## The Project Gutenberg eBook of History for ready reference, Volume 6

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Title: History for ready reference, Volume 6

Recent history - 1894-5 to 1901 A-Z

Author: J. N. Larned

Release date: October 17, 2023 [eBook #71897]

Language: English

Original publication: Springfield, Mass: C. A. Nichols Co, 1895

Credits: Don Kostuch

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE, VOLUME 6 ***

    [Transcriber's Notes: These modifications are intended to provide
    continuity of the text for ease of searching and reading.

    1. To avoid breaks in the narrative, page numbers (shown in curly
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       replaced with spaces and newlines.

    6. Subjects are arranged thusly:

    ---------------------------------
    MAIN SUBJECT TITLE IN UPPER CASE
       Subheading one.
       Subheading two.

       Subject text.

          See CROSS REFERENCE ONE.

          See Also CROSS REFERENCE TWO.

          John Smith,
          External Citation Title,
          Chapter 3, page 89.
    ---------------------------------

       Main titles are at the left margin, in all upper case
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       Subheadings (if any) are indented three spaces and
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       Text of the article (if any) follows the list of subtitles
       (if any) and is preceded with an empty line and indented
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       References to other articles in this work are in all upper
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       usually begin with "See", "Also" or "Also in".

       Citations of works outside this book are indented six spaces
       and in italics (as in the original). The bibliography in
       Volume 1, APPENDIX F on page xxi provides additional details,
       including URLs of available internet versions.

       ----------Subject: Start--------
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       indicates the start/end of a group of subheadings or other
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       To search for words separated by an unknown number of other
       characters, use this Regular Expression to find the words
       "first" and "second" separated by between 1 and 100 characters:
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       A list of all words used in this work is found at the end of
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       differently by various authors. Search for:

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       Several tables are best viewed using a fixed spacing font such
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    End Transcriber's Notes.]

    ----------------------------------

Spine

Map of Asia

    HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.

    FROM THE BEST HISTORIANS, BIOGRAPHERS, AND SPECIALISTS

          THEIR OWN WORDS IN A COMPLETE SYSTEM OF HISTORY
          FOR ALL USES, EXTENDING TO ALL COUNTRIES AND SUBJECTS,
          AND REPRESENTING FOR BOTH READERS AND STUDENTS THE BETTER
          AND NEWER LITERATURE OF HISTORY IN THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE

          BY
          J. N. LARNED

          WITH NUMEROUS HISTORICAL MAPS FROM ORIGINAL
          STUDIES AND DRAWINGS BY

          ALAN O. REILEY

          REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION

          IN SIX VOLUMES

          VOLUME VI—RECENT HISTORY
          1894-5 TO 1901
          A to Z

          SPRINGFIELD, MASS.

          THE C. A. NICHOLS CO., PUBLISHERS

          COPYRIGHT, 1901,
          BY J. N. LARNED.

          The Riverside Press,
          Cambridge, Massachusetts, U. S. A.
          Printed by H. O. Houghton & Company.

    PREFACE TO THE SIXTH VOLUME.

       The six years that have passed since the original five volumes
       of this compilation were published, in 1894-5, have been
       filled with events so remarkable and changes so revolutionary
       in political and social conditions that the work has seemed to
       need an extension to cover them. The wish for such an
       extension, expressed by many people, led to the preparation of
       a new volume, in which all the lines of the historical record
       are taken from the points at which they were dropped in the
       early volumes, and are carried to the end of the Nineteenth
       Century, and beyond it, into the opening months of the present
       year.

       In plan and arrangement this additional volume is uniform with
       the preceding ones; but the material used in it is different
       from that dealt with before, and a quite different character
       is given consequently to the book. The former compilation
       represented closet-studies of History—perspective views of a
       past more or less remote from those who depicted it. This one,
       on the contrary, exhibits History in the making,—the day by
       day evolution of events and changes as they passed under the
       hands and before the eyes and were recorded by the pens of the
       actual makers and witnesses of them. If there is crudeness in the
       story thus constructed, there is life in it, to quite make good
       the lack of literary finish; and the volume is expected to
       prove as interesting and as useful as its predecessors. It
       sets forth, with the fulness which their present-day interest
       demands, all the circumstances that led to the
       Spanish-American war; the unforeseen sequences of that war, in
       the Philippine Islands, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, and in
       American politics; the whole controversy of Great Britain with
       the South African Boers and the resulting war; the shameful
       dealings of western nations with China, during late years,
       which provoked the outbreak of barbaric hostility to
       foreigners, and the dreadful experiences of the siege and
       relief of Peking; the strange Dreyfus agitations in France;
       the threatening race-conflicts in Austria; the change of
       sovereign in England; the Peace Conference at The Hague and
       its results; the federation of the Australian colonies; the
       development of industrial combinations or trusts in the United
       States; the archæological discoveries of late years in the
       East, and the more notable triumphs of achievement in the
       scientific world. On these and other occurrences of the period
       surveyed, the record of fact is quoted from sources the most
       responsible and authentic now available, and always with the
       endeavor to present both sides of controverted matters with
       strict impartiality.

       For purposes of reference and study, a large number of
       important documents—laws, treaties, new constitutions of
       government, and other state papers—are given in full, and, in
       most instances, from officially printed texts.

       BUFFALO, NEW YORK; May, 1901.

    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.

       I am indebted to the following named authors, editors, and
       publishers, for permission kindly given me to quote from books
       and periodicals, all of which are duly referred to in
       connection with the passages severally borrowed from them:

       The manager of The American Catholic Quarterly Review;
       the editor of The American Journal of Archæology;
       the editor of The American Monthly Review of Reviews;
       General Thomas F. Anderson;
       Messrs. D. Appleton & Company;
       Messrs. Wm. Blackwood's Sons (Blackwood's Magazine);
       Mr. Andrew Carnegie;
       Messrs. Chapman & Hall (The Fortnightly Review);
       Mr. Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain);
       Hon. W. Bourke Cockran;
       the editor of The Contemporary Review;
       Prof. John Franklin Crowell;
       the G. W. Dillingham Company;
       Messrs. Dodd, Mead & Company;
       Messrs. Doubleday, Page & Company;
       The Ecumenical Conference on Foreign Missions;
       Mr. J. Foreman;
       The Forum Publishing Company;
       Harper & Brothers (Harper's Magazine);
       Mr. Howard C. Hillegas;
       Prof. H. V. Hilprecht;
       Hon. Frederick W. Holls;
       Messrs. Houghton, Mifflin & Company (The Atlantic Monthly);
       Mr. George Iles;
       the editor of The Independent;
       Prof. John H. Latané;
       Messrs. Longmans, Green & Company (The Edinburgh Review);
       Mr. Charles F. Lummis;
       Messrs. McClure, Philips & Company (The Popular Science Monthly);
       Messrs. MacMillan & Company (London);
       The New Amsterdam Book Company;
       the editor of The Nineteenth Century Review;
       the editor of The North American Review;
       the editors of The Outlook;
       the managing editor of The Political Science Quarterly;
       Mr. Edward Porritt;
       Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons;
       Messrs. Charles Scribner's Sons;
       George M. Sternberg, Surgeon-General, U. S. A.;
       The Frederick A. Stokes Company;
       the managing editor of The Sunday School Times;
       Prof. F. W. Taussig;
       Prof. Elihu Thomson;
       the manager of The Times, London;
       The University Press, Cambridge;
       Mr. Herbert Welsh; the editors of The Yale Review.

       My acknowledgments are likewise due to the Hon. D. S.
       Alexander, Representative in Congress, and to many officials
       at Washington, for courteous assistance in procuring
       publications of the national government for my use.

    LIST OF MAPS.

       Map of Asia,                           Preceding the title page

       Map of Africa,                         Following page 2

       Map of Alaska,                         Following page 8

       Map of Australia,                      Following page 30

       Map of Central America,
          showing the Isthmian Canal routes,  Following page 66

       Map of the East Coast of China,        Following page 76

       Map of Cuba and the West Indies,       Following page 170

       Map of Hawaii,                         Following page 254

       Map of the Philippine Islands,
          and of the seat of war in Luzon,    Following page 368

       Map of Porto Rico,                     Following page 410

       Map of the Boer Republics
         and their surroundings,              Following page 492

       Map illustrating the Santiago campaign
          in the Spanish-American war,                 On page 603

    LIST OF TABLES.

       The descendants of Queen Victoria,              Page 215

       Protestant foreign missions
          and missionary societies,                    Pages 311-313

       Navies of the Sea Powers,                       Page 318

       Philippine Islands, area and population,        Pages 367-369

       The Shipping of the World in 1900,              Page 452

       British military forces in South African war,   Pages 509-510

       Statistics of the Spanish-American War,         Pages 628-631

       Twelfth Census of the United States (1900),     Pages 645-646

       Revenues and expenditures of the government
       of the United States for the fiscal
       year ended June 30, 1900,                       Page 666
         Losses from all causes in the armies
          of the United States from
          May 1, 1898, to May 20, 1900,                Pages 666-667

       Qualifications of the elective franchise
       in the several States of the United States,     Pages 676-677

       Military and naval expenditures of
          the greater Powers,                          Pages 694-697

       Chronological record of events, 1895 to 1901,   Pages 702-720

    {1}

    HISTORY FOR READY REFERENCE.

