cane and wood, in the following manner. A frame, three feet long, eighteen inches wide at one end, and nine at the other, is made of cane, split very thin, and supported at the corners, about nine inches from the ground, by four upright sticks of nearly an inch diameter; across this frame are laid twenty pieces of hard wood, diminishing in size in the same proportion progressively, from one end to the other, as the frame to which they are slightly attached with thin twine. Under each of these cross pieces, is suspended an empty gourd, of a size adapted to the tone of note required, having a hole in the part where it comes in contact with the stick, and another at the bottom; the latter is covered with a thin piece of dried sheep’s gut.[55] It is played on with two small sticks, by a man who sits cross legged on the ground, and is accompanied by one or more small drums.

I also observed here a sort of amusement, or rather inquisitorial exhibition, called by the natives Kongcorong. It was thus: a man, covered from head to foot with small boughs of trees, made his appearance in the afternoon near the town, and gave notice to the young women and girls that he would pay them a visit after sunset. At the appointed time he entered the village, preceded by drums, and repaired to the assembly place, where all were collected to meet him with the music and singing. He commenced by saying that he came to caution the ladies to be very circumspect in their conduct towards the whites, meaning the men of the Expedition, and related some circumstances, with which he said he was acquainted, little to their credit:—but, as it was his first time, he would neither mention names, nor inflict the usual punishment, namely, flogging. He, however, would take advantage of the first opportunity which they would be imprudent enough to afford him.

All he said was repeated by the girls in a sort of song, accompanied by the music and clapping of hands. Every one who had any thing to fear from his inquisitorial authority, made him a present; and I observed that not[56] one of the girls withheld this proof of their fear of his tongue, or of their own consciousness of guilt. He remained with them until near midnight.

W. Gray del.

FIG. I.

KONGKORONG.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

An instance of the manner in which the young men of that country obtain wives, also came under our observation. One of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, having placed his affections, or rather desires, on a young girl at Kayaye, made the usual present of a few colas to her mother, who, without giving her daughter any intimation of the affair, consented to his obtaining her in any way he could. Accordingly when the poor girl was employed preparing some rice for supper, she was seized by her intended husband, assisted by three or four of his companions, and carried off by force. She made much resistance, by biting, scratching, kicking, and roaring most bitterly. Many, both men and women, some of them her own relations, who witnessed the affair, only laughed at the farce, and consoled her by saying that she would soon be reconciled to her situation.

Soon after our arrival at Kayaye, we paid a visit to the chief, or, as he is there called, the king of Katoba. He resides at a town of that name distant from Kayaye about twenty miles north. The road or path to it lies over a flat uncultivated country thinly covered with brush[57] wood and stunted trees. The soil, for the most part, is an ocre-coloured clay intermixed here and there with small fragments of ferruginous stone, which, in several places, makes its appearance above the surface in the form of large rocks. Some small eminences are entirely composed of this rock, which the natives say contains a large proportion of iron, but, from the facility the river affords them of procuring an abundant supply of that metal from the English merchants, they do not now think it worth the trouble of extracting. The blacksmiths of the country say, that it is more malleable than English iron, and better suited to all their wants, were the process of obtaining it not so difficult.

The king received us hospitably, and, on being made acquainted with the purport of our visit, promised every protection and assistance he could afford us, adding that whenever we wished to proceed on our journey, he would furnish us with a guide to Woolli.

On our way to this town, which is a walled one, of no very great extent or respectable appearance, we passed only two small villages, one of which is about a mile from Kayaye, and is solely inhabited by Mahomedan priests (bushreens).

From the very great want we were in of a sufficient number of animals, to transport our[58] baggage, in consequence of the death of all our camels and some of our horses, since our arrival at Kayaye, and the difficulty, nay impossibility, of procuring a supply there, we had determined on leaving behind us a large proportion of it, and moving without delay; for which purpose it became necessary to open the greater number of the packages, to select the most valuable articles. This had scarcely been begun, when Mr. Partarrieau, whom I had sent from Bathurst to Senegal to purchase camels, arrived, bringing intelligence that he had despatched a moor, named Bon-ama, from that place before he had left it, with ten camels and five horses, whom I might expect to see in a few days, as he was coming by the shortest land route from Senegal, namely, through Kayor and Salum.

All preparations being made, we only waited the arrival of Bon-ama, who not making his appearance on the 15th, I began to apprehend that some accident had happened, either to himself, or the animals. The 17th, however, brought him to Kayaye, having had two of his horses killed by lions, and been obliged to leave two of the camels sick at a village about fifteen miles from us. His arrival at that moment was particularly fortunate, as it enabled us to take forward the whole of our baggage, and a good supply of rice, which we had just received from St. Mary’s.

[59]On the 18th, the king, whose presence we had requested, in order to make him a present, arrived, accompanied by about fifty people, armed with guns and spears. He was himself mounted on a most wretched animal in the shape of a horse, and was attended by a troop of drums and singing people (Jallikeas), making a most hideous attempt at instrumental and vocal music, intended to inspire their royal master with a high idea of his own dignity.

In a few minutes we went to see him; he was seated in a small hut, surrounded by his followers, but the place was so crowded and intolerably hot (not to say any thing of the impurity of the air) from tobacco smoke, and other vapours, that we were obliged to request he would move to one of our huts. This being done, we mentioned to him our intention of leaving Kayaye in a few days, and requested that he would appoint a guide to conduct us to Medina, the capital of Woolli. He made some objections, of an irrelevant nature, but at length consented, in consideration of a present, amounting to about one hundred bars in baft, muslin, coral, amber, tobacco, scarlet cloth, and a pair of pistols. He was drunk and extremely vociferous. The interview, however, terminated amicably, and his majesty was present at a dance which the inhabitants of the village brought forward[60] in honour of his arrival, and in order to amuse him.

We had seen several of the chiefs of Western Africa, both moors and negroes, but never saw any so wretchedly poor and unlike what he intended to represent as this man; he is intolerably fond of rum, and would be for ever drunk if he could obtain the means of being so; his last demand was for two bottles of it, which I gave him. He left us on the 19th, in a state of excessive inebriety, as were most of his followers.

Aware of the great respectability Bon-ama, in his character of Mahomedan priest, would enjoy in all the countries in the interior, and of his having before offered his services to Governor M‘Carthy, we endeavoured to prevail on him to accompany us to Sego, Tombuctoo, or further, but it was not without much difficulty and objection on his part, together with the promise of a very large reward, that he could be induced to do so. He, however, at length agreed, in consideration of a recompense of five hundred pounds British, to accompany us to Tombuctoo or Jinnê, but no sum, however large, or other advantage, he said, would induce him to go further. He made it a previous article in his agreement, to be allowed to return to Cayor, to arrange some private affairs, and promised to[61] join us in Bondoo. We did every thing in our power to induce him to give up this point, but to no effect: it was his sine qua non. We bought a camel from him, and hired two moors, who came along with him, to conduct and have the care of those animals as far as we went.

Lamina, our Sego guide, told us, on the 20th, that it was now time he should inform us, that as he was sent by the king of Bambarra, to conduct the expedition to that country, he felt it his duty to say, that the road leading through Woolli, Bondoo, Kasson, and Fooledoo, was the only one in which he thought it safe to take us, as there were, in all those countries, people belonging to his master waiting to escort us; that he had himself received from those in Bondoo, a horse to ride, and six asses to carry his baggage. As there appeared nothing in this request but what was fair, and, as we conceived (in case of any unforeseen delay, we should be obliged to make a halt during the rains), that Bondoo, from its high situation and its vicinity to the river Senegal, would be most advantageous for that purpose, we acceded to his proposal, and were moreover induced to take this step in consequence of the very high and upright character we were taught, by Mr. Partarrieau, who had been before in that country, to entertain of Almamy Isata, the king: the result[62] will prove how much our informant was himself deceived in his opinion of that man, and how little confidence can be placed in any information but that obtained by the most strict self observation, in all matters connected with this unfortunate country.

Our means of transport decreased daily; we had lost since the 2d, one camel, one mule, and four horses, and there was no possibility of procuring any at Kayaye; the camels left on the road by Bon-ama, had not yet come up, although we had despatched a man to bring them. Every thing, however, being ready, we fixed the 25th for our departure.

FOOTNOTES:

[6]See figure 1, plate 9.

## [63]CHAPTER IV.

The Expedition leaves Kayaye — Difficulty in procuring Water at Jaroomy — Arrival and Halt at Coonting — Description of that Town and surrounding Country — Civility of the Chief — Departure from Coonting — Deaths among the Animals, and difficulty of procuring Carriers — Arrival at the Wallea Creek — Attempt of some People to stop us — Pass the Creek — Cane Bridge — Attempt at Murder by one of our native Civilians, and his Desertion — Enter the Kingdom of Woolli — Arrival at Madina, the Capital — Transactions and Difficulties there — Description of the Town, and the Mumbo Jumbo Ceremony — Departure from Madina, and theft by the Natives — Arrival at Kussaye.

The first division[7] left Kayaye on the morning of the 27th, at seven o’clock, and the second and third[8] followed immediately after. I did not myself leave Kayaye until evening, in expectation of the arrival of the camels. This not taking place, I moved forward, with the part of that division which was ready, and left Mr. Partarrieau, with two loads, to await the arrival of those left behind by Bon-ama, and to follow me as soon as possible. We travelled along nearly east at the rate of two miles an hour over[64] a flat country thinly covered with baobabs, tamarinds, rhamnus lotus, and other fruit trees, within a short distance of the river; between us and which lay a low tract of land, annually inundated, where rice is cultivated by the natives when the water retires after the periodical rains.

About nine, P.M., we reached a small village, called Jaroomy, where I found that Mr. Dochard had halted the front divisions in order to await our coming up. During this short march, one of the horses died, and another was left behind, unable to move.

Here difficulties began to present themselves; the chief of the village refused to allow water to be drawn from the wells, without receiving payment for it, to which Mr. Dochard, very prudently, would not submit, sending the animals to the river, which was distant about two miles. This convinced the fellow that he was wrong; and he came in the evening to apologize, by saying, that he was afraid the wells would be run dry by us. He was told his excuse was a bad one, and his conduct was such as would prevent us from giving him any thing.

The country, for some distance round this village, has the marks of cultivation; there were some extensive cotton and indigo plantations; and, although no rain falls at that season, they looked green and well. The soil, though sandy,[65] appeared good, and well fitted to produce all tropical grains, vegetables, &c. in perfection.

We left Jaroomy at six o’clock on the 26th, and travelled east over a gently ascending country, beautifully wooded, until half-past seven, when we came to a small town called Jonkaconda, inhabited by Bushreens, and very prettily situated on a little hill under the shade of some few large trees, somewhat resembling the horse chestnut, except that the trunk is covered with large sharp protuberances in the shape of thorns. It produces a quantity of silky cotton, in pods of an oval shape, about five inches long and four in circumference; these burst when ripe, and contain each about half an ounce of this cotton. The natives do not make any use of it; they prefer the common cotton, from which they manufacture all their clothes. There the path turned a little to the south of east, and led us over a country similar to that already mentioned, with this difference, that the wood was rather closer.

At half after eight, we reached another small village (Lemaine), the chief of which, a good-looking young man, was very civil, and made us a present of some palm wine, in return for which we gave him three bars in amber beads, &c. He paid us a visit at our bivouac under some shady trees. He was attended by about fifteen[66] people, preceded by a Jallikea, singing man, vociferating the praises of his master, who, although very communicative and good-humoured, did not seem to have a mean idea of himself. The river is distant from this village a mile and a half, SSW.

After a few hours’ rest to the men and animals, and of which all were much in need, particularly the horses, we moved forward at two, P.M., and reached Coonting at half after five, all much fatigued. We passed two small villages, likewise, at the foot of some hills, and distant from each other about two miles and a half. Their general appearance was extremely neat and comfortable, and the ground about them appeared well cultivated. Some large enclosures of cotton and indigo, were extremely well-looking, and shewed much regularity. The path, for the most part of the way, was extremely narrow and inconvenient, in consequence of the closeness of the wood, which is low and stunted, the soil being a mixture of dark red sand, and small iron stone gravel, large masses of which rose above the surface in all directions. The face of the country was, in general, covered with low wood, except in the vicinity of the towns, where it has been cleared, either for the purpose of cultivation or for fuel.

Coonting is a considerable town, partly surrounded[67] with a mud wall, about six feet high. It is in three divisions, each separated from the other by a clear space of about two hundred yards, in which stand some fine large evergreen trees, in whose shade the natives spend the most part of the day, engaged in conversation, playing a game somewhat resembling draughts, at which they are very clever, and sleeping, a very general recreation in that country. Here also is held the assembly of the head men and chiefs, when any matter of importance requires their attention. Each of those divisions is governed by a head man, who is under the control of a chief, subject to the king of Katoba. The town is pleasantly situate in an extensive plain, and bears the marks of cultivation to a considerable distance, surrounded on all sides, except the SW., by gently rising hills, covered with wood. The town is plentifully supplied with water of a good quality, from wells nine fathoms deep, at the bottoms of which is a stratum of solid rock.

Here we decided on waiting the arrival of Mr. Partarrieau with the camels, as the place afforded an abundance of forage and water for the animals, and an opportunity of procuring a small quantity of rice, pistacios, cassada, and small beans, for ourselves. The chief priest of the town paid us a visit, making a present of a[68] fowl and two bottles of milk, or, as they call it, giving us service, that is a complimentary visit, which we returned in the evening. We found him seated in a large circular mud hut, surrounded by about twenty five boys, from the age of seven to fourteen, learning to read and write Arabic. The Koran was the only book from which they were taught, and their education was generally considered completed when they could read and expound any passage in it. The most of the people there are Mahomedans.

The old gentleman received us kindly, and conducted us to the Alcaid, or chief, a venerable looking old man, who, on our informing him of the object of our travelling in his country, said that he perfectly recollected seeing Mr. Park when he last went to the east, but was extremely sorry to hear he never returned to his own country, a fate which he prayed to God might not be ours. We made him a small present, and one to the priest, for which they appeared very grateful. Two of the European and one of the native soldiers had attacks of intermittent fever this day, but were nevertheless able to come on.

Mr. Partarrieau joined us in the afternoon, bringing with him only one camel; the other having died before it reached Kayaye, he was[69] obliged to hire men to carry that proportion of the baggage left behind, which was intended as a load for it.

We left Coonting at four o’clock on the morning of the 28th, and travelled east. Two of the horses were unable to rise from the ground this morning, and were left to their fate. At about a mile from Coonting, we entered a thicket composed of underwood and cane, which was so close that we were obliged to cut down the branches and some trees, for a considerable distance, in order to admit of the camels passing with the loads. The face of the country begins to rise here considerably, and to be diversified by hill and dale—the former high and covered with wood, and the latter apparently very fertile. The soil, too, changed from light sand to a hard yellow clay, intermixed with small quartz pebbles. For about two miles the road led us over hilly and broken ground within a few yards of the river side.

At mid-day we reached a small walled town, Kolicorri, but which had such a wretched appearance that we were deterred from halting at it; we therefore continued our march ESE. about two miles further, when we arrived at Tandicunda, a very respectable town, defended by a strong stake fence interwoven with thorny bushes, and wholly inhabited by Bushreens. Two more of the horses gave up during this march,[70] and were left on the path in a dying state. To transport the loads of those animals we were obliged to hire carriers, a sufficient number of which we had much difficulty in procuring. Our own men were obliged to assist. The town of Pisania, which formerly stood within a short distance of Tandicunda, was then a heap of ruins, having been some years since abandoned by Mr. Amsley, in consequence of the annoyance he frequently experienced from the people of Bondoo and Woolli. Its situation was extremely beautiful, being close to the river-side, on an elevated spot shaded with large trees, and most conveniently placed for commercial purposes.

We left Tandicunda at five o’clock on the morning of the 29th, and travelled to the east, over a country beautifully diversified, to Samee, a small walled town containing about a hundred and twenty huts. The inhabitants are Sonikeas or Pagans. Dyeing with indigo is here carried on to some extent. About a quarter of a mile to the south-east, by a small creek or branch of the Gambia, its water good and plentiful, we halted, under a large tree, which afforded the most grateful shelter to all from the excessive heat of the sun. One of our moors had so severe an attack of remittent fever as to be unable to keep up; one of the native civilians was left with him.

[71]When the intense heat of the sun had diminished in a small degree, we again moved forward to the ENE. over an open and well-cultivated country. We saw, at a short distance, on the right of our path, a Foolah encampment. Some of the women and children, the latter entirely naked, came close to the path, and stared with astonishment at our white skins, and not less so at the camels, which appeared to excite much wonder. The animals were much fatigued, and many of them in a very weak state. We arrived at Jindey, a small village situate on an eminence, within less than a quarter of a mile west from the Wallia Creek. Here we halted under some large trees south of the village, for the night, having travelled to-day about fifteen miles. We had scarcely placed the tentmills, and retired to rest, when one of our guides came from the village to say, that a number of Foolahs had just arrived there, and from some part of their conversation he had overheard, he was inclined to think they had an intention of endeavouring to steal some of our horses during the night. Had such really been their wish or not, I cannot say, but the morning arrived without any attempt of the kind being made. It was more than probable our guide only circulated such a report, in order to make his attention to our interest appear to greater advantage, and[72] which he, naturally enough, supposed would entitle him to, or at least, induce us to give him, an adequate reward.

The chief of Wallia (a province of Katoba, but over which the king has little control) lives about five miles south of this place. As he was a person of some consequence in the country, and might be of use, we sent him our compliments, with a present of eight bars in tobacco, amber, and beads, and, having made the chief of Jindey another, we moved towards the Creek at six o’clock on the morning of the 30th, but had not proceeded one hundred yards, when the horses in front were stopped by some people, stating that they were sent by the Wallia chief, to say, that unless we would pay him his regular customs, in the same way as the vessels which ascend the river on trading voyages, we should not be allowed to proceed. We laughed at the idea of three or four men saying they would not allow us to pass, and told them we had already despatched a messenger to their master, with a present, and to which we would make an addition of four bars for themselves. This was not satisfactory enough, and they again insinuated that we should not move until the chief himself should arrive. We ordered the whole to halt, and the men to load their muskets; we asked where were those people who wished to dispute our passage?[73] None appearing, we moved on without further molestation to the Creek, which we reached in about twenty minutes. The tide was nearly full, but still running up at the rate of about a mile per hour.

There is over this creek, which is about two hundred and sixty feet wide, four feet deep, with clay and mud bottom, a cane bridge, supported by two rows of forked stakes, on which are laid cross pieces; these are covered with small pieces of Bamboo, which, further strengthened by being interwoven with the smaller branches of the cane, affords a safe, though shaking passage for two or three people on foot. The banks of the creek are covered with a kind of mangrove, some acacias, and a great number of the mimosas. Having unloaded the animals, and led them through the water to the opposite side, the men waded across, carrying the baggage on their heads, which was completed without any accident in about an hour. From the eastern bank, where we halted to cook dinner and give the men an opportunity to wash their clothes, I had a very good view of the bridge, the village, and the surrounding country; the latter, though much parched from the total want of rain for many months, and the almost continued influence of the dry east wind, accompanied by a scorching sun, has not altogether lost its verdure.[74] Great numbers of evergreen trees and shrubs, afford a pleasing and refreshing relief to the eye, wearied from beholding a light coloured sand reflecting the rays of a vertical sun unobstructed by clouds. The thermometer stood at 97° in the shade, open air, and at 80° in the water, which is very muddy, though sweet and good. There were fish in the creek, for I saw them rise. We do not know what species, but from the skeleton of one which had been devoured by a hawk, we concluded some of them to be catfish.

CANE BRIDGE OVER THE WALLIA CREEK.

Published by John Murray, London. April 1825.

This creek joins the Gambia about five miles from where we crossed it, and is navigable for boats to twice that distance above the bridge, where, on both sides of it, are situate towns with which an advantageous trade in all the productions of the country might be carried on.

At half after four, the object of our halt being effected, we marched for Pakeba, distant three miles and a half, where we arrived at six, and halted for the night. The whole distance from the creek to this town is well cultivated; some enclosures of cotton and indigo had a flourishing appearance. The town is a small one, containing about one hundred and fifty huts, and defended by a strong mud wall, seven feet high, and a stake fence outside. The inhabitants are Sonikeas or Pagans, and are subject to Katoba,[75] at least nominally so; for in Africa, the further a town is removed from the capital, the less control the king has over it, and, in almost all cases, those towns are exclusively governed by their own chiefs.

Our animals were daily diminishing in number, and there had not as yet appeared any opportunity of replacing them; four horses died, or were abandoned as useless, since our departure from Tandicunda, and many more would, I feared, soon follow. We had, however, but not without much difficulty, procured a few carriers from among the natives; and some of our own native soldiers and civilians took forward that part of the baggage for which we had no other means of conveyance.

One of the men from the Wallia chief came to our bivouac in the evening, and told us that his master was extremely sorry for what had taken place in the morning, and particularly so, as his people had no orders to that effect; he had only sent them to request that we might remain at Jindey until ten o’clock in the forenoon, at which hour he intended coming to pay us his respects.

We were enabled here to purchase two bullocks, together with a small quantity of rice and corn. The former cost fourteen bars each; value about one pound sterling.

[76]We left Pakeba on the 1st of May, at six in the morning, and travelled NE. by E. until nine, when we reached Sandoo Madina. The path good, over a sandy soil, mixed with small iron-stone gravel, thinly covered with thorny underwood and dry grass. Two more horses were abandoned at Pakeba, as useless, and one left behind on the path. Our moor continued very unwell. In addition to fever, he had a very severe pulmonic attack, and on the whole so weak, that I almost despaired of his recovery.

At three in the morning, previous to leaving Pakeba, we were alarmed by screams, apparently of some person in agony. We immediately repaired to the spot, accompanied by some of the watch. There we found the wife of Yarra Comba, one of the native civilians from Sierra Leone, weltering in her blood, having received three very severe wounds on the head from her husband, who, exasperated at her refusing to desert with him (a step, he told her, he was about to take), and fearing, we supposed, that she would give the alarm, after thus brutally attempting to seal her lips, by taking her life, made his escape; in accomplishing which he succeeded, being favoured by a dark night, and an intricately wooded country.

The wounds appeared to be all but fatal; the exterior membrane of the brain, was visible in[77] one of them, and the other two were very deep. When every attention in the dressing, &c., had been paid, and I found that there was no hope of getting hold of the savage who inflicted them, I sent her to the chief of the town, to whom we gave ten bars for her support, until she might be able to return to Kayaye. As an inducement to make this man act kindly to her, we gave him a further sum of ten bars for himself, and offered a handsome reward for the apprehension of her husband.

About three miles before we reached this town, we observed some stones of curious form and composed of red sand-stone, in which were encrusted small silicious pebbles. They had much the appearance of broken pillars; some were standing upright, and others lying flat on the surface. From the space inside them, and its form, which was an oblong square, we are inclined to think they must, at some former period, have supported a roof. The largest of them is as four feet in circumference, and seven feet high.

Sandoo Madina is a very small walled village, inhabited by Sonikeys, and is subject to Katoba, but more immediately under the control of the Wallia chief, who is himself nominally subject to the former. This subjection is however not easily defined: a slave running away from one[78] finds an asylum with the other, who (on both sides) does not hesitate to acknowledge his having kept him in despite of the other’s remonstrances.

At a short distance to the NW. is a small unwalled Bushreen town called Coota Cunda; the water good and plentiful, and every appearance of extensive cultivation.

We received a visit from the chief of Jambaroo, a small independent province of Jaloff Woolli, situate about fifteen miles north of this village. We bought from him a small strong horse for eighty-five bars in amber and coral, the value of which did not exceed five pounds sterling. We made him a small present.

Corporal Richmond, a native, was added to the sick list, with a severe pulmonic attack. Some of the men who have had slight attacks of intermittent fever appear to recover rapidly; on the whole, the health of the party might be then considered good. Mr. Nelson was the only one of the officers who was at all delicate; Mr. Pilkington was recovering rapidly.

Having left Sandoo Madina at four o’clock in the morning of the 2d, we had a pleasant march to the next town, Fodia Cunda, the first of Woolli, which we reached at half after nine, having passed the ruins of two towns, both destroyed by the people of Bondoo in their wars[79] with this country. The animals travelled very badly, being too heavily loaded, and which could not be avoided, in consequence of the very rapid decrease of their numbers, and the impossibility of replenishing them; five died or were abandoned this day’s march.

We here procured a plentiful supply of milk and butter, such as it was, and more than a sufficiency of corn to give the horses, camels, &c. as much as they could eat, and which they were much in want of, not having had more than one good feed since we left Kayaye. The country about this village, although much parched, was beautifully picturesque, being thickly covered with wood, and agreeably diversified by hill and dale. There were numbers of wandering Foolahs with large herds of cattle, in the vicinity of this village: those people supply the inhabitants of the towns who keep no cattle themselves with milk and butter, in exchange for which they receive cotton cloths, glass beads, and tobacco.

From Fodia Cunda I despatched Lamina, our Sego guide, to the town of Slatee Modiba, to request him to meet us at Madina to-morrow; this man being a relative of the king’s, with whom he has considerable influence, advising him in all affairs of importance, and well known to Lamina, we considered it right to secure his[80] interest, by sending him a small present, and holding out the promise of a suitable reward, should he act in compliance with our wishes.

We left Fodia Cunda at six, on the morning of the 3d, and travelled east, at a smart pace, over a flat country, little wooded and for the most part cultivated; the soil was of a darker colour, and contained more mould and clay than any we had seen since leaving Kayaye. We arrived at Madina at nine, and bivouacked under a large tree, about five hundred yards north of the town.

W. Gray del.

MEDINA, CAPITAL OF WOOLLI.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

Madina is a respectable walled town, containing about two hundred and fifty huts, and from eight hundred to a thousand inhabitants, all Sonikeas; it is the capital of the kingdom of Woolli, and the residence of the king. Outside the walls is a strong stake or palisade fence, about five feet high, which gave to the place the appearance of a large fortified redoubt. The interior of the town was beautifully shaded with large trees of the fig and palm kind, and altogether had a very good outward appearance. There are three gates to it; two in the north, and one in the east, which are shut every night. The interior of the town does not at all accord with its external appearance, being filled with small round grass, and mud huts jumbled together without any regard to order or regularity,[81] and between which are heaps on heaps of filth of every description. The house of the king is separated from those of his subjects by a mud wall about nine feet high, and stands nearly in the centre of the town; that of his son, and some of the chief men are similarly inclosed, but the walls of the latter are not so high. Two wells situate within the wall at the east end of the town, of tolerably good water, supply the inhabitants with that necessary article in sufficient abundance. The ground, to the extent of half a mile all round the town, was cleared, and bore the marks of cultivation. A few large shady evergreen trees, scattered over this plain, relieves the otherwise fatiguing prospect of such an extent of arid surface. At a short distance to the south, lay a large Bushreen town, called Barra Cunda, which might contain from one thousand to one thousand five hundred inhabitants, and was surrounded by a slight stake fence, interwoven with thorny bushes, which is the only defence the followers of Mahomet in this country adopt. This arises from their not engaging in war, and never meeting with any other attack from an invading army than on their provisions, with which they are in general abundantly supplied, being more industrious and more abstemious than the Pagans; a large proportion of whose corn, rice, &c., goes in the[82] purchase of inebriating liquors. The dress of the latter also is neither so good nor so cleanly as that of the former, which is, almost invariably, white or blue. The Sonikeys are careless about their dress or persons, and what with smoking, drinking, and dirt, they are the most filthy set we ever saw.

We observed hanging on a stake, outside the walls of the town, a dress composed of the bark of a tree torn into small shreds, and formed so as to cover the whole body of the person wearing it, who is a sort of bugbear, called Mumbo Jumbo, that occasionally visits all the Mandingo towns, for the purpose of keeping the married women in order. I have been told that the husband who has occasion to find fault with one of his wives, for here every man has as many as his circumstances will admit, either puts on this dress himself, or gets one of his friends to do it, and having made known his intended visit to the town, by shrieking and howling in the woods near it, arrives after sunset at the assembly place, where all the inhabitants are obliged to meet him, with music, singing, and dancing, which continues for some hours, and terminates by his seizing the unfortunate woman, and flogging her most unmercifully in presence of the whole assembly, who only laugh at this horrid performance. We have never had[83] an opportunity of seeing this ourselves, but have heard it from so many, and with such corroborative exactness of description, that we have no doubt of its existence to a much greater extent of blind savage superstition than has been described to us.

Immediately on our arrival, we sent to apprize the king, and requested to be informed at what hour he could receive our visit. We were, however, told that he was then drunk, and could not be seen on business.

Slatee Modiba arrived, bringing us a present of a fine bullock. He also told us the same story, but said he hoped the evening would find the king in a state to receive us.

At length, about five in the afternoon, we went, accompanied by Mr. Burton, Lamina, and Sergeant Tuft; the latter served as interpreter. We found his majesty (if we may so prostitute the title), seated on a low wooden stool, outside the walls of his house, surrounded by all the great men of the town, who, with himself, did not appear to have entirely recovered from the effects of their morning’s debauchery. Having made him a small present, which it is the custom of this country to do, previous to addressing the king on our business, we told him in as few words as possible, the object we had in view in travelling through the country, and the advantages[84] its inhabitants would derive from the existence of a friendly and direct intercourse with the English, who, should no serious difficulties present themselves, would soon make trading voyages into the interior, and furnish them with all European merchandize at a much cheaper rate than they could at present procure them. The only answer we received, was made by his friend Modiba (for he did not say a word himself), and, although expressed in many words, and in very ambiguous terms, might be construed into this, that he always thought the English were the friends of Africa, and would do every thing in his power to facilitate the attainment of their wishes.

As nothing but the common routine of a formal visit of ceremony could, consistent with their customs, take place at the first interview, even had the king been compos mentis, we were obliged to take our leave without anything more having been said as to the terms on which we might expect his protection. Modiba, however, told us he would take care that no rum should be drank by Mansa[9] in the morning, previous to our seeing him, and requested we would shew him the present we intended to give; which we promised to do, when it could be prepared.

[85]During the night, one of the natives made an attempt to steal something from one of the tents, and would have succeeded, had not Sergeant Major Lee, observing the bale stirring, fired in the direction, but I believe without effect. This served, at least, to deter others from a similar attempt.

Having selected the present, consisting of amber, coral, bafts blue and white, silver, guns, &c., in all amounting to upwards of five hundred bars, thirty pounds sterling, and submitted them to the inspection of Modiba, who appeared to be pleased with them, we waited on the king on the morning of the 4th, and were shewn into the inner inclosure of the palace, which was, if any thing, more filthy than the rest of the town. Here we found him seated on a lion’s skin, to which were attached a number of grigris, under the shade of a miserable hovel in the shape of a balcony, outside the door of his bed-room, surrounded by four or five of his head men or ministers; and, notwithstanding Modiba’s promise to the contrary, the rum bottle had been in use, to what extent we cannot say, but he, on this occasion, favoured us with his conversation, asking several questions about our country, the Expedition, its object, &c.; all which we answered as briefly and explicitly as possible. When the present was laid before him, he condescended[86] to smile at the amber, but on looking at the dollars and coral for some time, with an air of the greatest indifference, he said something to his own people, and told us that he would not accept of so trifling an offer from such great men, particularly as he had been told we had given more to the king of Katoba, whom he looked on as a very petty chief indeed. Modiba said much to induce him to take it, but to no effect. We therefore returned to the camp leaving him, great as was his avarice, paying more attention to the rum bottle than what had been going forward.

While we were talking to Modiba on the best means of satisfying Mansa, and at the same time those about him, the former made his appearance, coming from the town, attended by about fifty people singing and beating drums. He seated himself under a tree, at a short distance from our camp, and sent Modiba, who had gone to meet him, to let us know he came to pay his respects. When we went to him, he beckoned me to sit beside him, which I did in apparent good humour; after the usual salutations, he begged a piece of muslin to make a dress. This was complied with, when he said, he had brought a bullock for supper, but added that we did not shew ourselves inclined to think well of him, in giving him so poor a present.[87] This, with a great deal more noisy irrelevant matter from himself and attendants, took up nearly half an hour, much to our annoyance. He ended, however, by telling us that he had left the settling of the affair to Modiba, and returned to the town.

In order that more time should not be lost here, we made an addition to the former present of forty-five bars, coral and dollars, and gave it to Modiba to present, as all we would or could give him. He was then drunk, and not to be seen.

In a short hour after this, Mansafarra, the king’s eldest son, came galloping from the town into our camp, attended by five or six people, armed with guns and spears, and, apparently in a great rage, said that he was offended at our not paying him our respects in person, and, although we might think little of him, he was, nevertheless, of as much consequence in the country as his father. We endeavoured to pacify him by appearing in good humour, and was going to give him our hands, when he rode off, in as great a hurry as he came, having first made one of his men throw down a pile of our arms, which was standing near them. He was not contented with this indifference on our part, and shortly returned on foot, attended as before. The first person he met was Private Robinson, lying on[88] the ground. To him he gave two or three kicks, and would have fired his musket at him, had he not been prevented by some of his own people. On this occasion, we, with much difficulty, kept our temper, but as the fellow was beastly drunk, and we were aware of the serious consequences that might arise from any violence offered to one of the royal family, we overlooked the insult, and merely directed the men to stand to their arms, and take no notice of him. He did not like the appearance things bore at that moment, and went off as before.

The people of the town, seeing us pay such little attention to the insult offered by their prince, no doubt thought they might follow his example with impunity, and therefore endeavoured to run away with every thing they could lay their hands on. This was too much. We could bear it no longer, and ordered the men to load and fall in, and, as it was nearly sunset, we had the whole of the baggage removed to some distance from the tree we had been sitting under, and placed triple sentinels. While the men were employed at this, the natives stole two horses, one ass, a bullock, and a goat. The horses, ass, and goat were recovered, but the bullock we never heard of.

A strict watch during the night prevented the possibility of any attempt at theft, and on[89] the morning of the 5th, Modiba came at an early hour, to say that the king was not satisfied at the addition made to the present, and, unless we gave him more, he would send his people to help themselves. Entreaties were to be borne with, but threats, and of this nature too, required decisive steps. We consequently directed Modeba to let the king know he might come as soon as he pleased, when we should be ready to give him the reception his appearance might merit. The bugles then sounded to arms; the animals were collected; and the men formed a hollow square round them and the baggage.

Modiba, who was more than astonished at our answer and preparations, went off without saying a word; but returned in a few minutes, to request we would give him ten dollars for himself, in part payment of two horses we had purchased from him the day before, and for which he had agreed to take an order on the Commissariat Officer at St. Mary’s, River Gambia. This we complied with, and are satisfied he gave them to Mansa. We however did not let him know, that we thought so. At length we were informed that guides would be provided for us, and we might proceed in the morning. In the evening, Mansa sent us a bullock, in place of the one which was stolen.

The guides joined us in the morning of the[90] 6th, and all things being ready, we commenced moving from Madina, that nest of thieves; but the front division had scarcely left the ground, when an immense mob collected, in order to plunder if possible. Messrs. Dochard and Partarrieau remained with the camel division, which was to bring up the rear, and had much difficulty in keeping the natives from actually forcing some things out of our men’s hands. A small medicine-chest was purloined by one of them, who had run some distance with it before it was missed. Private Ferrier overtook and knocked the fellow down, and would have shot some others who came to his assistance, had not Mr. Dochard prevented him by laying hold of his firelock. Such a barefaced and determined set of thieves we never met.

We travelled SE. and by E. thirteen miles, to the village of Bambako. The path this day was over a hard yellow clay soil, mixed with small quartz pebbles, and much broken into deep ruts by the rains; the whole distance, to within a quarter of a mile, covered with loose brushwood and a few large trees of the acacia species.

Corporal Pickard, a European, was so ill as to be unable to walk, and private Richmond, a native soldier, was nearly as bad; they were carried forward on two of the officers’ horses. Bambako is a very miserable village indeed, not[91] containing more than twenty huts of the poorest description: the situation of it, however, in some measure made up for its wretched appearance; it was on the summit of an elevated plain, beautifully covered with some of those large trees which bear the cotton, already mentioned, and a great number of baobabs, tamarinds, and palm trees; and it is plentifully supplied with good water, from wells twelve fathoms deep. We were able to purchase there one horse, two asses, three goats, and some corn for the animals. The horses and asses were a very welcome and necessary supply at that moment, as we had lost by death, during the day’s march, three horses.

We passed the night there, and moved forward to the SSE. at seven on the morning of the 7th. The soil and appearance of the country the same as that of the preceding day’s march. The path was not so much broken, and the animals travelled better. We reached Canopê at eleven, A.M., where we halted in order to refresh the men and animals, and to purchase, if possible, a few asses, which we were told by our guides were here in great numbers. Large prices, in amber, coral, and blue baft, induced the natives to sell us seven very good ones. We had much difficulty in procuring water here, not in consequence of any want of it at the place,[92] but because the people would not allow us to approach the wells, alleging that it was their property, and we must pay for it as well as for the other commodities of life. Remonstrance, and an inclination to force on our part, together with the interference of our guides, at length obtained it; not, however, before it was much wanted.

We left that inhospitable village at three, P.M., the same day, and travelled in the same direction over a very finely diversified country, for two hours, when we arrived at a small village called Kussaye, or Metofodia Cunda, having passed, about two miles before it, the ruins of a very large walled town, called Maja Cunda. This was formerly the residence of Modiba, the man who assisted us at Woolli, but was destroyed and abandoned by him, in consequence of the surrounding soil not producing good crops; it is very light and sandy, and mixed with lumps of a stiff white clay, having much the appearance of pipe-clay.

The occurrences at Madina, the hurry at leaving it, and the very great want of means of conveyance which we experienced, together with the confused state of the baggage in consequence of such want, and the indisposition of some of the men, induced us to determine on halting here for a day, in order to set all things[93] right: we therefore took up our bivouac under the shade of some large trees outside the town, the chief of which was extremely kind and attentive to all our wants, inasmuch as his circumstances would admit.

FOOTNOTES:

[7]Having twenty-two animals’ loads.

[8]With nineteen each.

[9]Title of the kings of Woolli.

## [94]CHAPTER V.

Departure from Kussaye — Pass through the Simbani Woods — Loss of Camels — Ruins of Muntobe — Leave Muntobe — Arrive at Sansanding — Halt there — Our Woolli guides leave us — Discharge of Corporal Harrop — Arrival at Sabee, the first Town of Bondoo — Loss of Animals — Opposition on the part of our Guides to our moving thence — Arrival at Loonchea — Death of the Camels — Supply of provisions from Almamy — Mr. Dochard sent in advance with a present to Almamy — Departure from Loonchea — Arrival at Dachadoonga — Difficulty and delay in carrying forward the Baggage — Description of the Red Water, and its use — Arrival at Goodeerri — Mr. Dochard returns from the Capital — Arrival of Almamy’s eldest Son — Transactions with Almamy and difficulty in arranging matters with him — Departure from Goodeerri, and arrival at Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo.

Having put the baggage in order, and fed the animals well on pistacio tops and corn, since our arrival here, we moved forward at six o’clock on the morning of the 9th, at a slow rate to the ENE., over a much wooded country, until noon, when we halted at the ruins of a town called Bantanto, in the Simbani woods, where the well, though very deep, thirteen fathoms, was still in repair, and supplied us[95] with great plenty of water, but of a bad taste and smell, occasioned by its not being much used. Mr. Nelson, Corporal Pickard, and Privates Nicholson and Richmond had attacks of fever since the evening of the 7th; with these exceptions, the party continued to enjoy good health. We could not say as much for our animals: three horses died since our arrival at Metafodia Cunda, and more than one half of the remaining ones were unable to carry their loads, for the transport of which it was found impossible to procure a sufficient number of carriers from among the natives: some of our own African soldiers, however, very cheerfully supplied their places, and we managed, in one way or other, to take all forward, but not without considerable trouble and fatigue. The many men we were obliged to employ as carriers, left the animals without a sufficient number to guide them and keep their loads from falling off, an occurrence which took place at every twenty yards with some one or other of them. The asses we had procured on the path were very good, but whether we did not understand the proper way of loading them, or that our bales, from being nearly round, were ill calculated to sit steady on their round backs, we could not determine; it appeared, however,[96] something was wrong, the consequence of which was much trouble and delay.

We moved from Bantanto at six o’clock on the morning of the 10th, but one of our camels having been either stolen, or strayed from the place where they had been feeding, I remained behind with that division until four, P.M., up to which time a fruitless search had been made for it in all directions. I then went forward alone, leaving Mr. Partarrieau to wait until the following morning, in hopes of recovering it, as it was a loss we could but badly afford at that moment.

I joined the front at the ruins of Montobe, at nine o’clock. The situation of this town, which must have been a very large one, is beautiful: it was in two parts, that where we halted being the smallest, and built on a hill shaded with fine large trees, the other is in the centre of an extensive plain, bearing the marks of cultivation, surrounded on all sides, at the distance of nearly a quarter of a mile, by woods; both are plentifully supplied with water, from wells only three or four feet deep, but which, in consequence of being neglected, had fallen in so much that we were obliged to clear them out before a sufficient quantity of water could be obtained. The soil appeared to be better than[97] any I had before seen; it was composed of dark-brown mould, intermixed with white sand and sand-stone. The walls and many of the houses were both strongly and well built with yellow clay, raised from about four feet below the surface, and intermixed with cut straw or withered grass and cow-dung.

It was destroyed about twelve months before by the people of Bondoo, in one of their plundering excursions, and many of its inhabitants were either killed or made prisoners (slaves), a fate but too common in this country, where the strongest party always finds an excuse for making war on the weaker, not unfrequently carrying off whole towns of miserable inoffensive beings, without either any previous intimation of their hostile intentions, or indeed any cause given by those wretched objects of their avaricious encroachments. On all such occasions, the only object in view is the attainment of money, as they call it, and in this they succeed by selling their unfortunate fellow-creatures, and, what is still more unnatural, their compatriots, to slave-dealers.

A multitude of ideas, bringing with them the conviction of how much Englishmen, and indeed all civilized nations, are favoured by Divine Providence, in enjoying freedom and security against such unwarranted and barbarous[98] practices, rushed on my mind, as we surveyed the silent and awful remains of some human bodies which lay outside the walls of this once respectable and no doubt happy town, the inhabitants of which were torn by unrelenting savages from that native spot, so dear to all mankind. Even the strongest ties of nature riven asunder, and all this to gratify the brutal desires of some neighbouring tyrant, or to enrich a set of savages, who are daily exposed to a similar fate themselves, at least as long as they can find people ready to purchase their unnatural booty.

Mr. Partarrieau not having come up, we left Muntobe at six o’clock on the morning of the 11th, and travelled slowly to the east until noon, when we reached Sansanding, a small town, the last of the kingdom of Woolli, beautifully situated on an eminence surrounded by high grounds, through the valleys of which winds a branch of the Gambia, now nearly dry; its banks are covered with cane, acacias, and mimosas, which afforded us an agreeable shelter from the intense heat of the sun. Here we decided on halting one day, in order to rest the animals, particularly the camels, which were become very weak for the last two days, owing to an insufficiency, indeed a scarcity, of that species of food on which they are used to feed. One[99] gave up on the path, and died in a few hours, which the moors said resulted from having eaten some poisonous weed in which that country abounds. The men also wanted the opportunity of washing their linen, which this place afforded. We eagerly took advantage of it as a great distance of uninhabited country (which from a want of water it was necessary to get over as quick as possible) lay between us and the frontier town of Bondoo. Private Pickard, too, was so ill as to be unable to ride, and was left on the path, under the shade of a tree, until the afternoon, when we sent eight men with a hammock to bring him up. He had, however, before they reached him, recovered sufficiently to come forward on Mr. Partarrieau’s horse. The camel lost at Bantanto was stolen by one of the king of Woolli’s people, and was traced as far back as Kussaye by our men who went in search of it: the thief, however, effected his escape with his prize, leaving Mr. Partarrieau with only one camel to bring up the two loads. The asses, although heavily loaded, travelled well, and were, if properly managed, better adapted to this service than either horses or camels.