    ABORIGINES, American.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN.

    ABRUZZI, the Duke of: Arctic expedition.

          See (in this volume) POLAR EXPLORATION, 1899-1900, 1901.

    ABYDOS, Archæological exploration at.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Successful war with the Italians.

          See (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.
       Treaty with Great Britain.

       A treaty between King Menelek of Abyssinia and the British
       Government was concluded in May, 1897. It gives to British
       subjects the privileges of the most favored nations in trade;
       opens the port of Zeyla to Abyssinian importations; defines
       the boundary of the British Somali Protectorate, and pledges
       Abyssinia to be hostile to the Mahdists.

    ACETYLENE GAS, Production of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    ADOWA, Battle of.

          See (in this volume) ITALY; A. D. 1895-1896.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1893-1895.
       Relinquishment of claims over Swat, Bajaur and Chitral.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1894.
       The Waziri War.

          See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1894.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.
       Anglo-Russian Agreement.
       Determination of the northern frontier.

       The joint Anglo-Russian Commission for fixing the northern
       frontier of Afghanistan, from Zulfikar on the Heri-Rud to the
       Pamirs, finished its work in July, 1895. This was consequent
       upon an Agreement between the governments of Great Britain and
       Russia which had been reduced to writing on the previous 11th
       of March. In part, that Agreement was as follows:

       "Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His
       Majesty the Emperor of Russia engage to abstain from
       exercising any political influence or control, the former to
       the north, the latter to the south, of the above line of
       demarcation. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engage that
       the territory lying within the British sphere of influence
       between the Hindu Kush and the line running from the east end
       of Lake Victoria to the Chinese frontier shall form part of
       the territory of the Ameer of Afghanistan, that it shall not
       be annexed to Great Britain, and that no military posts or
       forts shall be established in it. The execution of this
       Agreement is contingent upon the evacuation by the Ameer of
       Afghanistan of all the territories now occupied by His
       Highness on the right bank of the Panjah, and on the
       evacuation by the Ameer of Bokhara of the portion of Darwaz
       which lies to the south of the Oxus, in regard to which Her
       Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of His
       Majesty the Emperor of Russia have agreed to use their
       influence respectively with the two Ameers."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: Treaty Series,
          Number 8, 1895.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.
       Conquest of Kafiristan.

       By the agreement of 1893, between the Ameer of Afghanistan and
       the government of India (see, in this volume, INDIA. A. D.
       1895-MARCH-SEPTEMBER), the mountain district of Kafiristan was
       conceded to the former, and he presently set to work to
       subjugate its warlike people, who had never acknowledged his
       yoke. By the end of 1896 the conquest of these Asiatic Kafirs
       was believed to be complete.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Wars of the British with frontier tribes.

          See (in this volume) INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1900.
       Russian railway projects.

          See (in this volume) RUSSIA-IN-ASIA: A. D. 1900.

       ----------AFRICA: Start--------

    AFRICA: A. D. 1891-1900
       (Portuguese East Africa).
       Delagoa Bay Railway Arbitration.

          See (in this volume)
          DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1893 (Niger Coast Protectorate).
       Its growth.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).
       The Commandeering question.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1894 (The Transvaal).
       Dissatisfaction of the Boers with the
       London Convention of 1884.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (British South Africa Company).
       Extension of charter and enlargement of powers.
       Influence of Cecil J. Rhodes.
       Attitude towards the Transvaal.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1895 (Rhodesia).
       Extended territory and enlarged powers of the British
       South Africa Company.
       Ascendancy of Cecil J. Rhodes.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1894-1895.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1894-1898
       (British Central Africa Protectorate: Nyassaland).
       Administrative separation from British South Africa Company's
       territory.
       Conflicts with natives.
       Resources and prospects.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

    {2}

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Bechuanaland).
       Partial conveyance to British South Africa Company.

       Several Bechuana chiefs visited England to urge that their
       country should not be absorbed by Cape Colony or the British
       South Africa Company. An agreement was made with them which
       reserved certain territories to each, but yielded the
       remainder to the administration of the British South Africa
       Company.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (British East Africa).
       Transfer of territory to the British Government.

       The territories previously administered by the Imperial
       British East Africa Company (excepting the Uganda
       Protectorate, which had been transferred in 1894) were finally
       transferred to the British Government on the 1st of July. At
       the same time, the dominion of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the
       mainland came under the administrative control of the British
       consul-general at Zanzibar.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Cape Colony).
       Annexation of British Bechuanaland.

       Proceedings for the annexation of British Bechuanaland to Cape
       Colony were adopted by the Cape Parliament in August.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (French West Africa).
       Appointment of a Governor-General.

       In June, M. Chaudie was appointed Governor-General of French
       West Africa, his jurisdiction extending over Senegal, the
       Sudan possessions of France, French Guinea, Dahomey, and other
       French possessions in the Gulf of Benin.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Orange Free State).
       Proposed federal union of the Free State with the Transvaal.

       A resolution making overtures for a federal union with the
       Transvaal was passed by the Volksraad of the Orange Free State
       in June.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Sierra Leone).
       Establishment of a British Protectorate over the
       Hinterland of Sierra Leone.
       Anglo-French boundary agreement.

          See (in this volume)
          SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Transvaal).
       Action in Swaziland.

       By a proclamation in February, the Transvaal Government
       assumed the administration of Swaziland and installed King
       Buna as paramount chief.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
       Closing of the Vaal River Drifts.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
       Discontent of the Uitlanders.
       The Franchise question.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (The Transvaal).
       Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (JULY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (Zululand).
       Extension of Boundary.

       A strip of territory west of Amatongaland, along the Pondoland
       River to the Maputa was formally added to Zululand in May, the
       South African Republic protesting.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (Portuguese East Africa).
       War with Gungunhana.

       The Portuguese were involved in war with Gungunhana, king of
       Gazaland, which lasted from September, 1895, until the
       following spring, when Gungunhana was captured and carried a
       prisoner, with his wives and son, to Lisbon.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (The Transvaal).
       Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders at Johannesburg.
       The Jameson raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895-1896.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1897 (British East Africa Protectorate).
       Creation of the Protectorate.
       Territories included.
       Subjugation of Arab chiefs.
       Report of commissioner.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE:
          A. D. 1895-1897.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Ashanti).
       British conquest and occupation.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (British South Africa Company).
       Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.
       Parliamentary movement to investigate.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE); and (JULY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Cape Colony).
       Investigation of the Jameson raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Rhodesia).
       Matabele revolt.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
          A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (Zanzibar).
       Suppression of an usurper by the British.

       On the sudden death (supposed to be from poison) of the Sultan
       of Zanzibar, August 25, his cousin, Said Khalid, seized the
       palace and proclaimed himself sultan. Zanzibar being an
       acknowledged protectorate of Great Britain, the usurper was
       summoned by the British consul to surrender. He refused, and
       the palace was bombarded by war vessels in the harbor, with
       such effect that the palace was speedily destroyed and about
       500 of its inmates killed. Khalid fled to the German consul,
       who protected him and had him conveyed to German territory. A
       new sultan, Said Hamud-bin-Mahomed was at once proclaimed.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1896-1899 (The Transvaal).
       Controversies with the British Government.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL), to 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Congo Free State).
       Mutiny of troops.

       The Congo troops of an expedition led by Baron Dhanis mutinied
       and murdered a number of Belgian officers. Subsequently they
       were attacked in the neighborhood of Lake Albert Edward Nyanza
       and mostly destroyed.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Dahomey and Tongoland).
       Definition of boundary.

       By a convention concluded in July between Germany and France,
       the boundary between German possessions in Tongoland and those
       of France in Dahomey and the Sudan was defined.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).
       Massacre at Benin.
       British expedition.
       Capture of the town.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Nigeria).
       Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

       In January and February, the forces of the Royal Niger Company
       successfully invaded the strong Fulah states of Nupé and
       Ilorin, from which slave raiding in the territory under
       British protection was carried on. Bida, the Nupé capital, was
       entered on the 27th of January, after a battle in which 800
       Hausa troops, led by European officers, and using heavy
       artillery, drove from the field an army of cavalry and foot
       estimated at 30,000 in number. The Emir of Nupé was deposed,
       another set up in his place, and a treaty signed which
       established British rule. The Emir of Ilorin submitted after
       his town had been bombarded, and bowed himself to British
       authority in his government. At the same time, a treaty
       settled the Lagos frontier. Later in the year, the stronghold
       at Kiffi of another slave-raider, Arku, was stormed and
       burned.

Map of Africa

    {3}

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Orange Free State and Transvaal).
       Treaty defensive between the two republics.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Sudan).
       Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    A. D. 1897 (Zanzibar).
       Abolition of slavery.

       Under pressure from the British government, the Sultan of
       Zanzibar issued a decree, on the 6th or April, 1897,
       terminating the legal status of slavery, with compensation to
       be awarded on proof of consequent loss.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (Zululand).
       Annexation to Natal.

       By act of the Natal Parliament in December, 1897, Zululand
       (with Amatongaland already joined to it) was annexed to Natal
       Colony, and Dinizulu, son of the last Zulu king, was brought
       from captivity in St. Helena and reinstated.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Sudan).
       Completion of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (Uganda).
       Native insurrections and mutiny of Sudanese troops in Uganda.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Abyssinia).
       Treaty of King Menelek with Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1898.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (British South Africa Company).
       Reorganization.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Egypt).
       The Nile question between England and France.
       Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Nigeria and the French Sudan).
       Definition of French and English possessions in
       West and North Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Rhodesia).
       Reorganization of the British South Africa Company and
       the administration of its territories.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1898 (Tunis).
       Results of the French Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
       Railway development.

       "Railroad development in Africa has been rapid in the past few
       years and seems but the beginning of a great system which must
       contribute to the rapid development, civilization, and
       enlightenment of the Dark Continent. Already railroads run
       northwardly from Cape Colony about 1,400 miles, and
       southwardly from Cairo about 1,100 miles, thus making 2,500
       miles of the 'Cape to Cairo' railroad complete, while the
       intermediate distance is about 3,000 miles. Mr. Rhodes, whose
       recent visit to England and Germany in the interest of the
       proposed through line from the Cape to Cairo is a matter of
       record, and whose visit to Germany was made necessary by the
       fact that in order to pass from the southern chain of British
       territory to the northern chain he must cross German or
       Belgian territory, is reported as confident that the through
       line will be completed by the year 1910. Certainly it may
       reasonably be assumed that a continuous railway line will be
       in operation from the southern to the northern end of Africa
       in the early years of the twentieth century. Toward this line,
       present and prospective, which is to stretch through the
       eastern part of the continent, lateral lines from either coast
       are beginning to make their way. A line has already been
       constructed from Natal on the southeast coast: another from
       Lourenço Marquez in Portuguese territory and the gold and
       diamond fields: another from Beira, also in Portuguese
       territory, but considerably farther north, and destined to
       extend to Salisbury in Rhodesia, where it will form a junction
       with the 'Cape to Cairo' road; still another is projected from
       Zanzibar to Lake Victoria Nyanza, to connect, probably, at
       Tabora, with the transcontinental line; another line is under
       actual construction westward from Pangani just north of
       Zanzibar, both of these being in German East Africa; another
       line is being constructed northwestwardly from Mombasa, in
       British territory, toward Lake Victoria Nyanza, and is
       completed more than half the distance, while at the entrance
       to the Red Sea a road is projected westwardly into Abyssinia,
       and is expected to pass farther toward the west and connect
       with the main line. At Suakim, fronting on the Red Sea, a road
       is projected to Berber, the present terminus of the line
       running southwardly from Cairo. On the west of Africa lines
       have begun to penetrate inward, a short line in the French
       Sudan running from the head of navigation on the Senegal
       eastwardly toward the head of navigation on the Niger, with
       the ultimate purpose of connecting navigation on these two
       streams. In the Kongo Free State a railway connects the Upper
       Kongo with the Lower Kongo around Livingstone Falls; in
       Portuguese Angola a road extends eastwardly from Loanda, the
       capital, a considerable distance, and others are projected
       from Benguela and Mossamedes with the ultimate purpose of
       connecting with the 'Cape to Cairo' road and joining with the
       lines from Portuguese East Africa, which also touch that road,
       thus making a transcontinental line from east to west, with
       Portuguese territory at either terminus. Farther south on the
       western coast the Germans have projected a road from Walfisch
       Bay to Windhoek, the capital of German Southwest Africa, and
       this will probably be extended eastwardly until it connects
       with the great transcontinental line from 'Cape to Cairo,'
       which is to form the great nerve center of the system, to be
       contributed to and supported by these branches connecting it
       with either coast. Another magnificent railway project, which
       was some years ago suggested by M. Leroy Beaulieu, has been
       recently revived, being no less than an east and west
       transcontinental line through the Sudan region, connecting the
       Senegal and Niger countries on the west with the Nile Valley
       and Red Sea on the east and penetrating a densely populated
       and extremely productive region of which less is now known,
       perhaps, than of any other part of Africa. At the north
       numerous lines skirt the Mediterranean coast, especially in
       the French territory of Algeria and in Tunis, where the length
       of railway is, in round numbers, 2,250 miles, while the
       Egyptian railroads are, including those now under
       construction, about 1,500 miles in length.
    {4}
       Those of Cape Colony and Natal are nearly 3,000 miles, and
       those of Portuguese East Africa and the South African Republic
       another thousand. Taking into consideration all of the roads
       now constructed, or under actual construction, their total
       length reaches nearly 10,000 miles, while there seems every
       reason to believe that the great through system connecting the
       rapidly developing mining regions of South Africa with the
       north of the continent and with Europe will soon be pushed to
       completion. A large proportion of the railways thus far
       constructed are owned by the several colonies or States which
       they traverse, about 2,000 miles of the Cape Colony system
       belonging to the Government, while nearly all that of Egypt is
       owned and operated by the State."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary, August, 1899.

          See, also, (in this volume),
          RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (June).
       International Convention respecting the liquor traffic.

       Representatives of the governments of Great Britain, Germany,
       Belgium, Spain, the Congo State, France, Italy, the
       Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden and Norway, and Turkey,
       assembled at Brussels, in June, 1899, with due authorization,
       and there concluded an international convention respecting the
       liquor traffic in Africa. Subsequently the governments of
       Austria-Hungary, the United States of America, Liberia and
       Persia, gave their adhesion to the Convention, and
       ratifications were deposited at Brussels in June, 1900. The
       Convention is, in a measure, supplemental to what is known as
       "the General Act of Brussels," relative to the African slave
       trade, which was framed at a conference of the representatives
       of European, American, African, and Asiatic states, at
       Brussels. The treaty known as the General Act of Brussels was
       signed July 2, 1890, but did not come into force until April
       2, 1894. The text of it may be found in (United States) House
       Doc. Number 276, 56th Congress, 3d Session. The Convention of
       1899 provides:

       "Article I.
       From the coming into force of the present Convention, the
       import duty on spirituous liquors, as that duty is regulated
       by the General Act of Brussels, shall be raised throughout the
       zone where there does not exist the system of total
       prohibition provided by Article XCI, of the said General Act,
       to the rate of 70 fr. the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade,
       for a period of six years. It may, exceptionally, be at the
       rate of 60 fr. only the hectolitre at 50 degrees centigrade in
       the Colony of Togo and in that of Dahomey. The import duty
       shall be augmented proportionally for each degree above 50
       degrees centigrade; It may be diminished proportionally for
       each degree below 50 degrees centigrade. At the end of the
       above-mentioned period of six years, the import duty shall be
       submitted to revision, taking as a basis the results produced
       by the preceding rate. The Powers retain the right of
       maintaining and increasing the duty beyond the minimum fixed
       by the present Article in the regions where they now possess
       that right.

       Article II.
       In accordance with Article XCIII of the General Act of
       Brussels, distilled drinks made in the regions mentioned in
       Article XCII of the said General Act, and intended for
       consumption, shall pay an excise duty. This excise duty, the
       collection of which the Powers undertake to insure as far as
       possible, shall not be lower than the minimum import duty
       fixed by Article I. of the present Convention.

       Article III.
       It is understood that the Powers who signed the General Act of
       Brussels, or who have acceded to it, and who are not
       represented at the present Conference, preserve the right of
       acceding to the present Convention."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.
          (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 13, 1900).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
       Progress of the Telegraph line from the Cape to Cairo.

          See (in this volume)
          TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (German Colonies).
       Cost to Germany, trade, etc.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Nigeria).
       Transfer of territory to the British Crown.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Orange Free State).
       Treaty of alliance with the Transvaal.
       Making common cause.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):
          A. D. 1897 (APRIL); and 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (The Sudan).
       Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Transvaal and Orange Free State).
       Outbreak of war with Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):
          A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (West Africa).
       Definition of British and German frontiers.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (Zanzibar).
       Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Summary of the partition of the Continent.