Our guide refused to accompany us beyond this town, giving, as a reason, his fear of being detained in Bondoo, should he enter that country. I was sorry for it, as the fellow really was[100] very accommodating and attentive; but no entreaties could induce him to go on. I believe he was afraid that if we got him into one of the towns in Bondoo, he would be detained until our camel should be returned. In this he was deceived; for although such a step had been talked of by the officers as likely to have a good effect, we never had the least intention of doing so. I therefore dismissed him with a present of twenty-two bars.

We here discharged Corporal Harrop, a native of Woolli, who had been sold as a slave, when very young, and liberated by some of the British cruizers on the coast. He met his mother at Medina, and expressed a wish to remain there, a refusal to comply with which we were aware would be useless, as he had it in his power to desert, and thereby deprive us of the opportunity, which was thus offered, of acting in a manner likely to convince the people of that part of the interior, that our intentions towards them were liberal and humane. The man himself seemed very thankful, and said he would never forget the English, to whose settlements on the Gambia he would return, in order to lay out the money we had then given him as pay and allowance up to that date. He took a cordial farewel of all his companions, and returned to Medina with the guide, to glad the heart of[101] an aged mother, who no doubt looked on her son as one risen from the dead.

We tasted some drink made from honey and millet, somewhat like mead; but from its acidity, acquired by fermentation, and the non use of bitters in its composition, it had a very unpleasant effect on the stomach.

Having purchased here six asses, we started at six o’clock in the forenoon of the 13th, and entered the wilderness, through which we travelled at a smart pace to the east until near mid-day, when we came to a watering place in an open space in the woods, which bore evident marks of inundation during the rains, and was said to be the resort of large herds of elephants, which come thither in search of water. This was evidently the case, as their foot-tracks were visible in all directions; indeed, one of our men, who had gone some distance from the path, said he had seen two of them.

A town belonging to Woolli formerly stood here; but little or no proof of its having ever existed now remained. We however took advantage of the only one, namely, the shade of the large trees which are in or near all the towns we have seen in Africa. It is called Sabee Looroo.

As the distance from this last place to the frontier of Bondoo was destitute of water, and[102] too great to attempt marching it in the heat of the day, without a plentiful supply of that necessary article, we moved forward at six in the evening, having filled all our soofroos[10], and marched very expeditiously in an east and by north direction, through wood, until half after ten, when we were obliged to halt, in consequence of its being very dark, and many of the animals being much fatigued and considerably in the rear. Four horses were left in a dying state, and Mr. Pilkington and four men remained with their loads, until asses could be sent to bring them up: they did not arrive at our bivouac until day-light the following morning. We lost six horses during that march, and were likely to lose more every day: our provisions, too, were becoming scarce; but the prospect of being able to replenish all our wants in Bondoo, did not allow things to appear as bad as they really were.

We reached Sabee at seven on the morning of the 14th, and took up our position on an elevated spot to the NE. and distant about half a quarter of a mile from the town, which is a very large one, walled, and situated in an extensive plain, gently rising to the ESE., in which direction it is bounded by mountains: through it[103] runs a small watercourse, now nearly dry, and which the natives call the Neerico.

The inhabitants of this town are all Mahomedans, who are Surrawoollies, and came originally from Kajaga or Galam: they appeared a mild inoffensive race, and were not only better clothed, but cleaner in their persons than the people of Woolli. Their provisions, also, were in greater plenty. We purchased from them three asses, three small bullocks, and a goat, together with some fowls, milk, butter, and eggs. Latitude of Sabee, by meridian altitude, sun’s lower limb, 14° 10′ 58″. Thermometer in shade 100°.

They cultivate, on the banks of the Neerico, in moist places, a sort of tobacco, which is of a small growth and a pale green colour, bearing a yellow blossom: it is manufactured into snuff, in which state alone that sort is used. They also cultivate a larger kind, more resembling the American tobacco in size and colour: this bears a white blossom, and when dried is used in smoking. These, with millet, maize, two other varieties of corn, rice, cotton, indigo, and a few small onions and pompions, are the productions I noticed here, and for which the ground appeared well adapted.

When we were about moving on the morning of the 15th, Masiri Cabba, a man who had come from Bondoo to Lamina, and joined us at Kayaye,[104] came to say that a messenger had just arrived from Almamy, to direct that we should not advance further into his country, until we had sent a person to him. As we conceived this to be all a plan between Masiri Cabba and Lamina, for we saw them talking together a few minutes before, we paid no attention to it, and moved on, at half after six, to the south of east, over a fine open country, much cultivated, and more diversified by hill and dale than we had before met with: we reached a large straggling village, Jumjoury, situate on a rising ground, without any defence whatever. There appeared to be large quantities of cotton grown here, and the plantations looked in fine order. The chief here made us a present of a goat and some cous cous, in return for which he received double their value: indeed, taking those presents is a bad plan, but it would be wrong to insult those people, and they would certainly regard a refusal of any thing offered by them, only in such a point of view. We purchased here two fine sheep, five goats, and some corn.

Having left Jumjoury at six, on the morning of the 16th, and travelled east over a fine, open, and, for the most part, well cultivated country, to Deedey, a small village, which we passed, and arrived at Loonchea, lying ESE. from the former. The camels travelled badly this day;[105] one died shortly after our arrival, and the remainder looked very sickly. We halted under some large trees on the side of a considerable gully or ravine, having a mud bottom, at that time dried up, but which, during the rains, was the bed and course of a torrent running to the SSW.

The supply of rice we brought from Kayaye was here exhausted, with the exception of a few pints, and we had not as yet been able to procure a sufficiency of either cous cous or meal to make a full allowance, for two days. The only provisions we could find here was a little milk and some fowls.

One of the camels, having every appearance of approaching death, was killed, and the meat made use of by our men. We tasted it, and found it as good as any beef we could procure. This gave a sufficiency for the day.

The chief of the town called on us in the afternoon, and told us that he had received directions from Almamy to provide us with some corn, which he was ready to deliver; but, as it was not in a state to be made use of, we requested him to have it converted into cous cous and meal, which he undertook to have done. The necessity we were under of waiting for this supply, and the loss of three of our camels by death, since our arrival here, obliged us to make a halt.[106] I had also determined on sending Mr. Dochard from this place to the capital, in order to see Almamy, and arrange with him for our passage through his country, and his protection and assistance while in it.

I accordingly despatched him on the morning of the 18th, accompanied by Masiri Cabba Dharra (one of the king of Sego’s men), and four of our own people. He took with him some large amber as a present for the king.

Having received from the master of the town a quantity of cous cous and meal, sufficient for six days, and divided the loads of the three camels that died here among the remaining ones and the other animals, we moved forward at five in the afternoon to the ENE. over a flat country much intersected by the dry beds of torrents, the banks of which are covered with acacias and mimosas: one of them was very deep, and so difficult to pass, that most of the asses fell and threw their loads, which delayed us some time. One of the camels died on the path; this also delayed us considerably, and we did not reach Gongally until near midnight, all very much fatigued. In the course of the forenoon of the 19th, I purchased two asses, being all that I could induce the inhabitants of this town to part with, although they had many more, and the prices I offered were large. I was therefore[107] obliged to hire some more carriers; a most troublesome mode of transport, for it required a good look-out to prevent those fellows from running away with their loads. We left Gongally at four in the afternoon, and arrived at Dachadoonga, after a very fatiguing march of three hours and a half, over a much broken country covered with wood. The chief of this town, which is a small one, is married to one of Almamy’s daughters.

The few remaining horses, and the camels, were become so weak as to be unable to carry, and we had not yet been able to purchase a sufficient number of asses for the whole of the baggage; I therefore sent Mr. Burton forward to Goodeerie, on the 20th, with as much of it as all the asses would carry, and directed him to send them back next morning to bring forward the remainder, but from some mistake of their guides, or from having straggled too much, they took different paths, which led them all (with the exception of two or three) much out of their way, and it was not until eight o’clock in the afternoon of the 21st, after despatching Lamina to conduct them into the right path, that the asses returned. Having purchased three very good asses here, we left it at seven o’clock on the morning of the 22d, and arrived at Ganado, another small village, at eleven. Messrs.[108] Nelson and Pilkington had gone on to Goodeerie, when, not finding any of the party, they returned to Ganado, where we passed the night, and lost four horses and (six) all our sheep, in consequence of their having eaten the leaves of a tree (called Talee, by the natives) which is common throughout this country. It is a strong poison, and has a very sweet taste. The pagan natives of some parts of Africa, make use of an infusion of the bark of this tree to ascertain whether a person among them, suspected of witchcraft, be guilty or not. The accused is obliged to drink a quantity of this liquor, and which, according to its strength, sooner or later produces nausea, vomiting, and pain in the stomach and abdomen, and not unfrequently terminates in the death of the person; in which case he is considered to have been guilty: but should the person recover, either in consequence of the weakness of the dose (sometimes arising from a large bribe administered to the person who made it), or a great strength of constitution and timely antidotes, he is declared innocent. This horrid method is seldom practised by the Mahomedan natives of Africa.

On the morning of the 23d, I again sent forward Mr. Burton (being the only officer now with me, able to do duty) to Goodeerie, with all the asses, loaded, and directions to send them[109] back to me in the evening. He left us at four o’clock, and the asses returned at nine the same afternoon. The country about this town is really beautifully diversified with hill and dale, both covered with wood, some of which is very large. At a short distance to the SE. is the dry bed of a stream which, during the rains, runs to the SW. and joins the Gambia. The inhabitants here had commenced preparing their corn and rice grounds, in consequence of the very great appearance of approaching rain for the last two or three days, during which we had some thunder and lightning, accompanied with a perfect calm and intense heat of the sun and atmosphere.

Little trouble is indeed necessary in this country for the purpose of cultivation; the ground is merely cleared of the old corn stalks, and such weeds and young wood as have sprung up during the dry weather; all which are burnt, and the ashes strewed on the surface. Small holes are then made in the ground, distant from each other about a foot or eighteen inches, and two or three grains of corn dropped into each, which is filled by pushing a portion of the earth and the ashes before mentioned into it. In this state it remains, until it arrives at about two feet above the surface, when the ground between is hoed up and cleared of weeds, a process[110] which takes place as often as the growth of the weeds renders it necessary, and which, in this country, where vegetation is so rapidly going on during the rains, grow apace.

We left Ganado at seven o’clock on the morning of the 24th, passed two small villages, situated in an open and well cultivated country, and reached Goodeerie at noon, having met an immense host of black monkeys, who, on our approach, set up a hideous barking noise, and scampered into the woods. Some of them were as large as a mastiff dog.

Goodeerie is a small straggling village, inhabited by Surrawoollies and Foulahs. Masiri Cabba, who is chief of it, accommodated us with a sufficient number of huts to shelter both the men and baggage from rain, which was fast approaching. As I feared it was likely we should have to remain a few days here, in order to the arrangement of matters with Almamy, I cheerfully accepted his offer, and now, for the first time since our leaving Kayaye, we entered and took up quarters inside a town.

I was here informed that Almamy was not at the capital when Mr. Dochard went there, and that it was probable he might have to wait there some time before he could see him, as he was absent on some business connected with the war between him and the people of Galam.

[111]Mr. Dochard, however, arrived on the 21st, without having seen Almamy. He was accompanied by Almady Gay (one of Almamy’s nephews), who was sent to procure for us a supply of bullocks and corn. Almamy sent Mr. Dochard word that he was extremely glad to hear of our arrival in his country, and would give us every assistance and protection in his power as far as Foolidoo, to which country we should be accompanied by one of his chiefs, who would be a sufficient safeguard to us. He further requested that we would remain where we were until he could come to see us, which should be in a very few days. The prospect of being thus delayed even for a few days, as I then thought, was irksome in the extreme, as the rains were fast approaching, and, in the space of another month, travelling would become, if not wholly impossible, at least very difficult and dangerous. But so it was, that attempting to move through this country without having first arranged matters with Almamy, would have been madness. We were therefore obliged to submit with patience.

Since our arrival here, we were beset by a multitude of beggars of all descriptions. Princes and their wives without number, came to make to us trifling presents, with the hope of receiving in return double their value, and their attendants[112] were not less troublesome. Goulahs, or singing people, who in Africa always flock around those who have any thing to give, no doubt thought this a good opportunity to turn to good account their abilities in music, and we were continually annoyed by their horrid noise. Dozens of them would, at the same moment, set up a sort of roaring extempore song in our praise, accompanied by drums and a sort of guitar, and we found it impossible to get rid of them by any other means than giving something. They were not, however, to be put off with a trifle. People who lived by that sort of gain, and not unfrequently received from their own chiefs presents to the amount of several slaves, were not to be put off with trifles, particularly by persons with (apparently to them) so much riches as we had. The consequence was, we were in a continual state of uproar with those wretches. Never did I find my patience so much tired as on those occasions.

On the 31st a man arrived from Boolibany, to say that Almamy would be at Goodeerie on the following day, but it was not until the 5th of June that we heard any thing more of him. During this time we were plagued out of our lives by a host of his nephews, nieces, cousins, &c. all begging.

On the 5th, Saada, Almamy’s eldest son, accompanied[113] by two of his majesty’s ministers and three other grandees of the country, came to announce his father’s arrival at a small town of the same name as this, distant about five miles east. They made some objections to call on me first, and I would have waved all ceremony in favour of the expediting in the least our business; but Lamina said it was their place to call on me: they were the bearers of a message from Almamy, and to deliver it they must come to me, and not I to them. This they did, and entered on the business with all the indifference and hauteur imaginable. Saada himself would not uncover his mouth or nose, which he had closely wrapped up in a part of his turban which hung down, for fear he might inhale the air breathed by an infidel. Many words, expressed in a strangely slow and authoritative manner, went to say that Almamy had arrived, and would see me whenever I wished to call upon him, or would come himself to see me if I preferred it. The former I adopted, as I was aware that his presence here would draw around us a set of beggars, whose importunities would be insupportable, and therefore decided on going, without delay, to see him. Messrs. Dochard and Partarrieau accompanied me. Lamina, Masiri Cabba, and one of my own men to act as interpreter, composed the whole of our attendants.

[114]On our arrival at the village, we had to wait nearly half an hour before we could obtain an interview. After the usual compliments of salutation, &c., I explained to him, by means of my interpreter, in as few words as possible, the object we had in view in travelling through his country, and requested that we might be detained as short a time as possible. He said that we might depend on his doing all in his power to forward our views, and that the time of our stay chiefly depended on ourselves. By this he meant to say, that if we paid him handsomely, he would allow us to pass. He said much about the trifling nature of the present I sent him by Mr. Dochard, insinuating that it was scarcely fit for one of his Goulas.

We took the hint and requested that people might be sent to receive the present I intended for him. These were soon nominated, and with them and Saada, who was sent to remain with us (as Almamy said, to see we were well treated, but, we believe, as a spy on our actions), we returned to our quarters.

Having laid out a considerable present, amounting to more than ten times that given to the king of Woolli, we showed it to the persons sent for that purpose, on the morning of the 6th, and made Saada a very handsome present indeed, for which he appeared very thankful,[115] but said that we should first settle with his father. We were asked if what we had laid before them was intended merely as service (as they call it), meaning thereby a present or douceur, or as all we intended to give him; and we answered that we intended it as the full amount of present. To which they replied, they were only directed to receive service, that was then shewn, and objected to, as too small. After much conversation on both sides, without being able to arrange with those fellows, we determined on again going to Almamy, to endeavour to settle with him personally. In this, however, we were deceived; he was, if possible, more difficult to please than his ministers, and told us, that as we did not choose to act in compliance with their wishes, he should not wait where he was any longer, but return to his house, where we might come to see him when we thought proper to act consistently with, what he considered, our duty, namely, the increasing of the present; that as all the surrounding kings were averse to our going to the east, and even his own chiefs did not like it, he was taking a great responsibility on himself in allowing us to do so. This, and much more of the same nature, too tedious to mention, closed the interview. We therefore, to avoid more delay,[116] determined on giving those insatiable rascals as much as we could afford, and thereby, if possible, get rid of them. The rains had already commenced, and no time was to be lost, which could, in any way, consistently with the future safety of the expedition, be avoided.

Having selected an enormous present, we despatched Mr. Partarrieau to lay it before his majesty, and it was not until the 9th that he returned, having, in some measure, satisfied the avaricious appetite of the great man, who, however, still said much about receiving six bottles of gunpowder and a musket for each ass load; and insinuated that he had been informed we had loads composed entirely of gold and silver. Fresh demands were continually made, and we were not able, before the 13th, finally to settle with him. This was done by our giving him an order on the Gambia for one hundred and twenty bottles of gunpowder, twenty common guns and a blunderbuss.

He came to see us in a friendly way, as he said, on the 14th, accompanied by a host of ministers, chiefs, &c., who all expected no doubt to receive something. On this occasion he appeared to be perfectly satisfied with what had been given him and his followers, and promised we should have a guide wherever we wished to[117] move, and in whatever direction we pleased. This, however, we could not obtain until the 17th, and then he would not listen to our pursuing any route but that through Kasson, the chief of which country was his friend, which we knew to be the case, but we feared he was only too much so, and ready to put in execution any plan Almamy might devise to annoy and delay us, and ultimately frustrate the object we had in view.

Notwithstanding Almamy’s having sent his nephew to procure supplies for us, since our arrival at Goodeerie we had been very scantily supplied with provisions, although large prices were offered, and men sent in all directions to collect corn, rice, or any kind of food that could be procured.

A fine moor boy, about eight years of age, a slave, was sent us by the king, to purchase bullocks with, but hungry as we were we preferred remaining so, to eating that procured at the expense of liberty to a fellow-creature, who, from his horrified appearance, no doubt thought we were going to eat him. He spoke the language well, by which means we explained to him the happy change that had taken place in his situation, but he did not appear to believe it for some days.

In some instances the princes and chiefs who[118] flocked round us in hopes of receiving presents (and they invariably got something, but which was not as great as they either expected or could have wished), prevented the natives from bringing to market even the scanty supply which their reduced means at that time of the year would have enabled them to do.

For several days we submitted to a very scanty allowance indeed, and we had no appearance of obtaining a more plentiful supply by any other means than that of arranging matters to the satisfaction of Almamy, which we were at length (by means of considerable presents to him and his followers) enabled to do. Indeed the latter, a set of cringing liars, and all either Goulas (singing people) or Bilos (blacksmiths), were as difficult to be pleased as their master, with whom they had such influence that no matter was decided on, or step taken, without their advice, and whose interest it was absolutely necessary to purchase, though, I believe, to little purpose; as they will make the fairest promises to attain their end, and then betray their benefactor; or, at least, in their private conferences with Almamy, give him advice directly contrary to that expressed as their opinion in public, and by no means conducive to the attainment of our wishes. No sooner was one promise made by him and them, on the proviso[119] of receiving a present, and those terms complied with on our part, than some contrary construction was put on the same, and we were left to devise such other means of attaining our object as the moment might suggest. It is really impossible for a person not conversant with such affairs, or acquainted with such people, to have any idea of the irksome and perplexing nature of their duplicity and falsehood, or of the situation a man finds himself placed in, when dependent in a great measure on their will and pleasure for the common necessaries of life.

Such was our situation on the 16th, when we went to Almamy’s residence, in order to endeavour, by any possible means, to gain permission to choose our own route. But in this, however, we were unfortunately not able to succeed, and consequently submitted with an apparent good grace, for any other line of conduct would have tended to no good purpose; telling him that we would be ready to move on the 18th, and as he seemed to think he could protect us more effectually in that road than any other, we requested that guides might be immediately appointed to conduct us. This was directly complied with; when we returned to our huts, and made the arrangements necessary in consequence of so long and unpleasant delays.

We left Goodeerie at half after five in the[120] evening of the 18th June, and halted for the night at the village where Almamy had been. We were under the disagreeable necessity (now, for the first time,) of leaving one of the party behind (Private Pickard), who was reduced to such a state of debility and emaciation from dysentery, that he was not only unable to ride, but reported, by Mr. Dochard, as unlikely to recover. Two men were left with him, and directed, in case of his getting better in a few days, to bring him forward to Boolibany, where we intended halting, to procure provisions; and in case of his death to bury him, and follow us with as much expedition as possible. A supply of the means of procuring subsistence was given them, and I really felt much at abandoning to his fate one of the most active and useful men we had.

Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington were also in a very bad state of health, and many of the European soldiers, although not decidedly unwell, were occasionally complaining of headaches and pains in their limbs, indicating the approach of fever and dysentery.

Much rain had already fallen, and vegetation was going on most rapidly in consequence of the intense heat of the sun and humidity of the soil. To the north of Goodeerie, was a range of high hills, covered with wood, and running from NE. to SW. About half way between where we left[121] and it, we crossed the partly dry bed of a torrent, which, at this time, comes from some hills lying south of east from our path, and running, with many windings, to the west of north, to empty itself into the Senegal.

We left Goodeerie (there are many towns of the same name in that district, named after a people who came from a town in Galam formerly so called,) at seven o’clock on the morning of the 19th; and after a march of five hours and a half to the north of east, over a well cultivated and thickly inhabited country, we arrived at a large town, or rather a large collection of small villages, called Baigh Baigh, beautifully situated on eminences rising gently on either side of a narrow valley, in which ran a considerable torrent of water, collected by the neighbouring hills, and contributing to the periodical overflowing of the Senegal. The corn grounds were beginning to look green, and the entire face of the country, which had for some months presented a most arid and fatiguing prospect, was now progressively assuming all the varied gaiety of spring. The natives, too, were busily employed in cultivation, which, in Africa, is indiscriminately carried on by men and women.

Many of our men did not come up before night. The march was a long one, and the day excessively hot and calm, with every appearance[122] of rain, of which we had a smart fall during the night.

On the following morning, we moved forward to the north of east, over a gently rising country, beautifully diversified by hill and dale, and thickly covered in every direction with small villages, in the vicinity of which, cultivation appeared to be carrying on to a considerable extent. We crossed, about five miles west of Boolibany, a range of small hills, running nearly north and south, covered with stunted underwood, and composed of a dark brown stone resembling volcanic eruption, and having a strong magnetic attraction. One piece, bearing a high metallic polish, drew to it small needles from the distance of three quarters of an inch. From those hills the natives procure a large supply of iron, which they esteem much for its goodness, and which is extracted from the ore, or stone containing it, in the manner mentioned by Mr. Park.

We reached Boolibany at noon, and were accommodated with huts in the town, a division of which was given up entirely for our use, and from which Almamy, who paid us a visit in the afternoon, desired us to keep off the mob, in the same way we should do were we in an English fort. This, however, we found much difficulty in accomplishing against a host of visitors[123] of all ages and descriptions, coming to see, for the first time in their lives, a white man. Shortly after our arrival some of the king’s wives sent us two or three large calabashes, full of fine milk and cous cous, which was not at all a despicable present.

Many of the great men of the town paid us visits of ceremony and curiosity; all which we would have most willingly dispensed with, but they were not to be sent off in a hurry, and we were often reduced to the necessity of walking out of our huts, in hopes of their doing so too. But even this did not always succeed, and we were necessitated to submit with an apparent good grace to their importunities for presents. I do believe they thought that asking alone was necessary to the filling of their pockets with amber, &c., and covering their backs with silks, bafts, &c.; for the procuring of all of which they seldom brought any more valuable articles than a little milk, or some rice, or corn. Indeed we wanted nothing else, but the miserable handfuls which they presented, were scarcely worth the trouble of receiving, much less giving more than the value in return.

FOOTNOTES:

[10]Leather bags.

## [124]CHAPTER VI.

Description of Boolibany — Delays and Disappointments there — Scarcity of Provisions — Death of Private Pickard — My decision of passing the rains in the Country, and Departure for Samba Contaye to select a position for winter quarters — Arrival of the Expedition from Boolibany — Mr. Pilkington and men left there sick — Death of Lieutenant Burton, and Sickness of the Men — Preparations for Mr. Dochard’s Departure for Sego — Almamy’s Arrival near our Camp — Difficulties about the Guide — Mr. Dochard’s Departure — The Object of his Embassy — Mr. Partarrieau’s Departure for the Coast — Mr. Nelson’s weak state — A regular Market established — Mr. Pilkington’s Arrival from the Capital — Mr. Nelson’s Death — My own Indisposition — Deaths amongst the Men — Extraordinary Ceremony at the killing of a lioness — Lions’ Attack on the Horse — Accounts from Mr. Dochard — Return of the Messengers — Almamy’s unjust Conduct, and its Results.

Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo, stands in an extensive plain at the foot of a range of rocky hills, which are distant from it about a quarter of a mile east: to the west, the dry bed of a considerable torrent winds along the plain, and, in the season of the rains, conducts the water, which descends in a thousand streams from the hills, to the Falune and Senegal.

[125]Here is the residence of the king, or Almamy, but it is by no means so large a town as we expected to see in the capital of so thickly inhabited a country. The number of souls do not exceed fifteen or eighteen hundred; the greater number are either the relatives, slaves, tradesmen, or followers of Almamy, or those of the royal family.

W. Gray del.

BOOLEBANY, CAPITAL OF BONDOO.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

The town is surrounded by a strong clay wall, ten feet high and eighteen inches thick[11]; this is pierced with loop-holes, and is so constructed that, at short intervals, projecting angles are thrown out, which enable the besieged to defend the front of the wall by a flanking fire, and answers all the purposes of defence where nothing but small arms is made use of.

The gates, of which there are five, and some of the intermediate parts of the wall, are surmounted by small embattled turrets, nine or ten feet square; those are likewise pierced with loop-holes, and give to the place a better fortified appearance than any town we had before seen.

Within these outer walls, at the west end of the town, and surrounded by stronger and higher ones of the same materials and form, are the[126] palaces of Almamy, his son Saada, and his nephew Moosa Yoro Malick, all joining each other, but having no internal communication.

The mosque, by no means a good one, stands in an open space in the south-west end of the town. It was in very bad repair, being nearly destitute of thatch. It is a large oblong clay building, lying east and west, the walls about nine feet high, and the roof, which is composed of rough timber, is supported in the centre by three strong forked stakes, about eighteen feet high. The ends of this roof extend five or six feet over the walls, on which it rests, and is there supported by forked stakes five feet high, forming a sort of piazza. Public prayers are performed in it five times a day, with the greatest apparent devotion.

The town is divided by streets, or more properly lanes, which are very narrow, dirty, and irregular. The outside of the walls too, in consequence of the want of public places of convenience, is nothing but a continued heap of filth, which emits, particularly during the rains, an overpowering and unpleasant effluvia.

The huts or houses are of different forms: some entirely composed of clay and rough timber, are square and flat roofed; others are round, having the walls of the same material as the former, but are covered with a conical roof,[127] formed of poles and thatched with long dry grass; the third and last are entirely composed of wood and dry grass, in the form of a half splaire. The doors of all are inconveniently low, particularly the latter, which is rendered the more unpleasant by its serving, at the same time, as door, window, and chimney.

Those of Almamy, his son, nephew, and some of the princes, display the same variety of form, and, with the exception of being larger, are equally inconvenient. The interior of each of these palaces may contain about an English acre, divided, by low clay walls, into several small courts, in some of which are the chambers of their wives and concubines, and in others the magazines of arms, ammunition, merchandize, and corn. The exterior walls are about thirteen feet high, and are lined, nearly all round inside, with a range of square clay hovels, serving as cooking places, stables, slave rooms, and other stores, all which have flat roofs, where, in case of attack, a number of armed men, the best marksmen, are placed, and being there defended by that part of the outside walls which rises above the roofs, in form of parapets, they can do much against an attacking enemy.

At a short distance to the SW. are situated the ruins of a town nearly as large as Boolibany, and of which it at one time formed a part: but was[128] destroyed by the Kartan army in one of their attacks on Almamy—which must have been sanguinary, as the ground for a considerable distance round it is thickly strewed with the now whitened bones of the slain, whose bodies were allowed to putrify on the spot where they fell, or be devoured by the birds and beasts of prey.

The mother of the boy given to us by Almamy, came to our huts to see her son, whom we had by this time so convinced of his real situation, that he implored us on his knees and with tears in his eyes to work the same change in his unfortunate mother’s situation, who together with his brother, an infant, were in the most deplorable state of slavery, in the possession of Moosa Yeona Malick. The poor woman herself was too much pleased with the respectable appearance of her son, and with the account he gave her of the comparative happiness of his present situation, to prevent a gleam of satisfaction from making itself evident, through the otherwise truly miserable and desponding evidence of her feelings but too strongly depicted in her face and actions; the former being bathed in tears, and the latter more becoming of a person imploring assistance or protection from the divine, than a human being.

It is needless to say we promised her every exertion in her favour, and fulfilled the promise,[129] but alas! without effect:—the answer we got from her inhuman master to an offer of three times the value of a prime slave, or indeed any price he might demand, was “that it was much fitter for us to make him a present of the son, who would thereby be enabled to enjoy the society of his mother and brother.”

The poor woman was a constant visitor at our huts, where she every day got one good meal, but it would have been useless to give her any thing else, as her master would not have left it (let it be of never so little value) with her.

Since our arrival at Boolibany we had been as badly supplied with provisions as at Goodeerie. Almamy made us a present of a bullock, but we found it impossible to purchase any, and as to rice or corn it was extremely scarce and dear. So small was the quantity of milk purchased that the officers were stinted to a few spoonfulls each, which, with as limited a quantity of rice, meal, or meat, constituted our daily bill of fare.

To add to the unpleasantness of our situation nearly all the European soldiers were affected with fever or dysentery, two of the officers, Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington, were likewise ill, and we found it impossible to obtain from Almamy the fulfilment of his promises. At one time he would say he was preparing for us some provisions; at another, that he was only waiting[130] the return of a messenger he had sent to ascertain the state of the path by which we were to travel, and with many such frivolous excuses he put us off from day to day until the 23rd of June, when he appointed a guide, and told us we might depart when we pleased. Preparations were made for moving on the following morning, and we had determined that not a moment should be lost in getting out of Almamy’s power. We were however again to suffer disappointment and delay, for the same night at a late hour Almamy sent his son Saada, to let us know that in consequence of his having received information of the destruction of several of the towns of Kasson by the Kartans, he could not allow us to proceed until he had sent a messenger to ascertain its truth. I endeavoured to shew Saada that I thought better of the report, and said that I would, if Almamy allowed me, go on even without a guide; but it would not do: he said his father (who now considered us his friends and strangers) dare not permit us to run into danger when he could prevent it. This was a very plausible excuse no doubt, but we were aware that the whole was a plan to keep us in his country as long as he could. We nevertheless told Saada that we would wait a day or two longer in order to give his father’s messenger time to return.

The men who had been left at Goodeerie to[131] take care of Pickard returned on the 23rd, having committed his body to the earth at that place on the 21st, the day of his death.

On the 25th, not hearing any thing of the messenger’s return or any more reports about the circumstance, I and all the officers waited on Almamy, to endeavour, if possible, to obtain leave to proceed. We found him seated in a large straw hut, in one of the inner courts of his palace, surrounded by some of his ministers and chiefs. He evaded giving a direct answer to our request, by relating some of his youthful achievements in a very jocular strain, until the call to prayers obliged us to leave his royal presence, and return as we went, to submit to delay and disappointment for another day, which, however, only made things appear as less likely to be arranged to our satisfaction than they had hitherto been. He asked those about him many questions respecting the path through Kasson to Foolidoo, which he seemed to be well acquainted with, and made much objection when we had told him the disappointment we experienced in his conduct to us, and the seeming disinclination on his part to forward our views, notwithstanding his promise to do so in consequence of the very large and handsome presents we had given him and his people. His son Saada told us “there was no use in much words, but[132] that, if we would satisfy Almamy, he should satisfy us,” which was merely hinting, if we would give Almamy presents until he should say he had enough, we should be then allowed to proceed. We did not pretend to understand his meaning, and finding that nothing was to be obtained from them, we left the place, in order to consult with the officers, and decide on the step to be taken.

After taking into consideration the then advanced state of the season, the illness of almost the whole of the Europeans, and the reduced state of our means of subsistence, in consequence of the very great expenditure incurred to replace our animals (all those we had on leaving Kayaye having died), and the exorbitant presents to Almamy and his chiefs, ministers, &c., we came to the determination of remaining in Bondoo until after the rains, and sending forward an officer to Sego, to apprize the King of our being stopped by Almamy, and to ascertain beyond a doubt his intentions towards our intended entrance into his country. A train of incidents, as tedious to relate as uninteresting to peruse, occurred between our making known to Almamy this our intention, and our establishing ourselves at Samba Contaye[12], which we were[133] enabled to do, after much toil and trouble, by the 17th of July.

Our position was on an elevated plain, lying about half a quarter of a mile west of the village, between us and which ran a copious stream of water, occasionally swollen to a considerable size by the rains. Around a clear spot, of about two acres, we erected several huts. We soon found, however, they were neither sufficiently solid to withstand the violence of the tornados, nor well enough thatched to keep out the rain, in consequence of which the men were continually getting wet, and falling sick. Mr. Burton and Mr. Nelson, and nearly all the Europeans, were labouring under fever and dysentery. On the 18th, the former was reduced to the very last stage, and Mr. Pilkington, and three men, were so ill when we left Boolibany, that they could not be moved. Had we been able to continue our journey to the east, those officers and men must have been left behind; and to this, unpleasant as it might have been to our feelings, we must in that case have submitted. Mr. Burton’s sufferings, however, were of short duration; he died on the 19th, having been only a few days ill. This sudden and melancholy event appeared to cast a gloom over all, and, when his remains were committed to their last abode, every European present shewed evident symptoms of apprehension[134] that such might be his own fate in a few days.

As it was necessary that the officer we intended sending to Sego should be accompanied by a guide and messenger from Almamy, I had, previous to leaving Boolibany on the 20th, obtained a promise from him that he would come to Samba Contaye in a few days, and bring with him a person fitted for that service. He did not, however, make his appearance until the 21st, when I was informed that he had arrived at Wooro Samba, a small village, or rather farm, belonging to one of his own relations, about a mile south of our camp. There I went to see him, when he immediately named a person to accompany Mr. Dochard[13] to Sego, and said that it would be my business to clothe and subsist him during the journey, which of course I made no difficulty in consenting to.

On the following day, the guide came to our camp, and having said much about the unpleasantness of such a long journey, the dangers and privations to be encountered, &c., told me that he wished some stated reward to be held out to him on his return, in default of which he would not go. Although I was much astonished[135] at this declaration, I thought it better to let him suppose it was my intention to give him something, and therefore said, that the nature and amount of his reward must altogether depend on his own conduct, and his exertions to forward our business, which, if he did to my satisfaction, he should be well rewarded. He, however, did not like this mode of payment “after his trouble was over”; insinuating that I might then give him little or much as I wished, and that, moreover, it was quite “optional with him whether he went or not, as he was no slave of Almamy’s”.

I went immediately to mention this affair to the King, and to request that another man might be appointed, as I neither liked the manner nor appearance of the first. He very good humouredly said that the fellow was a fool, and therefore not fit to accompany Mr. Dochard, and he would immediately send to Boolibany for one of his own people to replace him. But as it was likely that two or three days would elapse before he could be ready, I told the King that Mr. Dochard should move on towards the frontier, which, before he reached, the man might no doubt overtake him. This being arranged, I next informed Almamy, it was my wish to send a person to the coast, in order to procure, with as little delay as possible, the[136] articles I had promised to him, and some few things I was myself in want of; and as my messenger purposed going to Senegal through the Foota Toro country, I wished him to give letters of recommendation to the chiefs there, in order to ensure his safety while in it, and also requested him to appoint some person to accompany Mr. Partarrieau, and remain with him until his return. All this he very readily consented to, concluding upon this, as on all other occasions, by asking for something or other; a little tobacco was then the object of his wishes, and with them I complied.

On my return to the camp I found that Mr. Dochard had completed all his preparations, and was only waiting my presence to move forward. His party consisted of one sergeant, seven rank and file, one civilian, and his own servant, together with Lamina and two of his people. He took with him a very handsome present for Dhaa, the king of Sego, and some inferior, yet respectable ones, for his chiefs; these, together with a small tent, two trunks of his own, and some provisions, loaded five asses, at least sufficiently so to admit of their travelling with expedition. The most active, willing, and well conducted men were selected for this service; and, although the prospect of a journey of several hundred miles through a country offering many[137] difficulties, both from the disposition of the natives and the advanced state of the season, was sufficiently gloomy to make the bravest despond, and the most sanguine entertain doubts of success,—they nevertheless all appeared cheerful and happy in being selected to the service.

To Mr. Dochard’s own discretion and judgment I left altogether the means, as well as mode, of entering into arrangements with Dhaa for our passage through, and protection in his country; and from my knowledge of Mr. Dochard’s extreme anxiety and determination to bring (inasmuch as lay in his power) our enterprize to a happy conclusion, I felt satisfied that I could not have entrusted this service into more able or patient hands; the latter being an accomplishment most necessary, indeed indispensably so, in that country.

The party left the camp on the 23d, at four o’clock in the afternoon. I accompanied them some distance, and, when taking leave of them, I felt that I had myself more occasion to apprehend their never returning than they appeared to entertain; indeed I felt, when giving Mr. Dochard the parting shake of the hand, that I was bidding adieu for ever, as it were, to the nearest and dearest friend I had in the world. In order to induce Lamina to forward our views at Sego, and to conduct himself with kindness[138] and attention to Mr. Dochard, and the men with him, I made him a handsome present, and gave him an account of the reward which had been promised to him, in case of his fulfilling the terms of his engagement, an advance of merchandize to the amount of fifteen pounds sterling.

Although I had my doubts as to this man’s being a servant or officer of the king’s, I was nevertheless aware that much depended on his reports in the country respecting us, and therefore endeavoured, by all means within my power, and consistent with prudence, to keep the fellow in our interest. His wife, too, who travelled in his train, received many small presents from us, and on this occasion was dashingly equipped for the journey, in order, as Lamina said, not to reflect discredit on those white men belonging to a Great White King, with whom they had been so long associated.

My next object was to despatch Mr. Partarrieau (the only person holding the rank of an officer then in good health) to the coast, to procure the articles for Almamy, and a supply of merchandize for the use of the expedition, which so long a halt had rendered absolutely necessary. Almamy still remained at Wooro Samba, where I paid him another visit, and made him a small present. On the 25th, he informed me[139] that he was going to a village about five miles NW. from our camp, to arrange some matters relative to the succession of a chief, where, as the place lay in Mr. Partarrieau’s road, he could meet him. The same day he visited the camp, and received from him a letter to the Almamy of Foota Toro, which would ensure Mr. Partarrieau a safe passage through that country.

Mr. Partarrieau having received my instructions how to act during his absence, and such letters and other papers as I was sending to England and the coast, left the camp the 27th July. His party consisted of two soldiers, four civilians, and two moors. I furnished him with some small presents for Almamy and the chiefs of Foola.

On the same day I sent a party of eight native soldiers, with a sergeant, to the capital, with directions that, if Mr. Pilkington should not be well enough to ride his horse, they were to construct a litter, and bring him forward.

Mr. Nelson was daily getting worse, and the soldiers, seven in number, left on the sick list by Mr. Dochard, had no appearance whatever of recovery. One died on the 22d, and some of the others appeared likely soon to follow him. All that could be done, situated as we were, was done for them. The disease, however, was stronger than the remedies, and they continued getting[140] worse every day. In prescribing for them, I was assisted by Private Kenyon, who, from having served seven years as orderly man in the hospital at Senegal, had become acquainted with the medicines usually administered; in some cases, I had recourse to the remedies made use of by the natives of Africa, and whenever those were resorted to in time, the disease soon gave way. The rains were then so frequent and heavy, that scarcely a dry day occurred once in the week, which had a very strikingly bad effect on the health and spirits of all. The plentiful supply of provisions, however, which we were enabled to procure since our arrival at Samba Contaye, in some measure alleviated our sufferings; and a little labour, with more solidity in the materials employed, provided us with huts, if not as comfortable as we might have wished, at least sufficiently so to afford us shelter from the inclemencies of the season.

A regular market for the purchase of corn, rice, milk, butter, eggs, fowls, and game, was established, and well attended by the inhabitants of all the surrounding villages, to the distance of seven or eight miles; and were it not that the prospect of remaining in a state of inactivity for so long a time as some months at least, added to the uncertainty of the result of Mr. Dochard’s mission to Sego, and the sickly[141] state of the Europeans, we might have been comparatively happy.

Mr. Pilkington arrived from Boolibany on the 29th, and although he was much better than when we left him, he was still in so weak a state as to be unable to take any exercise, and consequently was incapable of affording me society in my excursions through the country. Mr. Nelson, too, continued to decline, and on the 6th of August, he was reduced to a complete inanimate skeleton; in this state he remained until the 9th, when he breathed his last, without a struggle. His remains were buried close by the side of Mr. Burton’s, under the shade of two large tamarind trees, about four hundred yards west of the camp.

My feelings on this occasion (whether from a weak state of body in consequence of some attacks of fever which I had lately experienced, or from other motives, I cannot pretend to say) were so much affected, that I could with difficulty witness the last sad offices to the remains of one of my companions, who, without disparagement to the others, was by no means the least worthy or useful member of the expedition. The consequence of this was, I had a severe relapse, which confined me to my bed for three weeks; at the end of which time I could scarcely stand upright.

[142]On my recovery, I employed myself in learning the Foolah language, and making frequent excursions to the adjacent towns, as the weather, which was then not quite so wet, permitted.

Our supply of provisions, such as they were, continued abundant; and having completed a strong fence round the camp, we were, in some degree, defended both from the encroachments of the wild beasts, which nightly serenaded us, and the not less troublesome daily visits of the inhabitants of the town; whom, previous to the fence being made, we found impossible to keep out of our huts, and from which, on their departure, some one thing or other was always missing.

The fever and dysentery still continued to do their work of destruction. Private Watzer died on the 19th; Fallen on the 22d; and Corporal Howell on the 25th of August, and many more were fast declining. To divert, as much as possible, the minds of the men from reflecting on the scenes of death around them, I had recourse to amusements and employments of all kinds. Hunting the game in which the country abounded, afforded an ample range for those, who were able to partake of it, to employ their time to advantage. Wild hogs, antelopes, guinea fowls, and partridges, were constantly brought in. During one of our excursions we met, and succeeded[143] in killing, a large lioness, which had, for some time, been disturbing the neighbourhood of the village. On this occasion, we were accompanied by some of the inhabitants of Samba Contaye, one of whom gave the first wound to the animal; in consequence of which he was disarmed by the rest of his companions, and led prisoner (his hands tied behind his back) to the town, at whose outer approach they were met by all the women, singing and clapping hands. The dead animal, covered with a white cloth, was carried by four men on a bier constructed for the purpose, accompanied by the others of their party, shouting, firing shots, and dancing, or rather playing all sorts of monkey tricks. As I was not a little surprised at seeing the man, whom I conceived ought to be rewarded for having first so disabled the animal as to prevent it from attacking us, thus treated, I requested an explanation; and was informed that being a subject only, he was guilty of a great crime in killing or shooting a sovereign, and must suffer this punishment until released by the chiefs of the village, who knowing the deceased to have been their enemy, would not only do so immediately, but commend the man for his good conduct. I endeavoured to no purpose to find out the origin of this extraordinary mock ceremony, but could only gain the answer, frequently given by an[144] African, “that his forefathers had always done so.”

This, with a hyena, shot by a sentinel when attempting to take away one of our asses, were the only animals of the kind killed by us. In a few nights after this, we were surprised by three lions, which, in despite of the strength of our fence, and of the centinels, who fired several shots at them, forced their way into the camp, and succeeded in mangling one of our horses, which was tied to a stake within fifteen yards of our huts, in such a dreadful manner, that I thought it best, by means of a pistol ball, to put an end to the poor animal’s sufferings.

Those animals are very troublesome, particularly at the time of year when the corn and grass, being nearly the height of a man, afford them means of concealing themselves near the towns, and of making nightly attacks on the herds of black cattle and goats belonging to the natives, who keep up large fires in the folds, and occasionally fire off their muskets, to deter them from approaching;—but in this they do not unhappily always succeed.