       "Seven European nations, as before remarked, now control
       territories in Africa, two of them having areas equal in each
       case to about the entire land area of the United States, while
       a few small territories remain as independent States.
       Beginning at the northeast, Egypt and Tripoli are nominally at
       least tributaries of Turkey, though the Egyptian Government,
       which was given large latitude by that of Turkey, has of late
       years formed such relations with Great Britain that, in
       financial matters at least, her guidance is recognized; next
       west, Algeria, French; then Morocco on the extreme northwest,
       an independent Government and an absolute despotism; next on
       the south, Spain's territory of Rio de Oro; then the Senegal
       territories, belonging to the French, and connecting through
       the desert of Sahara with her Algeria; then a group of small
       divisions controlled by England, along the Gulf of Guinea;
       then Liberia, the black Republic; Togoland, controlled by the
       Germans; Dahomey, a French protectorate; the Niger territory,
       one-third the size of the United States, controlled by
       England; Kamerun, controlled by Germany; French Kongo; then
       the Kongo Free State, under the auspices of the King of
       Belgium, and occupying the very heart of equatorial Africa;
       then Portuguese Angola; next, German South west Africa; and
       finally in the march down the Atlantic side, Cape Colony,
       British.
    {5}
       Following up the eastern side comes the British colony of
       Natal; then just inland from this the two Boer Republics, the
       Orange Free State and the South African Republic, both of
       which are entirely in the interior, without ocean frontage;
       next, Portuguese Africa, and west of this the great territory
       known as 'Rhodesia'; then German Africa, which extends almost
       to the equator; north of these, British East Africa, fronting
       on the Indian Ocean, and merging northwardly with the Egyptian
       Sudan, which was recently recovered from the Mahdi by the joint
       operation of British and Egyptian troops, and the British flag
       placed side by side with that of Egypt; next north, upon the
       coast, Italian territory and a small tract opposite the
       entrance to the Red Sea controlled by England; and a few
       hundred miles west of the entrance to the Red Sea, the
       independent Kingdom of Abyssinia. This division of African
       territory, nearly all of it made within the memory of the
       present generation, forms the present political map of Africa.
       With England and France controlling an area equal in each case
       to that of the United States; Germany, a territory one-third
       the size of the United States; Portugal, with an area somewhat
       less; the Kongo Free State in the great equatorial basin, but
       having a frontage upon the Atlantic with an area nearly
       one-third that of the United States; Italy and Spain, each
       with a comparatively small area of territory; Egypt, with
       relations quite as much British as Turkish; Tripoli, Turkish,
       and the five independent States of Morocco, Liberia,
       Abyssinia, and the two Boer Republics—nothing remains
       unclaimed, even in the desert wastes, while in the high
       altitudes and subtropical climate of southeast Africa
       civilization and progress are making rapid advancement."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary, August, 1899.

       The following table, given in an article in "The Forum,"
       December, 1899, by Mr. O. P. Austin, Chief of the United
       States Bureau of Statistics, shows the area, total population,
       foreign population, and imports and exports of the territory
       in Africa held by each European Government and by the
       independent States of that continent, at the time of its
       compilation so far as could be ascertained; but the statistics
       of area and population, especially the latter, are in many
       cases necessarily estimates:

                                                             POP.
                       TOTAL                      FOREIGN    PER SQ.
                             AREA.    POPULATION. POPULATION MILE     IMPORTS.     EXPORTS.
    French Africa.        3,028,000   28,155,000   922,000    9.3   $70,116,000  $69,354,000
    British Africa.       2,761,000   35,160,000   455,000   12.8   131,398,000  131,835,000
    Turkish Africa.       1,760,000   21,300,000   113,000   12.2    54,091,000   62,548,000
    German Africa.          944,000   11,270,000     4,000   12.0     4,993,000    2,349,000
    Belgian Africa.         900,000   30,000,000     2,000   33.3     4,522,000    3,309,000
    Portuguese Africa.      790,000    8,059,000     3,000   10.2    11,863,000    6,730,000
    Spanish Africa.         243,000       36,000         …    0.5             …            …
    Italian  Africa.        188,000      850,000         …    4.5             …            …

    Independent States.

    Morocco.                219,000    5,000,000         …   22.8     6,402,000    6,261,000
    Abyssinia.              150,000    3,500,000         …   23.3             …            …
    South African Republic. 120,000    1,096,000   346,000    9.2   104,703,000   53,532,000
    Orange Free State.       48,500      208,000    78,000    4.3     5,994,000    8,712,000
    Liberia.                 48,000    1,500,000    25,000   31.3     1,217,000    1,034,000

    Total.               11,189,500  146,133,000  1,948,000     …  $395,299,000 $345,714,000

       According to a statistical table in the twentieth volume of
       Meyer's Konversations-Lexicon (third annual supplement), based
       upon the latest data furnished by the boundary treaties
       between the Powers, it would appear that all but about
       one-seventh of the African continent is now (A. D. 1900)
       included in some "protectorate" or "sphere of influence." The
       French sphere is the largest, comprising about 3,700,000
       square miles (about the extent of Europe) out of a total area
       of 11,600,000. England comes next with 2,400,000 (including
       the Boer territories). Then follow in order Germany, Belgium
       (Congo Free State), and Portugal, each with somewhat less than
       a million square miles. The Egyptian sphere (about 400,000
       square miles) may properly be regarded as part of the British.
       The extent of the French sphere will appear less imposing on
       consulting the map of Africa here given, which shows that it
       takes in the greater part of the sands of the Sahara. The
       British sphere (including Egypt and her dependencies) is
       estimated to contain in round numbers about 50,000,000 souls;
       the French, 35,000,000; the Belgian, 17,000,000; the German,
       9,000,000; the Portuguese, 8,000,000.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Ashanti).
       Revolt of the tribes.
       Siege and relief of Kumasai.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    AFRICA: A. D. 1900 (Togoland and Gold Coast).
       Demarcation of the Hinterland.

       Late in November it was announced from Berlin that conferences
       regarding the British and German boundaries in West Africa
       were then in progress in the Colonial Department of the German
       Foreign Office, their principal object being the demarcation
       of the Hinterland of Togoland and of the Gold Coast, and in
       particular the partition of the neutral zone of Salaga as
       arranged in Article 5 of the Samoa Agreement between Great
       Britain and Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    AFRIDIS, British Indian war with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    AFRIKANDER BUND, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE, COLONY):
          A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

    AFRIKANDER CONGRESS.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (Cape Colony): A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    AFRIKANDERS:
       Joining the invading Boers.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER.).

    AFRIKANDERS:
       Opposition to the annexation of the Boer Republics.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    {6}

    AGRARIAN PROTECTIONISTS, The German.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898; 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    AGRICULTURAL LAND BILL, The.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       First appearance in the Filipino insurrection.
       His treaty with the Spaniards and departure from the Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       Circumstances in which he went to Manila to co-operate with
       American forces.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       Arrival at Manila, May 19, 1898.
       His organization of insurgent forces.
       His relations with Admiral Dewey.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       Correspondence with General Anderson.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       Relations with American commander at Manila.
       Declared President of the Philippine Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    AGUINALDO y FAMY, Emilio.
       Conflict of his army with American forces.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
          A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

    ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.
       Dispensary Laws.

       Acts applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of
       regulation for the liquor traffic to seventeen counties, but
       not to the State at large, were passed by the Legislature.

          See, in this volume,
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

    ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Discovery of the Cape Nome gold mining region.

       "The Cape Nome mining region lies on the western coast of
       Alaska, just beyond the military reservation of St. Michael
       and about 120 miles south of the Arctic Circle. It can be
       reached by an ocean voyage of ten or twelve days from Seattle.
       It has long been known that gold exists in the general vicinity
       of Cape Nome, and during the last five or six years a few
       adventurous miners have done more or less prospecting and
       claim staking throughout the district lying between Norton and
       Kotzebue sounds. During the winter of 1898-99, a large number
       of miners entered the Kotzebue country, while others spent the
       season in the vicinity of Golofnin Bay." On the 15th of
       October, 1898, a party of seven men reached Snake River in a
       schooner. "Between that date and the 18th a miners' meeting
       was held, the boundaries of a district 25 miles square were
       established, local mining regulations were formulated, and Dr.
       Kittleson was elected recorder for a term of two years. After
       organizing the district natives were hired to do the necessary
       packing, and a camp was established on Anvil Creek. The
       prospecting outfits were quickly brought into service. In one
       afternoon $76 was panned out on Snow Creek. Encouraged by this
       showing lumber was carried up from the schooner and two
       rockers were constructed. … In four or five days over $1,800
       was cleaned up with these two rockers. … The weather turned
       cold and the water was frozen up. As it was impossible to do
       any more work with the rockers the party broke camp on the 3d
       of November and returned to the schooner, which they found
       frozen solid in 2 feet of ice. They then made their way in a
       small boat to an Indian village, near Cape Nome, where they
       obtained dogs and sleds, and a little farther on they were met
       by reindeer from the Swedish Mission, with which they returned
       to Golofnin Bay.

       "The lucky miners had agreed among themselves that their
       discovery should be held secret, but the news was too good to
       keep, and soon leaked out. A general stampede commenced at
       once and continued all winter. Every available dog and
       reindeer was pressed into the service, and they were soon
       racing with each other for the valuable claims which had been
       left unstaked in the vicinity of Anvil Creek. As soon as that
       creek had been all taken up the stampede extended to the
       neighboring streams and gulches, and Glacier and Dexter
       creeks, as well as many others which have not proved equally
       valuable, were quickly staked and recorded. By the 25th of
       December a large party armed with numerous powers of attorney
       had entered the district, and as the local regulations allowed
       every man to stake on each creek one claim of the full legal
       dimensions (660 by 1,320 feet), it was not long until the
       whole district had been thoroughly covered, and nearly every
       stream had been staked with claims, which in some cases were
       'jumped' and the right of possession disputed.

       "The news of a rich strike at Nome worked its way up the Yukon
       River during the winter, and as soon as the ice broke in June
       a large crowd came down from Rampart City, followed by a
       larger crowd from Dawson. The 'Yukoners,' as these people were
       called, were already disgusted with the hardships,
       disappointments, and Canadian misgovernment which they had met
       with on the upper river. … Those to whom enough faith had been
       given to go over to Cape Nome were disgusted and angered to
       find that pretty much the whole district was already staked,
       and that the claims taken were two or three times as large as
       those commonly allowed on the upper river. Another grievance
       was the great abuse of the power of attorney, by means of
       which an immense number of claims had been taken up, so that
       in many cases (according to common report) single individuals
       held or controlled from 50 to 100 claims apiece. …

       "A miners' meeting was called by the newcomers to remedy their
       grievances. Resolutions were prepared, in which it was
       represented that the district had been illegally organized by
       men who were not citizens of the United States and who had not
       conformed with the law in properly defining the boundaries of
       the district with reference to natural objects, in enacting
       suitable and sufficient mining regulations, and in complying
       with any of the details of organization required by law. It
       was intended by the promoters of this meeting to reorganize
       the district in such a way as would enable them to share the
       benefits of the discovery of a new gold field with the men who
       had entered it the previous winter, and, as they expressed it,
       'gobbled up the whole country.' It is, of course, impossible
       to say what would have been the result if their attempt had
       not been interfered with. … On the 28th of June Lieutenant
       Spaulding and a detachment of 10 men from the Third Artillery
       had been ordered to the vicinity of Snake River, and on the
       7th of July their numbers were increased by the addition of 15
       more.
    {7}
       As soon as it was proposed to throw open for restaking a large
       amount of land already staked and recorded an appeal was made
       to the United States troops to prevent this action by
       prohibiting the intended meeting, which was called to assemble
       July 10. It was represented to them that if the newcomers
       should attempt, under the quasi-legal guise of a miners'
       meeting, to take forcible possession of lands already claimed
       by others, the inevitable consequence would be a reign of
       disorder and violence, with the possibility of considerable
       bloodshed. On the strength of this representation and appeal
       the army officers decided to prevent the adoption of the
       proposed resolutions. The miners were allowed to call their
       meeting to order, but as soon as the resolutions were read
       Lieutenant Spaulding requested that they be withdrawn. He
       allowed two minutes for compliance with his request, the
       alternative being that he would clear the hall. The
       resolutions were not withdrawn, the troops were ordered to fix
       bayonets, and the hall was cleared quietly, without a
       conflict. Such meetings as were subsequently attempted were
       quickly broken up by virtue of the same authority. The light
       in which this action is regarded by the people at Nome
       depends, of course, upon the way in which their personal
       interests were affected. …

       "The great discontent which actually did exist at this time
       found sudden and unexpected relief in the discovery of the
       beach diggings. It had long been known that there was more or
       less gold on the seashore, and before the middle of July it
       was discovered that good wages could be taken out of the sand
       with a rocker. Even those who were on the ground could hardly
       believe the story at first, but its truth was quickly and
       easily demonstrated. Before the month was over a great army of
       the unemployed was engaged in throwing up irregular
       intrenchments along the edge of the sea, and those who had
       just been driven nearly to the point of desperation by the
       exhaustion of all their resources were soon contentedly
       rocking out from $10 to $50 each per day and even more than
       that. This discovery came like a godsend to many destitute
       men, and was a most fortunate development in the history of
       the camp.

       "Meantime the men who were in possession of claims on Anvil
       and Snow creeks were beginning to sluice their ground and
       getting good returns for their work, while others were
       actively making preparations to take out the gold which they
       knew they had discovered. More sluice boxes were constructed
       and put into operation as rapidly as possible. A town site was
       laid off at the mouth of Snake River, and on the 4th of July a
       post-office was established. The town which has sprung so
       suddenly into existence is called 'Nome' by the Post-Office
       Department, but at a miners' meeting held February 28, it was
       decided to call it 'Anvil City,' and this is generally done by
       the residents of the district, as well as in all official
       records. At a meeting held in September, however, the name was
       again changed to 'Nome.'"

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st session,
          Senate Document Number 357, pages. 1-4.

       "A year ago [that is, in the winter of 1898-1899] a few Eskimo
       huts and one or two sod houses of white men were the only
       human habitations along 60 miles of the present Nome coast.
       Last June [1899] a dozen or score of tents contained the whole
       population. By October a town of 5,000 inhabitants fronting
       the ocean was crowded for a mile or more along the beach.
       Hundreds of galvanized-iron and wooden buildings were
       irregularly scattered along two or three thoroughfares,
       running parallel with the coast line. There is every
       description of building, from the dens of the poor
       prospectors, built of driftwood, canvas, and sod, to the large
       companies' warehouses, stores, and the army barracks—a city,
       as it were, sprung up in the night, built under the most
       adverse circumstances on the barren seacoast, a coast without
       harbor, all the supplies being landed through the surf. … The
       country contributes nothing toward the support of the
       population except a few fish and a limited supply of
       driftwood.

       "The city is of the most cosmopolitan type and contains
       representatives of almost every nationality on the globe:
       Germans, Canadians, Frenchmen, Englishmen, Russians, Swedes,
       Norwegians, Poles, Chinese, negroes, Italians, Spaniards,
       Greeks, Jews, and Americans. The dominant type is the
       American, through whose efforts, with that inherent talent of
       the Anglo-Saxon race for self-government, this isolated
       community at once organized a city government. Before the
       close of the summer Nome had a mayor, councilmen, a police
       force, a deputy United States marshal, a United States
       post-office, a fire department with town well, a board of
       health, a hospital corps, and charitable organizations. A
       majority of the people consists of the shifting population of
       the Yukon country, which, upon hearing the news of the
       discovery of gold, poured itself into Nome. … Along with the
       shifting population of the Yukon from Dawson and other camps
       came also many would-be explorers, adventurers, and especially
       gamblers, but good order prevails throughout. Drunkenness,
       disorderly conduct, and theft are promptly tried before the
       police justice and punished by fine and imprisonment. Copies
       of the official rules and regulations are kept posted before
       the city hall and in other conspicuous places, as a warning to
       all: 'Ignorance of the law is no excuse.' Some of the well-known
       'toughs' and most undesirable characters are reported to have
       been rounded up by the authorities late in the fall and
       exported to the States. … There are several printing presses
       and three newspapers—the Nome News, Nome Herald, and Nome Gold
       Digger. … There are at least 2,500 people now [February, 1900]
       wintering at Nome, and, by estimate, at least several thousand
       are on their way there by winter routes. …

       "Since, according to the conservative estimate of those who
       are best situated to judge, it is believed that the Nome
       region will have a population of at least 30,000 or 40,000
       people this year (1900), some public improvements there seem
       not only commendable but urgently necessary. Among these the
       most important are: Some municipal form of government, water
       supply, land-office service, and harbor facilities. As the
       General Government had never made provision for any form of
       municipal government in Alaska, the people of Nome, in
       response to the urgency of the hour, called a mass meeting,
       and organized the present government of Nome, with a complete
       corps of city officers, as aforesaid, though they were
       conscious at the time that it was without authority from the
       United States Government."

          F. C. Schrader and A. H. Brooks,
          Preliminary Report on the Cape Nome Gold Region, Alaska
          (United States Geological Survey), pages 45-47.

    {8}

    ALASKA: A. D. 1900.
       Civil Government.

       Better provision for the civil government of Alaska was made
       by an Act which passed Congress after much debate and was
       approved by the President on the 6th of June, 1900. It
       constitutes Alaska a civil and judicial district, with a
       governor who has the duties and powers that pertain to the
       governor of a Territory, and a district court of general
       jurisdiction, civil and criminal, and in equity and admiralty,
       the court being in three divisions, each with a district
       judge. The act provides a civil code for the district.

    ALASKA: A. D. 1900.
       Exploration of Seward peninsula.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1900.

    ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION, The.

       The boundary between Alaska, when it was Russian territory,
       and the British possessions on the western side of the
       American continent, was settled by an Anglo-Russian treaty in
       1825. The treaty which ceded the Russian territory to the
       United States, in 1867, incorporated the definition of
       boundary given in Articles III. and IV. of the above-mentioned
       convention, which (translated from French to English) read as
       follows:

       "III.
       The line of demarcation between the possessions of the High
       Contracting Parties upon the Coasts of the Continent and the
       Islands of America to the North-West, shall be drawn in the
       following manner: Commencing from the southernmost point of
       the Island called Prince of Wales Island, which point lies in
       the parallel of 54 degrees 40 minutes, North Latitude, and
       between the 131st and 133d Degree of West Longitude (Meridian
       of Greenwich), the said line shall ascend to the North along
       the Channel called Portland Channel, as far as the Point of
       the Continent where it strikes the 56th Degree of North
       Latitude; from this last mentioned Point the line of
       demarcation shall follow the summit of the mountains situated
       parallel to the coast, as far as the point of intersection of
       the 141st Degree of West Longitude (of the same meridian),
       and, finally, from the said point of intersection, the said
       Meridian Line of the 141st Degree, in its prolongation as far
       as the Frozen Ocean, shall form the limit between the Russian
       and British Possessions on the Continent of America to the
       North West.