Not having heard any intelligence of Mr. Dochard since his departure, I began to be uneasy for his safety, and thought of despatching a person in the direction he went, in order to ascertain, if possible, how far he had got, when[145] I was agreeably surprised by the arrival of one of his men whom he had sent back from Kasson with letters, giving an account of his transactions since his departure, and requiring some supplies. He stated that on the 25th he reached Nayer, a town of Bondoo, on the banks of the Fa-lemme, distant from Samba Contaye thirty-four miles; there he had to await the arrival of Almamy’s guide, who joined him on the 27th, but having then refused to proceed unless provided with a horse and a fine dress, which articles Mr. Dochard neither could nor would give him, he returned. Mr. Dochard gave him a note to me, but the fellow did not deliver it, nor did I see him until I met him by accident at Boolibany some days after; when he told me that he had received a letter from Mr. Dochard, in which was contained an order on me for a new dress, but that he had lost it in crossing the Fa-lemme; this I knew to be false, and told him that I could not take his word. Almamy had then sent another man to join Mr. Dochard, who crossed the Fa-lemme on the 27th, and arrived at Mamier, the residence of Hawah Demba, a prince of Kasson, on the 1st of August, having found much difficulty in crossing some streams running to the Senegal, and being much disturbed by wild beasts. He stated this place to be upwards of eighty miles from the Fa-lemme, and[146] to be a very small village, the occasional residence of that prince, who had then been there some weeks, and who detained Mr. Dochard under the pretence of not having received a sufficiently large present, until the 17th, on which day he again moved forward accompanied by one of Hawah Demba’s men, sent to escort him into Foolidoo, about four miles from Mamier. He ascended some steep and rugged hills, from the top of which he had a fine view of the Senegal, distant about a mile to the north. On descending into the valley, he travelled over a solid bed of rock for more than a mile, when he reached an extensive plain lying along the banks of the river, by the side of which he travelled through villages and large corn-grounds, until he arrived at Savusuru, another town of Kasson. Here he met a division of Hawah Demba’s army, going on a plundering excursion into some of the neighbouring states. It was his intention to leave Savusirie on the following day, but it rained so incessantly, and the innumerable brooks and rivers he had to cross were so swollen, that he could not move before the 21st, and even then he did so contrary to the advice of the natives, which proved to be well founded, as he had not travelled above four miles when he came to a stream called the Tangina, running into the Senegal, and so deep and rapid that to attempt[147] crossing it without canoes, of which there were none at the place, would have been madness; he was therefore, however reluctantly, obliged to return to a small town called Jamoonia, about a mile from the river.

Here he remained, in consequence of the continuance of rain and the still swollen state of the river, until the 25th, during which time he, together with some of his men, had a severe attack of fever, but on that day were sufficiently recovered to attempt crossing the stream, then reduced to nine feet water, and in which they succeeded, by felling a large tree which stood on the bank, and when down reached across, forming a passage sufficiently solid to admit of the baggage being carried over on the men’s heads: the animals swam across with much difficulty, owing to the rapidity of the stream. The remainder of that day’s journey was rendered extremely difficult and tedious, by the marshy nature of the ground over which their path lay. They halted for the night at a walled town called Dhiamu, having passed several small villages during the day. On leaving this place they had another considerable stream to cross; it was much wider than the former but not so deep, having only from three to five feet water, with a rough stony bottom. The path on the other side was good and solid: in the vicinity of[148] it were several extraordinary high rocks, bearing in their form more the appearance of art than nature. They halted for that night at Tenakie, a large walled town belonging to a prince named Sego Amadi, who calls himself king, and in which light he is treated by the people of his own town, and by them only. The town is situate in a fertile valley, surrounded by high rocky mountains. Here again a very great fall of rain, and the importunities of the chief for customs and presents, with the usual threat of not being allowed to pass without paying, obliged him to halt until the 29th, when he reached and crossed the Bangayko, a considerable stream running north; having been obliged for nearly a mile previous to reaching it to travel through a marsh, in which the animals and men sunk up to their knees, and over which the latter carried the loads with difficulty. Mr. Dochard’s own horse was obliged to be carried through on poles. The march of the 30th was not less fatiguing than that of the 29th; low swampy valleys, and high rocky hills, were in their turn to be waded through or scrambled over. They passed the night at a small village, situate in a valley between too high hills, on the highest of which, accessible by only one narrow and rugged path, the chief of the town had his residence, from whence he had an uninterrupted view of the[149] surrounding country to a considerable distance, and where he dwelt in perfect security from his enemies: this place is called Moosa Caré.

The huts in which Mr. Dochard and his men were accommodated, being badly thatched, let in the rain, which fell in torrents during the night, and put out their fires, the smoke of which, although exceedingly unpleasant in itself, had the good effect of keeping off the sand-flies and musquitoes, which at that time of the year are in swarms in all low situations, and render it impossible for any person not defended by smoke or close curtains to sleep. Indeed the former, although the most unpleasant, is by no means the least effectual remedy, particularly against the sand-flies, which are so small that it is next to an impossibility to keep them out with the closest curtains.

On the morning of the 31st of August, he moved forward at seven o’clock, and travelled without halting over ground similar to that of the two last days, until three in the afternoon, when they reached a river called the Goolookucko, which it was impossible to pass without the assistance of canoes, and that could not be procured nearer than a village six miles from the opposite bank; but all were so much fatigued that none would venture to swim the river that night in search of one: they were therefore[150] obliged to halt, and secure themselves as well as one small tent enabled them. They found it necessary to keep up large fires during the night to deter the wild beasts, which infest that country in vast numbers, from approaching too near. They were not a little disappointed, on the morning of the 1st of September, to find that the person who had gone to the village returned, accompanied by a number of men carrying large calabashes, intended to serve the purpose of canoes—even one of which useful articles those people were not provided with. With much difficulty, and not without considerable danger, particularly to those who could not swim, of whom Mr. Dochard was one, they effected the passage of this river, which was 150 yards wide, and very deep and rapid.

The manner in which this navigation is carried on is not at all calculated to inspire confidence. One of these large calabashes is placed in the water, and filled with whatever articles are to be transported, two men then go into the water and taking hold of it, one on each side, swim on, pushing it or rather dragging it between them. When a person who cannot swim is to be taken over, he lays hold of the calabash with both hands, one on each side; this supports him from sinking, while a man swims with him, and pushes the calabash forward. In this manner Mr. Dochard and[151] two of his men, who could not swim, were ferried over the rivers, much to the amusement of the inhabitants of the country, who, in common with all the natives of the interior parts of Africa, think that we live in the water, and are therefore much astonished when they see any white man who cannot swim.

They reached a small scattered village, Diaperey, on the bank of the Bafing, at a late hour, and having passed that night and the following day there, in order to rest the animals, crossed the river, which being at that place 500 yards wide, and extremely rapid, they found much difficulty in doing, and at so late an hour, in consequence of heavy rain all the forenoon, that they could only reach a small town of the same name as the latter, distant about half a mile from the river, where they passed the night.

On the 4th they reached Sambula, a town of Kasson, having passed several small villages during the day, and travelled over a country more open and elevated than that of the three former days.

In crossing the last river, nearly all the baggage was wet, the canoe having been upset. This rendered it necessary to have the trunks opened, and the things in them dried; from which, on repacking, it was found that a parcel containing dollars was missing, and as they belonged to[152] Lamina, the guide, who had given them to Mr. Dochard to keep for him, and who would no doubt demand them at Sego, it became absolutely necessary that they should be replaced. To effect this, Mr. Dochard despatched one of his men, accompanied by one of Lamina’s, back to me, giving, as I before said, this account of all that had taken place since his leaving Samba Contaye up to the 7th of September.

In that short march he experienced all the difficulties which the state of the country at that time of the year, and the disposition of the natives, could possibly throw in his way to impede his progress. He appeared, however, thus far to have surmounted them all, and to have been going on as well as might be expected.

The men who came from him had taken more time to perform this journey than would have been necessary had they both been swimmers. This was not the case, his own man did not swim at all, and the other could do so but badly. To obviate, therefore, a similar delay in his receiving the articles he required, I selected a man to replace the former, and having made a small parcel of the dollars, together with some amber and beads, secured well with tarpaulin, and provided the men with means of subsistence till they could overtake Mr. Dochard, I despatched them on the 21st of September.

[153]Affairs were going on very amicably between Almamy and myself, since the moment of Mr. Dochard’s departure, until the early part of October, previous to which I had purchased some horses and asses; a step, I told Almamy some time before, I should be obliged to take, in order to replace those I had lost by death, &c., to which he then made no objection.

The last purchased was a fine Arabian mare, brought to me by a man from Foota Toro, whom I had, early in the preceding month, commissioned to that effect. In a few days after the arrival of this animal at our camp, Almamy sent one of his vassals to let me know, that in consequence of my having purchased several horses without previously asking his permission, he expected I would pay him a custom or duty thereon, and until I might think fit to do so, he had given directions that none of the inhabitants of the country should dare, under any pretence whatever, to bring provisions to us. On this, as on all other occasions of messengers to me from Almamy, the chief of the town, Osman Comba, was present, but could not, in answer to a question of mine respecting the nature and amount of such custom, say more than it was the first time he had ever heard of any such custom being demanded by Almamy. Several of the oldest inhabitants of the town were appealed[154] to as to the justice of the demand. Their answer was, that they were not aware of any such custom having been before paid in Bondoo, but that Almamy, as chief of the country, might, on all occasions, demand such tribute or duty as he thought proper.

Osman called me aside, and told me, that had I only bought the small horses and asses of the country, Almamy would never have asked a duty from me, and which, he said, was evident by his never having done so before I bought this mare; but she being so fine a creature, he was jealous of seeing her in my possession, and although he could not, in any justice, demand a duty, he took advantage of the circumstance to occasion a disagreement between us, to arrange which, he supposed I should either give him the mare in question, or find it necessary to make him a present likely to answer his purpose as well. The former I of course would not listen to; not that I fixed any particular value on that animal more than another, but I was aware that, had I yielded to his wishes on this occasion, I could not be safe on any future one of this kind. I therefore told his messenger, who was extremely haughty and impertinent (all which I bore with extreme sang froid), to return and let his master know I should send a person to speak with him on the subject in a few days. The[155] fellow, with much reluctance, left our camp, and appeared evidently disappointed at not going home loaded with presents.

Although I was satisfied that Almamy had sent this fellow with some message to me about the horses purchased, I doubted his having given orders to the people of the country not to bring provisions to us, and therefore delayed sending any one to see Almamy until I might be enabled to ascertain, by a few days’ experience, if the market would be attended as usual. No alteration appearing for three days, I sent Charles Jow to Boolibany, to inform Almamy of what his messenger had said, and, in case he had been instructed by him to bring that message, to say I felt very much annoyed at such treatment, particularly as it appeared to me he did it merely to get something from me which was not his due, and to prevent me from replacing those animals which had died and were stolen in his country.

On his return the following day, he brought for answer, that Almamy insisted on getting a duty, the amount or nature of which he would not specify, but if I did not give what pleased him, I might eat my merchandize, and he would eat his corn, meat, &c. I again waited a few days, to see whether his threats, with respect to the market, would be put in execution, when,[156] finding a little milk was the only article offered for sale, and that after sunset, and at exorbitant prices, I was reduced to the necessity of endeavouring, by means of a considerable present, to make peace with him. This, however, took some time, and put me to much inconvenience in sending messengers to him.

Although I had a month’s corn in store, I conceived it much better to arrange matters thus, than remain at variance with a man who had so many opportunities of annoying me, and who, the longer I resisted him, would become the more difficult to be satisfied.

The present amounted to three hundred and fifty bars, being nearly double what I had paid for the mare. Thus is a man, when in the power of these chiefs, subject to every species of imposition and insult, both of which it would not only be improper, but unsafe, to resent on some occasions.

FOOTNOTES:

[11]It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.

[12]A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village of Lower Kajaga or Galam.

[13]In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous an undertaking.

## [157]CHAPTER VII.

Unfortunate Affair at Samba Contaye — Almamy’s Decision — Purchase of a Slave — Arrival of the French Expedition at Galam — Mr. Pilkington’s determination of leaving the Mission — His Departure for the Coast — Visit to the Senegal — Conversation with Almamy — Messenger sent to Mr. Dochard — Fires at the Camp — Death of Almamy Amady.

Another circumstance occurred during this month, which, although wholly accidental, was by no means calculated to inspire the natives with a friendly feeling towards us, and would, I feared, previous to its being arranged, have only furnished Almamy with a second opportunity of falling out with us. In this, however, I was fortunately mistaken, as he not only judged the affair impartially, but expressed his sorrow that I should have punished the man even by confinement for a few days.

It was on the morning of the 25th, when sitting outside the door of my hut, half asleep from extreme debility, I was aroused by the report of a musket within the fence of the camp, followed[158] by the shrieks of women and the bustle of my men running from all quarters, where they had been either on duty or amusing themselves, and seizing their arms. Such preparations on their part led me to suppose we had been attacked. I therefore ran into my hut for my arms, and without delay proceeded to the spot where all seemed to be directing their steps.

On my arrival at the place where the market was usually held, under the shade of a large acacia, about two hundred yards outside our fence, I found a woman lying dead, a musket ball having passed through her head. She had just disposed of a little corn, and was sitting on the ground in the crowd, tying up a few beads she had received in exchange, when she received the fatal wound.

On my inquiring by whom it was done, one of my own men (Shaw, a black soldier), answered from within his hut, that it was his rifle which went off while he was cleaning the brasses of it. Some men of the town who were present, and armed, as they always are, shewed symptoms of wishing to take steps of retaliation, under the impression, no doubt, that it had been done designedly. One or two Marabouts, who were also present, and on whom I called to assist me in preventing unnecessary effusion of[159] blood, persuaded them to desist, assuring them that every satisfaction would be given. My first step was to order Shaw into confinement, and send for Osman, to consult what was necessary to be done. On his arrival at my hut, where the Marabouts were awaiting him at my request, I stated the unfortunate occurrence precisely as it had taken place, pointing out to him the position of the deceased in the market, and that of the prisoner in his hut, through the side of which, being composed of straw, the ball had passed.

The Marabouts fully corroborated my statement, by relating every circumstance with the most minute exactness, and gave it as their opinion, that the thing occurred wholly by accident: but as the deceased was a slave belonging to some of the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, it would be necessary for me to send a person to acquaint them with the affair, and despatch without delay a messenger to Almamy, requesting him to have the business tried and decided on immediately. Both these injunctions I complied with at the moment, and gave the prisoner into the hands of Osman, who expressed a wish that I might keep him myself, which I could have done, but I preferred acting otherwise, as I was aware that the inhabitants[160] of the country at large, and particularly those people to whom the woman belonged, would be more satisfied by his being in their own hands, at least in those of one of their chiefs. The poor fellow himself, was at first much frightened, and would, I am convinced, have willingly given up his own life to restore that of the woman, were it then possible. Osman told him, although the accident was of an extremely unpleasant nature to all concerned, and particularly to him (Shaw), it was, nevertheless, one which so purely evinced the hand of the Almighty God, that he had nothing to fear, as he was sure Almamy would see the thing in its proper light, and judge accordingly.

The following morning, the men, both free and slaves, of the village to which the unfortunate woman belonged, came to our camp, to the number of sixty or seventy, all armed, and in a very haughty manner demanded justice, which one of them, an old man, who appeared to be their speaker, said was nothing more than handing over the prisoner to them, to be treated as they might think fit; as in this case, the law said, “when one slave,” in which light they looked upon all my men, both black and white, “killed another, the survivor became the property of the person to whom the deceased belonged,[161] who might either kill, sell, or keep him.”

I had much difficulty in persuading them that all my men were as free as myself, and that I could not now take any step, until I had received an answer from Almamy, to whom I had sent a messenger. Osman, who had heard of their arrival, came up at that moment, and finding them much inclined to add violence to insolent language, ordered them, in a very peremptory tone, to return to their village, and leave the settlement of the affair exclusively to him, who alone, from its having happened in his district and with his strangers (meaning us), had the right of interfering. Although they went away immediately, I was sorry to see them do so with so much reluctance, and with such evident dissatisfaction at the unfortunate affair, as well as at the indifferent reception they met with. I therefore requested Osman to accompany them for a short distance, and endeavour to convince them that it was my wish to render every satisfaction the laws of the country demanded, and make the owner of the deceased as ample recompense as it was in my power to do.

In a few minutes, the old man, who acted as their speaker, returned with Osman, and coming into my hut, offered me his hand, which I accepted, and sat down, telling me that he was[162] perfectly satisfied with my conduct in this affair, and would wait patiently and peaceably for Almamy’s decision; and to convince me of the truth of what he asserted, he would send the women of his village to the market as usual to-morrow.

The messenger to Almamy did not return before the evening of the 28th, when he was accompanied by one of his ministers, a chief priest, or, as they call it, Alpha or thierno, bringing his sovereign’s decision, which, although conveyed in many more words than necessary, merely went to say, as it appeared to Almamy and his good men[14], as they call his chiefs and ministers (a very ill-placed appellation), that the woman came by her death accidentally, I had nothing more to do than procure a slave woman of as nearly the same age of the deceased as possible, and hand her over to Osman. Almamy also desired Alpha Mamadoo to say, that he was extremely sorry I should have thought it necessary to put my child, meaning Shaw (for so he always called all my men) in prison, from whence he now desired him to be released.

I represented to Alpha the dislike I had to any thing like purchasing a fellow creature, and requested that I might be allowed to give the[163] value of a prime slave. In this, he said, he could not interfere; that what he had told me was by order of Almamy, and he could not alter it; but should the man to whom the slave belonged wish to take the value in merchandize, he was certain Almamy could have no objection. Much entreaty on my part, added to the promise of a present, would no doubt have had the desired effect, were it not that the owner of the deceased was afraid, in case he should accept of merchandize, that Almamy would persuade, nay force him, to give it to him in purchase of a slave, which, most probably, he might never receive.

I was, therefore, reduced to the disagreeable necessity of employing a person for the sole purpose of going round the country in search of a woman slave, and which he, with much difficulty, procured, not in consequence of the scarcity of those poor wretches in the country, but of the enormous price demanded, arising no doubt from their knowledge of the obligation I was under of providing one without delay.

This transaction I could not bring myself to negotiate, as the idea alone of dealing in human flesh was more than sufficiently disagreeable to allow me to see the poor wretch, who, although only changing master, and, from what I could learn, getting a good for a bad one, was nevertheless[164] a slave bought and sold. Osman, who had no scruples of that kind, very willingly undertook to do it for me, and I have no doubt made something by it.

Thus terminated an unfortunate affair which, although wholly providential, was certainly of such an unpleasant nature as to cause deep regret to all our party; but which did not appear to make any more impression on the minds of the natives, than if the deceased had been a bullock; so little is the life of a slave noticed in that country.

The weather had then begun to be more settled and dry, and the sick, with the exception of three Europeans (a sergeant and two privates), were improving rapidly. The approach, too, of the dry season, which was daily making itself more evident, and the hope of being thereby enabled to resume our march to the east, in a great measure alleviated the disagreeable nature of our halt, which had then become extremely irksome to all. The arrival of the French trading fleet from St. Louis, at Galam, commanded by an officer whom I had the pleasure of knowing at Senegal, and who, on his way to Boolibany, had called to see me, also tended, in a great degree, to give new vigour to our proceedings. The idea alone of having near, if not with us, people of our own colour,[165] with whom we may occasionally associate, affords a pleasure which none but those who have experienced the absence, can duly appreciate. I was the more pleased at this arrival of the French to settle near us, for such was their intention, as Captain Dechastelieu told me he had it in command from the officer administering the government at St. Louis, to afford me every service it might be in his power to do; and, in justice to those officers, I must say that, on all occasions, I received the most cordial assistance from them.

By this fleet I received information that Mr. Partarrieau had arrived at St. Louis, but, in consequence of illness and some difficulties he met with in passing through Foota Toro, he did not reach there in time to forward to me, by those vessels, some articles of merchandize I wanted for myself, or the things promised to Almamy. This, however, was not of much consequence, as I was in hopes that his knowledge of the want I must soon be in of the articles sent for, and of my anxiety to continue my march towards Sego, would urge him to make his utmost endeavours to expedite the service he had been entrusted with, and join me without unnecessary delay.

Mr. Pilkington, who was rapidly recovering from the effects of the fever he had at Boolibany,[166] expressed so strong an aversion to accompany the mission any further, and appeared so determined on returning to the coast, that I found it necessary to consent to his doing so, being aware that with such a feeling on his part, his future services (were I to oppose him) would not be satisfactory. Private Nicholson too, who had laboured for several months under chronic dysentery, and was reduced to a perfect skeleton, requested the like indulgence, and was in like manner permitted to return; and as I was informed by Captain Dechastelieu, that one of his vessels would return to St. Louis in a few days, I took advantage of an invitation from him, in the name of the other officers of his fleet, to repair to Conghell, a town of Galam, on the banks of the Senegal, (about fourteen miles from our camp), where they then were, in order to obtain a passage for them, and which was offered by the officer commanding the vessels, in the most handsome manner, before I had time to ask it.

On my return to the camp, I apprised Mr. Pilkington of the readiness expressed by the officer commanding the French vessels to accommodate him in every way possible, and, having placed in his charge some effects belonging to the deceased officers, directed to his Excellency the Governor of Sierra Leone, he left the camp on the 4th of November, accompanied by the[167] sergeant-major, whom I sent to receive some refreshments, which Captain Dechastelieu very kindly offered to supply me with for myself and men, and of which we were much in want, to remove the ill effects and remains of fever and dysentery, from which none had escaped.

Almamy, who was about paying a visit to the vessels, sent a messenger to me on the 7th of November, to request I would accompany him, and name a day for the purpose. Although I was by no means satisfied with his conduct towards me, and would willingly have dispensed with his company, I nevertheless suppressed my feeling of dislike to his royal presence, and consented to meet him at my own camp, on any day he might choose. The messenger was evidently afraid of my refusal, and had requested Osman to use his influence with me to yield; but this, from my ready compliance, was now unnecessary. This, no doubt, arose from a consciousness, on the part of Almamy, of his having treated me badly, and of the necessity there now was of his inducing me, by such a mark of what he thought royal favour, to forget the past, and sound his praises with his new visitors, with whom he fancied I had great influence, and who, he thought, would proportion their presents to the report I should make of him. I am satisfied that such was Almamy’s[168] idea; but he was much deceived, as I was determined that his conduct towards me should be clearly stated to those officers, in order to put them on their guard in their transactions with him. He arrived at a small village near our camp on the 11th, and on the following morning, I accompanied him to Guinion, a village of Bondoo, within about four miles of Conghell. During the ride, we had much conversation on the subject of the arrival of the French at Galam, and, on a report which he said he had received by letter from Senegal, as to the intentions, not only of their expedition, but of mine, both of which had been stated to him to be fitted out for the purpose of affording assistance to his enemies the Kartans. I endeavoured to assure him that, although Europeans in general regretted to see so much warfare going on in Africa, it was, nevertheless, very immaterial to them whether the one or the other were victorious; and, that the only object the king of England (for whom I could vouch) had in view, was the civilization of Africa, and the introduction of commerce on a more extensive and liberal scale than at present existed. He, however, insinuated that he believed all Europeans to be more the friends of the pagan, than the Moslem inhabitants of Africa; in consequence of the more ready conversion of the former to Christianity;[169] and, without taking into consideration the difference between the two nations, he adverted to an engagement which he said he knew had been entered into between the commandant of Senegal, when that place was in possession of the French several years before, and Daisey, the king of Karta, who had sworn an inviolable oath that neither himself nor his successors would ever give peace to the countries lying between them and St. Louis, until a woman with a basket on her head could travel unmolested from one place to the other. It was to no purpose I endeavoured to convince him that such an improbable arrangement had never been entered into between any European governor of Senegal and his enemies; and I likewise as ineffectually brought forward to support my assertion the friendly intercourse which had so long subsisted between the several English governors of Senegal and himself, and the very handsome and rich presents he, as well as his predecessors, had received from them and the vessels trading in the river. To all this he only answered in a general way, and finishing with the usual African expression of “All is in the hands of God.”

He was extremely ill, and so weak that he could not sit on his horse without the assistance[170] of two men, who walked on each side, and on whose shoulders he placed his hands.

The country over which we travelled was thickly inhabited and well cultivated, the corn was then ripe, and the natives were busily employed in getting it in.

Almamy having halted at Guinion, I left him there, and went on to Conghell, where I was cordially welcomed by the French officers, one of whom, Captain Dechastelieu, was very ill, in consequence of which and my wish to return to the camp as soon as possible, I only remained two days with them, during which time they had moved to Baquelle, another town of Galam, about six miles lower down the river, where they intended building a fort, and forming a commercial establishment. This spot, being centrically situated between Foota, Bondoo, Gidemagh, Karta, Kasson, and Bambouk, was admirably calculated for such a purpose. The Moors too of the Dwoüsh tribe, who were great gum-holders, would there find a more convenient market for that as well as all the other productions of their country than at the marts lower down the river.

On my return to the camp, I called to see Almamy, and make him a small present. I found him extremely ill, lying on a mat, in the centre of a small hut, surrounded by three or four of his favourites, who were all conscious of his approaching[171] end, and were endeavouring to get from him all they could before that event should take place. Soon after my entering the hut, he ordered them all to leave him as he had something particular to say to me. When they had gone out, he called me to his bed-side, by no means an agreeable situation, and placing his mouth to my ear, said, “They are all rogues; I did not know it before. I see I must soon die, but when I am gone, many, who now fear me, will then wish me back to no purpose.” He next asked me what I thought of the French, my new friends, as he called them; and, on receiving a favourable report, expressed his astonishment that people, who were so lately at war with each other, could so soon be such good friends.

Having explained to him the reason of my not being able to present him with the articles which I had promised at Goodeerie, with which he appeared well satisfied, I made him the small present, and, taking leave for the last time, returned to the camp, where I found all had gone on well during my absence.

The length of time that had again elapsed since I had heard from Mr. Dochard made me very uneasy on his account, and induced me to despatch a person to gain, if possible, some intelligence respecting him, or, in case of his having got to Sego with his party in safety, to follow[172] him thither, and bring back such letters as Mr. Dochard might have to send me. The person I selected for this purpose was a man named Bakoro, a native of Nyamima, who had been left by Lamina to officiate in his place as the messenger of Dha, and who, from his respectability and knowledge of the country, could travel through it with less difficulty than any of my own men. I also sent with him as a companion, in case of accident, a man named Ismeina, who had been attached to the mission as a carrier; and in order that the journey might be performed as quickly as possible, I furnished them with a horse each, and, having provided them with a few articles of merchandize to enable them to procure provisions, and make small presents to those chiefs or others who might assist them on the road, they left the camp on the 25th November, and promised to make all possible haste.

The weather had for some time assumed that settled mild state which, in that country, always takes place after the rains, and is so admirably adapted for travelling. I regretted exceedingly that the absence of Mr. Partarrieau, and of those supplies I had sent for by him, prevented my taking advantage of it by moving slowly on with the whole expedition in the direction of Sego. I was then however so sanguine in my hope that[173] the middle of December would bring him back to me, that I looked forward to that period with patient suspense, which was rendered the more supportable by occasional visits to the French officers, who, in common with myself, had to lament the loss of some of their companions from the effects of the late season, and were themselves so constantly subject to fever and ague, that they had not been able to commence their operations for the building of their fort, in the selection and purchase of a spot for which they had hitherto found as much difficulty as I had in the prosecution of my journey.

The latter end of December was fast approaching, and no information had been received by me respecting Mr. Partarrieau, whose delay so long beyond the time I expected caused me many sleepless nights and uneasy moments; this, added to the uncertainty I was in with respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings, had such an effect on my spirits that, had I not enjoyed the advantage of the occasional and agreeable society of the French officers at Baquelle, I must have sunk under the load.

The Christmas which I spent at Baquelle rolled over without any intelligence from him, and the first day of January 1819, being that on which I had fondly hoped to prosecute my journey eastward, found me at Samba Contaye with[174] as bad prospects of being able to do so during that month as in the preceding.

A circumstance, too, took place in the early part of December, which tended materially to render my situation more unpleasant, not to say alarming, than even the former state of suspense and anxiety could possibly have done; this was a fire which broke out in one of the huts occupied by the men, and must have inevitably consumed the whole camp and baggage, were it not for the timely exertions of the men and the providential existence of a calm, which had only succeeded a strong breeze a few minutes before. From the precautions which had been always taken to prevent such an accident, I was the more astonished at any thing of this kind occurring, and from the impossibility of ascertaining by what means the hut took fire, the men who occupied it being all out, I began to suspect that some evil-disposed person had done it; this however was only surmise, unsupported by any evidence whatever: but what made it the more suspicious was the position of the hut, which was a long distance from the cooking-place, and the nearest to our store. Two days, however, had only elapsed when it again took fire in the same way, and was entirely consumed, but as the wind was then blowing strongly from the east, the store, which was in that direction, again providentially[175] escaped being totally destroyed, for had the fire once communicated with it, all exertions to save any thing must have been rendered ineffectual, by the parched state of the straw or long grass of which it was entirely composed, and the quantity of gunpowder which was in almost every package; a circumstance that alone would have deterred every person from approaching it had it taken fire, and in the event of which we should have been deprived of the very means of subsistence.

Almamy Amady had continued to decline daily since his return from the Senegal, and died on the 8th January, leaving the succession which, consistent with the law and custom of the country ought to descend to the eldest male branch of the family, to be disputed by three persons; one, his own cousin, Malick Samba Tomany, being the lawful heir, and two of his nephews, Tomany Moody and Moosa Yeoro, all men advanced in years, and each possessed of considerable influence in the country. Moosa Yeoro, however, was at first unwilling to oppose the right heir, and would have certainly declined doing so, both from motives of respect for the person, who was much older than himself, and want of confidence in his own popularity, had not Tomany Moody induced him to it by proffers[176] of his support, and threats of commencing a civil war in case of his refusal.

The reason which led to this line of conduct on the part of Tomany Moody, was founded on a circumstance which had occurred some years before, and which was nothing less than that Tomany, who had always been a haughty, violent, and powerful prince, had, in a dispute with the brother of Malick Samba Tomany, caused him to be murdered, and feared, if Malick came to the throne, he would revenge himself on him for the death of his brother, if not by taking his life at least by seizing on his property, and obliging him to leave the country which he was in hopes of one day reigning over himself, and which he would really now do through Moosa Yeoro, who would only be a mere instrument in his hands: thus in Africa, as in all other parts of the world, does self predominate, and lead men to act parts little creditable to themselves, or profitable to the cause which they pretend to support.

The election did not take place until the 20th of the month; and although the opposing parties were near coming to blows on the occasion, the whole affair was terminated in a more peaceable manner than is generally the case in Africa, where the interregnum is almost always taken[177] advantage of by the evil-disposed, to commit all manner of crimes, and for which they cannot be punished, as, during that period the laws are not in force in consequence of the non-existence of a king, with whom they also are considered defunct.

A few days after his election, I paid him a congratulatory visit, accompanied as usual by a present. He received me with marked attention and hospitality, and told me that I might now depend on his doing every thing to forward my views, to which he was bound by a request to that effect of the late Almamy a short time before his death.

He was not attended by the ministers of the late king, for they attached themselves to Saada in hopes, no doubt, of drawing from him all the treasure left him by his father, about the division of whose slaves a dispute arose between him and the new Almamy, in consequence of Saada’s not wishing to give him that proportion of them which he was desired by his father to do. The chief slaves too, like the ministers, preferred remaining, and for the same reason, with Saada, and consequently advised him not to submit to Almamy’s demand. The time however was not far distant, when both ministers and slaves, being disappointed in their expectations from Saada, left him, and attached themselves to Almamy,[178] who, glad of the opportunity of enrolling in his cause such powerful personages, received them in a manner calculated to bind them, at least for a time, to his interest; for there, like elsewhere, “money makes the mare go”, and which, as long as he could command, would ensure him their services.

FOOTNOTES:

[14]Imbey mojubey.

## [179]CHAPTER VIII.

Description of Bondoo — Extent — Boundaries — Face of the Country — Productions — Commerce — Manufactures — Government — Revenues — Religion, its influence on the Inhabitants — Their Description, Dress, and Manner of Living — Military Equipments — Force — Mode of Warfare — Cause of War with Karta — Almamy’s sanguinary conduct — Attack of the Kartans on Boolibany.

Bondoo, which is situate between 14° and 15° latitude north, and 10° and 12° longitude west, is bounded on the north by the kingdom of Kajaga, on the south by Tenda and Dentilla, on the east by the Fa-lemme, Bambouk and Logo, and on the west by Foota Toro, the Simbani Woods, and Woolli; its greatest extent from east to west does not exceed ninety British miles, and from north to south sixty.

The whole face of the country is in general mountainous, but particularly so in the northern and eastern parts. Those mountains which are chiefly composed of rock are small, and for the most part thinly covered with low stunted wood, little of it being fit for any other use than that of fuel.

The valleys, wherein are situated the towns[180] and villages, are for the most part cleared for the purpose of cultivation, to which the soil, being a light sand mixed with brown vegetable mould, seems well adapted. Innumerable beds of torrents intersect these valleys in all directions, and serve during the rains, being dry at all other times, to conduct the water collected by the high grounds to the Fa-lemme and Senegal. Great numbers of tamarinds, baobabs, rhamnus lotus, and other fruit-trees, are beautifully scattered over these valleys, which are rendered still more picturesque by the frequent appearance of a village or walled town, in whose vicinity are always a number of cotton and indigo plantations.

The proportion of land cultivated is small, but sufficient to supply the inhabitants abundantly with all the productions of the country; these are corn in four varieties, together with rice, pumpions, water-melons, gourds, sorrell, onions, tobacco, red pepper, pistacios, cotton, and indigo.

The commerce, and in which the greater proportion of the inhabitants are engaged, consists in the exchange of the cotton cloths manufactured in the country, and the superabundance of their provisions, for gold, ivory, and slaves brought thither by the people of Bamboak, Kasson, and Foota Jallon; and for European merchandize, such as fire-arms, gunpowder, India goods,[181] hardware, amber, coral, and glass beads, with all which they are supplied by the merchants in the Gambia and Senegal.

The manufactures, although few, are well calculated to supply the natives with clothing, the different articles of household furniture which they require, together with implements of husbandry, carpenters’, blacksmiths’, and leather workers’ tools, and knives, spear and arrow heads, bridle bits, stirrups, and a variety of small articles, such as pickers, tweezers, turnscrews, &c.; all which, taking into consideration the very rough materials and tools employed, are finished in a manner which evinces much taste and ingenuity on the part of the workmen, who, in all cases, work sitting on the ground cross-legged.

The people of those several trades are by far the most respectable of the class which I have met with in Africa; so much so, that the ministers, favourites, and officers are chiefly chosen from amongst them; but this, I believe, arises in part from their being more finished courtiers and flatterers than are to be met with amongst the other classes of the people.

The government of Bondoo is monarchical, the whole authority being vested in the hands of the almamy or king. He is, however, in most cases, guided by the laws of Mahomet, which are interpreted by the Imans, or chief priests,[182] who, being much in his power, and from example and habit of a crouching mean disposition, in all cases where his Majesty’s interest is concerned, decide in his favour.

The revenues, which are solely the property of the King, at least wholly at his disposal, are considerable, and consist in a tenth of all agricultural produce, and a custom or duty paid by the travelling merchants who pass through the country. This latter amounts to seven bottles of gunpowder, and one trade musket, or their value in other articles, for each ass load of European goods; and must be accompanied by a present to the king and his head men. A refusal on the part of any of those merchants to comply with the exorbitant demands of these people, would inevitably lead to their being plundered, and probably to personal ill treatment. This, however, seldom takes place, as those merchants always endeavour, by some means or other, to conceal the most valuable part of their goods, either about their persons or in the house of their host, (whom it is also necessary to bribe) before they entrust the remainder to the inspection of the people appointed by the king for that purpose.

He derives also considerable emolument from a tenth of the salt imported from the coast by the natives of the country, and from an annual[183] custom, or tribute, paid him by the Senegal Company’s vessels trading in the river, and the French Government establishment at Baquelle, where, as will appear in a subsequent article on Galam, he has of late years acquired considerable influence and authority.

The peace offerings and presents from all those who have any business to transact with the king, or favour to ask from him, although not limited to any particular amount, do not compose the least valuable part of his income: slaves, horses, cattle, poultry, rice, corn, cotton cloths, gold, and indeed all the productions of the country, are incessantly presented as douceurs.

The religion is Mahomedan, but its precepts are not so strictly attended to in Bondoo as in some of the other states of Western Africa. There are mosques of one kind or other in every town; some of them, however, are nothing more than small square spaces enclosed with stakes, and kept cleanly swept. Here, as in all the others, prayers are publicly said five times every day; the usual Mahomedan ceremonies of ablution, &c., are attended to. When praying, they strip off all implements of war, or receptacles of money, tobacco, or snuff, and make use of a string of beads or rosary, which they count frequently after each act of devotion. This[184] consists in facing the east, and bowing the body several times, so as to allow the forehead to touch the ground, at the same time repeating some short prayers from the Koran, and frequently ejaculating the name of the Prophet in the most apparently devout manner.

Had Almamy Amady, in embracing this religion, bad and unsound as it is, been actuated by any other principle than that of self-interest, and the desire of attaching to his cause the people of Foota Toro and Jallon, he might have (at least by personal example) inspired his subjects with a reverence for the divine character, and an inclination to please him, by a just and upright line of conduct, to both which they are entire strangers; evincing, in all their concerns, both among themselves and with their neighbours, a low deceitful cunning, which they endeavour to cloak by religious cant. In fact, I have never seen a people who have more of the outward show of religion with less of its inward influence.

There are schools in almost every town, for the instruction of those youths who intend making the Mahomedan religion their profession, and in the principles and practice of which, and reading and writing Arabic from their sacred book, the Koran, they are solely instructed. Numbers and their uses are unknown; they[185] can scarcely add two simple numbers together without having recourse to the usual African methods, namely, counting the fingers, or making strokes in the sand. The student or scholar is, in all cases, the servant of his teacher, who may employ him in any menial capacity whatever. They go about, when not at their lessons, begging, and sewing the country cloths together, for any who may want to employ them: the produce of those callings are brought to the master, who is always a priest, and appropriated to his use.

The people of Bondoo are a mixture of Foolahs, Mandingoes, Serrawollies, and Joloffs, retaining, however, more of the manners and customs of the first, and speaking their language exclusively. They are of the middle size, well made, and very active, their skin of a light copper colour, and their faces of a form approaching nearer to those of Europe than any of the other tribes of Western Africa, the Moors excepted. Their hair, too, is not so short or woolly as that of the black, and their eyes are, with the advantage of being larger and rounder, of a better colour, and more expressive. The women in particular, who, without the assistance of art, might vie, in point of figure, with those of the most exquisitely fine form in Europe, are of a more lively disposition, and more delicate[186] form of face than either the Serrawollies, Mandingoes, or Joloffs. They are extremely neat in their persons and dress, and are very fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, of different colours, with which they adorn or bedeck their heads, necks, wrists, and ancles profusely; gold and silver, too, are often formed into small buttons, which are intermixed with the former on the head, and into rings and chains worn on the wrists and ancles. They always wear a veil thrown loosely over the head: this is manufactured by themselves from cotton, and is intended to imitate thin muslin, at which they have not by any means made a bad attempt. The other parts of their dress are precisely the same as that already described to be worn by the inhabitants of Kayaye, and, with few exceptions of silk and printed cotton which they obtain from the coast, are entirely of their own manufacture. They are exceedingly fond of perfumes of every kind, particularly musk, attar of roses, or lavender, but they can seldom procure these, and therefore substitute cloves, which they pound into powder, and mix up with a kernel, having something the flavour of a Tonquin bean, which they likewise reduce to powder, and, with a little gum-water, form it into beads about the size of a common garden pea. These they string and hang round the neck; they sometimes string[187] the cloves themselves, and wear them in the same manner; but the way in which they prefer wearing them is sewed up in small bags made of rich coloured silk, a number of which are hung round the neck. The hair, which is neatly braided into a profusion of small plaits, hangs down nearly to the shoulders, and is confined (together with the strings of amber, coral, and beads, which decorate it) round the forehead with a few strings of small beads by the young girls, and, by the married, with a narrow strip of silk, or fine cotton cloth, twisted into a string about as thick as a finger. To complete their dress, a pair of large gold ear-rings dangle almost to touch the shoulders, and, in consequence of their great weight, would tear their ears were they not supported by a little strap of thin red leather, which is fastened to one ear-ring by a button, and passes over the top of the head to the other. The walk of these ladies is peculiarly majestic and graceful, and their whole appearance, although strange to a European observer, is far from being inelegant.

The dress of the men, with the exception of being smaller and more convenient, is precisely the same as that of the people at Kayaye. Blue and white are the favourite colours. With the rich, the manufacture of the country is replaced by India bafts and muslins, both which are embroidered[188] neatly with different coloured silks or worsteds round the neck, and down the back and chest. The cap, which is always white, is of a very graceful form, and is also embroidered, but with white only. The Maroboos, and men advanced in years, wear white turbans, with red or blue crowns, occasionally a hat made of a sort of rush or grass, having a low conical crown, with a broad rim. When on horseback, or going to war, the large sleeves of their gowns are tied together behind the neck, being brought over the shoulders; and the bodies, which would be otherwise extremely inconvenient from being very loose, are secured round the middle with a girdle, which, at the same time, confines their powder horn and ball bag on the right side, and their grigri, or amulet case, on the left. These are all suspended by strong cords of red, yellow, or green silk or worsted, and are crossed in the same manner as the belts of our soldiers. A dirk, about nine inches or a foot long, hangs at the right side from the running string or strap, which, at the same time, serves to tighten the trowsers above the hips. A single, or double-barrelled gun, completes their equipment in general; some of the princes and chiefs, however, add a sword, confined at the right side by their girdle, and one or two pistols which hang dangling in thin leather holsters, variously coloured,[189] at the pummel or front horn of their saddle. One leather bag, to contain water, and another, a small store of dried cous cous, for their own provision, together with a nose bag, and a fetter of the same material, for their horse, make up the catalogue of their marching baggage, and are all fastened, by leather straps, to the back part of the saddle, which is at best but a bad one, being chiefly composed of pieces of wood, tied together by thongs of raw cow hide, and which, when wet, stretches so as to allow the wood to come in contact with the horse’s back, and wound it in a shocking manner.

The disposable force of Bondoo from all the information I could collect, does not exceed from 500 to 600 horse, and from 2000 to 3000 foot. When Almamy finds it necessary to call this army to the field for the protection of the country, or with the intention of invading the territories of some of his neighbours, he repairs with his own immediate followers to some village at a short distance from the capital, and there beats the war drum[15], which is repeated by each village, and[190] in this manner the call to arms is circulated over the country.

The chief of each town or village with as little delay as possible assembles his followers (or division, if it may be so called), and proceeds to head-quarters, where those chiefs consult with the king on the plan of attack or defence. No regular division of the army takes place, nor is there any provision made for its support or equipment; each man provides for himself such means of support, arms, and ammunition, as he can afford, and so badly are they furnished with the two latter, that when I saw the army assembled, a great many indeed had no other weapons than a knife and a bludgeon of hard wood. On some occasions, a favoured few receive two or three charges of powder and ball with a couple of flints: and in some very solitary instances indeed, his majesty confers marks of his royal favour on one, by a present of a horse, and on another a gun. Provisions they find as they can, and woe to the stores and cattle of that town where they are assembled for any time.

Whenever the object of the campaign is not decided on within a few days, the least effective persons disappear, and may be said to reduce the whole force one-third, and even then many might be found, who remain with no other object[191] in view, than that of begging from Almamy; amongst those are generally the priests and griots, or goulas.

When the king decides on sending a part only of the army to plunder the frontier towns of some neighbouring state, a chief to command the party is selected from amongst his own relatives, or favourites, and few (if any) but the immediate followers of the king and the chief chosen to command, or rather conduct this party, accompany it. Their destination is known only to the king, his ministers, and the commander, who seldom imparts to any of his attendants until they are close to the scene of action. The general object of these detachments is, the attack of some small town or village, the inhabitants of which, together with their cattle, they carry off. Sometimes, however, information of their coming reaches the village in sufficient time before them, to enable the women and children to retreat towards the interior of the country, taking with them the cattle, and leaving the men to oppose the enemy, who not unfrequently come off with the loss of one or more of their party, and the failure of their attempt.