       "IV.
       With reference to the line of demarcation laid down in the
       preceding Article, it is understood:

       1st.
       That the Island called Prince of Wales Island shall belong
       wholly to Russia.

       2d.
       That wherever the summit of the mountains which extend in a
       direction parallel to the Coast, from the 56th Degree of North
       Latitude to the point of intersection of the 141st Degree of
       West Longitude, shall prove to be at the distance of more than
       ten marine leagues from the Ocean, the limit between the
       British Possessions and the line of Coast which is to belong
       to Russia, as above mentioned, shall be formed by a line
       parallel to the windings of the Coast, and which shall never
       exceed the distance of ten marine leagues therefrom."

       When attempts to reduce this description in the treaty to an
       actually determined boundary-line were begun, disagreements
       arose between Canada and the United States, which became
       exceedingly troublesome after the Klondike gold discoveries
       had given a new importance to that region and to its
       communications with the outside world. The Alaska boundary
       question proved, in fact, to be considerably the most
       difficult of settlement among all the many subjects of
       disagreement between the United States and Canada which a
       Joint High Commission was created in 1898 (see—in this
       volume—CANADA: A. D. 1898-1900) to adjust. It was the one
       question on which no ground of compromise could then be found,
       and which compelled the Commission to adjourn in February,
       1899, with its labors incomplete. The disputable points in the
       definition of the boundary by the Anglo-Russian treaty of 1825
       are explained as follows by Professor J. B. Moore,
       ex-Assistant Secretary of State, in an article contributed to
       the "North American Review" of October, 1899: "An examination
       of the boundary defined in Articles III. and IV. of the
       convention of 1825 shows," says Professor Moore, "that it is
       scientifically divisible into two distinct sections, first,
       the line from the southernmost point of Prince of Wales
       Island, through Portland Channel and along the summit of the
       mountains parallel to the coast, to the point of intersection
       of the 141st meridian of longitude; and, second, the line from
       this point to the Arctic Ocean. With the latter section, which
       is merely a meridian line, and as to which the United States
       and Canadian surveys exhibit no considerable difference, we
       are not now concerned. The section as to which material
       differences have arisen is the first. The principal
       differences in this quarter are two in number, first, as to
       what channel is meant by Portland Channel (sometimes called
       Portland Canal); and, second, as to what is the extent of the
       line or strip of coast (la lisière de côte) which was assigned
       to Russia."

Map of Alaska.

       The following is an English statement of the situation of the
       controversy at the time the Joint High Commission adjourned:
       "The adjournment of the Commission with nothing accomplished
       is fresh in all our memories. Nor is it easy to determine on
       whose shoulders lies the blame of this unfortunate break down.
       America has been blamed for her stubbornness in refusing to
       submit to an arbitration which should take into consideration
       the possession of the towns and settlements under the
       authority of the United States and at present under their
       jurisdiction; while they have also been charged with having
       made no concessions at all to Canada in the direction of
       allowing her free access to her Yukon possessions. I am
       enabled to say, however, in this latter respect the Americans
       have not been so stiff-necked as has been made to appear.
       Although it was not placed formally before the Commission, it
       was allowed clearly to be understood by the other side, that
       in regard to Skagway, America was prepared to make a very
       liberal concession. They were ready, that is, to allow of the
       joint administration of Skagway, the two flags flying side by
       side, and to allow of the denationalisation, or
       internationalisation as it might otherwise be termed, of the
       White Pass and the Yukon Railroad, now completed to Lake
       Bennett, and the only railroad which gives access to the
       Yukon. They were even prepared to admit of the passage of
       troops and munitions of war over this road, thus doing away
       with the Canadian contention that, should a disturbance occur
       in the Yukon, they are at present debarred from taking
       efficient measures to quell it.
    {9}
       This proposition, however, does not commend itself to the
       Canadians, whose main object, I think I am justified in
       saying, is to have a railroad route of their own from
       beginning to end, in their own territory, as far north as
       Dawson City. At one time, owing to insufficient information
       and ignorance of the natural obstacles in the way, they
       thought they could accomplish this by what was known as the
       Stikine route. They even went so far as to make a contract
       with Messrs. McKenzie and Mann to construct this road, the
       contractors receiving, as part of their payment, concessions
       and grants of territory in the Yukon, which would practically
       have given them the absolute and sole control of that
       district. The value of this to the contractors can hardly be
       overestimated. However, not only did the natural obstacles I
       have referred to lead to the abandonment of the scheme, but
       the Senate at Ottawa threw out the Bill which had passed
       through the Lower House, affording a striking proof that there
       are times when an Upper House has its distinct value in
       legislation. It has been suggested (though I am the last to
       confirm it) that it was the influence of the firm of railroad
       contractors, to whose lot it would probably fall to construct
       any new line of subsidised railway, which caused the Canadian
       Commission to reject the tentative American proposal regarding
       Skagway, and to put forward the counter claim to the
       possession of Pyramid Harbour (which lies lower down upon the
       west coast of the Lynn Canal), together with a two mile wide
       strip of territory reaching inland, containing the Chilcat
       Pass, and through it easy passage through the coast ranges,
       and so by a long line of railroad to Fort Selkirk, which lies
       on the Yukon River, to the south and east of Dawson City. It
       is said also, though of this I have no direct evidence, that
       the Canadians included the right to fortify Pyramid Harbour.
       It is not surprising that the Americans rejected this
       proposal, for they entered into the discussion convinced of
       the impossibility of accepting any arrangement which would
       involve the surrender of American settlements, and though it
       is not so large or important as Skagway or Dyea, Pyramid
       Harbour is nevertheless as much an American settlement as the
       two latter. I am bound to point out that just as the Dominion
       of Canada, as a whole, has a keener interest in this dispute
       than has the Home Government, so the Government of British
       Columbia is more closely affected by any possible settlement
       than is the rest of the Dominion. And British Columbia is as
       adverse to the Pyramid Harbour scheme as the United States
       themselves. This is due to the fact that when finished the
       Pyramid Harbour and Fort Selkirk railroad would afford no
       access to the British Columbia gold fields on Atlin Lake,
       which would still be reached only by way of Skagway and the
       White Pass, or by Dyea and the Chilcat Pass. But quite apart
       from this view of the matter, we may take it for granted that
       the United States will never voluntarily surrender any of
       their tide-water settlements, while the Canadian Government,
       on the other hand, are no more disposed to accept any
       settlement based on the internationalisation of Skagway, their
       argument probably being that, save as a temporary 'modus
       vivendi,' this would be giving away their whole case to their
       opponents."

          H. Townsend,
          The Alaskan Boundary Question
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1899).

       Pending further negotiations on the subject, a "modus vivendi"
       between the United States and Great Britain, "fixing a
       provisional boundary line between the Territory of Alaska and
       the Dominion of Canada about the head of Lynn Canal," was
       concluded October 20, 1899, in the following terms:

       "It is hereby agreed between the Governments of the United
       States and of Great Britain that the boundary line between
       Canada and the territory of Alaska in the region about the
       head of Lynn Canal shall be provisionally fixed as follows
       without prejudice to the claims of either party in the
       permanent adjustment of the international boundary: In the
       region of the Dalton Trail, a line beginning at the peak West
       of Porcupine Creek, marked on the map No. 10 of the United
       States Commission, December 31, 1895, and on Sheet No. 18 of
       the British Commission, December 31, 1895, with the number
       6500; thence running to the Klehini (or Klaheela) River in the
       direction of the Peak north of that river, marked 5020 on the
       aforesaid United States map and 5025 on the aforesaid British
       map; thence following the high or right bank of the said
       Klehini river to the junction thereof with the Chilkat River,
       a mile and a half, more or less, north of Klukwan,—provided
       that persons proceeding to or from Porcupine Creek shall be
       freely permitted to follow the trail between the said creek
       and the said junction of the rivers, into and across the
       territory on the Canadian side of the temporary line wherever
       the trail crosses to such side, and, subject to such
       reasonable regulations for the protection of the Revenue as
       the Canadian Government may prescribe, to carry with them over
       such part or parts of the trail between the said points as may
       lie on the Canadian side of the temporary line, such goods and
       articles as they desire, without being required to pay any
       customs duties on such goods and articles; and from said
       junction to the summit of the peak East of the Chilkat river,
       marked on the aforesaid map No. 10 of the United States
       Commission with the number 5410 and on the map No. 17 of the
       aforesaid British Commission with the number 5490. On the Dyea
       and Skagway Trails, the summits of the Chilcoot and White
       Passes. It is understood, as formerly set forth in
       communications of the Department of State of the United
       States, that the citizens or subjects of either Power, found
       by this arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of the
       other, shall suffer no diminution of the rights and privileges
       which they now enjoy. The Government of the United States will
       at once appoint an officer or officers in conjunction with an
       officer or officers to be named by the Government of Her
       Britannic Majesty, to mark the temporary line agreed upon by
       the erection of posts, stakes, or other appropriate temporary
       marks."