Several of these parties were sent out during our stay in Bondoo, and with one or two exceptions, came off victorious, if the word can be[192] made use of with propriety, in describing the exploits of a horde of plunderers, whose chief object is invariably the obtaining of slaves, for whom they always find a market, either with the travelling merchants of the country, or the Senegal vessels at Galam.

Woolli, Tenda, Dentilla, and Bambouk, are the frequent scenes of these unnatural depredations, and in their turn often furnish Almamy with ample means of procuring supplies of arms, ammunition, horses, and the different articles of European merchandize in demand in his dominions. To the frequency of these predatory excursions, and the insecure nature of the lives and properties of the inhabitants in consequence, may be attributed, in a great degree, the desertion of many of the frontier towns in those states, and their subsequent occupation by the Bondoo people, who of late years have extended their dominions considerably in these directions.

Bondoo in its turn has often been attacked by its more powerful neighbours, and suffered dreadfully, but an instance of retaliation on the part of those weak states rarely occurs.

Many of the natives of Kayaye, Joloff, and Woolli, have settled in Bondoo, and embraced the Mahomedan faith. Their towns are chiefly on the western frontier, and are preeminent for their extent, riches, and productive cultivation. The[193] most effective division of Almamy’s army is entirely composed of the Joloff and Woolli people, who are proverbial for bravery. The greater number of those of Kayaye being priests are exempt from the field by the payment of a large yearly present to Almamy, who, in addition to the present, often trespasses, in the form of a request (but which they dare not refuse), on their stores of provisions and their herds of cattle, with both which they are better supplied than any other class of people in that country. But this is not the only advantage they possess, for they enjoy a degree of respect and independence even in their connexions with the princes, who look upon all belonging to them as sacred, Almamy alone, being the head of the church, daring to infringe on their rights and privileges.

Bondoo has been, for some years, involved in a war with the king of Karta, which arose, as most of the wars in Africa do, in an act of aggression in this case on the part of Bondoo, to explain which, it will be necessary to detail, at some length, the circumstances which led to the act itself. This will, at the same time, serve to give a just idea of the politics of those people, and to prove how well they are versed in the principles of self interest and aggrandizement,[194] the natural consequence of the comparative state of civilization to which they have attained.

About forty years previous to the time we visited Bondoo, Abdoolghader, a Mahomedan priest, and chief of a tribe of Foolahs that had come from Massina, and settled in Toro (then ruled by the Dileankey family), made so many converts to this faith among the people of that country, and acquired such influence with them, that he succeeded in leading them to dethrone that family, and proclaim him king or almamy.

At the time Karta was invaded by the Sego Bambarras, and its chiefs, and many of the inhabitants obliged to leave it for a short time, a large detachment of them, under the command of a prince, arrived at Galam, where they were well received, and whence they despatched messengers to Abdoolghader to apprize him of their intention to put his hospitality to the test, but which they were prevented from doing by his assembling his army, and marching to attack them. They, having received early information of his intentions, left Galam, and, on their return to Karta, destroyed some towns belonging to Gedumah, in revenge upon the inhabitants of that country for having refused to assist them against their Sego enemies.

The chief of one of those towns, an Iman, of[195] considerable respectability in the country, called on Abdoolghader, at his camp in Bondoo (where he made some stay, with a part of his army, after the retreat of the Kartans), and preferred a complaint against Sega, the reigning chief of Bondoo, for having assisted the Kartans in the destruction of his town, and carried off his wife and daughter, both of whom he added to the list of his concubines, and for having destroyed his religious books, written by himself, and said to be so voluminous as to be a sufficient load for an ass. He expatiated on the enormity of these crimes, and called on Abdoolghader, in the name of God and their prophet, to obtain for him the satisfaction to which he conceived himself so justly entitled.

Abdoolghader being himself a Mahomedan prelate of the first rank, and anxious to give every proof of his attachment to his religion, immediately summoned Sega to appear before the laws of Mahomet. This prince, whether from being too well aware of Abdoolghader’s power to force his compliance, or from being badly advised by some who wanted to compass his fall, made his immediate appearance before the angry monarch, who, without hearing half what Sega had to say in his defence, judged the affair against him, and sentenced him to be banished to Toro, where he was to be taught how[196] to live; but, on their departure from Marsa[16], they had not gone one hundred yards from the walls, when Sega was barbarously murdered by some of Abdoolghader’s followers, and his body thrown, without further ceremony, into a ravine.

A prince, named Amadi Paté, was chosen (by the influence of Abdoolghader) to succeed the deceased, to whom he also was an inveterate enemy. This step was taken contrary to the wishes of a powerful party in Bondoo, under the command of Amadi Isata, a brother of the deceased, and caused a civil war, which terminated in the death of Paté, and the succession of Isata, who was assisted, during the struggle, by Samba Congole, a prince of Upper Kajaga or Galam. Amadi Isata’s first step was to secure himself from the attacks of Abdoolghader, by attaching to his cause the Kartan king, to whom he agreed to pay a yearly tribute of a moulo[17] of gold, and who was himself anxious for an opportunity to revenge himself on Abdoolghader, who, on hearing of this act of Isata’s, assembled part of his army, and marched towards the frontier of Bondoo, where he remained several days in anxious expectation of the arrival of the remainder[197] of his forces, under the command of their several chiefs. He was, however, sadly disappointed; for they were so averse to his government, and anxious for an opportunity to throw off their allegiance to him, that, instead of joining him, they prepared to oppose his return.

Abdoolghader being thus foiled in his intended attack on Isata, and incapable, from the very limited number of his attendants, to resume his authority at home, crossed the Senegal, and sought refuge amongst the Gedumahas, where he remained for some time, but was at length recalled by some of the chiefs of Toro, who, having chosen another king during his absence, and disapproved of his conduct, also were now glad to have a man of such acknowledged abilities as he was, to head them in forcing the other, named Moctar Coodega, from the throne. On his return to Toro, he was accompanied by a small army, under Hawah Demba, a prince of Kasson, and a few Gedumahas. They reached Woro Sogee, a small village of Toro, where they were attacked and beaten by the friends of Moctar Coodega. The check they received, in their first step, threw such a damp on the ardour of those who solicited his return, that they were not only afraid to join him, but actually declared against him, which obliged him to return to his friends the Gedumahas, amongst whom were[198] several of the Dileankeys, whose country had been usurped by this very man, and to whom he was so obnoxious that, finding his life in danger, he was obliged to leave that country. He then repaired to Moodeerie, a town of Galam, inhabited by priests.

About that time, Almami Isata had entered into an alliance with the chiefs of Foota Toro, and of a part of Kajaga, to annihilate Abdoolghader, who, from his great reputation as a Maraboo, was much respected and feared in the country. Modiba, the king of Karta, who, as I before said, wished for such an opportunity, brought a considerable force to their assistance.

Hawah Demba, who was with Abdoolghader at Moodeerie, seeing so many powerful chiefs assembled for the purpose of attacking his friend, feared his own safety, and advised him to seek shelter in the desert amongst the Moors, where, from the scarcity of water, so large an army could not follow him. This advice he rejected, and was deserted by Hawah Demba, who returned to Kasso. Abdoolghader repaired to Goorick, a town of Toro, there to await patiently the arrival of his enemies, and defend himself to the last with the few followers, whom even all the reverses he had met with could not deter from sharing with him his last adversities.

Almamy Amadi, accompanied by the Kartan[199] army, and part of his own, soon met him, when a bloody, though unequal conflict, ensued, ending in the death or capture of every one of Abdoolghader’s men. He himself descended from his horse, and sat down on the ground to count his beads and say his prayers, in which situation he was found by Almamy Amadi, who, having saluted him three times in the usual manner without receiving an answer, said, “Well! Abdoolghader, here you are; you little thought, when you murdered my brother, Amadi Sega, that this sun would ever dawn on you; but, here, take this, and tell Sega, when you see him, that it was Amadi Isata sent you”; and, drawing out a pistol, put an end to his existence. He is said to have received the ball with all the indifference imaginable. He was upwards of eighty years of age.

When Modiba, king of Karta, was informed of this, he was so exasperated that he told Amadi Isata that, were it not that he was his friend indeed, he should treat him in the same way, and recalled to his recollection the noble conduct of Damel[18], king of Cayor, when the deceased had fallen into his hands. To wash out the stain, Modiba desired that Bondoo should pay him as much gold as would fit in Abdoolghader’s scull, when divested of its flesh and[200] brains by boiling; but this very circumstance, and the haughty language used by Modiba on the occasion, was one of the prominent reasons for the breach between these two chiefs.

A general peace, or cessation of hostilities, which followed this barbarous act, did not last long.

The people of Foota, fearing that Amadi Isata’s connexion with so powerful a pagan chief as Modiba would militate against the advance of the Mahomedan faith in Bondoo, and might ultimately lead the Kartans into their country, called a general assembly, and required the attendance of Amadi Isata and Samba Congole. The former obeyed the summons, but the latter, either not wishing to go, knowing the object of the assembly, or not thinking himself safe in doing so, sent one of his brothers.

The Foota chiefs proposed that all parties should break off intercourse or alliance with the Kartans (whose assistance they were not now in want of, in consequence of the death of Abdoolghader), and collectively oppose their again entering those countries on any pretence.

Almamy Amadi smarting under the disgrace he felt at Modiba’s treatment of him, for his brutal conduct to Abdoolghader, and finding himself strengthened by this alliance with Toro, readily consented, and pressed much the necessity[201] of the Galam prince’s following his example. To this, however, Samba’s brother would not consent, assuring the assembly that Samba, and the part of Kajaga under his control, would never break their alliance with the Kartans as long as they conducted themselves to his satisfaction. The assembly broke up; but Almamy Amadi displeased with Samba for his non-compliance with the terms of Toro, and wishing, in consequence, for an opportunity to fall out with him, granted to some of the Bondoo people a piece of corn-ground in Samba’s territories, and, when remonstrated with, gave an answer not at all satisfactory.

This, added to some difference which arose shortly after about a horse, gave Samba such an opinion of Almamy’s injustice and wish to quarrel, that he sent him word not to meddle with his affairs in future.

In this state things remained until the year 1815, when Modiba sent his messengers to Bondoo to receive the customary tribute, which was refused by Almamy, and who, to crown his other barbarous atrocities, put to death the two chief messengers, and sold all their attendants as slaves, with the exception of one, whom he sent back to let Modiba know that the only tribute he might ever expect to receive from him,[202] would be bullets from the muskets of Bondoo.

Almamy, however, did not give the messenger time to reach Modiba’s town in Karta, but assembled his army and marched to Kasson, for the purpose of being joined by the forces of Hawah Demba, and entering Modiba’s territories with as little delay as possible.

Modiba, being advised of this movement, also assembled his army, and, instead of waiting to receive Almamy, left a detachment to defend the frontier, and made forced marches to Dramanet, where he crossed the Senegal, and rested a few hours in order to give Samba time to collect his forces and accompany him.

On entering Bondoo they found nearly all the villages had been deserted by the few men Almamy had left behind, and the women and children; they, therefore, met no opposition until they arrived at Boolibany, and even then so little resistance was made, that they soon laid the whole town in waste, with the exception of Almamy’s palace, which was so resolutely defended by a handful of men that all attempts to reduce it proved fruitless.

They had, however, made a great number of slaves, particularly women and children, and had collected immense herds of black cattle,[203] sheep, and goats, together with an abundant supply of corn for their horses, all which they secured within the half-ruined walls of a part of the town; and, having repaired that part of them, and supposing that Almamy would never dare to face them, sat down to amuse themselves with their captive ladies, occasionally sending small parties in different directions through the country to collect cattle, corn, &c., and pick up all stragglers. In this state they thought of nothing but plunder, in their pursuit of which, and their wanton and barbarous cruelties to the poor defenceless inhabitants who came within their merciless grasp, they expended their small store of ammunition.

Modiba, whose avarice was as great as his cruelty, made many attempts to reduce Almamy’s palace, but always failed, in consequence of an ill-judged threat to all those he brought against it, that if any of them should lay hands on the smallest particle of the treasure he fancied it contained, he would take off their heads.

This, instead of urging his men to great exertions, had the very opposite effect, and deterred them from exposing their lives for an object, the attainment of which could be of no advantage to a people who enter the field of war from no other motive than that of acquiring riches. The consequence was, the chiefs gave it as their[204] opinion the thing was impossible, and dispersed themselves through the country in search of every thing they could remove.

It was in this situation that Almamy, who got intelligence of Modiba’s leaving Karta for Bondoo, found them on his return (a circumstance so unexpected by the Kartans that they did not even secure the prisoners they had taken by sending them to Toobab-en-Canê[19] whence Almamy could never have recovered them), and succeeded in gaining possession of his own palace, being but feebly opposed by those who remained as a sort of body-guard over Modiba.

In this situation both armies remained some days, exchanging shots from the turrets of their respective stations, but the Kartan army having totally expended their ammunition, and a supply sent for to Toobab-en-Canê not having arrived, Almamy made so spirited and determined an attack on their position, that they were unable to withstand it, and retreated in the utmost confusion, leaving such an immense number of stragglers all over the country, so ignorant of what had taken place, that the very women of Bondoo made some of them prisoners, all of whom, on this occasion, and in retaliation for similar conduct on the part of Modiba towards every[205] male his army had taken, were inhumanly butchered. This affair took place in the spring of 1817.

Early in the following year Almamy, taking advantage of the absence of the Kartan army, laid siege to Toobab-en-Canê, having first fruitlessly attempted to storm two of Samba’s towns. So active were the besiegers, that the besieged found it impossible to obtain water from the river, although distant only thirty yards from the walls of the town, and so great was their want of that necessary article, that they dug wells within the walls upwards of forty feet deep.

Samba, feeling that a much longer continuance in that state must become insupportable from the want of provisions, contrived means to despatch two horsemen by night to demand relief from Modiba, and, in eight days after, four hundred horse made their appearance on the opposite bank of the river.

Almamy supposing the whole Kartan army had again made its appearance, did not think prudent to wait their nearer approach, raised the siege, and retreated to Lanel, a strong town of Samba’s, commanded by his brother-in-law, who basely gave it up, allowing the enemy of the country to defend himself in it.

When the Kartans had crossed the river, they advised Samba to attack Almamy without delay,[206] and accordingly marched, amounting with his force to about nine hundred or one thousand men. On their arrival before the town they found Almamy so well defended, not only by the strong mud walls of the place, but his superior numbers increased by the men of it, that they thought it impossible to dislodge him, and returned to Toobab-en-Canê to wait the arrival of a large body of foot which was hourly expected from Karta. Almamy, on his side, sent to require reinforcements from Toro and Hawah Demba, but nearly a month elapsed before the reinforcements on either side arrived.

Samba’s army was then composed of all his own men, the Gedumahas of three towns on the right bank of the river, the Kartan army, and a detachment under Saferi, a prince of Kasson, in all amounting to about two thousand five hundred or three thousand men.

Almamy’s, which was said to be nearly double that number, consisted of his own army, strong detachments from Foota Toro, and Lower Kajaga, and a considerable body under Hawah Demba, who was nephew to Saferi, and the same who has been mentioned before.

They met in April 1818, when a bloody conflict ensued, ending in the defeat of Almamy, who made a hasty retreat to Foota Toro, leaving upwards of a hundred muskets on the field.[207] The Kartan horse immediately entered Bondoo, where they again laid every thing waste that came in their way, and, making some prisoners, returned to their home.

Almamy, on his side, did every thing in his power to induce the chiefs of Foota Toro, to employ all their force, and oblige Samba to quit his own country, and retire to Karta. They were, however, too well aware of the difficulty of such an undertaking, and, instead of giving him any hopes of assistance from them, advised him strongly to think rather of making peace with that chief than to prolong a war, the issue of which must be very doubtful. A general assembly was consequently called to meet at Marsa, and one of the Foota chiefs was sent to commence a negociation with Samba for peace, which was concluded during the time we were in the country.

FOOTNOTES:

[15]This is composed of a large wooden bowl, nearly three feet diameter, covered with three skins, one of which is said to be that of a human being, another a hyena’s, and the third, or outside one, a monkey’s; this latter is covered with Arabic characters and passages from the Koran. See fig. 2, pl. 9.

[16]The town of Bondoo, where Abdoolghader had been sojourning.

[17]A measure used in Africa for corn, and containing about two quarts.

[18]Park’s First Travels.

[19]Samba Congole’s Town.

## [208]CHAPTER IX.

Message from Almamy — My Visit to Boolibany — Subject of Interview with him — His hostile Conduct and peremptory Demand for my leaving Samba Contaye — The Necessity of my Compliance — Return to the Camp accompanied by an Escort — Preparations for the March — Departure for Boolibany — Arrival there — Almamy endeavours to make us enter the Town — My Refusal, and Selection of a Position for the Camp — Return of my first Messenger to Mr. Dochard — His Misfortune and Failure — False Alarm at the Capital, and its Consequences — Indecision of Almamy and the Chiefs.

The month of January, 1819, also rolled over without any intelligence from either Mr. Dochard or Mr. Partarrieau, and what could detain the latter from joining me, or prevent the former from sending some person to make me acquainted with his proceedings and their result at Sego, I was at a loss to conjecture. Had the latter, however, either joined or forwarded the supplies which I was so much in want of, I would have endeavoured to reach Sego with the whole expedition, and try if it were not possible, by some means or other, to obtain Dha’s permission to erect boats, and embark on the Niger, but to[209] have gone there without the means necessary to induce him and his chiefs to forward my views would have been fruitless work.

Another reason, too, prevented me taking this step without waiting Mr. Partarrieau’s return, namely, the impossibility of leaving Bondoo without paying to Almamy the articles promised his predecessor, and which, even with the assistance of the French officers at Galam, I could not have accomplished.

To add to these difficulties, one of a still more unpleasant nature, and attended with circumstances which clearly evinced a change in Almamy’s intentions towards us, occurred early in February.

One evening, on my return from Baquelle, where I had gone to procure some beads from the French merchants for the purchase of provisions, I found at the camp a messenger from Almamy to request my immediate attendance at Boolibany, where he had some business of such importance to communicate that he could not entrust it with any of his people.

What this might have been I could not readily imagine, but from some words that escaped from the messenger, I was inclined to think it was some information he had received concerning Mr. Dochard, and which appeared the more likely, as at that very time a large coffle of travelling[210] merchants with slaves arrived at the capital from Sego.

My anxiety for Mr. Dochard’s safety, added to an intention I had of proposing to Almamy to be allowed to remove my camp to Baquelle, induced me to obey the summons without delay, but my surprise and disappointment may be more easily conceived than I can possibly express, when, on being admitted into the royal presence, where were assembled all the ministers, chiefs, &c., Almamy told me that I must, without delay, remove my camp from Samba Contaye to the capital, where, as he was in daily expectation of the arrival of the Kartan army, I would be more secure under his own protection than I possibly could be elsewhere.

Although I must acknowledge that this speech conveyed to my mind a very different idea from that which he intended it to do, I nevertheless endeavoured to hide any effect it might have had on the expression of my countenance, and, at the same time that I thanked him for his consideration for my safety, expressed a wish, in apparent good humour, to be allowed to remain where I was; as it would put me to much inconvenience indeed, both to remove my baggage which was then all open, and to form a new camp which would probably not be finished before Mr. Partarrieau would return from the coast.

[211]In answer to these remonstrances on my part, he said that he would afford me every assistance I might require, both in removing my baggage and forming a new camp, if I did not wish to take up my quarters within the walls of the town, where I should be accommodated with as much room as I might want.

This I decidedly objected to, from a conviction that I would find much difficulty in again getting out of it, and was about making some further objections to the move he proposed, or rather dictated, when he ordered me to leave him, and, in a very angry tone indeed, said he would take no excuse whatever, as if I did not immediately comply, he would force me to it.

A refusal at that moment would have been highly imprudent as I was in his power, and which he said he should exercise by keeping me where I was until I should write to my head man at Samba Contaye, and direct him to join me without delay with all the men and baggage. This I positively refused to do, but, as the only means left in my power of getting out of his hands, I promised to comply with his wishes of moving my camp, on condition that he should allow me to return there immediately to make the necessary preparations. To this he made some objections, but finding I was determined not to comply on any other terms, he at length consented,[212] adding, however, that I should be accompanied by a strong detachment to enforce the fulfilment of the promise I had made. This surprised me much indeed, as in all our former transactions he had implicitly relied on my word; but I must acknowledge in this instance I did not purpose keeping it, as I had formed a determination to make a forced march to Baquelle the night of my return to the camp, and thereby put it out of Almamy’s power to serve me such a trick again. But he was too well aware of the advantage he now possessed over me to trust any longer to my word, and therefore had recourse to the most efficacious means of forcing me to compliance.

I really cannot give an idea of the state of my mind during the remainder of that night; suffice it to say that, for the first time since leaving the coast, I began to suspect treachery, and a predetermination on the part of Almamy and his chiefs to oppose our further progress. I still however had hopes, faint ones indeed, that time, patience, large presents, and explanatory conversation with Almamy in private, would obtain the desired permission to proceed eastward.

The following morning, after waiting nearly an hour for his highness Saada, who undertook to carry Almamy’s orders into effect, we left Boolibany, accompanied by a party of about one[213] hundred horse and foot, which augmented at every village we passed through. When about half way, Saada, who complained much of being fatigued from the heat of the sun!!! halted, and wished me to follow his example, to which, as I would not consent, he sent forward some of his party with me.

Two days were spent in the preparations necessary for the march, which we commenced at five o’clock in the morning of the 13th of February. We halted that night at Gamby, and reached the capital the following morning at half after eight. Almamy, who, with some of his train, came out to meet us, wished us to enter the town and remain there, as he said, till huts could be prepared for us; but, as I would not listen to his proposal under any pretence whatever, he proceeded with me to select a site for our camp convenient to water. A little eminence, the summit of which was shaded by a large tamarind tree, and within a few yards of some wells, west of the town, from which it was distant about two musket shots, offered more advantages than any other spot around Boolibany. We therefore, having unloaded the animals, and arranged the baggage under the tree, commenced, on the following morning, to surround our post with a strong fence of stakes and thorny bushes, which, with our huts and the addition[214] of a new well about fifteen feet deep, we completed in a few days; during which his majesty paid me some visits, and made us a present of a bullock, asking, however, in return, a piece of baft to make a dress which was double its value.

We had not been long here when Alley Lowe, the man I had sent from Samba Contaye with the dollars and other articles to Mr. Dochard, returned, not having been able to pass Kasson, where he was robbed, and from where he with difficulty escaped with his life. Dheangina, the man who accompanied him, was taken ill with the Guinea worm at a very early part of their march, in which state he remained so long unable to move, that Alley Lowe endeavoured to prosecute the journey alone, but in which he unfortunately failed. He had neither seen nor heard any thing of Bakoro or the man I sent with him; I was therefore in hopes they had been able to pass; but alas! those hopes soon vanished, and I had the mortification of seeing them return in a short time equally unsuccessful. Their case however was not that of Alley Lowe, who would have got on if the possibility of his doing so had existed.

They had idled so much of their time at the towns and villages they passed on the road, that their stock of articles for the purchase of provisions was soon exhausted, and they were reduced[215] to the necessity of selling one of their horses to procure subsistence. Ismena, too, had been ill some time; but Bakoro, who was well and might have gone on without him, had he felt the least inclination to do so, squandered both his time and money until the means of proceeding were completely exhausted.

This second failure in the attainment of an object I had so much at heart, and the impossibility which presented itself of inducing any of the natives of the country to undertake such a voyage, had I even promised them the whole baggage of the expedition, added to my anxiety for the arrival of Mr. Partarrieau, had such an effect on my spirits that I could with difficulty at times force myself to take the exercise necessary for my health, which, in spite of all those annoyances and the effects of the late season, continued unimpaired.

The month of March was spent in anxious suspense on these subjects, and in visiting the country about Boolibany, which is beautifully diversified by hill and dale thinly covered with wood.

Almamy during this month received a hasty report from the north-east frontier that the Kartan army was within a day’s march of the capital, where the utmost confusion prevailed in consequence of the inhabitants from all the[216] neighbouring villages having fled to it for protection. So great was the crowd that many could not find room to lie down in the streets.

On one occasion when all the women were busily employed drawing water from the wells, where were also many of the men endeavouring to procure for their horses a share of the scanty and muddy supply they afforded, the alarm was given by some people who had been attending herds of cattle to the eastward of the town, from which direction they were seen running in the utmost confusion, the altercations at the wells, and the busy scene going on there, soon closed by one of a still more extraordinary and confused nature. The supposed approach of the enemy was no sooner made known amongst them, than they all, as if by magic, dropped their jars, calabashes, and leather bags, and ran with all their might to the nearest gate of the town, which, being rather narrow, was so much crowded, that an old man and a girl about eight years of age were trampled to death.

A council of war, composed of some of the princes and their followers, with Almamy at their head, assembled between our camp and the town. I attended to witness their proceedings, which were carried on with the utmost contempt to the rules of order or regularity; every one present proposing some plan of his own, and rejecting[217] that of his companions. I had been all this time sitting on horseback unobserved by Almamy, who had scarcely said a word on the subject. When he perceived that I was present he beckoned me to approach him, and, with much earnestness and anxiety depicted on his countenance, asked my opinion, which I hesitated in giving; but being requested by the whole council to do so, I said that I thought it would be advisable, previous to deciding on any plan either of attack or defence, to reconnoitre for the purpose of ascertaining beyond a doubt the enemy’s strength and position, in case they were really in the country, but which I much doubted.

My opinion was favourably received by the whole assembly, but nobody could be found to undertake the task which to them was a new one. Saada, although a young man, and better mounted than any other person in the town, was the first to refuse. At length a Joloff man, one of Almamy’s suite, offered to undertake it, if his majesty would provide him with a horse, and appoint some person to accompany him. The horse was brought, but not even one of the king’s slaves could be found willing to go—the Joloff man therefore set off alone. He had not been gone an hour when it was found that the alarm had been given by Saada’s herdsman, who,[218] seeing such crowds about the wells, knew if he did not adopt that means of driving them away, he should not be able to procure water for the cattle during the day, and, although the death of the man and girl killed at the gate was, in addition to the false alarm, the consequence of his cleverness, he was nevertheless permitted to escape with impunity—nay, he was not so much as called to an account for his conduct. Saada was so pleased with his slave’s adroit stratagem, that he not only laughed at the affair, but, when spoken to by the friends of the deceased, told them they were rightly served. The scene of confusion and uproar which for several days existed at Boolibany, from the immense numbers of people who flocked to it for security from the unwalled towns, was beyond any thing I had ever witnessed. It, however, ended in a scarcity of provisions which necessitated them to return to their homes.

## [219]CHAPTER X.

Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from the Coast — Interview with Almamy — Arrangements with, and Presents made to him — His false and deceitful conduct — My Determination and Retreat from Boolibany — Difficulties on the March — Want of Water, and breach of oath on the part of our Guides — Enter Foota Toro — Difficulties there — My March to, and Return from, Baquelle — Affair with the Foolahs — My Captivity — Departure of the Party for Baquelle — My disappointment on finding the Camp deserted — My own Return to Baquelle.

On the 30th of April I received a letter from Mr. Partarrieau, announcing his arrival at Balla, whence he could not move in consequence of the loss of a great many of the camels, until I should send some men and asses to his assistance. I therefore despatched without delay eleven men with thirty of the latter, and, having obtained from Almamy one of his nephews as a guide for them, they left the camp at an early hour the following morning.

About nine o’clock that night, Almamy paid me a private visit, and, after many congratulatory words on the safe arrival of my friend (as he called him), said he wished to be informed whether the articles I had promised to the late[220] Almamy were to become his property or that of Saada, who contested that he alone had a right to them. When I had told him that it was to the Almamy of Bondoo I had promised them, and to whom only I could give them, he took me by the hand, and said that he then felt convinced I was really his friend, and he should therefore forward my views in every way he could, adding that if I remained two days in Bondoo after Mr. Partarrieau’s arrival, it should be my own fault. This last speech however said nothing more than if I satisfied his avarice he would be my friend; but to me this was nothing new, for ever since I had entered the country I found that those people were actuated by no other principle than that of self-interest and ingratitude.

As I had found some difficulty in procuring a sufficient supply of provisions at the capital, on the 3rd of May I sent a sergeant and one man to Samba Contaye to purchase corn, rice, and cattle, and went myself with four men to assist in bringing up the caravan with Mr. Partarrieau. On the following morning I met them at Patako, a small village about thirty miles WSW. from the capital, which place we reached on the 6th at 9 P.M. During Mr. Partarrieau’s march from the coast he experienced the kindest treatment from the kings of Kayor and Joloff, and was accompanied by a chief from the latter.

[221]On the morning of the 7th we waited on Almamy, whom we found seated in a small store-room attended by only two of his slaves. After the usual exchange of compliments, I informed him of Mr. Partarrieau’s arrival, and that of the present I had promised to his predecessor, which, together with one I purposed giving himself, I wished to deliver without delay, and in a few days continue my journey, adding, that I trusted he would now prove himself to be the friend he so often professed; to which he answered that he was ready to forward my views in any way I might require.

The Joloff chief then addressed Almamy, saying he was directed by the Bourba Joloff to tell him, that in handing us over to his care and protection he requested we might be treated in the same manner by him (Almamy), as Mr. Partarrieau was by his master and Damel, the king of Kayor, and at the same time to inform him that we were the messengers of a very great white king, who had it in his power to reward those handsomely who merited it from him, or to punish any who should ill-treat his messengers, whose only object in visiting Africa was the establishing of a friendly intercourse between the two countries. In answer to this, Almamy made a long speech, which he ended by promising that his conduct should be such towards us as[222] would merit not only the approbation of the white king, but of all the surrounding chiefs of Africa.

Having told Almamy that I wished him to send persons to receive the presents I intended giving him (which he promised to do without delay), we returned to the camp. Those persons did not however arrive till near midnight, when it was too late to begin such an affair, particularly as I had determined that not an article should be removed before I should be satisfied, by an agreement drawn up in Arabic and signed by Almamy, that the assistance and protection I might require, while in Bondoo and in the prosecution of my journey, would be afforded.

It was not till the 9th that I could arrange with them the amount of the presents and the form of agreement, when, the latter being signed by Almamy and some of his chiefs, the former were delivered[20], together with a handsome double barrelled gun, which was sent by his Excellency Sir Charles Mac Carthy as a pledge of his esteem for Almamy.

With this paper in my possession, and the hitherto apparent inclination of Almamy to comply with its contents, I conceived that nothing remained to prevent our departure, and therefore[223] having made every preparation necessary, I went (on the evening of the 10th of May) to inform him that it was my wish to proceed the following morning to Baquelle, where, with some assistance from the French, in the way of paint, rope, &c., of which I was in want, to put my baggage in a proper state to withstand the rains, I intended making my final arrangements. But I was sadly disappointed when he told me that he could not allow me to go there, as the people of that country, although at peace with him, were not his friends. I endeavoured to no purpose to convince him that in going there my only object was what I had just stated, and not to interfere in the concerns of Bondoo, where I had already been but too long detained.

From that day until the 21st, every means which I conceived at all likely to obtain permission to proceed, were tried without effect; presents were given to all the chiefs[21] unknown to each other, in order to induce them to urge Almamy to compliance, and I even offered to leave hostages in his hands for my return (after I had arranged my baggage) to Boolibany, whence I would take my final departure for the Niger. All would not do. The only thing he would listen to was that of our immediately following a path in[224] which we should not only have to contend with a number of petty princes, all his friends and in league with him to oppose our progress, but where it would have been impossible to procure provisions, and extremely difficult to travel, in consequence of the number of rivers to be crossed.

All this, added to his having assembled his army in front of our camp, and prevented us for a whole day from drawing water from the wells, and his having in every instance broken his promise, nay oath, bore such convincing proofs of his hostile intentions that I at length determined on endeavouring to gain my point by indirect means, and therefore told him it was my intention to return to the coast through the Foota Toro country.

My object in adopting this plan was the possibility that presented itself of being able (when I had once left Bondoo) to change the direction of march from west to north-east and thereby gain the Senegal, and, by crossing it, both get out of the power of Almamy, and reach Baquelle unmolested.

From Baquelle I could have travelled in safety to Karta, where I was in hopes of meeting some people from Mr. Dochard, and of receiving permission from Modiba, king of that country, to proceed to Sego.

[225]In addition to Almamy’s other acts of injustice and falsehood, he had given orders that the people, whom I had sent to Samba Contaye to purchase provisions, should be arrested and put in irons, and I had much difficulty indeed in obtaining their release.

We left Boolibany on the 22d May at half after six in the morning. We were accompanied by Almamy and part of his suite as far as Lewa, a village, near which we halted for the night.

Here again we were to experience the duplicity and falsehood of this chief, who, not contented with the delays and inconveniences to which he had already subjected us, would not now give us the guides he at first named, and who were the only two of the princes we had found worthy of confidence, but appointed two men whom we had never before seen, and who (were we to judge from their appearance) were ready to comply with their sovereign’s order in any way. When I remonstrated on this further palpable breach of honour, he said that he could not then dispense with the presence of two of his war-men (generals) but would allow one of them to accompany the guides he had named, and directed the other (who was the very man we wanted) to quit our camp. This person, named Omar Moosa, a nephew of Almamy’s, was so indignant at this peremptory order, that[226] he told his royal uncle he should not be ordered by him or any other man in Bondoo, and would not leave our camp until he pleased, and then, coming to our tent, told us to be cautious as to the path we took, for it was Almamy’s instructions to the guides to conduct us into Upper Ferlo, a province of Bondoo on the south-west frontier, so badly supplied with water that the inhabitants were frequently obliged to leave it during that time of the year: he also advised us not to move from Lewa until Almamy should return to Boolibany, when all those who accompanied him, and were attracted by the hopes of being able to plunder us of something, would leave us. This timely information, and the loss of nearly all our camels, induced me to remain at Lewa until the morning of the 24th, having, the preceding night, destroyed all the men’s old clothing, and furnished them with new. Some musket-balls and other articles of little value, amongst which were nearly all my own and Mr. Partarrieau’s clothes, were also destroyed in order to lighten the baggage as much as possible.

Incredible as it may appear to a person unacquainted with those people, it is equally true that Almamy, when about leaving us on the evening of the 23d, came with all possible composure to wish us a safe journey, and requested me to give him a small present, which he could[227] keep in remembrance of me. Such was the impudent and teasing importunity of this man that he obtained one from me merely to rid myself of such an unwelcome visitor. When gone, we found he had made free with a snuff-box of Mr. Partarrieau’s which was laid on the mat on which we were sitting: this, although of little value, evinced a disposition on his part to turn his abilities in that way to every possible advantage.

We left Lewa at six o’clock in the morning, and, having travelled west over a dreadfully parched and uncultivated country for twelve miles, we reached Giowele, a miserable village, at ten, where a scanty supply of water was, by means of a large price, purchased for ourselves and the animals.

At a late hour in the evening I called one of our new guides, named Doka, to my tent, and, having drawn from him an acknowledgement that he had received Almamy’s directions to conduct us by the path leading into Upper Ferlo, I pointed out to him another lying more northerly, through a village called Dindoody, whither, in case he would consent to conduct us in safety, I would make him a handsome present. He objected, on the ground that he feared the other guide would not listen to it, but we told him to leave that to us, which he did. Macca, who was one of those guides chosen by myself, readily consented[228] to our proposal, and, on the morning of the 25th, he led us into a path in the very opposite direction from the one pointed out for us. A march of eleven miles NW. brought us to the village of Gwina, where we halted close to the wells, which supplied us with excellent water without any difficulty.

Private Dohonoe, who had been affected with dysentery since his arrival from the coast with Mr. Partarrieau, was so ill during the last two days’ march as to be barely able to sit on horseback.

As we were about to move on the morning of the 26th, an armed party of about forty men came running into our camp. They were met by our guides, who conducted them to me, when their leader said they had been sent by Almamy to ascertain the truth or falsehood of a report which was in circulation of our having quarrelled with our guides, and refused to follow the path appointed by him. We referred them to Doka and Macca, who assured them the report was false. I did not believe they were sent by Almamy, but I had strong reason to suppose they were assembled by the guides with a view of deterring us from following the path we were pursuing. I was the more certain of this being the case from my having received information that they had set on foot a false report of one of the[229] princes having an army at a short distance watching our movements. An account was brought us in the afternoon by one of our own men (who had been at the village and overheard some conversation), that it was the intention of the men in this posse, headed by our guides, to attack us during the night. Improbable as it appeared, I placed triple centinels, and kept on foot myself the whole night, which we passed very quietly, and, at half after six the following morning, moved forward to the north. We had not proceeded, however, above three miles, when a tornado came on so rapidly and violently from the ESE. that we had scarcely time to secure the baggage by covering it with green leafy boughs of trees. It continued raining nearly an hour and a half, when, having cleared a little, we resumed our march to the west of north for two hours; this brought us to a small miserable village called Gari-Eli, where we halted for the night. Dohonoe was so ill when we moved in the morning that he was unable to sit upright. I was therefore obliged to leave him in care of the chief of Gwina, with means of subsistence, and directions, in case of recovery, to send him to Baquelle.

We had not been long at our bivouac, when another nephew of Almamy’s, named Amady Samba, made his appearance, and said he was sent by his uncle to enforce compliance with his[230] orders respecting the path, but to which I only answered that I would not pursue any path but that I was then following. On this he went off apparently much displeased, for which I cared the less—as I was determined not to listen to the tales of those soi-disant messengers, who haunted our march, merely in hopes of exacting something from us, or plundering (if occasion presented itself) from our baggage.

We left Gari-Eli at half after six on the morning of the 28th, and travelled ten miles north by east, over an extremely close country to Bokey Guiley, a small village. There we halted for the night, and had considerable difficulty in obtaining a supply of muddy water, the only quality which the place afforded.

When loading the animals the following morning, Macca sent one of his satellites to say that as he was ill and could not accompany us if we moved; he requested us to remain at Bokey Guiley until the following morning. As I was aware that this was an excuse dictated by Amady Samba to detain us, so I refused to comply, and, having sent Mr. Partarrieau to urge Macca’s coming on, we moved forward at seven o’clock, but had not proceeded above a mile when one of the men who accompanied Mr. Partarrieau came running in a great hurry to let me know that the people of the village, at the[231] instigation of our guides, seemed inclined to oppose his following the caravan. I immediately selected one sergeant and fifteen men, and had proceeded about a quarter of a mile towards the village, when I met the guides and Amady Samba, (and, in a few minutes after, Mr. Partarrieau,) who informed me that many objections were made to his joining me, in accomplishing which he had nearly come to blows with the guides and villagers.

Shortly after this, a large bullock which had been bought at Gari-Eli, and conducted since it left that place by a Foolah hired for the purpose, having nearly killed one of our men, was ordered to be shot, which was not effected until many shots had been fired at him. This circumstance so trivial in itself was nearly the cause of very serious consequences, as the men of the villages in the vicinity of our road heard the shots, and, knowing that we had nearly fought with our guides in the morning, thought that such was then actually the case, and came running up from all quarters ready for action,—which they were with difficulty prevented from commencing by the intercession of Macca. Many of them, however, accompanied us to Dindoody, where we arrived at noon, having travelled ten miles NNE.

Although the day was excessively hot, and both men and animals were much in want of water, we were obliged to endure the privation, having[232] a well within a few yards of our bivouac; but this we were not allowed to touch before seven o’clock in the evening, and, having paid dearly for the indulgence, we found also, on returning from the well to tie up the asses for the night, that two of them had been stolen. Macca promised to have them restored, but we never saw them afterwards.

It appeared to me that our guides were at the bottom of all this hindrance from water and objections to the path, in which the inhabitants of all the towns we passed through joined them, (but particularly those of Dindoody, where we spent the whole of the 30th in palaver with them), I conceived it better to make them a large present[22] to induce their acting in compliance with our wishes, to which they consented, binding themselves by an oath on the Koran, to which, although little regard had been paid by Almamy, I trusted, however, that they would remain faithful.

We therefore again set forward to the NE., and, in about two hours, reached a small village called Loogoonoody, where we found that the oaths of our guides were of as little avail as that of their sovereign and his ministers, for we were again obliged to pay for water before the inhabitants would allow us to approach their wells.

[233]We were met here by two men who stated themselves to be messengers sent by the chiefs of Foota Toro to conduct us into that country; but, as the path they pointed out led too much to the west to answer our purpose, we signified to them that it was our wish to proceed more eastward, to a town called Gawde Bofê, where we proposed remaining until a person whom we should send to consult with the chiefs of Toro could return. To this they would not consent, and intimated that if we did not comply with their wishes they had orders to oppose us.

As I was well aware of the difficulties we should experience in travelling through that part of Foota, at a moment when the lawless disposition of the inhabitants was completely divested of any restraint by the existence of an interregnum of some duration, which arose from dissensions among its chiefs, I thought it more adviseable to move back from Bokey Guiley, where I should be certainly out of the power at least of the people of Foota, who were even more to be dreaded by us than those of Bondoo: and I was also in hopes that my returning there, would by our appearing to have more confidence in our Bondoo guides, induce them to act more honourably towards us. I was however deceived, for, during the return to Bokey Guiley, which was partly performed by night, we were robbed by them[234] of two asses with their loads and many small articles.

From the first to the fourth of June was spent in fruitless endeavours to arrange matters with these two parties, who at length became jealous of each other, and, by that means, afforded us an opportunity of turning their differences to our advantage. As it was from the Foota people we had most to apprehend, we proposed their conducting us to Gowde Bofê, where we promised to remain until the return of our messenger whom we intended sending from that place with them to their chiefs; but told them that in case they did not consent, I would destroy the whole of my baggage, and fight my way to Baquelle. This had the desired effect; they acceded to our proposal, and the Bondoo guides, finding that we would no longer listen to them, decamped.

Thereupon we left Bokey Guiley at half after five on the afternoon of the 4th, and, having halted for the night at Dindoody, at eight the following morning reached Loogoonoody, whence we despatched one of our own men, accompanied by two of the Foota people, with a small present[23] to the chiefs of that country, requesting them to appoint two or more of their respectable[235] personages to meet us at Gowde Bofê, in order to make arrangements for our passing through their country; (which in truth was not at all my intention), but I took that step in order to make the Foota people suppose we really did purpose entering their country, and thereby lull their suspicions about our going to Baquelle. These people left us on the 5th, and on the following morning at five o’clock, we moved in an easterly direction over a parched and barren country until near ten, when we reached Siendoo, a considerable town, where we had as usual much difficulty in obtaining a supply of water, and where we were met by a strong detachment of armed men, whose chief informed us that he was sent by Thierno Bayla (the chief of Hourey, a district of Foota) to oblige us to take the path to his own town. This I positively refused to comply with, and told them if they felt inclined to carry their orders into effect I was ready to receive them. They removed to a short distance from our bivouac, and remained under arms all night, the greater part of which was spent by us in endeavours to arrange matters amicably with them, but which we found a most difficult affair; for what they at one moment consented to, they refused the next. At length it was settled that we should send one of our guides with one of them to Goude Bofê, to know if the chief of[236] that village would allow us to remain there, as we had proposed, until the return of the messenger from Foota. They returned at a late hour the same evening, 7th, bringing for answer that Thierno Amadoo had consented to receive us as friends at his village, where we might remain as long as we wished. This did not appear to please the other chief and his party, who went off grumbling.

I made small presents to all who interested themselves in our behalf at Seindoo, and, having passed a comparatively quiet night, left it at half after six on the morning of the 8th June, and reached Looboogol at nine; but here we found such difficulty in obtaining a very limited supply indeed of water the first day, that the men had scarcely enough, and the animals none at all.

Thierno Bayla, the chief who had sent the party to Seindoo, came to Looboogol on the 9th, attended by a large body of horse and foot. He paid us a visit in the course of the day, and demanded to be made acquainted with our intentions in entering the country. I told him that having been deceived and plundered by Almamy and the princes of Bondoo, I had decided on returning to the coast through Foota; but, as there was no reigning Almamy in that country, I did not think it safe to enter it without permission[237] from the chiefs, to whom I had despatched messengers, whose return I intended awaiting at Gowde Bofê.

He objected to our going there, and expressed a wish that we should accompany him to his own town, which lay about twenty-five miles in the opposite direction to that we wished to pursue. On our refusal he went off to the village, and, having directed that none of the inhabitants should dare to supply us with a drop of water, stationed several small parties at short distances round our camp, to enforce the strictest compliance with this order, and to watch our movements.