       In his Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the
       President of the United States stated the situation as
       follows:

       "The work of marking certain provisional boundary points, for
       convenience of administration, around the head of Lynn Canal,
       in accordance with the temporary arrangement of October, 1899,
       was completed by a joint survey in July last.
    {10}
       The modus vivendi has so far worked without friction, and the
       Dominion Government has provided rules and regulations for
       securing to our citizens the benefit of the reciprocal
       stipulation that the citizens or subjects of either Power
       found by that arrangement within the temporary jurisdiction of
       the other shall suffer no diminution of the rights and
       privileges they have hitherto enjoyed. But however necessary
       such an expedient may have been to tide over the grave
       emergencies of the situation, it is at best but an
       unsatisfactory makeshift, which should not be suffered to
       delay the speedy and complete establishment of the frontier
       line to which we are entitled under the Russo-American treaty
       for the cession of Alaska. In this relation I may refer again
       to the need of definitely marking the Alaskan boundary where
       it follows the 141st meridian. A convention to that end has
       been before the Senate for some two years, but as no action
       has been taken I contemplate negotiating a new convention for
       a joint determination of the meridian by telegraphic
       observations. These, it is believed, will give more accurate
       and unquestionable results than the sidereal methods
       heretofore independently followed, which, as is known, proved
       discrepant at several points on the line, although not varying
       at any place more than seven hundred feet."

    ALEXANDRIA:
       Discovery of the Serapeion.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
          EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

    ALEXANDRIA:
       Patriarchate re-established.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

    ALIENS IMMIGRATION LAW, The Transvaal.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

    ALPHABET, Light on the origin of the.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    AMATONGALAND:
       Annexed, with Zululand, to Natal.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

    AMERICA:
       The Projected Intercontinental Railway.

         See (in this volume)
         RAILWAY, THE INTERCONTINENTAL.

    AMERICA, Central.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    AMERICAN ABORIGINES.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN.

    AMERICAN REPUBLICS, The Bureau of the.

       "The idea of the creation of an international bureau, or
       agency, representing the Republics of the Western Hemisphere,
       was suggested to the delegates accredited to the International
       American Conference held in Washington in 1889-90, by the
       conference held at Brussels in May, 1888, which planned for an
       international union for the publication of customs tariffs,
       etc. … On March 29, 1890, the International American
       Conference, by a unanimous vote of the delegates of the
       eighteen countries there represented, namely: The Argentine
       Republic, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica,
       Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua,
       Paraguay, Peru, Salvador, United States, Uruguay, and
       Venezuela, provided for the establishment of an association to
       be known as 'The International Union of American Republics for
       the Prompt Collection and Distribution of Commercial
       Information,' which should be represented at the capital of
       the United States by a Bureau, under the title of 'The Bureau
       of the American Republics.' This organ, so to speak, of the
       independent governments of the New World was placed under the
       supervision of the Secretary of State of the United States,
       and was to continue in existence for a period of ten years,
       and, if found profitable to the nations participating in its
       advantages, it was to be maintained for successive periods of
       ten years indefinitely. At the first session of the
       Fifty-first Congress of the United States, that body, in an
       'Act making appropriations for the support of the Diplomatic
       and Consular Service, etc.,' approved July 14, 1890, gave the
       President authority to carry into effect the recommendations
       of the Conference so far as he should deem them expedient, and
       appropriated $36,000 for the organization and establishment of
       the Bureau, which amount it had been stipulated by the
       delegates in the Conference assembled should not be exceeded,
       and should be annually advanced by the United States and
       shared by the several Republics in proportion to their
       population. … The Conference had defined the purpose of the
       Bureau to be the preparation and publication of bulletins
       concerning the commerce and resources of the American
       Republics, and to furnish information of interest to
       manufacturers, merchants, and shippers, which should be at all
       times available to persons desirous of obtaining particulars
       regarding their customs tariffs and regulations, as well as
       commerce and navigation."

          Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
          June, 1898.

       A plan of government for the International Union, by an
       executive committee composed of representatives of the
       American nations constituting the Union, was adopted in 1896,
       but modified at a conference held in Washington, March 18,
       1899. As then adopted, the plan of government is as follows:

       "The Bureau of the American Republics will be governed under
       the supervision of the Secretary of State of the United
       States, with the cooperation and advice of four
       representatives of the other Republics composing the
       International Union, the five persons indicated to constitute
       an Executive Committee, of which the Secretary of State is to
       be ex-officio Chairman, or, in his absence, the Acting
       Secretary of State. The other four members of the Executive
       Committee shall be called to serve in turn, in the
       alphabetical order of the official names of their nations in
       one of the four languages of the Union, previously selected by
       lot at a meeting of the representatives of the Union. At the
       end of each year the first of these four members shall retire,
       giving place to another representative of the Union, in the
       same alphabetical order already explained, and so on until the
       next period of succession."

    {11}

       "The interest taken by the various States forming the
       International Union of American Republics in the work of its
       organic bureau is evidenced by the fact that for the first
       time since its creation in 1890 all the republics of South and
       Central America are now [1899] represented in it. The unanimous
       recommendation of the International American Conference,
       providing for the International Union of American Republics,
       stated that it should continue in force during a term of ten
       years from the date of its organization, and no country
       becoming a member of the union should cease to be a member
       until the end of said period of ten years, and unless twelve
       months before the expiration of said period a majority of the
       members of the union had given to the Secretary of State of
       the United States official notice of their wish to terminate
       the union at the end of its first period, that the union
       should continue to be maintained for another period of ten
       years, and thereafter, under the same conditions, for
       successive periods of ten years each. The period for
       notification expired on July 14, 1899, without any of the
       members having given the necessary notice of withdrawal. Its
       maintenance is therefore assured for the next ten years."

          Message of the President of the United States.
          December 5, 1899.

    AMERICANISM:
       Pope Leo XIII. on opinions so called.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    AMNESTY BILL, The French.

       See (in this volume)
       FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    ANARCHIST CRIMES:
       Assassination of Canovas del Castillo.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

       Assassination of the Empress of Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

       Assassination of King Humbert.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;
          and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    ANATOLIAN RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

    ANCON, The Treaty of.

          See (in this volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

    ANDERSON, General Thomas M.:
        Correspondence with Aguinaldo.

           See (in this volume)
           UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
           A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

    ANDRÉE, Salamon August:
       Arctic balloon voyage.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900-.

    ANGLO-AMERICAN POPULATION.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    ANGONI-ZULUS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

    ANTARCTIC EXPLORATION.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

    ANTEMNÆ, Excavations at.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

    ANTIGUA: Industrial condition.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    ANTITOXINE, Discovery of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    ANTI-IMPERIALISTS, The League of American.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    ANTI-REVOLUTIONARY BILL, The German.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    ANTI-SEMITIC AGITATIONS.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;
          and FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after.

    ANTI-SEMITIC LEAGUE, Treasonable conspiracy of the.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

    APPORTIONMENT ACT.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    ARBITRATION, Industrial:
       In New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

    ARBITRATION, Industrial:
       In the United States between employees and employers
       engaged in inter-state commerce.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1896-1900.
       Boundary dispute between Colombia and Costa Rica.

          See (in this volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897.
       Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1897-1899.
       Venezuela and Great Britain.
       Guiana boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.
       Argentine Republic and Chile.

          See (in this volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1898.
       Treaty between Italy and the Argentine Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1899.
       The Treaty for the Pacific Settlement of International
       Disputes concluded at the Peace Conference at the Hague (Text).
       The Permanent Court created.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.
       Brazil and French Guiana boundary dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

    ARBITRATION, International: A. D. 1900.
       Compulsory arbitration voted for at Spanish-American Congress.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

    ARBITRATION TREATY, Great Britain and the United States.
       Its defeat.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).

       ----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Start--------

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
       The Oriental Field.
       Recent achievements and future prospects.

       "Three successive years have just added to the realm of
       Egyptian archaeology, not only the period of the first two
       dynasties, hitherto absolutely unrecognized from contemporary
       remains, but also a long prehistoric period. Assyriology
       likewise has lately been pushed back into antiquity with
       almost equal rapidity. Though the subjects will probably
       always have their limitations, yet the insight of scholars and
       explorers is opening up new vistas on all sides. … Our
       prospect for the future is bright. Egypt itself seems
       inexhaustible. Few of the cities of Babylonia and Assyria have
       yet been excavated, and each of them had its library and
       record office of clay-tablets as well as monuments in stone
       and bronze. In Northern Mesopotamia are countless sites still
       untouched; in Elam and in Armenia monuments are only less
       plentiful.
    {12}
       In Arabia inscriptions are now being read which may perhaps
       date from 1000 B. C. The so-called Hittite hieroglyphs still
       baffle the decipherer; but as more of the documents become
       known these will in all likelihood prove a fruitful source for
       the history of North Syria, of Cappadocia, and of Asia Minor
       throughout. Occasionally, too, though it is but rarely, an
       inscription in the Phaenician type of alphabet yields up
       important historical facts. When all is done, there is but
       scant hope that we shall be able to construct a consecutive
       history of persons and events in the ancient world. All that
       we can be confident of securing, at any rate in Egypt, is the
       broad outline of development and change, chronologically
       graduated and varied by occasional pictures of extraordinary
       minuteness and brilliancy."