A tornado with heavy rain, which would at any other time or under any other circumstances have been an unpleasant visitor, was now the thing most to be wished for, as it would have served the double office of supplying us with water, and of driving from their posts those parties, who, not supposing we would (or rather knowing we never did) travel during the rain, would still have abandoned their posts, and have gone to the village, in which case (having prepared every thing to enable us to move in a moment), we would have loaded the animals, and taken the direct road to Baquelle, which we computed to be distant about forty miles. Judge then our disappointment when a tornado, which bore[238] every appearance of an approaching deluge of rain, blew off without a drop. It was about six P.M. when our situation became extremely unpleasant, not to say alarming. The animals had no water since the 7th, and the men who had but a scanty supply on the 8th, had none at all on that day, the 9th, and how to procure it without proceeding to extremities alone remained to be decided upon. I had too many invalids and weak animals to authorize my forcing my way to Baquelle with such incumbrances and in absolute want of water; and to destroy either the whole or even a proportion of my baggage and animals, was an act which I conceived should be my last resource.

In this dilemma I determined on going myself to Baquelle, in order to obtain twenty or thirty men from the French vessels then there, and return with them immediately, either to force our way to that place, or, by the appearance of such a reinforcement, to intimidate the natives into compliance with my wishes. I left Mr. Partarrieau in command of the party, with directions to endeavour by any means to keep those people at arm’s length, and procure a supply of water until my return, which I settled should be at a late hour on the evening of the 12th. I was accompanied by two of the native soldiers. We left the camp at half after seven, and, having passed two villages during the night and another[239] at day-break, arrived at Tuabo, the capital of Lower Galam, at eight on the morning of the 10th, whence we proceeded without delay to Baquelle, which we found to be more than fifty miles from Looboogol.

I met a most cordial reception from the French officers and merchants, who, being informed of the object of my visit, said in the most handsome manner that I should have every assistance in their power.

At Baquelle I met Isaaco[24], the same individual who accompanied Mr. Park in his last attempt. He proposed accompanying me on my return to Looboogol and bringing with him three of his own men, whom I furnished with arms for the purpose. I received fifteen volunteers from his Most Christian Majesty’s brig Argus, and five from the Senegal Company’s vessel trading there, and, having hired eight moors with eleven carrying bullocks for the transport of water, left Baquelle in a boat at half after two in the evening of the 11th, and landed at Jowar, a town of Galam, on the south bank of the Senegal, at half after seven, having found much difficulty in passing the shallows, which had then only eighteen inches water. The moors and their bullocks[240] crossed the river at Tuabo, and arrived about half an hour before us.

We remained at Jowar until two o’clock on the morning of the 12th, when, being favored by a fine moonlight night, and having loaded the bullocks with soofras of water, we commenced our march to the west of south until daylight, when we passed two small villages, and soon after arrived in sight of Gowde Bofê, where Isaaco (to whom being lame I lent my horse) proposed going to gain some information with respect to Mr. Partarrieau’s movements, and give water to the horse. I pointed out to him the improbability of his again finding us, as we did not pursue the beaten path, but he assured me he could, as he knew all that country well.

At half after nine we passed the village of Gangele, and soon entered a wood which I knew to be the same I had traversed the evening I left the camp, and which was not more by my reckoning than three or four miles from us. It was then noon, and exceedingly hot, but as, by continuing our march, we should reach the camp at too early an hour, we halted in the woods, and sent two men back to Gangele to procure some water, and, if possible, a guide to conduct us by the shortest path to the camp. We waited their return with impatience until half after three,[241] when the atmosphere to the east became overspread, and bearing every appearance of an approaching tornado. I moved back slowly towards the village, with the hope of meeting them, but the tornado came on with such rapidity and violence, that all was soon complete darkness, and the path, which was previously not very distinctly marked, now became imperceptible. We continued marching east for some time without meeting the men, to whom I began to fear something unpleasant had happened; but nevertheless we marched on in hopes of meeting them as long as we could perceive our way by the compass. During the violence of the rain, four of the men with the moors, and three bullocks, separated themselves from the remainder of the party, and, although I fired several shots as soon as I discovered they were not with us, I did not again see them.

It being quite dark at eight o’clock, we halted in the woods and lighted a fire, at which we spent the night, and half dried our clothes which were completely drenched with the rain; and at daylight the following morning again moved forward to the east, and in about an hour heard the lowing of cattle in that direction; fifteen minutes more brought us clear of the wood, when we perceived a village at a short distance. On our arrival at it we were informed that Mr.[242] Partarrieau had removed from Looboogol to a village about four miles from where we then were.

Having procured a guide we moved on at a smart pace, and soon arrived in front of the village, where were assembled a number of armed men apparently waiting our arrival; for on our approaching them, they desired us to keep off, and would have proceeded to force had not our guide told them our intentions were good. One of the villagers, apparently a chief, then came forward, and, offering me his hand, invited me to the shade of a tree, where we were no sooner arrived than surrounded by a crowd of armed men, who without further ceremony attempted to tear the clothes off my men’s backs, and their arms out of their hands. This sort of treatment was too rough to be borne with sang froid. My men, eleven in number, therefore made some resistance, and removed in a body to a short distance from where I was standing, but had scarcely moved when the war-cry was set up by the Foolahs, and a fire of musquetry opened by them on my men, whose arms were almost useless from the rain of the preceding night, and consequently they were unable to make the resistance they might otherwise have done. Three of them were already wounded, as were three of the Foolahs, when Thierno Bayla arrived from the village and offering me his hand[243] said, that if I would go quietly with him, no one should molest me. I complied, as resistance would have been vain; but notwithstanding all he could say or do, the rabble endeavoured to tear my clothes from my back, and my sword from my side. Bayla to no purpose endeavoured to keep them off. They were become so outrageous, that three of them snapped their guns at me, but, from the careless manner in which they did it, I doubted their being loaded.

On entering the town, we were conducted into a hut, and a man placed at the door to keep off the crowd. By that time Mr. Partarrieau had been informed of what had taken place, and came to the hut where we were. He informed me that Isaaco had arrived only the day before, and, having informed Bayla that I was coming with an army, and left my horse in his hands, returned to Baquelle. He next told me that he had agreed with Bayla to be allowed to go to the village of Fadgar, about ten miles from Gowde Bofê, and there await the return of our messengers from Foota. The first thing however to be thought of was my own release and that of the men with me, and for that purpose Bayla accompanied Mr. Partarrieau to the camp, where it was settled that we should be permitted to go that evening or the next morning, and that all the[244] things taken from me or the men would be restored on our arrival at Fadgar.

We left our prison at seven in the morning of the 14th, as I supposed to go to our camp, but were not a little surprised at finding that it was not the intention of Bayla to permit our doing so. I demanded of him the fulfilment of his promise, but the only answer I received was an order to mount a miserable looking horse, held by one of his followers. To refuse would have been useless. Bayla was mounted on mine, and attended by about one hundred armed men. We moved towards the camp, where all were ready to move, and apparently waiting our arrival; but we were not allowed to join them. Having marched at a very smart pace until two P.M., we reached a large straggling village, which on enquiry I found to be called Samba Jamangele, and distant twelve miles west of Fadgar, the place agreed on, and whither Mr. Partarrieau was gone. This annoyed me a little, but there was now no remedy, except patiently awaiting the issue.

On our approach to the village, we were met by the women and children, who came forth in hundreds to welcome the return of their husbands, fathers, brothers, &c. Many of the young men and boys, who had never apparently seen a[245] white man before, approached me, and after examining my face with evident surprise and fear, favoured me with the epithets of ‘unbeliever’, ‘son of a hog’, ‘hater of God’, and ‘offspring of an unlawful connexion’. One old woman, apparently very short-sighted, and no doubt mistaking me for one of the people of the village, approached my horse’s side, and was in the act of giving me her hand, when she perceived mine to be white, and, shrieking, she almost fell to the ground with fright.

Bayla, who had gone to Fadgar with Mr. Partarrieau, called in the afternoon, and told me that he would call again the following morning, and allow me to return with my men to our camp. But his promises were made to be broken; I did not see him until the 16th, when he appointed a person to conduct us to Fadgar.

I left Samba Jamangele at two o’clock on the morning of the 17th of June, and arrived at the camp at half after five, which, to my astonishment, I found deserted. The tents were standing, and some weak asses, and other articles which would necessarily impede their march, were left behind.

The idea that they had gone for Baquelle, and what place they must at that hour have been near, could alone compensate for the disappointment I felt at their unexpected absence.

[246]Bayla’s men, who appeared more taken up with searching the tents, and every thing else they could lay their hands on, in hopes of finding money, as they call it, than with the departure of the mission, wished me to follow Mr. Partarrieau’s steps, which I would willingly have done could I have prevailed on even one of them to accompany me. But the hope they entertained of finding some valuables in the camp, was too sanguine to admit of their leaving it; in consequence of which I declined doing so, as I was not only ignorant of the path, but aware that the inhabitants of the first village I might come to, finding me unattended by any of Bayla’s people, would stop me, and most probably treat me worse than he had done. I therefore proposed our immediate return to Samba Jamangele, where I should endeavour so to arrange matters with Bayla, as to obtain from him permission to proceed, and guides to conduct me to Baquelle.

It was some time before I could prevail on these people to return with me, they were so absorbed in their work of plunder, but that, not turning out as well as they expected, they gave up with much apparent disappointment.

On our return to Samba Jamangele, a man was sent to acquaint Bayla with what had taken place, and to request, at my desire, that he would come without delay to arrange matters for my[247] departure and that of my men. He called on me in the evening on his return from Fadgar, whither he had gone to secure such things as were left behind by Mr. Partarrieau, and promised that he would appoint people to conduct us on the following morning to Baquelle, where he had been told, that Mr. Partarrieau with the whole party had arrived in safety.

In this, as in all other instances of promises made by this man, I was disappointed, but to which, from its almost daily occurrence, I was become nearly insensible.

I saw nothing of him until a very late hour on the night of the 20th June, when, by means of a small present of two gold rings which I had with me, and the promise of a few other things by the return of the man he should send with me to Baquelle, I induced him to name a person for that purpose, and to fix the following morning for our departure.

FOOTNOTES:

[20]For the form of agreement and amount of presents, see Appendix, Articles 6 and 7.

[21]Article 7, Appendix.

[22]Article 9, Appendix.

[23]Article 10, Appendix.

[24]Properly called Siacco.

## [248]CHAPTER XI.

Description of the Plain of Hourey — Occurrences there — Departure and Arrival at Baquelle — Unfavourable Accounts from Mr. Dochard — Kingdom of Galam.

The village of Samba Jamangele, which is of considerable extent, is one of many which compose the district of Hourey, and is, with all the others, situate in an extensive plain of that name, the view of which is finely terminated in the south and west by a range of hills covered with wood. To the north are a few isolated hills, and to the east the eye loses itself over a gently undulating surface of some miles thinly sprinkled with large trees.

The inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed 3000, are descended from the Foolahs (who some years since possessed themselves of that country) and such of the former proprietors and their vassals as embraced the Mahomedan faith. They are governed by Bayla, who is a priest and a minister of the council of Foota, which is a sort of republic, headed by an almamy, but who reigns only during the pleasure of the council, and it is not at all uncommon to see this chief changed two or three times within one year. These people have every appearance of being[249] comparatively happy. A very small share of field labour supplies them over-abundantly with rice, corn, and all the other vegetable productions of the country; vast herds of cattle afford them milk, butter, and occasionally meat, and what with their poultry and game, they are seldom without some addition to their cous-cous.

They do not cultivate as large a quantity of cotton as their Bondoo neighbours, but are well supplied with clothing both by them and the French merchants at Senegal, in their communications with whom they have invariably acted with the most base self-interestedness and duplicity, not unfrequently terminating their differences in the assassination of a master of a small vessel, or the plunder of his cargo.

Here again does the pernicious effect of the Mahomedan faith make itself evident; for those people are taught by their priests to regard the murder of an infidel, or the destruction of his property, as a meritorious act in the eyes of their prophet:—but of this in another place.

We left Samba Jamangele at two o’clock on the morning of the 21st of June, and after a most fatiguing march of eight hours we reached a small village called Bunjuncole, where we halted until half after two.

We were hospitably received by the chief of the village, whose wife, having been a concubine[250] of the late almamy of Bondoo, amongst other royal visitors, received a small present from me on our first entering that country, and in return for which she now gave us a reception that evinced a sense of gratitude, which was rendered doubly acceptable by the situation we were then placed in, and the rare occurrence of such a return for the many many presents I had made while in that country.

We reached Jouar at six in the evening, and would have proceeded that night to Baquelle, had I not been so fatigued from having walked the whole way, near fifty miles, that when I was once seated, I found it impossible to move farther. On the following morning the master of Jouar, at whose house we passed the first comfortable night since we left Boolibany, and whose mild and hospitable behaviour formed a pleasant contrast with the insolent and unfriendly treatment we had so lately and so generally experienced at the hands of Bayla and Almamy, having accommodated me with a horse for myself, and procured another for Charles Jowe, who had voluntarily remained with me ever since the unfortunate affair of the 13th, we proceeded along the banks of the river to Baquelle, where I arrived at half after nine, and was cordially welcomed by the French officers, and Mr. Partarrieau, who (not expecting that Bayla would let[251] me go so easily) were concerting measures for my release and that of the men with me, but these were now rendered unnecessary.

On the following morning I gave to the men who accompanied me as guides, half a piece of baft each, and in fulfilment of my promise, delivered to them for Bayla, a present, amounting to fifty bars or thereabouts. They were thankful for the former, and seemed surprised on receiving the latter, for they decidedly thought I should decline giving any thing, at least, so considerable as what I had done, when once removed from the power of their master.

The men since their arrival at Baquelle had been encamped on the north bank of the river, and had commenced forming huts on that side; but I found the situation so low, and liable to inundation during the rains which had then so completely set in that the river had risen some feet, that I took up another and better position on the south bank, on a rock, elevated about sixty feet above the river, and surrounded partly by the then unfinished walls of the French fort, and partly by the half demolished ones of a part of the town of Baquelle, which formerly stood there. In taking up this position I was also influenced by a report which was in circulation that Almamy Bondoo had privately assembled a large force at Conghel, for[252] the purpose of attacking our post on the opposite side of the river. In settling ourselves in our new quarters we received the most ready and cordial assistance from Messrs. Dupont and Dusault, and the gentlemen of the Senegal Company’s vessels then trading there, and which was most acceptable at that moment, as a great many of our native soldiers were affected with Guinea Worm, and the Europeans were so fatigued from the effects of the late retreat, that they were unable to do much.

Almamy, who was not yet satisfied with throwing difficulties in the way of my progress, thinking that I should without delay take the road through Kaarta, made preparations to oppose me; but here I would have put his abilities to the test, as I should have ascended the river in boats, had not the state of the season, and the losses we had experienced in our retreat from Bondoo, and particularly that from Fadgar, rendered it imprudent, nay impossible, to proceed.

The uncertainty I was in with respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings at Sego, although of a very perplexing nature, would not then have prevented my moving on towards that place, and which I would have attempted, had not the foregoing insurmountable difficulties presented themselves.

[253]The 28th of June brought letters from him bearing date 10th of May, which, however, gave no prospect of a favourable answer from the king.

He informed me that he reached Dhaba, a town of Bambarra, on the 9th of November, where Lamina left him, and went forward, accompanied by Private Wilson, to acquaint the king with his arrival, and promised to be back in ten days at farthest. It was not however until the 21st that Wilson returned. He stated that Lamina, who left him at Sego Korro, and went to see the king at Sego See Korro, despatched him to acquaint Mr. Dochard that his brother, who was the king’s treasurer and receiver of customs, having died three days after his arrival there, he could not return until his affairs should be settled. This although unpleasant news was to be borne with, for it was useless to attempt putting those people out of their usual routine of business.

In this state of anxious suspense he remained until the 12th of December, when he moved forward to Ko, a small village within a few miles of Nyamina, where he arrived on the 9th of January, 1819; and on the 11th received a message from the king to halt at Ko until he should see people from him. Those people did not, however, make their appearance until the 14th February, when Lamina, accompanied by[254] three of the king’s men, arrived, and stated that they were sent by his majesty to apologize for having detained Mr. D. so long, and to see the present he brought for him. Mr. Dochard immediately complied with their request; when each article was strictly examined, and seemed to give much satisfaction, but they said that Dha had directed them to be also submitted to the inspection of a Bushreen, who would see them on the following day.

This man made his appearance on the 15th, and having examined the present in the same way as the others had done, and expressed his approbation of the different articles, left Mr. Dochard to deliver it to the persons sent by Dha, whose orders they said it was that Mr. Dochard should go to Bamakoo, and there remain until he should decide on what answer to give in reference to the business which brought the “white people” to Bambarra.

Mr. Dochard in vain made many objections to moving so far from Sego, to which the only answer given was, that “It was the king’s orders, and must be obeyed.” They stated, however, that his reason for acting in that manner was his fear that his enemies (the Massina Foolahs) would hear of the arrival of the whites.

This said nothing: and all that could be done was to comply. Mr. Dochard, therefore, on the[255] 17th, moved towards the river, where a canoe was to be in readiness to conduct them to Bamakoo. He reached Cumeney on the south bank of the Niger (having crossed it in canoes) on the 18th February, and on the same day ascended the river, then nearly half a mile wide.

In their progress they were much impeded by the falls, which had then very little water on them; and having passed several towns on each bank, reached Kooli-Korro on the 20th, and arrived at Manaboogoo, at noon on the 21st.

The population of Kooli-Korro, which is a considerable town, is entirely composed of murderers, thieves, and runaway slaves, who live there exempt from the punishment their crimes merit in consequence of their wearing about their persons, a stone (taken from a hill in the vicinity of the town), and which, from a superstitious belief amongst the Bambarras, would immediately kill any one who should touch them; and such is the dread entertained of this place, that the very name must not be mentioned in presence of the king.

As the river was not at that season navigable any higher up, they disembarked, and marched to Bamakoo, where they were accommodated with huts.

Lamina, who with one of Dha’s men accompanied Mr. Dochard to Bamakoo, being directed[256] to acquaint his majesty with our views in entering and our wish to pass through his country, and to request that he would, as soon as possible, give his answer, returned to Sego on the 26th, promising to use his influence with the king in our favour.

It was not until the 25th of April, 1819, that the man (Dhangina) I sent with Alley Low, from Samba Contaye, in Sept. 1818, reached Bamakoo, with my letters to Mr. Dochard, who up to that period had not received any decisive answer from Sego, although he had repeatedly sent messengers requesting to be made acquainted with the cause of the delay, which he was led to understand arose from the unsettled state of the war with the Massina Foolahs.

That was saying nothing to our purpose: but as patience and perseverance offered us the only chance of success, both Mr. Dochard and myself were determined to make every sacrifice to the attainment of the object the British government had in view.

In this state of anxious suspense did things remain with me at Baquelle, whence I despatched Dhangina a second time with letters and supplies to Mr. Dochard. The effects of our late retreat began to make themselves evident in the health of the party; many of the Europeans (one of whom was killed by lightning on the 20th of June) were dangerously ill with[257] fever and dysentery, and more than half the native soldiers, as I have already observed, were partially crippled by the Guinea-worm, which had visited Mr. Partarrieau so severely, that he was confined to his bed for some weeks.

The chiefs of Foota having been made acquainted with the manner in which we had been treated by Bayla (who had neither consulted with them on that occasion, nor divided with them what he had received and plundered from us), and supposing that such was the cause of our not pursuing the road through their country to the coast, and consequently of their not receiving large presents, &c., were actuated by a feeling of jealousy, which led them to request we would give to their messengers (who arrived at Baquelle on the 8th of July) a detailed account of his conduct towards us, and the losses we had sustained in consequence, all which, they promised, should be laid before the tribunals of the country, and judged impartially.

Although I felt convinced that these chiefs were only acting from an impulse of self-interest, which they knew would, in some degree, be gratified by the presents, which their apparent efforts to render me satisfaction for the injuries received at the hands of one of them, would draw from me, I nevertheless thought it a fit opportunity of putting their justice to[258] the test, and (if decided in our favour) of proving to the people of that part of the country, that although we had been treated ill by Almamy Bondoo and this chief, their conduct had been contrary to their own laws, and as such disgraceful only to themselves. I was in hopes also that a favourable decision in this case would lead to an investigation of Almamy Bondoo’s treatment of us, and induce him, if he had any honor left, to evince it in making restitution for the losses we sustained in his country.

I therefore delivered to the messengers a letter to those chiefs, in which I gave the information they required, and requested their immediate decision, and having made them a small present each, and appointed Charles Joe to accompany them, they left us on the 19th of July.

The month of August passed over without any remarkable occurrence, save the death of one of the European civilians (Hudson), who died of fever on the 14th.

On the 12th of September, I paid a visit to the Tonca of Tuabo (the capital of Lower Galam), and made him a small present. The river was then so swollen that its banks were no longer capable of containing its waters, which had completely overflowed all the low grounds in its vicinity, and destroyed a large proportion of the corn that was just then coming into ear.[259] Many of the towns had suffered much in their walls and houses, which being wholly composed of clay, when once wet tumbled to the ground. The view of Tuabo at that moment was peculiarly striking: it had all the appearance of a floating town, rendered the more picturesque by being beautifully shaded with dates, tamarind, and other large trees. The inhabitants were in the utmost consternation lest it should rise higher, in which case they would have been obliged to leave the town.

It is impossible to convey an accurate idea of the grandeur of the scene. The Senegal, which is there nearly half a mile wide, and then higher than remembered by the oldest inhabitant of the country, was hurrying along at the rate of four miles an hour, covered with small floating islands and trees, on both which were seen standing large aigretts, whose glaring white feathers, rendered doubly so by a brilliant sun, formed a pleasing contrast with the green reeds around them, or the brown trunks of trees whereon they stood.

The mountains on either side of the river, to whose bases the inundation reached, (forming an extensive sheet of water, on the surface of which appeared the tops of trees nearly covered,) were clothed with the most luxuriant verdure, and,[260] although not very high, added much to the richness of the scene.

On the evening of the 7th of October, Charles Joe returned from Foota, bringing with him the animals, and some of the articles belonging to the mission, which had been left at Fadgar, and gave the following account of his embassy.

On his arrival at Chuloigne, the capital of Foota, he was obliged to wait until the election of an Almamy took place. This delayed him six weeks; when Thieno Biram, a known friend to Europeans, was chosen, and a general assembly of the chiefs then present called, before whom the affair was brought, and, after much discussion, given against Bayla, who was declared to have committed a crime worthy death, but which, in this instance, should be mitigated into banishment from the country. Bayla endeavoured to excuse himself, by saying, that he was instigated to treat us as he had done by Almamy Bondoo; whose letters to that effect he was going to produce, when he was told by Almamy Foota, that, as he was not a subject of Bondoo, nor amenable, in any way, to the laws of that country, he was unwarranted in carrying into effect the orders of its chief, who should have been ashamed of his conduct towards us.

It was also decreed by the assembly, that every[261] thing which had either been given to Bayla as presents, or lost in the country from his misconduct, should be restored or paid for, and that all those who assisted him should receive one hundred lashes, or pay the ransom.

Such things as Bayla had then with him—namely, my horse, sword, and a gun he had received as a present—were delivered to Charles Joe, who, without delay, proceeded on his return, accompanied by Almamy’s brother and son, who received orders to restore every thing they could find belonging to the expedition, and to escort Charles Joe to Baquelle. All this they did, and brought with them the articles mentioned[25]; but, as many others were still missing, I lost no time in furnishing Almamy’s brother with a list of them, and having made him and those with him presents, despatched them. They promised to use their utmost endeavours to find those things, but I never saw them again, which arose, I believe, in a great measure, from Almamy Biram having been soon deposed.

The latter end of November approached without any intelligence from Mr. Dochard, or the arrival of the fleet (from Senegal), from which I was in hopes of being able to procure a supply of the merchandise I stood in need of, to enable[262] me to move forward. To remedy the former, at least as much as lay in my power, I despatched another messenger to Sego on the 9th of December; but to procure the necessary supplies without the arrival of vessels from the coast was impossible: I was therefore obliged to wait until all things should combine to render my moving likely to be productive of any benefit.

In addition to the deaths already mentioned since our arrival at Baquelle, we had to deplore the loss of two of the most useful, and hitherto most healthy Europeans of the mission; the one a sergeant (Duffy), and the other a private (Dodds), of the royal African corps. Nearly all had suffered more or less from the effects of the rains which ceased about the latter end of October, leaving behind them, however, swamps and stagnant pools, not less deleterious in their effects on the constitution than the former, and certainly more immediately unpleasant, by the effluvia arising from such putrid reservoirs of the vegetable matter, which in that country so profusely abounds in all low situations.

Our animals too, particularly those not bred in the country, died rapidly. We had lost since our arrival three camels, six horses, and eight asses.

We found much difficulty in procuring an adequate supply of provisions during the rains,[263] in consequence of the war between Senegal and Foota and of some misunderstanding between Almamy Bondoo and the officer commanding at Baquelle; and, to add to this difficulty, the Tonca of Tuabo, at the instigation of Almamy Bondoo, put a stop to the supplies from some of his towns, and seized a boat which had been employed purchasing corn from the people of the towns on the river side. As a pretext for such conduct he said that “the whites, his tributaries,” had not made him sufficiently frequent and handsome presents, or, in other words, had not fully satisfied his avarice.

This man who was very old and much debilitated in mental as well as bodily faculties, was controlled in all his actions by a relation of his own, who was one of those that first caused dissentions in the country, and sanctioned Almamy’s views on it; which, in this instance, he was most effectually forwarding, by partly cutting off our supplies. In fact every means were resorted to by Almamy and his associates to oppose not only our further progress, but the French works at Baquelle, where he was aware the existence of such an establishment would materially weaken his authority, and eventually place that country in its former respectability. He had another reason for not favouring a permanent factory (at least on the[264] principles of that carrying on there) in Galam, namely, the facility it would afford his enemies, the Kaartans, and the inhabitants of the upper state, of procuring supplies of arms and ammunition: in fact, had he been able to do as he wished, not an article of European merchandize would have passed Bondoo, nor an article of the production of any of his neighbours have found its way to a European market.

The kingdom of Galam[26] extends from within a few miles of the cataract of Feloo in the east (where it is bounded by Kasson), about forty miles west of the Fa-lemme to the N. Geercer creek, which divides it from Foota; on the south it is bounded by Bondoo; and is at present composed of a string of towns on the south or left bank of the Senegal. It formerly extended several miles in the direction of Bondoo, Foota, and Bambouk, but has of late years diminished to its present insignificant state, in consequence of dissentions amongst the different branches of the royal family, and the encroachments of their enemies. It is divided into upper and lower; the river Fa-lemmê[27] is the line of separation. The upper is governed by the Tonca of Maghana; and the lower by the Tonca of Tuabo; those towns being the capitals to their respective divisions,[265] and neither acknowledging the supremacy of the other, although formerly, and of right, it belonged to the former, near which are the ruins of Fort St. Joseph. The succession to the crown is not hereditary; it descends in a regular line to the eldest branch of a numerous family called Batcheries, who are the undisputed chiefs of the country.

The face of the country is very mountainous, and much covered with wood, a large proportion of which is well adapted to common uses. Its vegetable productions are the same as those of Bondoo, from which country it differs in nothing save its proximity to the river, and its partial inundation during the season of the rains.

The commerce, like that of Bondoo, consists in the exchange of the productions of the country for European goods. Those are again exchanged with their neighbours of Kaarta, Kasson, and Bambouk, for gold, ivory, and slaves, who are in their turn sold to the French vessels from Senegal.

Their manufactures, although nearly the same as those of their neighbours, have the advantage of them in some respects, particularly that of weaving and dyeing the cotton; and whether it be that the humidity of the soil on the banks of the river is more congenial to the growth of the[266] cotton and indigo, or that the manufacturers are more expert, I cannot say; but certain it is, that they can dye a much finer blue than I have before seen in Africa. The process is precisely the same as that mentioned by Mr. Park to be followed by the inhabitants of Iindey near the Gambia.

Their dress and manner of living is also nearly the same as those of the people of Bondoo. The former is made rather larger in the same shape, and the latter is more frequently seasoned with fish, in which the river abounds. They are proverbially fond of animal food, which, although arrived at a higher degree of keeping than would please the palates of our most decided epicures, would not be rejected by them. I have seen a dead hippopotamus floating down the river, and poisoning the air with its putrid vapours, drawn to shore by them, and such was their love of meat, that they nearly came to blows about its division.

From a state of Paganism these people are progressively embracing the Mahometan faith; but many still despise its tenets, disregard its ceremonies, and indulge freely in the use of strong liquors. Some towns are wholly inhabited by priests, who are by far the most wealthy and respectable members of the community.[267] There is a mosque in every town, and the times of worship are strictly attended to by the priests and their converts.

From the long existence of a state of commercial intercourse (which has been but partially interrupted by Foota) between these people and the inhabitants of Senegal, arises a degree of respect which is invariably paid by them to all Europeans who visit their country; and although the exorbitant demands of the chiefs for presents (now called customs) sometimes cause altercations and temporary quarrels between them, they must nevertheless be considered as more friendly to Europeans than any other of the surrounding tribes. Whether this proceeds (as some pretend to think) from their being more in the power of the vessels which come up to trade at their towns (all which are situate on the river side, and exposed to much damage from the smallest piece of cannon, in case of misconduct), or from a mild and peaceable disposition, I will not venture to decide positively; but I think I should not labour under a very great error, in saying that the many advantages they derive yearly from such an intercourse (and of which they acknowledge themselves sensible), leads them, like the mass of mankind, to consult their own interest; and to forward which they must in some cases submit to the desires (at all times[268] not very honourable) of those who trade with them. They profess an attachment to and claim relationship with the inhabitants of Senegal, and if hospitality can in any degree prove the sincerity of the former, it must be allowed they have such attachment, as the house of a Serrawolli, and every thing it contains, is at all times at the service of the poorest inhabitant of that place.

Their local situation and the advantages they derive from it, render them enemies to the people of Bondoo, who have nothing to do with the river except through the medium of their country; hence, the great exertions of the late Almamy Amady to subjugate the nation, and which he may be said to have in some degree accomplished; for he, by one means or other, gained such authority amongst them, that of late years the vessels trading in the river were obliged to pay him a large present before they could pass Yafrey[28]. He also succeeded in sowing the seeds of discord between the chiefs of the upper and lower States, the latter of whom he contrived to attach to his own cause, or at least so much so that when Almamy attacked the former, the latter, although closely related, afforded them no assistance. Since the death of Almamy and the arrival of the French to settle at Galam, they appear to[269] be progressively approaching to their former respectability.

The population of Galam has increased considerably within the last two years, in consequence of many of the inhabitants of the Gedumagh towns on the north bank of the river having settled there, being obliged to quit their own country by the Kaartans, to whom they were tributary, but whose exorbitant demands they had for some years declined complying with, thereby bringing on themselves either slavery or the absolute necessity of quitting their homes.

Great numbers of dates are grown in all the towns, which are beautifully shaded with large trees of the fig and other kinds, and being well walled, have a more respectable appearance than might be expected from people whose means are so limited.

Their amusements, animals, household furniture, and musical instruments are the same as those of Bondoo; but the people themselves are neither so lively in their manners, nor so apparently active in their occupations as those of that country. A Serrawolli is seldom seen to run; a grave and sober deportment, and an apparent indifference to all matters characterize those people. In stature they are large, and in make[270] more robust, yet less elegant, than the Foolahs. Their colour is a jetty black, which they are at much pains to preserve (particularly in the dry season) by using a profusion of rancid butter. The women are, if possible, more fond of gaudy articles of dress than their neighbours, and will make any sacrifice at the shrine of finery.

FOOTNOTES:

[25]Article 11. Appendix.

[26]Called Kajaaga by the natives.

[27]Signifying “small river.”

[28]A large town ten miles west of the Fa-lemmê.

## [271]CHAPTER XII.

Report of Mr. Dochard’s Arrival in Kaarta — My Departure for St. Joseph, and Meeting with Mr. D. — Return to Baquelle — Messenger sent to Sego — Arrival of Fleet from St. Louis — Mr. D.’s Return to the Coast, and my final Determination — Visit to St. Joseph — Conduct of Almamy Bondoo — Return from St. Joseph — State of Affairs at Baquelle — Departure from thence — Delay at St. Joseph — Assembly of Chiefs, &c. &c.

On the 30th of June I was informed by a Serrawolli merchant, who came direct from Dhyage, the capital of Kaarta, that Mr. Dochard had arrived at that place from Sego: but as I had found those people so little worthy of credit on most occasions, I doubted the correctness of his statement, particularly as he said he had seen Mr. Dochard, but brought no letter from him, although he was aware he should see me sooner than Mr. Dochard could himself. An opportunity offering, however, for my going to Fort St. Joseph, by a boat, on board which one of the French officers was proceeding to that place, I took advantage of it, in order to ascertain beyond a doubt whether Mr. Dochard had arrived, and if so to request Samba Congole to despatch a messenger without delay, to render him any assistance he might require.

[272]I left Baquelle on the evening of the 6th of June, and arrived at Fort St. Joseph at seven the following evening, when I was agreeably surprised on finding that Mr. Dochard had reached there on the 4th, but in so bad a state of health from a violent and protracted attack of dysentery, that he could scarcely rise from the mat on which he was lying to give me his hand, and which I apprehended he could not long live to do. Although there was no occurrence, next to that of being able to prosecute my journey, which I sighed for more ardently or impatiently than the return of my friend and companion, I was but half gratified by finding him so ill. He was dreadfully emaciated, but in good spirits, and expressed a conviction that a little rest, and the satisfaction he felt at meeting us all in comparatively good health, would soon restore him.

My impatience to become acquainted with the result of his embassy was so great that he observed it, and immediately imparted to me the unpleasant intelligence that the only answer he could obtain was, “that until the war terminated Dha could not allow us to pass.” So that after waiting nearly two years for what this king’s messenger informed us would be granted the moment we arrived in the country, we were now told if we wished to await the issue of a war (and in which the Bambarras were by no means successful), we should obtain it. It now[273] then remained for us to decide what steps we should take, under all the circumstances of our case, as most likely to afford prospects of success: but before coming to any determination, it was necessary to wait the arrival of the vessels from Senegal to obtain the supplies we so much wanted.

The first object, however, was to remove Mr. Dochard to Baquelle, for which purpose Lieutenant Dusault (although not ready to return himself) politely lent his boat.

On our arrival on board His Most Christian Majesty’s brig, the officer commanding (Lieutenant Dupont, to whom, as well as to his companion, I shall ever feel indebted for their attention to myself on all occasions) added another link to the chain of obligations by which I was already bound to them, in offering Mr. Dochard accommodation on board his brig, where Lieutenant Dupont politely said, no exertions of his to alleviate Mr. Dochard’s present sufferings, and, if possible, erase the remembrance of the past, should be wanting. This offer, like all others from those gallant officers, was made with such really cordial warmth of heart, and such an evident wish on the part of Lieutenant Dupont to minister personally to my friend’s wants, that, although it was taking from myself the pleasure I had anticipated, I complied; and having supplied him as well as my poor wardrobe would allow with clean linen,[274] left him to take that repose of which he was so much in need.

As Mr. Dochard had left Bambarra without Dha’s permission, and had left behind him three of his men who had been at Sego for some time previous to his leaving Bamakoo, I feared that Dha might suppose I had abandoned the hope of prosecuting my journey, and although he had not as yet sanctioned our passing, I was in hopes that the cause assigned for not doing so (namely, the war with the Massina Foolahs) might soon be removed by its termination, and afford us the long wished-for opportunity of following up the object we had in view. In order therefore to assure Dha that, although Mr. Dochard had left his country without his knowledge, we had not relinquished our proceedings there, I despatched one of my own men, a native of N’Yamina, with a letter to him and his ministers, accompanied with small presents, requesting them to take especial care of the men left at Sego by Mr. Dochard, and to send me, with as little delay as possible, a decisive answer: my man accompanied a native merchant, named Usufe (a cousin of Isaaco), who was going on a trading voyage to Sego, and to whom I promised five pieces of baft, in case he should render my messenger such assistance as he might require. They left Baquelle on the 3rd of August.

[275]Mr. Dochard continued extremely low, and what with the effects of the complaint he had been so long labouring under, and frequent attacks of fever since his return, he was reduced to that state from which I much doubted the possibility of a recovery. He did not, however, entertain the same apprehensions, and this alone enabled him to support his complicated sufferings, much aggravated by the state of the season, which was very wet and sultry.

On the 28th of August, a steam-boat arrived from St. Louis, having a few days before parted from the fleet, which experienced much difficulty and opposition in passing the Foota-Toro country, where the inhabitants (who were armed with muskets, and had formed intrenchments on the river side for the purpose,) attacked the vessels, on board which several men were killed and wounded, and one of the Galam Company’s sloops sunk in consequence of the confusion. It was not, however, until the 21st of September that the fleet made its appearance, when having fruitlessly endeavoured to procure the supplies wanted, I saw the utter impossibility of proceeding with the whole expedition, and therefore came to the determination of sending to the coast Mr. Dochard, Mr. Partarrieau, and all the men, except fifteen, with whom I decided on making another attempt to proceed.[276] Mr. Dochard wished much (notwithstanding his enfeebled state of health) to accompany me, but I could not in justice to him, to my own feelings, or indeed to the service in which I was so warmly engaged, comply with his request. I was thus reduced to the very last effort; and however reluctantly I parted with those officers and men who had been my companions in privations, difficulties, and anxiety since 1818, I felt a satisfaction in saying to them that the circumstances I was then placed in could alone induce me to dispense with the services which on all occasions, and in the most trying cases, they had rendered with so much cheerfulness and patience. When selecting from the party such men as I conceived best adapted to the peculiarity of the service we were about to enter on, nearly every man volunteered to accompany me to the very last moment; but my means were then reduced to so limited a compass, and the necessity of proceeding with a small party in such circumstances so decidedly imperious, that I could not accept of their further services, and therefore chose fifteen, among whom was my sergeant-major (Lee), a man, who to the strictest sentiments of honor added those of cool determined bravery and a strong impulse to render every possible assistance in bringing our service to a favourable termination. All the others were men of colour, either soldiers of the African corps or inhabitants[277] of Senegal; of the latter was Charles Joe, a mulatto of respectable connexions, and a man who had in many instances evinced much devotion to the interests of the expedition, and firm attachment to my person. Many of his friends then at Baquelle used all their influence and persuasion to induce him to leave me. He told them, however, that he had given his word never to desert the cause, and he would not break it.

Having made all the preparations necessary for the departure of those officers and men, they embarked on the 29th of September on board the fleet returning to St. Louis, the commandant of which, Mr. Le Blanc, received at his table Mr. Dochard. The vessels did not sail until the 30th: I accompanied them to Tuabo. On taking leave of my companions my feelings were such as I am unable to describe. I leave those who have themselves parted from friends whom they had every probability of never seeing more, to judge what mine must have been; suffice it to say, that my spirits for the remainder of that day were at their lowest ebb.

From that unpleasant state of mind I was awakened by the reflection that the step I had taken was the only one which offered any prospect of success. I took advantage of a boat going to Fort St. Joseph on the 5th of October, for the purpose of soliciting the interest of Samba Congole with Modiba King of Kaarta,[278] for my passage through that country. Contrary winds and strong currents prevented my arriving there before the 8th, when having made known to Samba the object of my visit, and made him a small present, he assured me that I might depend on his forwarding my views in every way he could; he also agreed to send a party of horse to escort me from Baquelle, which place I purposed leaving in November. On my return to Baquelle, I found the French commandant, Mr. Hesse, in dispute with the Tonca of Tuabo, who having made some demands for customs, with which the former did not think right to comply, declared hostilities. Angry words and threats on both sides, however, were alone resorted to, and continued to the 18th, during which time I was busily employed in making preparations for our march. These being completed, on the 31st of October I despatched a messenger to demand the promised escort from Samba, whose brother arrived at Baquelle on the 6th of November, accompanied by four horsemen and ten foot. He informed me that having some business of his brother’s to transact at Tuabo, he could not be ready to return before three or four days.

Almamy Bondoo, who by some means got information of my intended movement, and supposing that we should proceed by water to Fort St. Joseph, posted a strong party at Yafrey to[279] oppose our passage; thus proving that he had all along been determined to prevent our proceeding eastward. He was, however, misinformed, for although I intended (and did take advantage of a boat going to that place) to send all my baggage thither, I had determined on proceeding with the men and animals by a path on the north side of the river, where we should not meet any of the people of Bondoo, and few, if any, of any other tribes, as all the towns on that side had been either destroyed by the Kaartans, or deserted by their inhabitants. Almamy’s arrival with his army at Baquelle, prevented Dhyabê[29] from returning as soon as he otherwise would have done: I was therefore compelled to wait for him until the 16th, having sent off my baggage on the 9th.

We left Baquelle on the morning of the 17th, and travelled ESE. until six P.M. when we halted for the night, all much fatigued, at a pool of muddy water in the woods. The country over which we travelled was low and flat, much covered with wood, and bore the marks of the late inundation. We met several herds of wild hogs and antelopes, and saw the recent footmarks of the elephant and hippopotamus in the vicinity of the small creeks we crossed. The following morning we moved forward in the[280] same direction until we came to the river, along the north bank of which we continued our march through deserted and ruined towns until three P.M., when we reached Goosela, a small walled town of Gidumagh, at which we halted for the night.

Goosela is one of a few Gidumagh towns which remain on the north bank of the Senegal, tributary to the Kaartans and Moors, and which makes itself very evident in the miserably wretched and poverty struck appearance of the inhabitants, whose numbers do not exceed one hundred and fifty. It is situate on an elevated spot about 500 yards from the river.

A march of two hours along the banks of the river brought us opposite Fort St. Joseph, on the morning of the 19th, at eight o’clock, when canoes having been provided by Samba Congole, we crossed without delay, and found our baggage safely deposited in a square mud building in his yard, where I was myself accommodated with quarters.

My first object was to despatch a messenger to Modiba, requesting that one of his confidential servants might be sent without delay to conduct us into that country. One of Samba’s brothers was selected for that service, and proceeded on the 1st of December with directions from Samba to make as little delay as possible.

[281]Fotigue, the man whom I sent, in company with Isaacco’s brother, to Sego in August, arrived at Fort St. Joseph on the 3rd of December without having been able to proceed farther than Dhyage, in consequence of the inundated state of the country between Galam and Kasson. They lost every thing they had, in crossing one of the innumerable torrents which intersect that country during the rains, and where he, as well as his companions, must have perished had it not been for the timely and providential assistance rendered them by a canoe belonging to Safêrê, a prince of Kasson, which accidentally passed by the tree where they had been perched for two days without food or the prospect of release. He stated having seen a Moor at Dhyage who came from Sego, and informed him that at the time of his departure the men left there by Mr. Dochard were on the point of being despatched, in company with one of Dha’s people named Sitafa, to meet me.

The 1st of January 1821, now arrived, but without the appearance of the messenger: I was informed, however, by some native merchants who arrived from Kaarta, that he was on the point of leaving it.

On the 11th I witnessed at Dramanet an assembly of the chiefs of Upper Galam, on the occasion of nominating a new Tonca, and to regulate[282] some matters relative to the then state of that country. I accompanied Samba Congole, who was attended by his brothers and the chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo.

On our arrival at the Bentang or assembly-tree, near which is situate the mosque, by far the most respectable edifice I have seen in the interior, we were presented with mats, on which we took our seats among a large crowd of spectators and chiefs, who were, like ourselves, all seated.

W. Gray del.

MOSQUE & PLACE OF ASSEMBLY,

at Dramanet Galam.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

The Tonca, whose arrival all appeared anxiously awaiting, soon approached the place, preceded by a number of drums and singers, making a horrible noise. His majesty was on horseback, dressed in yellow, with a large gold ring in each ear, and followed by about one hundred men armed with muskets. When he dismounted a mat was spread for his accommodation near the trunk of the tree, and the place sprinkled with water from an earthern jar by an old woman; this was intended to sanctify (or in other words to drive away any evil spirits from) the place. This ceremony, which was performed with much apparent awe and profound silence, being finished, and the Tonca being seated, the proceedings commenced by a griot or bard proclaiming in a loud voice the object of their meeting, and desiring that all those who had any[283] thing to say on the subject, should do so. Each chief then paid his respects to the Tonca, by calling aloud his surname (Batchirie) and wishing him a long and prosperous reign. The chief of Dramanet, who is a priest and styled Almamy, spoke much. He said that, during the late wars with Bondoo, many of the chiefs present had either abandoned their towns to the enemy and taken refuge in those on the west side of the Faleme, there remaining inactive spectators of their country’s fall, or openly assisted in its destruction, which their base conduct had so nearly completed that it became absolutely necessary they should adopt some decisive measure for its defence. He called on them to take example by the hitherto unsubdued resistance made by Samba Congole and the chiefs of Maghana and Magha-doo-goo, who preferred risking their own lives and the liberty of their families to a galling and disgraceful subjection to their enemies: that the time was now arrived when an understanding must be established between them; and he advised them strongly to return to their duty, rebuild their towns, and support with him and his colleagues a war which threatened their very existence. Tonca and Samba spoke in their turn to nearly the same purpose. The end of each sentence spoken by the former was followed by two or three strokes on a[284] drum, and every word the latter said was received with applause. All was carried on in a manner that would not reflect disgrace on the most enlightened senate. One person only presumed to speak at a time, and that in a low voice, and the person speaking never received any interruption before he announced his having finished, which, as well as all that each had said, was repeated in a loud and distinct voice by the respective bards, or griots of the chiefs.

I witnessed a similar assembly at Bondoo, but it was by no means conducted with similar regularity, or respect to good order. The assembly sat three hours, and was dismissed by the Tonca informing the chiefs that having heard all that was advanced on either side, it remained for those to whom the proposal of acting in unison with the others for their country’s good was made, to decide whether they would do so or abide the consequences, which he hinted might not be very pleasant, as the king of Kaarta had made known his determination, “God willing”, to visit their country in the course of that year.

I was much astonished at the shrewd remarks, specious motives, and expressive language used by some of the chiefs present. Almaney Dramanêt, a man advanced in years, possessing considerable influence in the country, and, as he said, “only answerable to God and[285] his country for his actions”, used every argument, and brought forward every instance of the noble conduct of their ancestors, to induce such as had deserted the cause, to re-embrace it with hand and heart. He expatiated at much length on the disgrace in the eyes of the world, and the sin in the eyes of God, upon the line of conduct they had adopted towards their country and their relatives would inevitably draw down on them; and as an excitement to a return to their duty, he painted in very pleasing colours, the happy and respectable state of that country whose chiefs and inhabitants, having successfully used their joint endeavours to defend it from the encroachments of an inveterate enemy, enjoyed the fruits of their labours, with the satisfaction of a good conscience, and the comforts of a social and quiet life.

I could quote numerous other similar arguments made use of by many of them, but as I suppose the object that I had in view in doing so at all is gained by what I have just stated, I shall not weary my reader with unnecessary matter, and shall therefore merely say that these people are far from being that savage unsophisticated race of mortals, which they are by many supposed to be; and, in my humble opinion, want but long and uninterrupted intercourse with enlightened nations, and the introduction of the Christian[286] religion, to place them on a level with their more wealthy northern fellow-creatures.

Samba’s messenger did not return from Kaarta until the 26th of January, at so late an hour that, although my anxiety to be made acquainted with the result of his embassy was great indeed, I was obliged to exert my patience until the following morning, when Samba came with him to my hut, and informed me that, after waiting several days for an answer from Modiba, he at length received one to the following effect, that a guide should be appointed immediately to conduct me to Kaarta, and that every assistance and protection I might require should be afforded me as far as Modiba’s arm (influence) extended. This was (as far as words went) good; but the guide had not arrived, and although the messenger was told he should join him before he passed the frontier (where he waited two days for him), he did not make his appearance. The messenger, however, said that I might expect to see him in a few days. Patience again: for without it nothing was to be done. On this occasion however (at least with regard to his coming) it was not much tried, for he arrived on the 28th instant, after telling me that Modiba had sent him to conduct me to Kaarta, where I should be received and treated as the friend of Samba. He said that in consequence of the wilderness through[287] which our path lay being infested at that time by several bands of robbers from Kasson under Hawah Demba, he could not undertake to lead me into it, before he could (by returning to Kaarta) bring a force to escort me. This was a disappointment indeed. I urged him to banish his fears on my account; and told him that although I well knew such robbers were on the road, and actually murdered and robbed several people, I was nevertheless ready and anxious to proceed, as I felt satisfied that no party of those people, were they even three times our number, would dare to attack us. Remonstrance was vain. I was obliged to submit to farther delay, which both Samba and the Guide (Bokari) promised should not be longer than twelve days.

This unexpected procrastination was almost insupportable. I saw my means fast diminishing, the fine weather as rapidly passing away, and no more prospect of sincerity on the part of Modiba than I had experienced from Almamy. The hope, however, that I might be deceived in my opinion, and that the promised day would bring back Bokari with an escort, rendered it passingly tolerable to one who, from constant disappointment, had, in some measure, become insensible to the anxiety incident to such a state; but to add to my annoyance on that head, I[288] could not get Bokari to move before the 4th of February, in consequence of one of two Moors who had gone in search of game for Samba, having been murdered by the party under Hawah Demba on the 25th of January.

However, in order that no business of mine should delay me a moment after the return of Bokari, I made the presents to Samba and the chiefs of that part of Galam, which their attention to me and their intercession with Modiba in my behalf deservedly merited.

From the 10th of February, the day on which Bokari promised I should see him, to the 13th of March was spent by me in endeavours to induce a travelling merchant then at Fort St. Joseph, and about to proceed to Kaarta with a large caravan, to allow me to accompany him, to no effect. He said, he dare not bring a white man into that country without Modiba’s permission. This, however, was not his motive for refusing; he thought, and justly enough, that, after my arrival in that country, European goods, of which his venture chiefly consisted, would fall in value, from the quantity I must unavoidably give in presents and the purchase of provisions.

On that day Samba, who had been absent from his town since the preceding night, came[289] to tell me, that the Kaartans had gone into Bondoo on a plundering excursion that morning, and would no doubt be at Fort St. Joseph some hour during the night, when, after a little rest, they were (in compliance with directions from Modiba) to escort me to Kaarta. This was what I wanted; but it was matter of much regret to me, that they should have taken advantage of the opportunity which coming for me afforded them, of disturbing the people of Bondoo, and of committing acts of rapine and cruelty, to which civilised nations are, thank God, strangers. About eight, P.M. they began to make their appearance in parties of from ten to twelve horsemen, and continued doing so until midnight.

On the morning of the 14th of March, I hastened to an interview with Samba, and the Kaartan chief whose name was Garran, a nephew of Modiba and son of Sirabo, a former king of that country. After the usual complimentary salutations, he told me by means of my interpreter that at my own desire his father (for so he called Modiba) had sent him with a detachment to escort me to his country, where I should meet with kind and friendly treatment during my stay, and receive the assistance I required in prosecuting my journey as far, at least, as Modiba’s power reached. On my asking him to name an early day for our departure,[290] he said that he had some business to transact with the chiefs of Upper Galam, but that if once settled, he would not give me farther delay. He made much inquiry respecting my transactions with Almamy Bondoo, and said that his conduct to me was of a piece with all his former acts. He expressed his regret that I had not demanded assistance from Modiba when I found it was Almamy’s intention to deceive me, and was much surprised when I told him that, although I was very badly treated by the princes and chiefs of Bondoo, I did not consider myself authorized, much less feel inclined, to bring war into their country. As only a part of the Kaartan force was bivouacked near our huts, I went to the adjoining towns for the purpose of ascertaining their numbers, which I found to amount to about one thousand, all horse. They had made one hundred and seven prisoners, chiefly women and children, and had taken about two hundred and forty head of cattle. Many of these unfortunate beings were known to me. The men were tied in pairs by the necks, their hands secured behind their backs; the women by the necks only, but their hands were not left free from any sense of feeling for them, but in order to enable them to balance the immense loads of pangs, corn or rice, which they were forced to carry on their heads, and[291] the children (who were unable to walk or sit on horseback behind their captors) on their backs.

The chiefs of the adjacent towns were summoned to attend an assembly on the 16th of March, when it was matter of discussion whether another attack should not be made on Bondoo before the departure of the Kaartans. It was, however, decided (much to my satisfaction) that nothing more should be done in that way, and the 18th of March was fixed for our departure. Having taken leave of Samba, and returned him thanks for his kindness in obtaining from Modiba the assistance I required, I lay down at a late hour on the night of the 17th of March, to take a little rest; but my impatience to see that day break, which was about to give me the opportunity of another attempt towards accomplishing the object of the expedition, prevented my doing so: I therefore employed the time in packing up some dry provisions for our use until we could reach Kaarta. At day-light we commenced passing the animals and baggage to the north bank of the river, where, with the assistance of a canoe, all was safely landed soon after eight o’clock.

The animals were immediately loaded, and we moved forward to the ESE., along the bank of the river through corn-grounds, until a quarter[292] after eleven, when we reached Maghem-Yaghere, a small and miserably poor walled town, inhabited by a few Gidumaghs, who prefer leading a most precarious and slave-like life under the Moorish and Kaartan despots, to abandoning their native soil. We halted at a short distance east of the town, in order to await the arrival of the army, and to adjust some loads which from the asses’ lying down under them had been disarranged.

I had an opportunity of witnessing during this short march the new-made slaves, and the sufferings to which they are subjected in their first state of bondage. They were hurried along (tied as I before stated) at a pace little short of running, to enable them to keep up with the horsemen, who drove them on as Smithfield drovers do fatigued bullocks. Many of the women were old, and by no means able to endure such treatment. One in particular would not have failed to excite the tenderest feelings of compassion in the breast of any, save a savage African; she was at least sixty years old, in the most miserable state of emaciation and debility, nearly doubled together, and with difficulty dragging her tottering limbs along; to crown the heart-rending picture, she was naked, save from her waist to about half way to the knees. All this did not prevent her inhuman[293] captors from making her carry a heavy load of water, while, with a rope about her neck, he drove her before his horse, and, whenever she shewed the least inclination to stop, he beat her in the most unmerciful manner with a stick. Had any of those gentlemen (if any there be) who are either advocates for a revival of that horrid and unnatural traffic in human flesh, or so careless about the emancipation of this long degraded and suffering people as to support their cause (if they do it at all) with little ardour, been witness to the cruelties practised on this and similar occasions (to say nothing of their sufferings in the middle passage), they would soon change their minds, and be roused to make use of all their best exertions, both at home and abroad, to abolish in toto the slave trade, which, although it has received a mortal blow from the praiseworthy and truly indefatigable exertions of Africa’s numerous and philanthropic friends in England, must exist as long as any of the states of Europe give it their support.

I endeavoured to purchase from Garran the freedom of the poor old woman, but although I told him to fix his own price, I could not induce him to comply. He told me that nothing could be disposed of before the king had seen all that was taken. I, to no purpose, represented[294] to him the more than probability of this poor creature’s falling a victim to the hardships she must necessarily undergo before she could reach Kaarta. Those savages only ridiculed my compassion, and asked me if I was gratified in seeing the people of Bondoo thus punished. My reply in the negative only excited their laughter, and drew a remark from Garran, “That people so sensible to the sufferings of their enemies could not be good warriors.” Alas! what an error, and what consequent scenes of distress and misery!!

We left Maghem-Yaghere at six on the morning of the 10th, passed a small village called Gakoro, close to the river, at half after six, and arrived at the ruins of N-gany-n-gorē at noon. This had been a considerable town, and was destroyed about two years before by the very people who were now escorting us. Having halted during the heat of the day under some large shady trees, that had formerly afforded a cool and pleasing retreat from the scorching rays of the sun to the inhabitants of the town, and now to us, and the destroyers of their peace, we moved forward at half after four in the afternoon, and continued to do so until eight, when we halted for the night at the ruins of another Gidumagh town, called Soman Keeté. The first part of this day’s march lay through corn[295] grounds, and open wood, close to the river side, for about thirteen miles, ESE. In the latter part of it we were much impeded by the steep and rocky state of the dry beds of several torrents, which in the rainy season convey the waters collected by the mountains in the NE. to the Senegal, which at Soman Keeté runs for some hundred yards over a shelving bed of solid rock, and on which there was at that season, only eighteen inches water. On the south bank immediately opposite, stands Dhyagh-an-dappé, a large town of Galam.

There being no water at the next halting-place, we filled all our soofras, and at one, P.M. on the 20th, entered the wilderness, through which we travelled without any path until nine, having passed the dry beds of several streams, and three extraordinary piles of rocks. They were each nearly one hundred feet high, and composed of enormous round masses of stone (granite, I believe) heaped together in the form of an irregular cone. They are situated in an immense plain thinly covered with wood, and are at a very considerable distance from any mountains or other eminences.

The sufferings of the poor slaves during a march of nearly eight hours, partly under an excessively hot sun and east wind, heavily laden with water, of which they were allowed[296] to drink but very sparingly, and travelling barefoot on a hard and broken soil, covered with long dried reeds and thorny underwood, may be more easily conceived than described. One young woman who had (for the first time) become a mother two days only before she was taken, and whose child, being thought by her captor too young to be worth saving, was thrown by the monster into its burning hut, from which the flames had just obliged the mother to retreat, suffered so much from the swollen state of her bosom, that her moans might frequently be heard at the distance of some hundred yards, when refusing to go on she implored her fiend-like captor to put an end to her existence; but that would have been too great a sacrifice to humanity, and a few blows with a leathern horse fetter, soon made the wretched creature move again. A man also lay down, and neither blows, entreaties, nor threats of death could induce him to move. He was thrown across a horse, his face down, and with his hands and feet tied together under the animal’s chest, was carried along for some distance. This position, however, soon caused difficulty of breathing, and almost suffocation, which would certainly soon have ended his miserable existence had they not placed him in a more easy posture, by allowing him to ride[297] sitting upright; but he was so exhausted that to keep him on the horse, it was necessary to have him supported by a man on each side. Never did I witness (nor indeed did I think it possible that a human being could endure) such tortures as were inflicted on this man. When he first refused to go on, they had recourse to a mode of compulsion which I have been told is common on those occasions, but of too disgusting a nature to be described. I did not see the old woman, nor could I ascertain, what had become of her.

We moved forward at three o’clock on the morning of the 21st, and travelled east, through woods until half after seven, when we reached the foot of a high range of rocky mountains, running north and south, said by the Kaartans to be a continuance of those which break the course of the Senegal at Feloo, forming the falls of that name. Their western sides are steep, much broken, and very difficult of access; and their tops where we crossed them, a flat table land thinly covered with stunted wood, and in many places forming a surface of solid flat rock, bearing a brown metallic polish, so smooth that the animals were constantly slipping. The descent on the eastern side was scarcely perceptible, and as we advanced, the soil began to bear a more fertile, and less rocky appearance. At half[298] after ten we reached Conian-gee, or the water of Conian, where a town formerly stood, but of which no vestige remained. It belonged to Kasson, and was destroyed by the Kaartans. The place appeared to be the resort of numerous herds of elephants and other wild animals, drawn there in search of water, in which, though muddy and of a bad taste, the place abounded. Some of our asses that had fallen and thrown their loads, in scrambling up those mountains fell to the rear, and were, with the men attending them, attacked by so dense a swarm of bees, that the former ran into the woods throwing their loads, and the latter were obliged to seek safety in flight. It was not without much labour and loss of time that the loads were brought up, or the asses found.

Having made a scanty meal with some of our dried provisions, and filled our soofras with putrid water, we moved forward to the ENE., at five P.M., and, travelling through close woods until eight, arrived at a place called Mama Niarra, where, to our no small mortification, the supply of muddy water we expected to meet was dried into mud itself. To increase the unpleasantness of our situation, some of the Kaartans who had gone on before set fire to the grass, which, being to windward of us, made rapid progress towards the spot where we had halted.[299] It providentially did not reach us, and we had only to complain of a restless night, and much anxiety, to say nothing of our labour in clearing the ground around our bivouac.

Four o’clock on the morning of the 22d again found us moving to ENE. At seven we passed the Kolle-m-bimee, or black creek, nearly dry and running south; it joins the Senegal a little above Feloo. Our path then changed to due east, and over a swampy soil through an immense forest of lofty ron-trees[30], which continued all the way to Kirrijou, the first town of Kasson, where we arrived at half after ten.

Garran here left us, and gave us into the care of Bojar (Modiba’s eldest son), at whose town his father wished us to remain during our halt in that country, and whither I should have proceeded the following morning, but the men and animals were so much fatigued, that I found it necessary to give them a day’s rest.

Kirrijou is beautifully situated on an eminence overlooking an extensive plain bounded by forests of ron-trees, and covered with the most luxuriant verdure nearly all the year round, except when inundated, which is the case yearly for four months, from July to October. Large quantities of corn, rice, ground-nuts[300] and onions are grown there, and the people are well and abundantly supplied with milk and butter from large herds of horned cattle and sheep. The only disadvantage the place labours under is the bad quality of the water, which they obtain from wells about four feet deep, on the borders of a narrow stagnant lake.

The chief (Saféré) who with his followers and slaves composed a part of the Kaartan forces, received us kindly, provided us with huts, and furnished us with an excellent supper of rice and mutton, the first good one we had made since leaving Galam.

I paid him a complimentary visit at his palace, where I found him seated in an open court surrounding his own hut, but separated from the others, composing the palace, by a clay wall eight feet high. He was attended by a few of his domestic slaves and favourites. He accommodated me with a seat on his own mat, and asked many questions about the country of the white people, as they call us, our mode of warfare, government, laws, and revenue, and appeared much astonished at some of my answers, particularly when I said that we fought on firm ground and on horseback, and which he acknowledged he could scarcely credit, as it was his belief in common with all the natives of the interior, that we live exclusively on the sea in ships,[301] where we subsist entirely upon fish, to which they attribute the whiteness of our skins. He pressed me much to spend a few days with him, and, as an inducement, said he would make his wives and daughters exert their musical and dancing abilities to amuse me, but my time was too precious to be spent in amusements.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.

(Large-size)

Having made Saféré a small present in acknowledgement of his attention to our wants, we left Kirrijou at four o’clock on the morning of the 24th of March, and travelled north, through corn-grounds, until half after five, on the road leading to Jaffnoo, when we turned off to the right, and continued marching due east through a wood without any path until two P.M., at which hour we reached Moonia, the residence of Bojar, and the place named by Modiba for our halt. The animals were all very much fatigued, particularly the camels, owing to the excessive heat of the day and the roughness of the latter part of our path, which lay over hilly and broken ground covered with sharp loose stones; in fact, ten hours’ march is too much for either man or animals in that country, particularly during the heat of the day.

Bojar who accompanied us from Kirrijou, furnished[302] us, on our arrival, with an excellent dinner of cous cous, milk, and honey, and abundance of fine water, such as we had not tasted since we left the Senegal. Huts were provided for our use until (as Bojar said) some could be erected for us at a short distance from the town. As this indicated our being likely to make a long halt at Moonia, I made known to Bojar my displeasure at the very idea of our being detained there long enough to admit of their completion, and was told by him that two or three days were sufficient for that purpose.

Anxious that a moment should not be lost in making known to Modiba my desire of proceeding to Sego without delay, I wished to despatch Giboodoo to Dhyage the day after our arrival, with presents to him and his head men, but his Majesty’s drinking day being Monday, when no business is ever transacted, I was obliged to wait for Tuesday. Bojar who, like his father, always made a sacrifice of one or more days in each week to the ruby-lipped god, came to see me, bringing with him a large calabash of a sort of beer, made by themselves from fermented corn, but which is by no means palatable, being more insipid than the worst table-beer made in England, but from no bitter being[303] used it immediately sours and becomes intoxicating, which effect it soon had on Bojar and all his followers. They were, however, very good humoured, and so great was the prince’s wish to make me comfortable and feel at home (as he said) that he sent for one of his sisters and presented her to me as a companion to cheer my idle hours, and teach me to speak Bambarran. My want of gallantry upon this occasion was remarked by all present, and I was asked if I had a wife in my own country, or if I did not think the one presented to me handsome enough for my acceptance. An effort to extricate myself from a repetition of such favours, and at the same time to avoid insulting her sable Highness, obliged me to say that I was married, and dare not infringe the laws of my country, which punished with death any man who took unto himself more than one wife. This answer excited more than common remarks on the part of the prince, who said he had been told that white women were so completely mistresses of the men, that the whole care and labour of supporting our families depended on the latter, who dare not even speak to any woman save their wives. Another question of his, namely, should he come to England, would the king give him one of his daughters to wife? drew from me an answer, of[304] which I much doubted the truth, but which, in this instance, I must be excused for not adhering to, as it would not have been proper to hurt the pride of a man who appeared to possess not a small share of it, at least, in his own way, and who thought he was conferring a high favour on the lady, let her be who she may, who might be solicited to partake of his royal protection. After many such questions and answers (by which time Bojar was so satiated with his African beverage that he could not rise from the ground without assistance), he took his leave, and, wishing me a good night, staggered home in company with attendants who were equally overcharged.

Giboodoo, accompanied by Bokari, departed for Dhyage on the morning of the 27th, and took with him a handsome plated tureen, as an introductory present to his Majesty, to whom I sent my compliments, and requested that he would name an early day for my departure, and send people forthwith to receive a present I had brought him. They returned at a very late hour on the night of the 28th, and were accompanied by Modiba’s head maraboo, and one of his chief slaves. I did not see them, before the morning of the 29th, when they informed me that Modiba was much[305] pleased with the present I had sent him, and had despatched them to see the other things I intended giving him, and to assure me that I should meet with no delay whatever from him.

I laid out for their inspection the things stated in the Appendix, and having made them a small present each, desired them, in laying those things before the king, to say, that my only wish was to be provided with a guide to Bangassi, in Foolidoo, and to be allowed to depart immediately. As I was aware of the influence some of the head slaves and two or three of Modiba’s wives had over him, I sent a present by Giboodoo to four of the former and three of the latter, requesting them to impress on their royal master’s mind the necessity of letting me proceed on my journey without delay, and promising them a farther reward, in case they obtained for me what I wanted. They returned on the 1st of April, to say that Modiba was much pleased with the present, to which he requested I would add some silver, amber, and beads; but, in consequence of the road to Foolidoo being said to be then infested by Moorish banditti, he had despatched some horsemen to ascertain the fact, and as soon as they returned, which would be in two or three days, he would allow me to proceed, if not by that road, by[306] one whereon, although there existed a scarcity of water, we should not have any thing to fear from robbers. This answer was perplexing in the extreme, and, from what had already happened in Bondoo, I began to doubt the sincerity of this chief; but still in order that obstacles should not arise on my part, I sent him the articles he requested, and desired Giboodoo to say that if he would only send a party of twenty horsemen with me to Bangassi, I would run all risks of robbers or other impediments, and make a farther addition to his present by the return of those people. As nothing, however, was to be done without securing the interest of the head slaves, I sent them an additional present each, in hopes of stirring them up to exertions in my favour. Giboodoo took those presents to Dhyage on the 3d of April, and returned on the 4th with answer, that his Majesty was satisfied with my conduct towards him, and would immediately settle my business to my satisfaction. With people whose time is not very precious, immediately often means weeks or more; and as I could ill brook such delay, at least in perspective, I despatched Giboodoo to remain at the king’s elbow until he would give a decisive answer one way or other.

In the mean time, I made presents, large and small, to a host of royal personages, amongst[307] whom were two of Modiba’s nephews, men possessing considerable influence with him, and to whose care I was particularly recommended by Samba Congole. One of them named Ely, or Ali, assured me (if such assurance valued any thing) that he would make Modiba do all I wanted; but these fine promises were made only to induce me to make more presents. Isaaco also paid me a visit, and wished much to be employed, but he was in too little repute, not to say worse, with both Modiba and Dha, to admit of my having any thing to do with him; the former having taken, but a few days before, nearly all his goods and slaves from him, and the latter was so much displeased at his leaving Sego without his permission, that Isaaco dare not return there. His object in wishing to have a hand in (or, as he thought, the management of) my affairs, was to replenish his own empty purse, and, by having a voice in my business before Modiba, once more ingratiate himself into his good graces. That I was not more faithfully served by those already employed than I should be by him, I was satisfied: but one, and one only, advantage did Giboodoo possess over him, namely, that of his being (through his brother Samba) on the best terms with Modiba, with whom I found it impossible to communicate in any other way than through this man,[308] who, for all I either knew or could ascertain, appropriated a part of the presents sent by him to his own use: but, remedy I had none. Modiba would neither see me, nor any of my men, in consequence of his being led to believe, by the Mahomedan priests about him, that should he ever look on a white man he must die. I in vain offered to send two of my black men: it would not do; the superstition of those people made them all white, although not in outward appearance, at least in inward disposition.

Precluded as I thus was from a possibility of ascertaining what might be the conduct of Giboodoo at the Kaartan court, I took advantage of the only resource left me, namely, that of appearing to place the utmost confidence in him, and to hold out to him the prospect of a large reward, should he obtain from Modiba the desired escort and permission to proceed. He returned from Dhyage on the 7th, saying, that the king promised to settle my business without delay, for which purpose his head maraboo would come to me the following day: he did not, however, make his appearance until the 10th, when, judge my surprise at being told that Modiba was not yet satisfied with what I had given him.

In this state of continued procrastination from[309] day to day, under some pretence or other, was I delayed till the 14th, when Giboodoo, whom I had sent to the capital with a farther addition to the present, returned to say that the king had at length consented to my proceeding, and would send, in a few days, some people belonging to Bangassi to accompany me to that place, but complained of my not having sent him the parting present. This I immediately complied with, adding a few small articles for the head slaves.

For some days previous to that date, great preparations were making for the departure of an expedition into some of the neighbouring states. Bojar and his brothers had proceeded to the capital at the head of their several divisions, and nothing was to be seen but armed parties hastening from all quarters to the general rendezvous. Ali (the prince before mentioned as a friend of Samba’s), on passing through Monia, at the head of his division, which consisted of about six hundred horse and one thousand foot, all armed with muskets, called at my hut to return thanks for the present I had given him; and to say, that on his arrival at Dhyage, he would strongly urge Modiba to terminate my business favourably, which, he assured me, was all along his intention, although he had been advised[310] to the contrary. I replied, that such might have been the case, but I doubted it; and therefore desired Ali to tell his uncle, that I relied with confidence on his fulfilling the promise made me by Garran, in his name, when he first saw me at Galam, and which alone could have induced me to come into his country.

Giboodoo returned from the capital on the 18th, and said that the Bangassi people were to leave it the following day, and that Modiba had appointed Bokari to accompany me as far as Badoogoo. This was all I wanted; and although I had been much longer detained than I could have wished, I nevertheless forgot all my disappointments in the prospect of once more moving eastward.

The Bangassi people did not arrive until the 20th. They were introduced to me by the maraboo, who said that Modiba, in handing me over to those people, desired him to state, that his reason for having detained me so long originated in nothing but a wish to send me forward in safety, and which the preparations he had been making for the war, prevented his doing sooner, and begged me to believe that his most sincere good wishes followed me.

It was my intention to have proceeded on the 21st, but that being on a Saturday, which as well[311] as Sunday is looked on by the Kaartans as an unlucky day to commence a journey eastward, I could not prevail on either the Bangassi people or the guide to move until Monday, when we left Moonia and travelled ESE. over a well cultivated and thickly inhabited country for three hours, which brought us to the foot of a rocky precipice, extending as far as the eye could reach in a north-east and south-west direction. The path by which we ascended it, was narrow and steep, and so much intercepted with huge fragments of broken rocks that we found it necessary to unload the asses before they could pass. The summit presented an extensive plain sloping gently to the east and south-east, bounded in all directions by high distant hills, and thinly covered with stunted under-wood. The path which led to the SSE. lay over a barren soil composed, for the most part, of a slate-like stone, in diagonal strata, resembling in point of colour the slates of North Wales. The sun having set we were soon enveloped in darkness. We however continued marching, or rather groping our way, in the same direction until nine o’clock, when we reached a small walled town under some lofty hills, round the base of which the path turned to the SSW., and soon brought us to Sanjarra, where we halted for the night with the intention of moving forward[312] the next evening, but were prevented from doing so, in consequence of the guides having reported the distance to the next town as being too great, and the path which led over the mountains too difficult to admit of our reaching it that night; and as, from the want of water on the mountains, it would be dangerous to halt there during the heat of the day, we decided on leaving Sanjarra at two o’clock the next afternoon, by which means we should be enabled to pass all the difficult places before dark; and having filled our soofras, halt until the moon should rise the following morning. More difficulties, however, were at hand: for on the 25th, we had but just commenced loading the animals, when Garran came to tell me that a messenger had arrived from Dhyage with orders from Modiba, that I should halt at Sanjarra until I again heard from him. My surprise and disappointment at this unexpected arrest, were greater than I had before experienced; for I really thought all was arranged to the king’s satisfaction, and I was so convinced that a short time would enable me to feast my eyes with a view of the Niger, that I had entirely given away to the pleasing delusion, the removal of which completely electrified me; but, as I must have submitted, I did so with an apparent good grace.

[313]The messenger could (or most probably would) not give me any information on the cause of such treatment; and as it was uncertain when Modiba might again condescend to favour me with farther communication on the subject, I despatched Giboodoo (who accompanied me to Sanjarra) to ascertain, if possible, what could give rise to such repeated hindrances, and to inform his Majesty that after what his maraboo had told me at Moonia I was the more surprised and displeased at the present detention.

He returned the following evening (the 26th), and reported having found much difficulty in obtaining an interview with Modiba, who accused him, in common with me, of having deceived him by not giving him his share of an ass-load of silver, which, he said, he had been assured by good authority I had with me; and until I would do so, I must remain where I was; desiring me to consider his having given me permission to proceed as a very great obligation, for in doing so he was giving assistance to his enemies, the people of Bambarra (Sego), who (although he had acted otherwise) would most probably treat me as they had Mr. Dochard.

This was an obstacle to be surmounted which was utterly out of my power, at least to the extent[314] Modiba demanded: a few dollars[31] were all the silver I had; but to convince him that was difficult in the extreme, if not impossible.—I however delivered to Giboodoo some other articles, which (if not what he demanded) would at least convince him that as far as my means went I was willing to please him, and directed Giboodoo to say, that the ass-load supposed by the informant to be silver, from its great weight and small size, was our ammunition, and which I would readily submit to the inspection of any person he pleased. He did not return before the 29th at night, when, instead of bringing any satisfactory answer, he said that it was useless for me to think of proceeding farther, as Modiba, although he did not positively say I should not go on, expressed his opinion that my doing so could not be attended with any good, and therefore strongly advised my return, but directed Giboodoo to ascertain my decision and return immediately to acquaint him therewith. I began to suspect that this man was deceiving me, and therefore sent with him on this occasion two of my own coloured men, who spoke and understood the Bambarra language, to be present at any interview he might have with either Modiba or[315] the chief slaves, for whom I again sent small presents. The 2d of April brought them back with as little prospect of success as before: they did not even see Modiba, but were told by one of the head slaves that he was very much displeased with Giboodoo for bringing white men to his town. In vain did they shew their colour, and state that they were natives of the interior of Africa, the one a Joloff and the other a Jallonkey: they were told Modiba would not see either them or Giboodoo, and would send his maraboo, who would make known to me his will and pleasure.

This man arrived on the 3d, and informed me that the king consented to my going forward, but could not protect me any further than his own frontier, from whence I was to consider myself under the care and guidance of the Bangassi prince. I complained of this breach of the promise made me at Moonia, to which the maraboo only answered by telling me his only business was to repeat to me Modiba’s orders. The Bangassi prince was present and requested that, as he had not any of his own men with him, orders might be given to Bokari to collect fifteen or twenty at the frontier and with them escort us to Bangassi: to this the maraboo consented, and having received a small present for himself[316] and one for his master, departed, assuring me that I should not meet with any more opposition in Kaarta—but of this I had my doubts.

We moved forward at half after three on the evening of the 4th to the ENE., along the foot of the mountains which enclose the valley of Sanjarra on the south and east, and at half after five entered a gully or ravine formed by those mountains: this led us to the SSE. along the then dry bed of a considerable torrent for an hour, when we arrived at the junction of two mountains, where an extremely steep and rugged path was to be ascended, and which we with much difficulty and fatigue effected within an hour: it was without exception the most difficult path I had ever travelled. The mountains, notwithstanding their apparent sterility, are covered with shrubs, and in some places present the most wildly grotesque appearance: strata of a kind of slate, shew themselves in the ravine, the bottom of which is covered with large stones, which from their circular form appear to have been rolled along by the force of the torrents. We had scarcely reached the summit when it became dark, and bore every appearance of approaching rain, which obliged us to halt for the night in the woods.

We were on foot at four o’clock on the morning[317] of the 5th, and marched to the ESE. over a rocky and broken path in a valley, along which we continued moving until nine o’clock, when the path changed to the SE. and in half an hour brought us to a small walled town, Gunning-gedy, inhabited by Serrawoollis. We had some rain in the morning, and the weather bore much the appearance of an early wet season.

The chief of the town accommodated us with huts, in return for which I made him a small present, and at six o’clock on the morning of the 6th of May resumed our route to the ESE., and passing the dry beds of several streams travelled over a well cultivated country until ten, when we reached, and halted during the heat of the day, at Asamangatary, a large walled town, beautifully situated in an extensive plain, thinly covered with baobabs, tamarinds, and fig-trees. The walls of the town were much higher, stronger, and better constructed than I had before seen in Africa. About half a mile from it to the south stands a large Foolah village, in the rear of which are seen the tops of some lofty hills from whence the plain takes its name. This plain is famous for its earthenware, which is manufactured by the women, and for the large quantities of rice and onions raised there yearly, for both of which, the soil, a dark brown mould, is well calculated.[318] Here begins Kaarta, properly so called. All that part already mentioned as such formerly belonged to Kasso, and was conquered and taken possession of only a few years since by Modiba, who has subjugated not only that country but a great part of Gidumagh and Jaffnoo. We left Asamangatary at four P.M. and following the same course as in the morning, until half after six, reached Somantāré, another walled town, formerly the residence of Garran, and now belonging to his cousin. It was my intention to move on early the following morning, but Bokari requested me to wait until the afternoon, in order to give him an opportunity of sacrificing to the remains of his father who was burnt there. I would have positively refused to comply with the request had the fellow not made it with tears in his eyes. I found out, however, that he had only adopted this line of conduct to delay me until the arrival of Bojar and a part of the army, which took place about two o’clock on the afternoon of the 1st, on their return from Fooledoo, where they had been sent at the request of Kanjia, chief of Bangassi, to destroy the towns of his brother, with whom he was at enmity, and which they did so effectually, that eight out of nine were burnt, and their inhabitants either murdered or made slaves; four hundred of the unfortunate beings[319] passed through with Bojar’s division, and I was informed that three times that number had been taken to the capital by the other divisions of the army. I now found, to my deep regret, that my fears were but too justly founded, for Bojar had no sooner arrived than he sent for me and told me I could not proceed any further, as they had destroyed all the towns between the frontier and Bangassi, and had rendered it impossible not only for me, but for any force, to reach that place.

I must here acknowledge my patience almost forsook me. I told Bojar that his father had deceived me, and had brought me into his country with fair promises, which it was now evident he never had any intention of performing, or he would have allowed me to proceed, on my first coming to Moonia. Bojar then said that words were of no avail; his father had directed him, on meeting me, to bring me back with him, in complying with which I should save myself much trouble. The guide and the Bangassi princes were both present, and had been with Bojar some time previous to my being sent for. The former, when I called upon him to fulfil the orders of the Maraboo, with respect to the escort from the frontier towns, said, that his master, pointing to Bojar, had just told me what remained for me[320] to do, and which took out of his power the possibility of remaining with me any longer. The Bangassi prince, who was as anxious as myself to proceed, in vain applied to Bojar for an escort, and at length told me, he was sorry he was so situated, and that he could neither afford me any assistance, nor even command the possibility of his own return to that home which he had but a short time before left as the ambassador of its chief, who was his own brother.

Here, then, vanished all hopes of being able to pass Kaarta, and with them that of being able to accomplish my mission, which had for three years occupied every thought, and drawn forth every exertion, of which either myself, or those with me were capable.

Although this act of treachery on the part of Modiba was in itself more than sufficient to make us relinquish every attempt to proceed further, and the difficulties, dangers, and privations incident to such a service in the interior of that country of such a nature that I must allow them, as they appear on the face of those sheets, to speak for themselves, we would nevertheless have cheerfully gone on had not an obstacle so decidedly insurmountable presented itself in the orders of Modiba to his son, to bring us back by force. But before I decided on returning,[321] I again waited on Bojar, and hinting my disbelief of his father having again broken his promise, said I would remain at Somantarê, and send one of my men to Dhyajê, to receive the king’s final orders, and requested Bojar to accommodate us with huts in the town until the return of my messenger, when, should Modiba only say he could not protect me farther than Kaarta, and not forcibly prevent my proceeding, I would go alone, at my own risk.

Bojar here got into a furious rage, asked me if I did not consider him as Modiba’s son, or if I supposed he had less authority in Kaarta than his father; and said, that although I appeared to doubt his having received orders to stop me, he would prove to me that neither fear of me, nor expectation from me, could induce him to lie; and therefore informed me, that he could not admit of my remaining at Somantarê after himself; nor allow me to send one of my men to Dhyaje, where, he added, some of them had been too often already. What he meant by the last phrase I could not imagine, nor would he condescend to explain. I was therefore, however reluctantly, obliged to submit, and turn my back on the East, and the objects of my mission in that quarter, in the anxious, though unsuccessful pursuit of which I had spent so much time,[322] and to its interests so exclusively devoted my attention.

Were I to hazard an opinion, as to the causes of such deceitful conduct on the part of Modiba, I fear I should be liable to error, in as much as that I could not support any of my ideas on the subject by proof positive. Therefore I leave my readers to draw such conclusions as the circumstances related will enable them.

FOOTNOTES:

[29]Samba’s brother.

[30]Of the palm kind.

[31]Seventy.

## [323]CHAPTER XIII.

Retreat from Kaarta. — Difficulties and Annoyances there. — Arrival at Fort St. Joseph. — Delay and Occurrences at Baquelle. — Return to the Coast. — Arrival at Sierra Leone. — Visit to the captured Negro Establishments.

We commenced our retreat at half after five, on the morning of the 8th of May, and at eleven reached Guninghedy, where we halted during the heat of the day. We were accompanied by Bojar and his division, with their prisoners, whose sufferings presented scenes of distress which I am incapable of painting in their true colours. The women and children (all nearly naked and carrying heavy loads) were tied together by the necks, and hurried along over a rough stony path that cut their feet in a dreadful manner. There were a great number of children, who, from their tender years, were unable to walk, and were carried, some on the prisoners’ backs, and others on horseback behind their captors, who, to prevent them falling off, tied them to the back part of the saddle with a rope made from the bark of the baobab, which was so hard and rough that it cut the back and sides of the poor little innocent[324] babes so as to draw the blood. This however, was only a secondary state of the sufferings endured by those children, when compared to the dreadfully blistered and chafed state of their seats, from constant jolting on the bare back of the horse, seldom going slower than a trot or smart amble, and not unfrequently driven at full speed for a few yards, and pulled up short. On these occasions it was to me a matter of astonishment how the child could support the strokes it must have received from the back of the saddle, which, from its form, came in contact with the child’s stomach.

We reached Sanjarra the following morning at half after nine, and in the afternoon was joined by Giboodoo, who had been at Dhyaje; he told me that Modiba desired him to say he was sorry the present state of the country would not admit[325] of my passing Kaarta, but was glad I had returned with Bojar, thereby preventing the necessity he should otherwise have been under of sending a detachment after me, for the purpose of bringing me back. I was also met at Sanjarra by a messenger from Ali, to say, that having heard something at Dhyaje, with respect to Modiba’s intentions towards me, he advised my moving without delay to his town, where I might remain in safety until the king should send people to re-conduct me to Galam. I did not believe this; supposing that his object was, in thus apparently protecting me, to lay me under obligations, from which I should be obliged to release myself by means of presents. I nevertheless followed his advice, because my most direct path led there, and I was not altogether so satisfied with Bojar’s treatment while at his town, to induce me to return.

Giboodoo returned to Dhyaje on the 11th, for the purpose of paying a parting visit to his majesty. He promised to be back on the 14th, till which day I consented to wait at Sanjarra for him[32]; but as he did not keep his time, I removed to Missira on the 15th, where I was received by Ali. Giboodoo did not join me until the 17th, when, having informed me that Modiba could not send people to escort us to Galam before[326] the ensuing week, I again despatched him to tell the king that unless they joined me before the 23d, I should move on before them to the frontier.

On the 20th, the maraboo, accompanied by Bokari, one of the head slaves, and some of their followers, came to Missira, by Modiba’s orders, to take us to Moonia, and whither, in case I refused to proceed with them, they had orders to force me. Here then was what I had long expected, namely, to be plundered of every thing, and which I told them they could do at Missira, and not harass me as well as my men by travelling all over the country.

The maraboo, as on a former occasion, said he was nothing more than the bearer of Modiba’s orders, which he should carry into execution. Remonstrance was vain, and refusal would have been equally so (if not worse), as I plainly saw those people were prepared to act forcibly. Giboodoo arrived in the afternoon, and was accompanied by two more of the head slaves, sent by their master on the same errand as the former. I had however rendered their interference unnecessary, having consented to proceed to Moonia, with the almost certainty of being plundered, and, under such a conviction, I laid out a part of the few articles the rapacity of the Kaartans had spared me, in redeeming from slavery two women of Bondoo, who had been taken in the[327] affair which took place before I left Galam. In taking this step I had two motives; first, that of placing out of Modiba’s reach a portion at least of my merchandize, which alone excited his avarice; secondly, I had in view, by sending those women (who were related to Almamy Bondoo) to their friends in that country, to convince that chief that our intentions towards them were good indeed; and however I might feel on the subject of the treatment I met with at his hands, I was, nevertheless, deeply impressed with sentiments of compassion for those of his people who had fallen victims to Kaartan power. One of Ali’s sons was their possessor, and from him I had much trouble in obtaining their freedom, which was the more difficult and expensive, from its having been his intention to add them to the list of his concubines, whose number already amounted to twelve.

Polygamy is carried to a frightful extent in Kaarta. Many private individuals have ten wives, and as many concubines; the princes, for the most part, not less than thirty of each, and Modiba himself is said to have one hundred wives and two hundred concubines; and I verily believe that one-third of the free inhabitants of Kaarta are of the blood royal.

We left Missira at six on the morning of the 22d, and reached Moonia at ten, but had scarcely[328] unloaded the asses, when Bojar sent to inform me that his father insisted on my paying the customary duty on the merchandize I had brought into the country, in the same proportion as paid by the native merchants, and desired to have my immediate answer, which I gave, by saying, that I now plainly perceived what their object was in bringing me back to Moonia; and that as I would not willingly give any thing more to them, in the way of either customs or presents, and was not able to prevent them from taking what they wished, they might do so when they pleased. In about half an hour they came to our huts, and having examined all our baggage minutely, appeared much disappointed and surprised in not finding a large quantity of silver, amber, and coral, and a great number of fine guns, all which they said Modiba had been told I had in abundance. Their disappointment was so great that they walked off to the town without taking a single article. The maraboo was much confused, and said, he could not help acknowledging that I had been badly treated, but that I should not blame Modiba, as he had been misinformed, both with respect to the object of my visit to Sego, and the extent and nature of my baggage: the latter, although reduced to that state which surprised Modiba’s messengers so much, was still of value enough in their eyes to[329] induce their return at eight o’clock P.M.; when they again demanded the customs, and on my refusing to give them with free will, they helped themselves to the articles stated in the Appendix, Article 19.

On the following morning I despatched Giboodoo to inform Modiba of the proceedings of his messengers, and to request that, if it was really his intention to send people to escort us to Galam, he would do so immediately.

From the 23d of May until the 8th of June was spent by us in a state of suspense, which nothing but the hope we hourly entertained of seeing Giboodoo return from Dhyage, and with him the promised escort, could have rendered at all supportable. Every day was marked by some act of plunder by the slaves of Bojar, and haughty insult by himself, but we were incapable of resistance, and, however galling to our feelings, patient submission was our only line of conduct, to which we more strictly adhered in consequence of an intimation from Giboodoo, that any other would have drawn down upon us the most hostile treatment.

He arrived from Dhyage on the 8th, at night, without any escort, but obtained permission for us to proceed to Galam, where we arrived on the 18th. We were accompanied by some Serrawoollie merchants, conducting to Baquelle a[330] large coffle of slaves, each of whom had to deplore being torn from some near and dear object of their affections, and from their nakedness, want of proper nourishment, and being exposed to almost constant rain for two days and nights, they presented a group of beings reduced to the very lowest ebb of human suffering.

I lost no time in repairing to Baquelle for the purpose of effecting my speedy return from that place over land to the Gambia, but found that such a step was rendered totally impossible by the state of war and confusion in which all the surrounding countries were then involved, both among themselves, and with the French at all their settlements on the Senegal. They had a few days previous to my leaving Kaarta totally destroyed the town of Baquelle in revenge for the assassination of one of their officers, and were concerting measures in conjunction with Bondoo for an attack on Tuabo[33]. I was therefore[331] necessitated to wait for the arrival of the fleet from Saint Louis, the return of which would afford me the most expeditious and safe means of reaching the coast. This however did not take place before the 24th of September, when, having been accommodated with a passage for my men and self on board one of the French steam ships, we left Baquelle and descended the river which was then very much swollen. We arrived at St. Louis on the 8th of October, and were hospitably received by the French Governor, Captain Le Coupe, who politely offered me every assistance I might require.

Here I waited a fortnight, in hopes of meeting a vessel going to the Gambia or Sierra Leone, but none offering, I proceeded by land to Goree, where I arrived on the 3d of November, and met with a vessel ready to sail for the Bathurst Gambia. The rapid improvement that had taken place since I left it in 1818, struck me with pleasing astonishment, and as a description of the island may not be uninteresting to some, I will endeavour to give it as correctly as the time I spent there enables me to do; but I am aware that it possesses many advantages beyond those which came under my observation. See Article First, Appendix.

I returned to Sierra Leone on board his Majesty’s[332] ship Pheasant, Captain Kelly, whose politeness and attention to myself and men I shall never forget.

His Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy, who had just arrived from England, was then about visiting some of the liberated negro establishments in the country towns, accompanied by all the civil and military staff of the colony. I felt too much concern in the welfare of those truly interesting objects not to make one of the party, and therefore had an opportunity of witnessing the wonderful improvements that had taken place in every town since I had before seen them, indeed some having all the appearance and regularity of the neatest village in England, with church, school, and commodious residences for the missionaries and teachers, had not in 1817 been more than thought of. Descending some of the hills, I was surprised on perceiving neat and well laid out villages in places where, but four years before, nothing was to be seen except almost impenetrable thickets, but arriving in those villages the beauty and interesting nature of such objects was much enhanced by the clean, orderly, and respectable appearance of the cottages and their inhabitants, particularly the young people and children, who, at all the towns, assembled to welcome with repeated cheers the return of their Governor and daddy (father),[333] as they invariably stiled His Excellency, who expressed himself highly pleased at their improvement during his absence, in which short period large pieces of ground had been cleared and cultivated in the vicinity of all the towns, and every production of the climate raised in sufficient abundance to supply the inhabitants, and furnish the market at Free-town.

His Excellency visited the schools at the different towns, and witnessed the improvement which all the students had made, but particularly those of the high-school at Regent-town, whose progress in arithmetic, geography, and history, evinced a capacity far superior to that which is in general attributed to the Negro, and proves that they may be rendered useful members of society, particularly so in exploring the interior of the country, having previously received the education calculated to that peculiar service.

From the change which has taken place in those villages since I saw them in 1817, I am satisfied, that a little time is alone necessary to enable the colony of Sierra Leone to vie with many of the West India islands, in all the productions of tropical climates, but particularly in the article of coffee, which has been already raised there, and proved by its being in demand in the[334] English market to be of as good (if not superior) quality to that imported from our other colonies. That the soil on the mountains is well adapted to the growth of that valuable berry has been too well proved by the flourishing state of some of the plantations in the immediate vicinity of Free-town to need any comment of mine. Arrow-root has also been cultivated with advantage on some of the farms belonging to private individuals, and there can be no doubt of the capability of the soil to produce the sugar-cane, as some is already grown there, but whether it is of as good a description as that of the West Indies I cannot pretend to say, as the experiment had never been tried at Sierra Leone, at least to my knowledge. The cultivation of all these with the cotton, indigo, and ginger, could here be carried on under advantages which our West India islands do not enjoy, namely, the labour of free people, who would relieve the Mother Country from the apprehensions which are at present entertained for the safety of property in some of those islands, by revolt and insurrection amongst the slaves, and from the deplorable consequences of such a state of civil confusion; those people would, by receiving the benefits arising from their industry, be excited to exertions that must prove beneficial to all concerned[335] in the trade, and conducive to the prosperity of the colony itself.

The capital of the peninsula (Free-town) is of considerable extent, and is beautifully situate, on an inclined plane, at the foot of some hills on which stand the fort and other public buildings that overlook it, and the roads, from whence there is a delightful prospect of the town rising in the form of an amphitheatre from the water’s edge, above which it is elevated about seventy feet. It is regularly laid out into fine wide streets, intersected by others parallel with the river, and at right angles. The houses, which a few years since were for the most part built of timber, many of them of the worst description, and thatched with leaves or grass, are now replaced by commodious and substantial stone buildings, that both contribute to the health and comfort of the inhabitants, and add to the beauty of the place, which is rendered peculiarly picturesque by the numbers of cocoa-nut, orange, lime, and banana trees, which are scattered over the whole town, and afford, in addition to the pine-apple and gouava that grow wild in the woods, an abundant supply of fruit. The Madeira and Teneriffe vines flourish uncommonly well in the gardens of some private[336] individuals, and give in the season a large crop of grapes.

Nearly all our garden vegetables are raised there, and what with yams, cassada, and pompions, there is seldom any want of one or other of those agreeable and almost necessary requisites for the table. There are good meat, poultry, and fish markets, and almost every article in the house-keeping line can be procured at the shops of the British merchants.

FOOTNOTES:

[32]See Appendix, Article 20.

[33]This event took place on the 4th August, by a smart cannonade from the French brig, and an assault by the Bondoo army (amounting to nearly three thousand men), a spirited sortie made by about one hundred of the besieged, put the whole army of Bondoo to flight and took several prisoners, whom they immediately butchered in front of the brig, which, although moored within musket shot of the shore, was not fired on by the people of the town, with whom the French commandant found it necessary to make peace in a few days afterwards.

## [337]CONCLUSION.

Having now finished my narrative, it remains for me to fulfil my obligations to the reader and the public, by briefly stating the result of my experience, not only upon the habits and manners of the people of Western Africa, but also as to the progress they have made towards civilization, as to their political institutions and religious improvement. In doing this I shall cautiously abstain from entering into abstruse calculations, and religiously confine myself to what my best judgement enables me to declare from practical observation. I must here however state, that it has been too long the custom to set little value on the African Negro, to consider him as a being mid-way placed between the mere brute and man; as impervious to every ray of intellectual light; and, in a word, as incapable of enjoying the blessings of civil or religious liberty. This custom is, to say the least of it, erroneous, and the notion on which it is founded unjust. The Spaniards, after the discovery of South America,[338] affected to believe the South Americans of a species inferior to themselves. They ruinously acted on that belief for centuries, and the descendants of those Spaniards have lived to see the day, when long observation has taught them, at a large expense, a very different lesson. It is not however denied, that slaves must and will be slaves, with all the cunning and treachery which their condition engenders, and perhaps it may still be a question, if persons enfranchised from a state of slavery can, by the fact of such an enfranchisement, become at once, or even very speedily, fit and useful members of a free and enlightened community. At the first blush of the question the answer would be in the negative, but that negative should not be left unqualified. The people amongst whom I have travelled, and of whom only I would now be understood to write, are illiterate and consequently superstitious; but the former arises not from want of capacity or genius so much as from the want of means to cultivate them; their mechanical like their agricultural knowledge is extremely limited, but why from that argue their incapacity to meet improvement, if improvement were happily thrown in their way? They have beside, a civil polity and a diplomatic chicane in their intercourse with each other,[339] which is not usually to be found in merely savage life. Like most half taught people their cunning generally supersedes their wisdom, but then I am still prepared to argue, that if you allow them the full exercise of their industry; if you improve and protect it; if, by wise and judicious policy, you lift the Negro in his own esteem, and teach his Chief, that what is good was intended for all, though not in the same proportion, for the servant as the master; if you abate their superstition by the careful introduction of evangelical truths; if, in a word, you realize those things, the condition of Africa will soon assume the appearance of health, longevity, and happiness.

Their wants are, generally speaking, few and easily satisfied; and their soil, though barren, yields a sufficiency of those common necessaries of life which are required in tropical climates. They have not, unfortunately, any common language to knit them together in society, hence must their intercourse with each other be extremely limited; their curiosity is not awakened by the contemplation of new and remote objects, they know few artificial necessities to induce the visits of strangers to supply them, and hence, except in war, they seldom pass the boundaries of the hut that shelters, and the field of rice or corn that feeds them. Nor are these the[340] only disadvantages, or, more properly speaking, difficulties to their general improvement. It is a melancholy truth, that some of the white men who were in the first instances sent ostensibly to instruct them, were often actuated by different motives to suffer the lust of interest and power to tempt them from the useful discharge of the functions entrusted to them;—they, too, often meet cunning by cunning, treachery by treachery, and rapine by rapine: and while they thus conducted themselves,—why expect the Negro to view them in the light of friends and Christian regenerators? The Negro absurdly thinks the white man his enemy, and in how many thousand instances has not the white man realised this absurdity into positive and melancholy fact? The white inculcates principles whose practice he violates, and then he turns round and smiles at the incredulity, or affectedly weeps over the folly of those who will not yield to the happy influence which, forsooth! he was destined to spread amongst them. That this has been too much the case cannot be denied. That a different conduct now prevails, I can with pleasure assert, and I hope for the sake of mankind, that it may improve in proportion as the field of our enquiries shall enlarge. This misconduct was the beginning of all the evil which followed, and those erroneous views destroyed the best intentioned[341] labours. We as Englishmen should consider that the prejudices of ages cannot be eradicated in an hour, nor the light of truth communicated by instruction at the mere will of man. To benefit our fellow creatures, we must expend time, patience, money, resources and sedulous instruction, because we know that cupidity, bigotry, and revenge, and all the bad passions which spring from ignorance, are not to be destroyed by any other effectual means. Many incidents have been stated in the course of my narrative, which justify these remarks, exclusive of those more prominent instances which are to appear in the sequel.

The principal difficulties which impeded my progress may be reduced to a few heads. The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs, the existence of slavery as connected with our endeavours to abolish it, the idle fears and apprehensions growing out of recent hostile transactions in the Senegal, and, mainly, the rapid spread and dreadful influence of the Mahomedan faith.

The duplicity of the chiefs is principally exemplified in the conduct of the kings of Woolli, Bondoo and Kaarta, and either in the want of inclination, or the fear of our approaching or passing Sego, by the king of that country. At Woolli perhaps they were of too trivial a nature, and the king so inadequate to prevent our passing[342] by force, that they scarcely merit attention. They serve however to shew, that if he had not the power, he had at least the inclination to throw every obstacle in the way of our proceeding eastward, but in which direction, it is equally true, that none but his enemies resided. It may be naturally supposed he did not wish such persons to be enriched by sharing in the booty expected from our baggage, exaggerated reports of whose value had been circulated through the interior long before even the first expedition had left Senegal. At Bondoo the fairest promises were in the first instance held out to us by Almamy; nay, an apparent impatience was evinced by him to send us forward, but this we soon discovered to have originated in a desire on his part to grasp at those presents which he supposed we should make him in consideration for so laudable an attention to our interests, but which (although more than we could well afford) not being sufficiently valuable in his eyes, were no sooner handed over to him, than the appearance of things changed, and he made a demand for nearly as much more, under the name of customs. The English name, and the liberality of the British governors of St. Louis, and Senegal, to Almamy Bondoo were well and long known to him previously to our entering his country, but it appears that not only the[343] recollection of their kindness to him had vanished with our cession of that colony to the French, but that he had been determined to crown his ingratitude with treachery, deceit, and even want of common hospitality to the expedition, which was unfortunately induced to prefer the road through his country for the reasons already mentioned in p. 61, and in consequence of the very apparently warm manner in which he expressed himself grateful for the handsome presents he had received from Sir Charles M‘Carthy when commanding at St. Louis. That every deference and respect for him as the king of Bondoo, and indeed in some cases rather more than enough, had been shewn him, is but too evident from the enormous sacrifices we made at the shrine of his insatiable avarice, with a view of conciliating his favour and protection, and of convincing him that our object in going to the east was not only the mere solution of a geographical question, but an endeavour at the eventual improvement of the commercial and social interests of the countries we visited, by opening a safe and direct communication between them and our settlements, where I assured Almamy we should be most happy to see himself and subjects as constant visitors. What could have induced him to act as[344] he did towards us I was really for a long time at a loss to define, although he more than once hinted at having received private information, and as he said from good authority, that we had in view the destruction of his country, but which I could not then believe, and supposed he only made that excuse a cloak to hide some other motive with which I ineffectually strained every nerve to become satisfactorily acquainted. The information which I afterwards acquired with respect to the immense profits arising to the native merchants from the trade, and barter of slaves, in the transaction already mentioned of redeeming the Bondoo woman and her daughter out of the hands of the Kaartans, led me, in considering that subject minutely, to reflect on other circumstances connected with the question, and that left no doubt on my mind as to his having been thereby influenced: these shall be fully explained hereafter.

The king of Kaarta likewise, after tempting me under the most flattering promises to enter his country, having even sent an escort of one thousand horse to conduct me in safety, when he had received from me to the full measure which inclination or duty prompted me to give him, not only broke every promise he made me[345] of assistance in the prosecution of my journey, but literally plundered me of the few articles which his avarice had hitherto spared. As on other occasions, I was here at a loss to conjecture the cause of such treatment, and upon the most mature and unprejudiced consideration, can only attribute it to the same causes as operated on his brother chiefs of Woolli and Bondoo.

The King of Sego was at war with the Massina Foulahs when Mr. Dochard entered his country, and as his enemies were a powerful people, he was unwilling to admit of our nearer approach, until, as he said, they should either be defeated, or yield to terms of peace which he should dictate to them. That Mr. Dochard’s delay might have been caused by such a disposition, is not at all impossible, but it is nevertheless evident, that the very great distance he ordered the removal of Mr. Dochard, pending these negociations, affords room for supposing that he was actuated by other motives than those which he had previously assigned, namely, a superstitious fear of the too near approach of a person who was supposed to possess supernatural powers, and likely to become a troublesome neighbour. That the general persuasion throughout the country of Bambarra, and particularly[346] at Sego, was of this nature, has been already proved by Mr. Park, to whose appearance there the death of Mausong himself, and of other great personages immediately after his passage through, was industriously attributed by the Mahomedans. A second opportunity was afforded to their malice against us, and their hatred of our faith, upon the occasion of the subsequent death of some of Dha’s chief men, particularly the governor of Bamakoo, who died suddenly a few days after Mr. Dochard’s arrival at that town.

The existence of slavery as connected with the endeavours of England to abolish it, tends in a material degree to awaken the jealousy of the native chiefs, who, in common with the Moorish and Negro traders, derived, and are still deriving, a very lucrative income from that abominable traffic, which they designate by the softened appellation of a lawful branch of commerce. In order to give an adequate idea to my readers of the profits attending this trade in human flesh, it will be necessary for me to state a few particulars.

I have already stated in page 326, that in order to save from the fate which I had good reason to know awaited my baggage at Moonia, I had released from slavery a Bondoo woman and[347] her child, with the intention of restoring them to their family, and had paid for each of them a larger sum in merchandize than is generally considered the ransom of a slave taken in war, but in reality amounting to a mere trifle when put in competition with the liberty of a fellow-creature, as will appear by the following statement:—

ARTICLES PAID FOR THE WOMAN AND HER CHILD.

| Value in England. |  |
--- | --- | --- | ---
3 pieces of blue India baft | 75s. | equal in Kaarta each to 40 bars, of the nominal value of 1s. 6d. ea. | 120
30 lbs. trade gunpowder | 30s. | of the same bars | 300
1000 common flints | 12s. | 10 one bar | 100
1. yd coarse scarlet cloth | 16s. |  | 50
A fine silk pang | 15s. |  | 50
| £7 8s. |  | 500

Or the value of five prime slaves in that country. Had one of the native merchants purchased those poor creatures, he would not have paid more than two hundred of those bars for them, and probably not so much, as he would first have changed those articles for cowries[34], the current money of that country, with which he would have made the bargain. He could next sell them to the traders in the Senegal, or as profitably to their friends in Bondoo, for the following articles:—

|  |  |  | [348]Kaarta bars.
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
6 pieces baft | each called 10 trade bars at Galam, where 60 of those bars are given for a slave | equal to | 240
4½ lbs. of powder, ¼ lb. a trade | bar |  | 30
2 common guns (each 10) | 20 | do. |  | 80
480 flints | 40 | do. |  | 48
120 sheets common paper | 20 | do. |  | 24
1 card snuff-box | 1 | do. |  | 2
1 scissors | 1 | do. |  | 2
1 steel | 1 | do. |  | 2
1 common looking-glass | 1 | do. |  | 2
|  | 120[35] | equal to | 430[36]

For which he could again purchase five slaves in Kaarta, where there is no want of those wretched beings. Is it then to be wondered at that those people view with a jealous eye our endeavours to suppress that trade, or throw obstacles in the way of our penetrating into the interior of their country, where they suppose we are attracted with no other view than the ultimate subversion of their religion and favourite traffic in their own flesh and blood; for it is impossible to convince them (at least by words) that we have no such intention: and as to think of persuading them that the extension of our geographical knowledge in visiting unknown countries at such risks and expense, or that the lawful increase of our commerce alone attract[349] our steps, we might as well tell them that a white man never bought a slave. Whenever I spoke of the Niger, or my anxiety to see it, they asked me if there were no rivers in the country (we say) we inhabit; for the general belief is, as before stated, that we live exclusively in ships on the sea. The Moors too, who are general traders, and visit all the states of the interior in their commercial pursuits, are aware that any encouragement given by the native chiefs to our direct and friendly intercourse with them must tend to undermine their own trade, and in the course of time to remove from the eyes and understandings of those chiefs and their subjects the veil of superstition by which they are now shrouded. They therefore take advantage of the credit and respectability which in their characters as Maraboos they so invariably enjoy, to circulate reports prejudicial not only to our views in Africa (which they, if they do not really believe like the negroes, represent in the same way) but to our character as a people, whom they designate by the degrading appellation of Kafér, or unbeliever.

From the simple calculation and exposé just now made, it must be obvious that the native princes and traders have a strong and direct interest to oppose the abolition of slavery; although as regards the negro population it is equally clear[350] that they have, if possible, a stronger and more direct interest to promote it by every means in their power. It is not my intention to enter into the very wide and comprehensive question growing out of this position, namely, whether the free negro, if independent of his master, could obtain sufficient employment, or, obtaining, would be ready to accept it. The first authorities of the present day, the ablest political economists of this and every other country, have decided that labour should be free; not only as conducive to the increased comforts of the labourer, but as decidedly favourable to the pecuniary interests of the employer and consumer. The African chiefs, like the owners of slaves in other countries, think they have no security for their authority but the maintenance of their people in slavery; and the prejudices of the negroes are such, the custom has been so long continued and by time become so inveterately strong, that no one having pretensions to superiority will perform any of those useful occupations which the best informed in civilised countries so usually attend to. There is in the habit of slavery a something much more difficult of cure than even in the oldest and most stormy passions of educated man: there is within it a debasement not to be found in any other state, and it seems as absolutely to chain men to the[351] mere measure of their length and breadth upon the soil, as if their existence had no other object. The sun seems to roll his orbit without their observance, and the earth to yield its fruits without their gratitude; and yet they exhibit a deep sense of injury, and feel an insatiable thirst for revenge: such opposite feelings all being generated from the unwholesome effluvia of their religion—of which, however, more hereafter.

Another and very plausible reason was afforded the chiefs and people of the interior for not wishing our presence in their countries, and for exciting them to jealous and fearful conjectures as to the object of our visits. This was the forcible possession taken by the French of a position on the Foota frontier of the Waallo country, which although no doubt dictated by a laudable desire of improving the condition of those people and giving a stimulus to their commerce, was done in opposition to the wishes of the Foota chiefs and of those of the Moorish tribes of Bracknar and Trarsar, all of whom claimed a right to the place, and to defend which they made war on the King of Waallo, whose permission alone to establish and occupy a post on disputed ground was purchased by the Governor of Senegal.

The other chiefs remonstrated against this infringement of their rights, but receiving no satisfactory[352] answer, joined their forces, and almost wholly destroyed the country, where all the horrors and misery so appallingly attendant on African wars were inflicted on and borne by the wretched inhabitants. A dreadful instance of the detestation in which the actual state of slavery is regarded by the free-born negro, so far as they are themselves concerned, occurred at the destruction of one of those towns. The wives of some chiefs who had either been killed or taken by the enemy determined not to survive their husbands’ or their country’s fall, and preferring death, even in its most terrifying shape, to slavery and the embraces of their captors,—suffered themselves and their young children to be burnt to death in a hut, where they had assembled with that determination, and which was set on fire by themselves. This affair and some others of a similar nature which took place about that time in the Senegal, although rendered necessary by acts of plunder, breach of contract, or treachery on the part of the chiefs, who are unfortunately much addicted to such conduct, were unavoidably attended with circumstances which, so far from being calculated to make those people regard the visits of Europeans to their country in a favourable light, had the effect of corroborating in a great measure the false and interested reports already but too sedulously circulated[353] by the Moors and other native traders, and too credibly received by the several chiefs.

Another circumstance, which took place in Bambarra, must serve to convince every impartial reader that fears were really entertained by the chiefs as to the ultimate results of our communications with them.

At an interview which Mr. Dochard had with one of Dha’s head slaves at Bamakoo, where all the occurrences in the Senegal were not only known but much exaggerated, he was asked with a significant smile, “in case the Niger terminated in the sea and was found navigable to Sego, would our large vessels come up to that place, and our merchants settle there as the French had done in the Senegal?” The object of this question is too palpably evident to need any comment of mine, and Mr. Dochard’s answer, “that he doubted the possibility of large vessels ascending that river, or the wish of our merchants to try it without even settling there,” although in my opinion the best he could have given, did not remove from the minds of Dha and his ministers their apprehension of the consequences.

The main difficulty to our success in Africa decidedly results from the extent and influence of the Mohamedan religion. From the period of its introduction as affecting the mode of African legislation, which is scarcely a century since,[354] the negroes, but particularly the chiefs, have lost the little of honesty or natural feeling which they before possessed. The doctrines of Mohamedanism are at right angles with those of Christianity, or if the doctrines be not so widely different, it is unquestionable that their influence produces the most melancholy and opposite results. Mohamedanism may direct the performance of moral duties, its theology may be wise and its ethics sound; but no abstract rules, however good or salutary, can operate upon the believers, while the interests of its ministers are at open war with them. In truth, we need not recur to Africa nor Mohamedanism to illustrate the truth of this position, for experience much nearer home has, while even these sheets are at the press, too forcibly proved it. Whatever then the written code of Mohamedanism may teach, I have invariably discovered that in practice, it countenances, if it does not actually generate, cunning, treachery, and an unquenchable thirst of litigation and revenge. It produces no good but from the meanest sense of fear, and its very profession is of itself considered as sufficient absolution from every atrocity committed to increase its disciples. But in Africa its pernicious tendency is still more exemplified than in those quarters where it has so long flourished with the rankest luxuriance.

[355]The Africans in their pagan state were not liable to the same superstitions as they are and have been since their proselytism,—if it maybe so termed, because, their religion was not overloaded with ceremonies, and their priests had but a narrow and contracted influence. Mohamedanism has made them hypocrites as it keeps them slaves, and, while it prevails to its present extent, they must continue so. Essences are forgotten in the strict observance of a miserable ritual, and truth has lost its value and its splendour when only seen through the jaundiced instruction of peculating Maraboos. These jugglers in morality make whatever use they please of the victims of their sorcery, and if once they catch them in their toils, escape is almost literally impossible. The enmity which those ministers of false doctrine bear against our religion and ourselves naturally induce them to represent us in colours most terrifying to the converted negroes’ minds, by assuring them, that, although we say our intentions towards them are good, we are only under that cloak aiming at their total and eventual subjugation;—and, they bring forward the continuance of the slave trade by the French in the Senegal as a proof of our want of sincerity.

The negroes, however, receive a sort of bonus by their conversion to Mohamedanism. In the event of war waged on them by a Mohamedan[356] power, they are spared, or at all events not compelled to feel the horrors which usually attend it.

But the crying sin of Mohamedanism and the main spring of its pernicious tendency, is the toleration of polygamy. I confine my observations to its effects in Western Africa, although if this were the proper time and occasion, I should not dread being able to demonstrate that wherever tolerated, its tendency must be evil in the worst degree. Polygamy is the fruitful source of jealousy and distrust, it contracts the parental and filial affections, it weakens and disjoints the ties of kindred, and but for the unlimited influence of the Maraboos and the fear of hell, if they do not profit of the license of their great Apostle, must totally unhinge the frame of all society. The father has many wives, the wives have many children, favoritism in its most odious form sets in, jealousy is soon aroused, and revenge unsheathes the sword which deals forth destruction. But it is not to the domestic circle, it is not to the family arrangements, it is not to the fearful mischiefs it leads to upon social intercourse that I look alone; but to its division of the soil and to its mutilation of the different states, than which nothing can prove more destructive to any country. The jealousies of the mothers, while exciting to domestic hatred, lead to external civil war, and states rise and set with a sort of harlequin[357] operation, and when they are sought for vanish in the air, and “leave not a wreck behind.” The consequence of these wars is, that during the precarious conquests of these chiefs, their whole employment is plunder, and where that cannot be procured the forfeiture—is life. All order and morality is upset, all right is unknown, and the effect must be the degradation of society and the dismemberment of empire in that ill-fated portion of the world.

To this cause also may be attributed in a great measure the existence (at least to the present extent) of slavery, for that religion not only gives an apparently divine authority to the practice, but instils into the minds of its proselytes a conviction or belief, that all who are not or will not become Mohamedans were intended by Providence and their Prophet to be the slaves and property of those who do. It is much to be regretted that those valuable and indefatigable friends of Africa who have been for years labouring towards civilization on the coast, where much has been done by the pious labours and example of the missionaries from the Church and other Societies, are so circumstanced, from the many difficulties which the climate itself presents and the rapid spread of the Mohamedan faith, that they are unable to penetrate beyond the influence of our settlements on the coast,[358] and consequently excluded from all possibility (for the present at least) of giving those misguided people an opportunity of judging for themselves between the secure and happy state of those whom the exertions of an enlightened country and the influence of the Christian religion have redeemed from slavery and ignorance, and the miserably precarious and blind condition to which they are themselves subjected.

Having thus far stated the difficulties which have hitherto impeded, and are still likely to impede our researches in, and our civilization of Western Africa, it may not be considered as adventuring too much if I place before my readers a few suggestions, which, if acted upon, may have a tendency to diminish, if not to overcome them altogether.

I have adverted amongst others to the difficulty originating in the fears which were entertained in consequence of the transactions on the Senegal, but on that the remedy is obviously one to be administered by the healing hand of time. The native chiefs had long received presents which were originally granted for the accommodation and security they afforded to the European and Senegal merchants who traded with them. In the progress of time, however, those voluntary presents were not only demanded as a right, but when refused (which was[359] only the case where a breach of faith on their part was committed), were enforced by the prohibition of further commercial intercourse, and this generally terminated in a compliance with their demand. This peaceable, and even almost necessary mode of conciliation, at the period I speak of, was afterwards continued as a matter of course. The arrogance of the native chief was pampered by the yielding, and his cupidity was fed by the necessity of doing so. And the evil did not rest here, for as we conceded they advanced fresh claims, which, even when admitted, afforded no certainty that their promises with us would be fulfilled.

Immediately after our cession of that colony, the French authorities there decided on convincing those people, that, although they were willing, in a great degree, to submit to the custom which had so long existed, yet, that they would not quietly bear the obstructions thrown in the way of their commercial pursuits upon the Upper Senegal; and prepared to meet force by force, which was eventually rendered necessary by the hostile threats and actions of the natives. Time, and time alone, can afford to those natives a proof that the resistance forced upon the French was not an act of disrespect to them, or of a disposition to invade their just pretensions or their rights; but intended to shew[360] them that the benefits of commerce should be mutual, and that a present, unrefused as such, should not be converted into a right, to be enforced for the future by prohibitions or by arms.

Another remedy at once presents itself to the mind, but, unfortunately, that is a remedy which cannot, I fear, be speedily administered, much less easily obtained; I allude to the general concurrence of Europe in the abolition of slavery. England, however, does not come in for any share of blame on this eventful subject: every thing has been done by her which eloquence, treasure, influence, humanity, or religion could unite in favour of so desirable a consummation. It is to be hoped that her example will, sooner or later, induce the other powers of Europe to imitate it, in which event the most incalculable advantages would result to the suffering negroes of Africa. It would be, perhaps, unbecoming in me to press this important topic to an extremity; the wisest men as statesmen, and the minutest calculators as political economists, all concur in stating the general abolition of slavery (placing all humanity and religion out of the question) to be a general good. After the expression of such a very extensive and honourable feeling, it is matter of regret that some of the powers of Europe cannot be induced to aid in the great work which England had the honour[361] of commencing, and completing as far as she was concerned. It is a heart-rending reflection that mistaken views of interest, or the calls of avaricious clamour, should not only take precedence of, but actually absorb all the obligations of good feeling, and all the commands of the Most High. But we are to hope a new light may break in upon the councils of those who are, perhaps, only mistaken, or who, from some over-ruling necessity, are obliged to tolerate a traffic at which not only our nature revolts, but which no one has of late years had the hardihood to attempt a shadow of justification.

I am persuaded that a mode of disposal of some of the liberated negroes similar to that which I adopted in the case of Corporal Harrup, would be attended with the most beneficial results to Africa and the Mother Country; to the former, by affording them a strong proof of our good intentions towards them, and to the latter, by extending our commercial intercourse by means of these people; who would unquestionably, not only revisit our settlements themselves, but would induce many of their fellow countrymen to accompany them. I am, however, aware that many difficulties present themselves to the accomplishment of such a step: first, from the almost impossibility of ascertaining whether the[362] person so disposed of belonged to a free family, for few of them will acknowledge the fact of their having been born in slavery; and secondly, from the very limited intercourse between our colonies and the remote states of the interior, whence those unfortunate beings were dragged into slavery; and during their return whether they would, on most occasions, be exposed to a second, and, if possible, a worse state of bondage. The latter difficulty, however, is daily decreasing before the persevering endeavours of Africa’s friends in this country, under the immediate and personal direction of an active governor, who, in holding out every inducement to the chiefs and people in the vicinity of our colonies to keep up a direct and friendly intercourse with our commercial agents, is adopting a plan likely to be attended with the most salutary results[37].

The cupidity and duplicity of the chiefs has already obtained that notice which it required, and to obviate them, it has occurred to me there are no means more available, and, I may add, more speedily practicable, than the enlargement[363] of our intercourse with the people, and the encouragement and protection of the internal commerce of Africa. By this we can improve them in the way of example, by the other we can benefit them and ourselves in the way of interchange of commodity; our habits and our manners will gain upon them in time, and our skill tend to stimulate and encourage theirs.

By increasing their commerce we also obtain another happy consummation, we give them employment, and we consequently to a certain extent, secure them from the incessant meddling of their maraboos. We could congregate them in greater numbers together, and therefore the more readily instruct them; and I may venture to add, that, if a fair degree of zeal were used in such a delightful employment, within a very few years they would prove themselves not unfitted for the enjoyment of liberal institutions. When once a people feel their moral power improving it is not difficult to give it a degree of perfection, and when once the chief found his former slave so far lifted in the scale of being, as to have some notion of the place and duties assigned him here, it would not be easy for him to continue his sway without limit or controul. While, however, the negro dreams of nothing beyond a mere animal support, he is admirably calculated for a slave; but give him an insight[364] into something higher—teach him an art or a trade, in the exercise of which he finds comfort necessary to himself, and comfort flowing from such an exercise to others; place him in this situation, and without revolting against the authority of his chief, he will still feel that he is not singled out to remain the unpitied and the worthless slave. That there are powers of mind in the African, it were quite idle to dispute; that the productions of the country are capable of being beneficially employed, must, I think, be equally incontestible to any one who has carefully perused the preceding pages; and to act with honesty we should not allow both or either to lie for ever dormant. Common charity, much less common interest, forbids so unworthy a course, and, in truth, I cannot have the slightest suspicion that it ever was contemplated.

Upon this important branch of my subject I might descant to a very considerable extent, but that, fortunately, its magnitude is so thoroughly felt as to spare me the labour on this occasion: let me however look at the advantages of this increased commerce in any point of view, with all the difficulties which rather appear, than really do exist to impede it, I am fully convinced that to it Africa will be at last mainly indebted for any social and political enjoyments to which she may attain.

FOOTNOTES:

[34]Shells.

[35]Nominal value 2s. 6d. each.

[36]Nominal value 1s. 6d. each.

[37]The late unfortunate occurrences on the Gold Coast, and the melancholy death of Sir Charles M‘Carthy, have been too recently before the public to need any remark of mine. I must, however, be permitted to say, that in that gallant, intelligent and zealous commander, Africa has lost one of her best friends, and society one of its greatest ornaments.

## [365]APPENDIX.

### ARTICLE I.

The town of Bathurst is situate on the south-eastern extremity of the island of Saint Mary’s, at the mouth of the river Gambia, and lies in 16°. 6′. 3″. western longitude, and 13°. 28′. 20″. northern latitude. The greatest extent of the island is about four miles from WNW. to ESE., but its general breadth does not exceed a mile and a half, in some places much less. The surface of the island is a low plain, with a slight descent from the north and east sides towards the centre, where, during the season of the rains, it is much inundated. Its north-east shore, on which stands a part of the town, is not more than twelve or fourteen feet above the level of high-water mark. The tides, however, are very irregular, and are much influenced in their rise and fall by the NW. and SE. winds.

The settlement, although in its infant state, has made a most rapid progress in improvement. Many fine substantial government buildings have been lately erected, and the British merchants[366] resident there, have vied with each other in the elegant and convenient arrangement of their dwelling-houses and stores, all which are built with stone or brick, and roofed with slates or shingles.

The soil of the island is a red or light coloured sand, with little appearance of clay or mould, but from its having furnished the natives of the adjacent country, and the inhabitants of a small town which formerly stood on the island, with rice previously to our taking possession of it, I am satisfied it would, by proper management, bring all the productions of the country to perfection; and, no doubt, be rendered as congenial to the culture of some of our garden vegetables as Senegal or Sierra-Leone.

The edges of the creeks which intersect the island, and the low grounds about them, are thickly covered with mangroves, which are rapidly decreasing in being turned to advantage for fuel both in the houses and for the burning of lime. The palm tree, the monkey-bread, or baobab, and several other kinds of large trees, are thickly scattered all over the high grounds, and with an abundance of shrubs and ever-greens give the place a cool, refreshing, though wild appearance.

Sarah Creek, so called by the natives, is from twenty-five to forty yards wide, and at ebb tide[367] contains no less than seven feet water in the shallowest place, many places having twelve and upwards, with a bottom of hard sand and clay.

Crooked Creek, which is about the same breadth, has only two feet water at its mouth during the ebb, but its general depth in other places is from three to six feet.

Turnbull Creek is likewise very shallow, having in no place more than five feet water. It is possible that much benefit might result from so shutting up the mouths of Newt and Crooked Creeks, and the one adjoining the latter, as to prevent the high flood-tides in the rainy season from entering them, as it would, if effectually done, reclaim from inundation and its consequent bad effects, a large space in the almost immediate vicinity of the town. But it remains to decide whether the ground about them is lower than high-water mark, in which case it would be impossible to remedy the present evil in any other way than raising the level of the surface, a work that would be attended with considerable expense and difficulty.

That this infant colony has answered, nay, exceeded the most sanguine expectations of all concerned, is strongly proved by the very great and rapid increase of its population, not only by the considerable augmentation of the number of British merchants, but by an immense influx of the[368] inhabitants of Goree, who, not finding employment under the French Government there, and being excluded from the trade of the Gambia, except through the medium of Saint Mary’s, or a small factory belonging to the French at Albreda (than which they are not allowed to go higher up the river) are daily emigrating to Bathurst.

The troops, inhabitants, and merchants are abundantly supplied with beef, mutton, poultry, fish, fruit, milk, butter, palm-wine, and all the African vegetables by the natives of the surrounding towns, who, feeling the advantage of such intimacy with the settlement, flock to it in great numbers, and consume a large proportion of the European articles imported into the colony.

Gold, ivory, bees-wax, and hides are brought thither in considerable quantities by the natives, traders, and the inhabitants of Goree who have settled there, and are annually shipped for England by the British merchants; fine timber of the mahogany kind has been found on the banks of, and islands in the river, and has likewise been sent to the home market, where, I believe, it has met with some encouragement.

### [369]ARTICLE II.—See Page 59.

PRESENTS TO THE KING OF KATOBA, APRIL 18th, 1818.

- One fine gilt dirk.
- A stone of large amber.
- Ten bars of glass beads.
- Two bottles of rum.
- One piece of blue baft.
- One do. of white muslin.
- Twenty bars of amber.
- Twenty do. of coral.
- Eighteen bars of tobacco.
- Sixteen do. of red cloth.

### ARTICLE III.—See Page 87.

PRESENTS MADE TO THE KING OF WOOLLI AND HIS CHIEFS.

TO THE KING.

- One single gun.
- One pound, No. 1, amber.
- Forty dollars.
- A piece of white baft.
- A ditto of blue ditto.
- Twelve stones, No. 1, coral.

TO HIS SON.

- A common gun.
- Five stones, No. 2, amber.
- Five do. No. 2, coral.

TO THE CHIEFS.

- One hundred and twenty-six bars in amber, coral, and bafts.

### [370]ARTICLE IV.—See Page 116.

PRESENTS MADE TO ALMAMY BONDOO, HIS CHIEFS, MINISTERS, &C. JUNE 13th, 1818.

- A fine blue velvet saddle and bridle.
- A large umbrella, gold laced and fringed.
- A sabre.
- A silver gilt cup.
- Eight pieces of blue baft.
- Two do. of white.
- Two do. of blue cambric muslin.
- Two do. of taffety.
- Two do. of muslin.
- Four pieces of white cambric muslin.
- Four yards of scarlet cloth.
- Five do. of yellow do.
- Five do. of green do.
- Two pounds of cloves.
- Three double barrelled guns.
- Four single do.
- One pound amber, No. 1.
- One string of large pipe coral.
- Two do. small do.
- One silver cup.
- Two metal do.
- One pair fine pistols.
- Fifty pounds of tobacco.
- Four morocco bound blank books.
- Four cannisters of fine powder.
- A small bale of flints.
- One hundred and fifty pounds of powder.
- Twenty-four dollars.
- One yard red serge.
- Seven do. of yellow.
- Knives, scissors and snuff boxes, six each.
- [371]Two razors, two pair of spectacles.
- Some worsted thread.

TO SAADA, HIS ELDEST SON.

- One fine single gun.
- Two pieces blue baft.
- One do. white do.
- One do. muslin.
- One do. cambric muslin.
- One yard scarlet cloth.
- Ten stones of coral.
- Twenty do. of amber, No. 1.
- Fifty fine flints.
- One morocco bound book.
- Four canisters of fine powder.
- Five yards of taffety.
- Scissors, razors, snuff boxes, and knives, three each.

TO THE MINISTERS.

- Four pieces blue baft.
- Three do white do.
- One do. muslin.
- One do. taffety.
- Four yards scarlet cloth.
- One pound, No. 2, amber.
- One string of coral.
- Twenty-five pounds of powder.
- Two pieces of blue cambric muslin.
- Knives, scissors and snuff-boxes, twelve each.
- Six razors.

[372]AGREEMENT

ENTERED INTO

WITH ALMAMY BONDOO, AND PRESENTS MADE TO HIM AND THE PRINCES, MINISTERS, ETC., ON THE 9TH MAY, 1819.

### ARTICLE VI.—See Page 222.

TO ALMAMY MOOSA KING OF BONDOO, ETC.

FROM MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY, COMMANDING HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY’S MISSION IN THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA,

GREETING,

Whereas it being my intention to make you a present suitable to your exalted situation as King of Bondoo, in order to obtain your friendship and assistance in prosecuting my journey; and to convince you of the amicable intentions of our great King George towards you and all your people, I have to demand from you in return the following terms, viz.—

1st. That you give directions to the chiefs of all the towns or villages in your kingdom, through which we may pass, to receive us as the messengers of so great a king as ours should be received.

[373]2d. That you supply us with guides as far as your power extends in the direction we wish to proceed.

3d. That the presents given consist of the following articles, viz.

To complete the presents to Almamy Amady for the last year:

2 | Double guns | Two.
6 | Single do. | Six.
1 | Fine double do. | One.
160 | Bottles of powder | One hundred and sixty.

Present to Almamy Moosa this year:

2 | Fine double guns | Two.
1 | Do. single do. | One.
4 | Pieces blue baft | Four.
4 | Do. white do. | Four.
3 | Yards of scarlet cloth | Three.
5 | Do. sprigged muslin | Five.
5 | Do. tamboured do. | Five.
5 | Do. taffety | Five.
1 | lb. Amber | One.
50 | lb. Powder | Fifty.
1 | Piece of cambric | One.
20 | Grains of coral | Twenty.
500 | Flints | Five hundred.
[374]500 | Balls | Five hundred.
1 | lb. Cloves | One.

TO THE QUEEN.

1 | Pair of sprigged muslin pangs.
1 | Do. fine worked do.
10 | Stones large amber.
10 | Do. coral.
9 | Bunches of beads.
½ | lb. Cloves.
3 | Yards of serge.

William Gray, Major.

I, Almamy Moosa, in consequence of the above presents, and my wish to be of service to you, the messenger of your King George of England, do hereby bind myself to render you the protection and assistance required by the foregoing terms; In confirmation of which I do hereby affix my signature, in the name of God the Most High, this 9th day of May, 1819, at Boolebany.

(Signed) | Almamy Moosa Yeora.
| Thierno—Mamadoo.
| Prince Mamadoo Safietta.

### [375]ARTICLE VII.—See Page 222.

PRESENT TO SAADA, 9TH MAY, 1819.

- One double gun.
- One piece of blue baft.
- One piece of white baft.
- One do. of cambric muslin.
- Fifteen pounds of powder.
- Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
- Ten stones of do. coral.
- Two hundred flints.

TO PRINCE TOMANY.

- One double gun.
- One single do.
- Two pieces of blue baft.
- Two do. of white baft.
- Four yards of scarlet.
- One piece of cambric muslin.
- Half a pound of No. 2, amber.
- Ten stones of do. coral.
- Twenty-five pounds powder.
- Two hundred flints.
- Four ounces of cloves.

### ARTICLE VIII.—See Page 223.

TO PRINCE AMADY CAMA, 18TH MAY.

- One double gun.
- Half a piece of blue baft.
- Half a do. of white baft.
- Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
- Five pounds of powder.
- Fifty flints.

[376]TO PRINCE ALI HOO, 18TH MAY, 1819.

- Half a piece of blue baft.
- Half a piece of white baft.
- Half a yard of scarlet.
- Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
- Four do. of coral.
- Three pounds of powder.
- Fifty flints.

TO OSMAN CUMBA, CHIEF OF SAMBA CONTAYE.

- One double gun.
- Half a piece of blue baft.
- Half a do. of white do.
- Ten stones of No. 2, amber.
- Four do. of coral.
- One yard of scarlet.
- Fifty flints.
- Four ounces of cloves.
- Five pounds of powder.

### ARTICLE IX.—See Page 232.

PRESENT MADE TO THE GUIDES.

- One double gun.
- Four pieces of blue baft.
- Two do. of white do.
- Two do. of Manchester prints.
- Three yards of scarlet cloth.
- Four muslin pangs.
- Three taffety do.
- One pound of No. 2, amber.
- Six yards of baize.
- Ten bunches of beads.
- Five hundred flints.
- Six knives and scissors.

### [377]ARTICLE X.—See Page 284.

PRESENT SENT TO THE CHIEFS OF FOOTA.

- Two pieces of blue baft.
- Two pieces of white do.
- One pound of No. 2, amber.
- One blank book.
- Two yards of scarlet cloth.
- Twenty-five pounds of powder.
- Two hundred flints.
- One piece of Manchester print.

TO THE TWO FOOTA PEOPLE WHO ACCOMPANIED OUR MESSENGER.

- One piece of white baft.
- Half a do. of blue do.
- Eight pounds of powder.
- Fifty flints.
- One yard of scarlet cloth.
- Thirty grains of No. 2, amber.

### [378]ARTICLE XI.—See Page 261.

LIST OF THINGS RECEIVED FROM FOOTA OF THOSE LOST THERE.

- Three horses.
- Seventeen asses.
- Three goats.
- Four double guns.
- Thirteen muskets.
- One pair of pistols.
- One sword.
- Four spring guns.
- Two tents.
- One bale of 50 pounds of powder.
- One do. of flints.
- One bag of balls.
- Three large saws.
- Two small do.
- Three old saddles.
- One and a half do. of blue baft.
- The books and boxes.
- Cooking utensils.
- Forty country cloths, in payment for two asses that died while in their possession, and the two gold rings I had given Bayla.

### [379]ARTICLE XII.—See Page 288.

PRESENTS TO SAMBA CONGOLE AND THE CHIEFS OF FORT ST. JOSEPH.

TO SAMBA.

- One double gun.
- One single do.
- One pair of pistols.
- Twenty-five pounds of powder.
- One yard of scarlet cloth.
- Sixteen grains of No. 1, amber.
- Sixteen do. of No. 2, corals.
- Five pair of pangs.
- Four bunches of beads.
- One hundred flints.
- Half a pound of cloves.

TO THE CHIEFS.

- Two double guns.
- Two pieces of baft.
- Fifteen pounds of powder.
- Two hundred and fifty flints.
- Forty-six grains of No. 2, amber.
- Forty-six do. of No. 3, coral.
- Five ounces of cloves.

### [380]ARTICLE XIII.—See Page 305.

FIRST PRESENT TO MODIBA.

- Two double guns.
- Two single do.
- One pair of pistols.
- One sword.
- Fifty pounds of powder.
- Five thousand flints.
- Two pieces of blue baft.
- Two do. of white do.
- One yard of scarlet cloth.
- One do. of yellow do.
- One do. of green do.
- Five do. of muslin.
- Five do. of taffety.
- Two fine pangs.
- Half a piece of print.
- Half a do. of blue silk.
- Two coloured silk handkerchiefs.
- Ten large stones of No. 1, amber.
- Eight do. of No. 1, coral.
- Half a piece of India print.
- One fine saddle cloth.
- A handsome plated tureen and cover. To which was added on the 1st of April,

### ARTICLE XIV.—See Page 305.

- One pound of small amber.
- One pound of cloves.
- One dirk and belt.
- Twelve dollars.
- One pound of worsted thread.
- Two bunches of beads.
- One silver cup.

### [381]ARTICLE XV.—See Page 307.

PRESENT TO ALI.

- One double gun.
- Two yards of muslin.
- Two do. of silk.
- Six stones of No. 1, amber.
- Six do. of No. 3, coral.
- One piece of blue baft.
- One piece of pang.
- Seven pounds of powder.
- Fifty flints.
- Two ounces of cloves.
- Quarter of a yard of scarlet cloth.

### ARTICLE XVI.—See Page 309.

THIRD PRESENT TO MODIBA, ON THE 14TH OF APRIL.

- One piece of blue baft.
- One do. of white do.
- One muslin pang.
- One worsted do.
- One silk do.
- One pound of small amber.
- Twenty-four stones, No. 3, coral.
- Four ounces of cloves.
- Fifteen pounds of powder.
- Two hundred flints.
- One silver medal.

### [382]ARTICLE XVII.—See Page 314.

FOURTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.

- One double gun.
- One pound of No. 3, amber.
- Ten yards of callico.
- Six yards of silk.
- Some fine beads.
- Ten pounds of powder.
- Half a yard of scarlet.
- One hundred flints.

### ARTICLE XVIII.—See Page 316.

FIFTH PRESENT TO MODIBA.

- One single gun.
- Two pairs of fine pangs.

### ARTICLE XIX.

LIST OF THINGS TAKEN BY MODIBA’S SLAVES AT MONIA.

- One double gun.
- Twenty pounds of powder.
- Four yards of red silk.
- Twelve do. of callico.
- One do. of scarlet cloth.
- One do. of yellow do.
- Two pounds of amber.
- One thousand flints.
- A large quantity of beads.
- Four ounces of small pipe coral.
- Four yards of baize; a number of knives, scissors, snuff boxes, looking glasses, and a ream of paper.

### [383]ARTICLE XX.—See Page 325.

I here witnessed an extraordinary ceremony performed by one of the young princes, who was about undergoing the Mahometan rite of circumcision. He was dressed in the manner shewn in figure 1, plate 4; and accompanied by a host of musicians and young men, visited several towns for the purpose of levying contributions on the provisions and purses of the inhabitants, either by stealth (and for which he could not be punished, not being amenable to the laws for that period) or during his exhibitions in public, by seizing on some of the spectators, whom he held fast and pretended to goad with the horn attached to the wooden figure on his head, until he received some offering which was never withheld, and which, together with the intercession of his attendants, who fanned him with boughs of trees, appeased his wrath, and induced him to sit down. In this position he remained for some minutes, and in an apparent paroxysm of rage recommenced his antics, which generally continued for two or three hours during the heat of the day, leaving the person so exhausted from his exertions and the weight of his dress, that he did not again make his appearance until the following day. In this manner I was told he continued acting for a moon.

### [384]DESCRIPTION AND SKETCHES ON BOTANICAL SUBJECTS.

Among the party who accompanied Major Peddie in the mission into the interior of Africa, was Mr. Kummer, who was charged to make collections in every department of natural history, with drawings and descriptions of whatever was most interesting in that line, as well as to keep a regular journal of general observations and events.

Many sketches of animals and plants, and several notes were made; but these are of such a nature as to require an examination of the specimens from which they were taken, before they can be valuable to a naturalist who is not previously acquainted with the subjects themselves. Unfortunately the individual articles were lost.

From the drawings, however, and descriptions, such as they are, we have selected four of the most perfect, which relate to as many plants, and which do not appear to us to have been noticed by former naturalists. In doing this however, we cannot help regretting the extremely imperfect state of the materials. Had all the collections of Mr. Kummer been saved, they might have formed a most important addition to our present[385] unsatisfactory acquaintance with the natural history of Western Africa.

The plants alluded to were found between Cape Verga, at the mouth of Rio Nunez, and the establishment called Tingalinta.

It is with much pleasure I take this opportunity of acknowledging my obligations to Dr. Hooker, Professor of Botany, at the Glasgow University, for the following plates and their descriptions.

### [386]Tab. A.

ARUM APHYLLUM.
CLASS AND ORDER—MONŒCIA POLYANDRIA.
Natural Order—Aroideæ.

Gen. Char. Spatha monophylla, cucullata. Spadix supra nudus, inferne fœmineus, medio stamineus. Willd.

Arum aphyllum; spadice apice magno subgloboso rugoso spatha ovato-cucullata, breviore scapo aphyllo.

Hab. Locis mentosis saxosis Tingalinta. Fl. mense Februarii.

Radix, ut videtur, tuberosa.

Folia omnino nulla.

Bracteæ duæ, fere omnino subterraneæ, tres uncias longæ, lanceolatæ, membranæ, pallidæ, ad basin scapi.

Scapus palmaris ad spithamæus, parte superiore (2-3 uncias) e terra emergens, teres, glaber, succulentus, inferne fere albidus, superne roseus.

Spatha diametro 3 ad 4 uncias, ovato-ventricosa, obliqua, obtusa cum mucronula, marginibus[387] involuta, basi etiam convoluta, pallide rosea, lineis saturationibus pulcherrime picta.

Spadix, basi, ubi flores inserti, cylindraceus, apice magnus (duas uncias latus) ovato-globosus, obliquus, carnosus, extus rugosus, intense roseus, intus spongeosus, albus.

Antheræ numerosæ, purpureæ, sessiles, apice loculis duobus horizontalibus dehiscentes, purpurescentes.

Pistilla sub antheras inserta, pauciora. Germen globosum, viride. Stylus breviusculus, purpureus. Stigma peltatum.

Fig. 1. Plant, natural size:—all below the line indicated by the letters a—b is subterraneous. Fig. 2. Front view of the spatha. Fig. 3. Spadix removed from the spatha. c., the circle of anthers, d. the circle of pistils. Fig. 4. Section of the spadix. Fig. 5. Anther. Fig. 6. Pistil, of which the germen is cut through vertically. The 5th and 6th figures are magnified.

Of this singular and beautiful plant I can find no description, yet it appears to be not uncommon in Senegal. The Jolofs, particularly in the country of Cayor, eat the root, when other and better kinds of nourishment fail them. They dry the root and boil it, thus employing heat to extract that poisonous juice with which all[388] the individuals of this natural family are known to abound. It is not, however, eaten at Tingalinta, nor in the district of the Sousous where it is found in equal plenty.

G. Scharf Lithog: | Printed by C. Hullmandel.

Arum aphyllum.

(Large-size)

London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Street. 1825.

### [389]Tab. B.

TABERNÆMONTANA GRANDIFLORA.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
Natural Order—Apocyneæ.

Gen. Char. Contorta. Corolla hypocrateriformis; tubus angulato-strictus, basi subglobosus. Folliculi 2, horizontales. Semina pulpæ immersa (Fol. opposita).

Tabernæmontana Africana, foliis ovato-lanceolatis oppositis, floribus axillaribus solitariis: tubo corollæ spiraliter torto, medio inflato.

Hab. Kacundy.

Arbor mediocris vel Frutex, ramis subdeclinatis.

Folia opposita, ovato-lanceolata, basi apiceque subalterneata, integerrima, glabra, nervosa, nervis parallelis.

Flores solitarii, axillares, versus apicem ramorum, pedunculati. Pedunculus longiusculus, crassus.

Calyx quinquepartitus, inferus, persistens; segmentis ovatis, obtusis.

Corolla hypocrateriformis, magna, speciosa,[390] alba. Tubus spiraliter tortus, versis medium inflatus. Limbus quinquepartitus, segmentis oblongo-lanceolatis, obtusissimis planis, oblique tortis: ore nudo.

Stamina quinque, medio tubi inserta. Filamenta lata, tubo adherentia, marginibus ciliatis. Antheræ sagittatæ, flavæ, circa stigma conniventes.

Pistillum unicum, corollæ dimidio brevius. Germen duplex. Styli duo, filiformes, basi distincti, apice unito, paululum dilatati. Stigma incrassatum, subcylindraceum, basi dilatatum, apice quinquelobum, lobis erectis.

Pericarpium: Folliculi? vel potius baccæ duæ, ovato-rotundatæ, patentes, acuminatæ, basi calyce cinctæ, uniloculares, polyspermæ.

Semina plana, stricta, receptaculo centrali affixa.

Fig. 1. Branch, natural size. Fig. 2. Lower part of the tube laid open to shew the stamens. Fig. 3. Pistil. Fig. 4. Stigma. Fig. 5. Section of the upper part of the Style. Fig. 6. Fruit (natural size). Fig. 7. Section of the same. All but figures 1 and 7 more or less magnified.

This appears to be a very different species of Tabernæmontana, if indeed it really belongs to that genus, from any hitherto described. In[391] the persistent calyx, this plant seems to depart from the character of Tabernæmontana, as it is defined by Jussieu; and also in the tube of the corolla, which is not inflated at the base, but near the middle, and is moreover singularly spirally twisted with deep furrows, if we may judge from the drawing.

G. Scharf Lithog: | Printed by C. Hullmandel.

Tabernæmontana grandiflora.

(Large-size)

### [392]Tab. C.

STROPHANTHUS PENDULUS.
CLASS AND ORDER—PENTANDRIA MONOGYNIA.
Natural Order—Apocyneæ.

Gen. Char. Corolla infundibuliformis. Faux coronata squamulis decem, indivisis.

Limbi laciniæ candatæ. Stamina medio tubi inserta. Antheræ sagittatæ, aristatæ vel mucronatæ. Ovaria duo. Stylus unicus, filiformis, apice dilatato. Stigma subcylindraceum. Squamæ quinque, hypogynæ.

Strophanthus pendulus; foliis oppositis ovato-oblongis acutis, floribus pendulis, antheris aristatis.

Hab. Santo Fallo.

Caulis sarmentosus? cortice cinereo-fusca tectus.

Folia opposita, breviter petiolata, duas, tres uncias longa, unciam lata, oblongo-ovata, glabra, acuta, integerrima, juniora angustiora.

Flores in racemos parvos terminales, solitarii vel bini, penduli.

Pedunculus brevis, crassiusculus.

[393]Calyx profunde quinquepartitus, laciniis ovato-lanceolatis, acutis, modice patentibus.

Corolla infundibuliformis, flava, limbo quinquepartito, laciniis longissimis, linearibus subundulatis; fauce coronata squamis quinque bipartitis, purpureis: segmentis lanceolato-subulatis subundulatis.

Stamina quinque, versus medium tubi corollæ inserta. Filamenta alba, breviuscula, curvata. Antheræ sagittatæ, basi intus stigmati adherentes, apice aristata.

Pistillum: Germen ovato-rotundatum, biloculare: Stylus filiformis, cylindraceus. Stigma incrassatum, cylindraceum, apice truncatum.

Fig. 1. Portion of a plant, natural size. Fig. 2. View of the mouth of the corolla and the nectary. Fig. 3. Stamen. Fig. 4. Two of the stamens, shewing the point of adhesion of the anthers with the stigma. Fig. 5. Back view of a stamen. Fig. 6. Front view of the same. Fig. 7. Section of the germen. All more or less magnified.

Of this plant Mr. Kummer has given but an unsatisfactory account, as he only saw the specimen from which the drawing was made, and which, in his journal, he says that the Cherif Sidi Mahommed (of Foota Jallo), procured for him.

This species of Strophanthus seems to offer a[394] peculiar character in its drooping flowers. I am also unable to find that the remarkable circumstance of the anthers adhering by their base within, and being firmly attached to the stigma, is mentioned by any author as existing in other individuals of this curious genus.

Most of the species of Strophanthus inhabit equinoctial Africa. The S. dichotomus which is a native of China, is the only one of the genus, as far as I know, which has yet been introduced to our gardens. There is an excellent representation of it in the Botanical Register, tab. 469.

G. Scharf Lithog: | Printed by C. Hullmandel.

Strophantus pendulus.

(Large-size)

London. Pub: by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825.

### [395]Tab. D.

PTEROCARPUS AFRICANUS. GUM KARI.
CLASS AND ORDER—DIADELPHIA DECANDRIA.
Natural Order—Leguminosæ.

Gen. Char. Calyx quinquedentatus. Legumen falcatum, foliaceum, varicosum, ala cinctum, non dehiscens. Semina aliquot solitaria. Willd.

Pterocarpus Senegalensis; foliis pinnatis, foliolis ovalibus fructibus lunato-orbiculatis pubescentibus.

Hab. Prope Kacundy et aliis locis montanis, vulgaris. Fl. mense Decembri.

Arbor mediocris, ramis diffusis, cortice pallida.

Folia pinnata, decidua, foliolis ovalibus alternis integerrimis, glabris, superne nitidis nervosis, nervis parallelis approximatis, petiolis partialibus brevissimis.

Racemi compositi, terminales.

Flores numerosi, flavi. Pedicelli breves curvati, basi bractealis, bracteis parvis lanceolatis subulatis. Calyx quinquedentatus, pubescens, basi bracteis duabus parvis subulatis munitus; dentibus subæqualibus, duobus superioribus apice[396] rotundatis, reliquis acutis. Corolla papilionacea, cito caduca. Vexillum rotundatum margine undulatum, basi breve unguiculatum, alis majus. Alæ carina majores. Carina foliolis distinctis. Stamina monadelpha tubo superne fisso, filamentis alternatim longioribus. Antheræ rotundatæ, flavæ. Pistillum staminum longitudine. Germen subovatum, pubescens, viride. Stylus filiformis, curvatus. Stigma simplex.

Legumen majusculum, compressum, in orbiculum curvatum, pubescens, monospermum.

Fig. 1. Flowering branch, after the leaves have fallen away. a. the red gum flowing from the wounded part. Fig. 2. Leaflet of the compound pinnated leaf. Fig. 3. Calyx. Fig. 4. Standard of the corolla. Fig. 5. One of the wings. Fig. 6. The Keel. Fig. 7. Bundle of Stamens. Fig. 8. Pistil. Fig. 9. Legumen. All but figures 1, 2, and 9, more or less magnified.

This plant loses its leaves in the month of November, and in December the flowers appear. The tree is known amongst the inhabitants by the name of Kari, affording one of the best kinds of Gum Kino. Where an incision is made, the juice flows out, at first of an extremely pale red colour, and in a very liquid state; but it soon coagulates, becoming of a deep blood red hue, and so remarkably brittle, that its collection is attended with some difficulty.

G. Scharf Lithog: | Printed by C. Hullmandel.

Pterocarpus africanus.

(Large-size)

London. Pubd. by J. Murray, Albemarle Stt. 1825.

### [397]METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—Foota Jallo.

Date. | Place. | Thermometer Fahrenheit. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | ---
Month. | Day. | Fore-noon. | Noon. | After-noon.
|  |  | h. | ° | ° | h. | ° | h. | ° |
February | 8 | Tingalinta | 6 | 68 | 87 |  |  | 10 | 70 |
— | 9 | Do. | 6 | 66 | 98 |  |  | 9 | 70 |
— | 10 | Do. | 6 | 58 | 92 | 3 | 87 | 9 | 70 |
— | 11 | Do. | 6 | 63 | 96 |  |  | 10 | 70 |
— | 12 | Dindilicouri | 4 | 53 | 100* | 4 | 89 | 9 | 70 | * In the sun.
— | 13 | Near Sappacourie |  |  |  | 6 | 83 | 8 | 71 |
— | 14 | Do. | 4½ | 58 | 99 | 4 | 98 |  |  |
— | 15 | Cogan and Serrewoomba | 3 | 53 | 98 |  |  | 10 | 70 |
— | 16 | Serrewoomba | 6 | 63 | 96 |  |  | 9 | 73 | Noon sun 119°.
— | 17 | Do. | 6 | 64 | 96 |  |  | 9 | 73 | Ditto 109°.
— | 18 | Keeling | 6 | 64 | 96 |  |  | 8 | 70 |
— | 19 | Ditto and Bontong Ko | 6 | 56 | 103* |  |  | 8 | 70 | * Sun.
— | 20 | Poosa | 6 | 58 | 97 |  |  | 8 | 70 |
— | 21 | Do. | 5½ | 53 | 97 | 5 | 90 | 10 | 70 | 2 P.M. in the tent 100°.
— | 22 | Do. | 7 | 68 |  |  |  |  |  |
— | 23 | Do. | 6 | 68 | 88 | 6 | 83 | 10 | 71 |
— | 24 | Do. | 8 | 70 | 91½ |  |  |  |  |
[398]— | 25 | Dunso | 6 | 64 | 98 |  |  | 9 | 70 | Noon sun 120°.
— | 26 |  |  |  | 88 | 3 | 94 | 8 | 72 |
— | 27 | Kaukeenhang | 6 | 64 | 98 |  |  | 10 | 70 | A hot wind from S. at 8½ P.M.
— | 28 |  | 5½ | 58 |  | 2 | 98 | 10 | 70 | The same a little later.
March | 1 |  | 5½ | 52 | 97 |  |  | 9 | 70 |
— | 2 | Panjetta |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
— | 3 | Do. | 6 | 62 | 97 |  |  | 9 | 70 |
— | 4 | Do. | 6 | 59 |  | 2 | 98 | 9 | 74 |
— | 5 | Do. | 6 | 58 | 96 | 1 | 100 | 9 | 73 |
— | 6 | Do. | 6½ | 63 | 96 | 2 | 108 | 9 | 74 |
— | 7 | Do. | 6 | 58 | 96 | 3 | 100 | 8 | 76 |
— | 9 | Do. | 6 | 63 | 96 |  |  | 10 | 77 |
— | 10 | Do. | 5½ | 59 |  | 2 | 96 | 9 | 72 |
— | 12 | Do. | 6 | 67 | 98 |  |  |  |  |
— | 14 | Do. | 5½ | 58 | 96 |  |  |  |  |
— | 16 | Do. | 6 | 69 | 95 | 5 | 70 | 8 | 68 | Rain at 5 P.M. fell from 91° to 70°.
— | 17 | Do. | 6½ | 74 | 97 |  |  | 8 | 68 | Ditto from 4 to 8, fell from 90° to 69°.
— | 18 | Do. | 7 | 70 | 92 | 4 | 71 | 9 | 69 | Light rain.
[399]— | 19 | Do. | 5 | 59 | 87 |  |  | 8 | 75 | Smart rain.
— | 20 | Do. | 7 | 72 | 91 |  |  | 10 | 77 | Cloudy in the NE.
— | 22 | Do. | 7 | 72 | 92 |  |  | 8 | 77 |
— | 25 | Do. | 6 | 65 | 87 | 3 | 92 | 8 | 82 | Thunder and lightning with heavy rain.
— | 28 | Do. | 6 | 70 | 89 | 3 | 92 | 8 | 82 |
April | 1 | Do. | 6 | 63 | 93 | 3 | 93 | 9 | 80 |
— | 3 | Do. | 6 | 68 | 93 | 3 | 97 | 9 | 78 |
— | 5 | Do. | 6 | 67 | 93 | 3 | 96 | 9 | 75 |
— | 7 | Do. | 6 | 66 | 92 | 5 | 96 | 9 | 77 |
— | 11 | Do. | 6 | 67 | 93 | 3 | 96 | 9 | 76 | Heavy clouds in the SE. with all appearance of rain.

### [400]METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—Kayaye.

Date. | Place. | Thermometer Fahrenheit. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | ---
Month. | Day. | Fore-noon. | Noon. | After-noon.
|  |  | h. | ° | ° | h. | ° | h. | ° |  |
March | 24 | Kayaye |  |  |  |  |  | 10 | 82 | Wind | SW. atmosphere heavy.
— | 25 | Do. |  |  |  | 1 | 103 |  |  |  | NW. clear.
— | 26 | Do. | 6 | 72 | 101 | 6 | 96 |  |  |  | SSE. ditto.
— | 27 | Do. | 6 | 80 | 102 | 6 | 82 |  |  |  | Variable from SE. to NW.
— | 29 | Do. |  |  | 92 |  |  |  |  |  | WNW. clear and cool.
— | 30 | Do. | 6 | 71 | 81 | 6 | 72 |  |  |  | NNW. cloudy and cool.
April | 1 | Do. | 6 | 70 | 87 | 6 | 79 |  |  |  | NW. hazy.
— | 3 | Do. | 6 | 77 | 100 | 6 | 81 |  |  |  | NE. by E. very hot.
— | 5 | Do. | 6 | 79 | 110 | 5 | 95 | 10 | 81 |  | NE. disagreeably hot and dry.
— | 6 | Do. | 6 | 80 | 95 | 3 | 99 | 6 | 91 |  | Forenoon NW. after. NE. very hot.
— | 9 | Do. | 6 | 80 | 109 |  |  | 6 | 91 |  | SSE. a very hot wind.
— | 11 | Do. | 6 | 83 | 108 | 6 | 81 | 9 | 80 |  | SSE. ditto.
— | 13 | Do. | 6 | 80 | 97 | 6 | 79 |  |  |  | SW. pleasantly cool.
— | 15 | Do. | 6 | 79 | 99 | 6 | 81 | 8 | 80½ |  | WNW. hazy.
— | 16 | Do. | 6 | 80 | 101 | 6 | 88 |  |  |  | NE. by E. clear and hot.
— | 17 | Do. | 6 | 85 | 102 | 6 | 89 | 10 | 86 |  | Forenoon NNW. after. NE.
— | 19 | Do. | 6 | 81 | 102 | 4 | 99 | 6 | 80 |  | SSE. close and sultry.

### [401]On the road to Bondoo.

Date. | Place. | Thermometer Fahrenheit. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | ---
Month. | Day. | Fore-noon. | Noon. | After-noon.
|  |  | h. | ° | ° | h. | ° | h. | ° |
April | 26 | Jaroomy | 7 | 88 | 93* | 2 | 99* | 6 | 88† | * At Lunain.—† At Coonting.
— | 29 | Tandi Cunda | 5 | 83 | 95* | 2 | 99* |  |  | * At Samu.
— | 30 | Wallia Creek | 8 | 90 | 97 |  | 98 |  |  | Heat of water 80°.
May | 4 | Madina | 6 | 84 | 100 | 5 | 98 |  |  | Wind ENE.
— | 10 | Bentangto | 5 | 80 | 101 | 4 | 97 |  |  |
— | 14 | Sabee | 9 | 94 | 100 | 5 | 90 |  |  |
— | 17 | Loonchea | 6 | 78 | 100 | 2 | 99 | 6 | 96 |
— | 23 | Ganado | 6 | 85 | 99 | 4 | 96 | 8 | 80 | The first rain fell at 11 P.M. on the 22d.
— | 24 | Goodeerie | 6 | 86 | 104* | 3 | 110 | 4 | 113 | Oppressively hot and close—* Sun.
— | 27 | Do. | 8 | 90 | 106 | 3 | 106 | 10 | 99 |
June | 1 | Do. | 6 | 86 | 91 |  |  | 6 | 81† | † Slight rain and much lightning.
— | 3 | Do. | 6 | 87 | 98 | 3 | 97 |  |  | A tornado and heavy rain at 9 P.M.
— | 5 | Do. | 5 | 82 | 92 |  |  | 7 | 89 | Much thunder and lightning with rain.
— | 7 | Do. |  |  | 91 |  |  |  |  | Heavy tornado with rain at midnight.
— | 9 | Do. | 8 | 89 | 94 |  |  | 7 | 89 | Ditto ditto
— | 12 | Do. | 3 | 78 | 90 | 2 | 91 |  |  | Thunder and rain in the evening.

### [402]Bondoo.

Date. | Place. | Thermometer Fahrenheit. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | ---
Month. | Day. | Fore-noon. | Noon. | After-noon.
|  |  | h. | ° | ° | h. | ° | h. | ° |
June | 14 | Goodeerie | 6 | 88 | 100 |  |  | 7 | 80 | Extremely close and sultry.
— | 19 | On the march | 6 | 95 | 101 |  |  | 9 | 90 | Tornado and heavy rain at night.
— | 21 | Boolibany | 9 | 88 | 100 | 6 | 96 |  |  | A tornado and rain at 9 P.M.
— | 23 | Do. | 7 | 82 | 90 | 2 | 98 |  |  | Ditto ditto at 7 A.M.
— | 26 | Do. | 10 | 87 | 96 | 2 | 96 | 11 | 82 | Wind NW. cool and clear.
— | 27 | Do. | 7 | 88 | 98 | 4 | 96 | 7 | 89 | Cloudy, thunder, and rain.
— | 29 | Do. | 3 | 84 | 84 | 2 | 88 |  |  | A heavy tornado and rain at 3 A.M. from NE.
July | 2 | Samba Contaye |  |  | 92 | 5 | 88 | 8 | 86 | Light clouds, appearance of rain.
— | 5 | Do. | 5 | 85 | 99 | 2 | 98 | 6 | 90 | Cloudy and rain.
— | 7 | Do. |  |  | 86 | 4 | 88 | 8 | 76 | Wind NW.
— | 10 | Do. | 6 | 88 | 94 |  |  | 8 | 84 | Rain and tornado.
— | 15 | Do. | 6 | 89 | 90 | 2 | 90 | 8 | 84 | Rain all day.
— | 20 | Do. | 7 | 89 | 90 |  |  | 7 | 87 | Rain afternoon.
— | 24 | Do. | 6 | 87 | 100 |  |  | 8 | 84 | Light rain all day.
— | 26 | Do. | 8 | 90 | 97 |  |  | 8 | 80 | A violent tornado at night.
[403]— | 29 | Do. | 6 | 85 | 98 |  |  | 8 | 80 | Much heavy rain.
August | 1 | Do. |  |  | 97 |  |  | 8 | 70 | Slight rain.
— | 3 | Do. | 6 | 74 | 82 |  |  | 8 | 72 | Ditto all day.
— | 4 | Do. | 6 | 73 | 83 |  |  | 6 | 80 | Ditto.
— | 5 | Do. | 6 | 70 | 80 |  |  | 8 | 73 | A heavy tornado.
— | 6 | Do. | 6 | 71 | 86 |  |  | 8 | 80 | Light rain.
— | 7 | Do. | 6 | 71 | 82 | 3 | 85 | 8 | 80 | Ditto.
— | 10 | Do. | 6 | 72 | 79 | 4 | 85 | 8 | 78 | Nearly calm.
— | 11 | Do. | 6 | 73 | 84 |  |  | 8 | 77 | Rain at 8 P.M.
— | 14 | Do. | 6 | 75 | 87 |  |  | 8 | 79 | Much rain.

### [404]METEOROLOGICAL JOURNAL, Bondoo, 1818.

Date. | Therm. Fahrenheit, in the shade. | State of the atmosphere. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | ---
Month. | Day. | 6 A.M. | Noon. | 3 P.M. | 8 P.M. | Forenoon. | Afternoon.
|  | ° | ° | ° | ° |  |  |  |
August | 16 | 76 | 85 | 87½ | 85 | Cloudy. | Clear. |  |
— | 17 | 77 | 85 | 88 | 84 | Do.* | Rain. |  | * Accompanied by a tornado.
— | 18 | 75 | 79 | 81 | 85 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 19 | 78 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Rain*. | Do. |  | * Very heavy.
— | 20 | 73 | 77 | 86 | 80 | Do. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 21 | 74 | 84 | 83 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 22 | 77 | 83 | 88 | 79 | Rain*. | Cloudy. |  | * Accompanied by tornado.
— | 23 | 76 | 85 | 87 | 84 | Cloudy. | Do. |  |
— | 24 | 70 | 80 | 87 | 80 | Rain*. | Cloudy. |  | * Slight.
— | 25 | 73 | 82 | 86 | 85 | Cloudy. | Rain†. |  | † Do.
— | 26 | 71 | 82 | 85 | 87 | Do. | Do. |  | Do.
— | 27 | 74 | 85 | 85 | 88 | Do. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 28 | 72 | 85 | 85 | 84 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 29 | 79 | 81 | 86 | 83 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 30 | 79 | 84 | 86 | 80 | Rain*. | Do. |  | * Slight.
— | 31 | 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Haze. | Rain†. |  | Do.
September | 1 | 70 | 81 | 88½ | 83 | Rain*. | Do. |  | * Accompanied by a tornado.
[405]— | 2 | 75 | 80 | 79 | 76 | Rain. | Rain. |  | Slight.
— | 3 | 74 | 77 | 86 | 76 | Do. | Do. |  | Do.
— | 4 | 78 | 80 | 83 | 77 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 5 | 78½ | 84 | 85 | 82 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 6 | 73 | 79 | 81 | 70 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 7 | 77 | 84 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 8 | 76 | 82 | 88 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain†. |  | † Slight.
— | 9 | 75 | 82 | 84 | 81 | Clear. | Do. |  | Do.
— | 10 | 77 | 82 | 87½ | 85 | Rain. | Do. |  | Heavy, with tornado.
— | 11 | 71 | 77 | 79 | 74 | Do. | Cloudy. |  | Slight.
— | 12 | 75 | 80 | 83 | 78 | Cloudy. | Do. |  |
— | 13 | 72 | 80 | 86 | 83 | Rain. | Do. |  | Slight.
— | 14 | 78 | 71 | 75 | 72 | Do. | Rain. |  | Do.
— | 15 | 75 | 80 | 85 | 81 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 16 | 74 | 81 | 86 | 82 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 17 | 75 | 69 | 71 | 73½ | Rain. | Rain. |  | Heavy.
— | 18 | 71 | 73 | 75 | 82 | Do. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 19 | 72 | 84 | 85 | 80 | Cloudy. | Rain. |  | Slight.
— | 20 | 73 | 85 | 91 | 94 | Haze. | Do. |  | Do.
[406]— | 21 | 73 | 79 | 83 | 74 | Rain. | Rain. |  | Slight.
— | 22 | 70 | 81 | 82 | 80 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 23 | 73 | 83 | 91 | 88 | Clear. | Do. |  |
— | 24 | 76 | 86 | 88 | 89 | Haze. | Do. |  |
— | 25 | 70 | 79 | 83 | 80 | Rain. | Rain. |  | Heavy.
— | 26 | 74 | 86 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Clear. |  |
— | 27 | 74 | 80 | 85 | 84 | Clear. | Do. |  |
— | 28 | 75 | 82 | 84 | 80 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 29 | 72 | 80 | 83 | 82 | Cloudy. | Rain. |  | Slight.
— | 30 | 73 | 83 | 84 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. |  | Do.
October | 1 | 74 | 80 | 85 | 83 | Cloudy. | Rain. |  | Do.
— | 2 | 71 | 80 | 82 | 83 | Rain. | Clear. |  | Do.
— | 3 | 73 | 86 | 88 | 86 | Clear. | Do. |  |
— | 4 | 75 | 82 | 87 | 89 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 5 | 70 | 78 | 84 | 85 | Cloudy. | Do. |  |
— | 6 | 72 | 86 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Rain. |  | Heavy.
— | 7 | 74 | 81 | 84 | 80 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 8 | 77 | 85 | 89 | 87 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 9 | 80 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. |  |
[407]— | 10 | 78 | 84 | 91 | 89 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 11 | 79 | 87 | 90 | 88 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 12 | 77 | 87 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 13 | 78 | 89 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 14 | 78 | 87 | 91 | 87 | Do. | Cloudy. |  |
— | 15 | 80 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Do. |  |
— | 16 | 78 | 87 | 89 | 88 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 17 | 79 | 91 | 94 | 89 | Rain. | Rain. |  | Heavy.
— | 18 | 77 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 19 | 72 | 87 | 90 | 89 | Do. | Do. |  |
— | 20 | 74 | 89 | 93 | 90 | Do. | Hazy. |  |
— | 21 | 75 | 88 | 92 | 91 | Hazy. | Do. |  |
— | 22 | 74 | 89 | 96 | 97 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 23 | 79 | 90 | 95 | 54 |  |  |  |
— | 24 | 79 | 91 | 93 | 90 | Dark and hazy. | Dark and hazy. |  |
— | 25 | 74 | 89 | 94 | 90 | Do. cloudy. | Do. cloudy. |  |
— | 26 | 77 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy, rain. | Cloudy and rain. |  | Slight.
— | 27 | 78 | 91 | 95 | 95 | Clear. | Clear. |  |
— | 28 | 75 | 90 | 94 | 91 | Do. | Do. |  |
[408]— | 29 | 72 | 86 | 92 | 90 | Clear. | Clear. | ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎭ | Winds from SW. to W. and NW.
— | 30 | 73 | 87 | 93 | 86 | Do. | Cloudy.
— | 31 | 71 | 86 | 89 | 88 | Cloudy. | Do.
November | 1 | 68 | 79 | 84 | 86 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 2 | 67 | 84 | 90 | 86 | Do. | Do.
— | 3 | 71 | 90 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do.
— | 4 | 70 | 90 | 95 | 90 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 5 | 72 | 90 | 96 | 90 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 6 | 70 | 97 | 90 | 87 | Do. | Do.
— | 7 | 70 | 90 | 90 | 85 | Do. | Do.
— | 8 | 71 | 92 | 92 | 83 | Do. | Do.
— | 9 | 71 | 93 | 94 | 84 | Do. | Do.
— | 10 | 70 | 90 | 92 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 11 | 71 | 92 | 94 | 86 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 12 | 71 | 92 | 93 | 85 | Do. | Do.
— | 13 | 70 | 90 | 94 | 87 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 14 | 71 | 89 | 92 | 89 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 15 | 70 | 89 | 94 | 89 | Do. | Do.
— | 16 | 70 | 88 | 92 | 89 | Do. | Do.
[409]— | 17 | 70 | 88 | 90 | 86 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎭ | Winds NE. and E. occasionally NNW.
— | 18 | 70 | 89 | 90 | 84 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 19 | 72 | 89 | 90 | 83 | Do. | Do.
— | 20 | 71 | 88 | 89 | 82 | Do. | Do.
— | 21 | 71 | 88 | 88 | 83 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 22 | 72 | 89 | 87 | 82 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 23 | 70 | 87 | 87 | 81 | Do. | Do.
— | 24 | 71 | 86 | 87 | 82 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 25 | 70 | 87 | 88 | 80 | Do. | Do.
— | 26 | 70 | 85 | 86 | 80 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 27 | 70 | 86 | 85 | 80 | Do. | Do.
— | 28 | 71 | 88 | 87 | 79 | Do. | Do.
— | 29 | 70 | 86 | 84 | 78 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 30 | 71 | 87 | 86 | 78 | Do. | Do.
December | 1 | 70 | 86 | 84 | 77 | Do. | Do.
— | 2 | 71 | 85 | 84 | 78 | Do. | Do.
— | 3 | 70 | 87 | 85 | 79 | Do. | Do.
— | 4 | 69 | 84 | 84 | 74 | Do. | Do.
— | 5 | 69 | 86 | 84 | 73 | Do. | Do.
[410]— | 6 | 70 | 86 | 86 | 75 | Clear. | Clear. | ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎭ | Winds N. to NE. and E., occasionally NNW.
— | 7 | 70 | 87 | 86 | 74 | Do. | Do.
— | 8 | 69 | 86 | 85 | 72 | Do. | Do.
— | 9 | 69 | 87 | 85 | 70 | Do. | Do.
— | 10 | 68 | 88 | 87 | 71 | Do. | Do.
— | 11 | 70 | 88 | 86 | 70 | Do. | Do.
— | 12 | 69 | 86 | 84 | 69 | Do. | Do.
— | 13 | 70 | 86 | 85 | 69 | Do. | Do.
— | 14 | 71 | 86 | 84 | 68 | Do. | Do.
— | 15 | 69 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do.
— | 16 | 70 | 88 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do.
— | 17 | 68 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 18 | 68 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do.
— | 19 | 68 | 86 | 84 | 65 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 20 | 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 21 | 69 | 87 | 87 | 68 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 22 | 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do.
— | 23 | 69 | 86 | 86 | 64 | Do. | Do.
— | 24 | 70 | 84 | 84 | 66 | Do. | Do.
[411]— | 25 | 70 | 86 | 85 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy. | ⎫ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎬ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎪ ⎭ | Winds from N. to E. occasionally NW. The only thermometer I had, was broken in moving to Boolibany, and I was unable to procure another, the French officers at Galam having but one.
— | 26 | 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 27 | 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do.
— | 28 | 70 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Do. | Do.
— | 29 | 69 | 85 | 84 | 65 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 30 | 69 | 85 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Clear.
— | 31 | 68 | 84 | 84 | 62 | Clear. | Do.
1819. |  |  |  |  |  |  |
January | 1 | 68 | 84 | 83 | 62 | Clear. | Clear.
— | 2 | 69 | 85 | 84 | 64 | Do. | Do.
— | 3 | 69 | 86 | 85 | 64 | Do. | Do.
— | 4 | 70 | 87 | 87 | 66 | Do. | Do.
— | 5 | 70 | 88 | 87 | 65 | Do. | Do.
— | 6 | 69 | 86 | 86 | 62 | Do. | Do.
— | 7 | 69 | 86 | 85 | 61 | Do. | Do.
— | 8 | 69 | 86 | 84 | 61 | Do. | Do.
— | 9 | 70 | 86 | 86 | 63 | Cloudy. | Cloudy.
— | 10 | 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Do. | Do.
— | 11 | 70 | 87 | 87 | 64 | Clear. | Clear.

### [412]METEOROLOGICAL TABLE.—Galam.

Month. | Place. | Greatest average height.—Reaumur. | Greatest average fall. | Remarks.
--- | --- | --- | --- | ---
Hour. | Deg. | Hour. | Deg.
1819. |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
July | Baquelle |  |  | 3 P.M. |  | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 | There were eight days’ rain, accompanied by tornados; the winds (with only two days’ variation) were SE. and S.
August | Do. |  |  | 3 P.M. |  | 26½ | 3 A.M. | 17 | Nine days’ rain, only one tornado, on the 2d; winds variable from S. to NW., and one day NNW.
September | Do. |  |  | 3 P.M. |  | 26 | When raining. | 17 | Sixteen days’ rain, six tornados, wind variable from E. to S. and W.
October | Do. |  | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 29 | 4 A.M. | 18 | Three days’ rain, two tornados without rain, wind variable, mostly easterly.
3 P.M.
November | Do. | * | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 28 | 4 A.M. | 17 | No rain or tornado, wind chiefly easterly, with a few variations to the N. and W.
3 P.M.
December | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | [413]10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 27 | 4 A.M. | 13 | Wind from N. to E. On the 25th at 5 A.M. 12°.
3 P.M.
1820. |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
January | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 26½ | 4 A.M. | 14 | Same wind as December, with occasional changes to NW.
3 P.M.
February | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 28 | 5 A.M. | 14 | Fine clear weather, very hot, with occasional W. winds.
3 P.M.
March | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 31 | 5 A.M. | 15 | Strong E. wind, variable to N. One day therm. stood an hour at 34°.
3 P.M.
April | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 32 | 5 A.M. | 16 | Strong N. and E. winds. Therm. varied from 23° to 35°.
3 P.M.
May | Do. | † | ⎰ ⎱ | 10 A.M. | ⎱ ⎰ | 33 | 4 A.M. | 17 | A tornado without rain on the 10th; wind from S. to E. and W.; three days’ slight showers.
3 P.M.
June | Do. |  |  | †3 P.M. |  | 32 | 4 A.M. | 16 | Winds variable in every direction; five tornados, and six days’ rain.
* The east wind during the day, gave a rise of from 3° to 4°.
Do. do. the night, a fall of from 6° to 7°.
During those months, the east wind, which is very hot in the day and cool at night, and until sunrise, is often succeeded by pleasant breezes from the west.
The river, which commences rising in the first week of June, reaches 40 feet above its lowest level, and, in 1820, began to fall again about the middle of September.
† Ut suprà, p. 412, in notis.

G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.

## Transcriber's note:

- The changes indicated in the Errata have been done.
- pg xii Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
- caption of plate 1 Changed: TALABUUCHIA to: TALABUNCHIA
- pg 13 (footnote 3) Changed: Diudilicouric to: Diudilicourie
- pg 43 Changed: Visit to Katoha to: Katoba
- pg 94 Changed: through the Simbarri Woods to: Simbani
- pg 94 Changed: Arrive at Sausanding to: Sansanding
- pg 94 Changed: in the Simbarri woods to: Simbani
- pg 113 Changed: Sanda himself to: Saada
- pg 132 Changed: almos the whole to: almost
- pg 142 Changed: more vere fast to: were
- pg 278 Changed: Touca of Tuabo to: Tonca
- pg 281 Changed: nominating a new Touca to: Tonca
- pg 309 Changed: answers by which time to: answers (by which time
- pg 375 Changed: ARTICLE VII.—See Page 223 to: ARTICLE VIII
- pg 392 Changed: sqamulis decem to: squamulis
- pg 393 Changed stylus fiiliformis to: filiformis
- Botanical drawings moved from: after pg 396 to: next to each species description
- Minor changes in punctuation have been done silently.
- Other spelling errors or inconsistencies have been left unchanged.
- New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TRAVELS IN WESTERN AFRICA, IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, 20, AND 21, FROM THE RIVER GAMBIA, THROUGH WOOLLI, BONDOO, GALAM, KASSON, KAARTA, AND FOOLIDOO, TO THE RIVER NIGER ***
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