          F. LL. Griffith,
          Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
          part 2, pages. 218-219
          (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: In Bible Lands:
       General results as affecting our knowledge
       of the ancient Hebrews.

       "The general result of the archaeological and anthropological
       researches of the past half-century has been to take the
       Hebrews out of the isolated position which, as a nation, they
       seemed previously to hold, and to demonstrate their affinities
       with, and often their dependence upon, the civilizations by
       which they were surrounded. Tribes more or less closely akin
       to themselves in both language and race were their neighbours
       alike on the north, on the east, and on the south; in addition
       to this, on each side there towered above them an ancient and
       imposing civilization,—that of Babylonia, from the earliest
       times active, enterprising, and full of life, and that of
       Egypt, hardly, if at all, less remarkable than that of
       Babylonia, though more self-contained and less expansive. The
       civilization which, in spite of the long residence of the
       Israelites in Egypt, left its mark, however, most distinctly
       upon the culture and literature of the Hebrews was that of
       Babylonia. It was in the East that the Hebrew traditions
       placed both the cradle of humanity and the more immediate home
       of their own ancestors; and it was Babylonia which, as we now
       know, exerted during many centuries an influence, once
       unsuspected, over Palestine itself.

       "It is true, the facts thus disclosed, do not in any degree
       detract from that religious pre-eminence which has always been
       deemed the inalienable characteristic of the Hebrew race: the
       spiritual intuitions and experiences of its great teachers
       retain still their uniqueness; but the secular institutions of
       the nation, and even the material elements upon which the
       religious system of the Israelites was itself constructed, are
       seen now to have been in many cases common to them with their
       neighbours. Thus their beliefs about the origin and early
       history of the world, their social usages, their code of civil
       and criminal law, their religious institutions, can no longer
       be viewed, as was once possible, as differing in kind from
       those of other nations, and determined in every feature by a
       direct revelation from Heaven; all, it is now known, have
       substantial analogies among other peoples, the distinctive
       character which they exhibit among the Hebrews consisting in
       the spirit with which they are infused and the higher
       principles of which they are made the exponent. …

       "What is called the 'witness of the monuments' is often
       strangely misunderstood. The monuments witness to nothing
       which any reasonable critic has ever doubted. No one, for
       instance, has ever doubted that there were kings of Israel (or
       Judah) named Ahab and Jehu and Pekah and Ahaz and Hezekiah, or
       that Tiglath-Pileser and Sennacherib led expeditions into
       Palestine; the mention of these (and such like) persons and
       events in the Assyrian annals has brought to light many
       additional facts about them which it is an extreme
       satisfaction to know: but it has only 'confirmed' what no
       critic had questioned. On the other hand, the Assyrian annals
       have shewn that the chronology of the Books of Kings is, in
       certain places, incorrect: they have thus confirmed the
       conclusion which critics had reached independently upon
       internal evidence, that the parts of these books to which the
       chronology belongs are of much later origin than the more
       strictly historical parts, and consequently do not possess
       equal value.

       "The inscriptions, especially those of Babylonia, Assyria, and
       Egypt, have revealed to us an immense amount of information
       respecting the antiquities and history of these nations, and
       also, in some cases, respecting the peoples with whom, whether
       by commerce or war, they came into contact: but (with the
       exception of the statement on the stele of Merenptah that
       'Israel is desolated') the first event connected with Israel
       or its ancestors which they mention or attest is Shishak's
       invasion of Judah in the reign of Rehoboam; the first
       Israelites whom they specify by name are Omri and his son
       Ahab. There is also indirect illustration of statements in the
       Old Testament relating to the period earlier than this; but
       the monuments supply no 'confirmation' of any single fact
       recorded in it, prior to Shishak's invasion."

          S. R. Driver,
          Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
          part 1, pages 150-151
          (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
       Earlier explorations in.

       For some account of the earlier archæological explorations in
       Babylonia and their results,

          See (in volume 1) BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;
          and (in volume 4) SEMITES.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
       American exploration of the ruins of ancient Nippur.

       [Footnote: Quotations in this account from Professor
       Hilprecht's copyrighted reports in the "Sunday School Times"
       are used with permission from the publishers of that journal.]

       "In the summer of 1888, the University of Pennsylvania fully
       equipped and sent out the first American expedition to the
       northern half of the plains of Babylonia to effect a thorough
       exploration of the ruins of Nippur—the modern Niffer, or, more
       correctly, Nuffar—on the border of the unwholesome swamps of
       the Affej, and to undertake extensive excavations. A few
       intelligent citizens of Philadelphia had met in the house of
       Ex-Provost Dr. William Pepper, and formed 'The Babylonian
       Exploration Fund,' a short time before this with the purpose
       of effecting a systematic exploration of ancient Babylonia.
       What science owes to this unselfish undertaking can be
       adequately estimated only by posterity. … Two professors,
       Peters and Hilprecht, were entrusted with the management of
       the expedition, Dr. Peters as director, and Dr. Hilprecht as
       Assyriologist."

          H. V. Hilprecht, editor,
          Recent Research in Bible Lands,
          page 47.

    {13}

       Professor Hilprecht, who conducts for the "Sunday School
       Times" a most interesting and important department, in which
       the proceedings and principal results of archæological
       exploration in Bible Lands have been currently chronicled
       during several years past, gave, in that journal of December
       I, 1900, the following description of the scene and the
       historical importance of the ruins in which the excavations
       above mentioned have been carried on: "Nuffar is the modern
       Arabic name of an old Babylonian ruin situated about half-way
       between the Euphrates and Tigris, at the northeastern boundary
       of the great Affej swamps, which are formed by the regular
       annual inundations of the Euphrates. In a straight line, it is
       nearly eighty miles to the southeast from Baghdad. A large
       canal, now dry, and often for miles entirely filled with
       rubbish and sand, divides the ruins into two almost equal
       parts. On an average about fifty or sixty feet high, these
       ruins are torn up by frequent gulleys and furrows into a
       number of spurs and ridges, from the distance not unlike a
       rugged mountain range on the bank of the upper Tigris. In the
       Babylonian language, the city buried here was called Nippur.
       According to Jewish tradition, strongly supported by arguments
       drawn from cuneiform texts and archaeological objects found at
       the ruins themselves, Nippur was identical with the Biblical
       Calneh, mentioned in Genesis 10: 10, as one of the four great
       cities of the kingdom of Nimrod. It was therefore natural that
       the public in general should take a warm interest in our
       excavations at Nuffar. This interest grew considerably in
       religious circles when, a few years ago, I announced my
       discovery of the name of the 'river Chebar' in two cuneiform
       texts from the archives of Nippur. It became then evident that
       this 'river Chebar,' which hitherto could not be located, was
       one of the four or five large canals once bringing life and
       fertility to the fields of Nippur; that, furthermore, a large
       number of the Jewish captives carried away by Nebuchadrezzar
       after the destruction of Jerusalem were settled in the plains
       around this city; and that even Ezekiel himself, while
       admonishing and comforting his people, and holding out to them
       Jehovah's mercy and never-failing promise of a brighter
       future, stood in the very shadow of Babylonia's ancient
       national sanctuary, the crumbling walls of the great temple of
       Bêl at Nippur. The beginning and end of Old Testament history
       thus point to Nippur as the background and theater for the
       first and final acts in the great drama of divine selection
       and human rejection in which Israel played the leading role."

       In the same article, Professor Hilprecht indicated in a few
       words what was done at Nuffar by the first three of the four
       expeditions sent out from Philadelphia since 1888. "It was
       comparatively easy," he said, "to get a clear idea of the
       extent of the city and the life in its streets during the last
       six centuries preceding our era. Each of the four expeditions
       to Nuffar contributed its peculiar share to a better knowledge
       of this latest period of Babylonian history, particularly,
       however, the third and the present campaigns. But it was of
       greater importance to follow up the traces of a very early
       civilization, which, accidentally, we had met during our first
       brief campaign in 1889. By means of a few deep trenches, the
       second expedition, in the following year, had brought to light
       new evidence that a considerable number of ancient monuments
       still existed in the lower strata of the temple mound. The
       third expedition showed that the monuments, while numerous,
       are mostly very fragmentary, thereby offering considerable
       difficulties to the decipherer and historian. But it also
       showed that a number of platforms running through the temple
       mound, and made of baked bricks, frequently bearing
       inscriptions, enable us to fix the age of the different strata
       of this mound with great accuracy. The two lowest of these
       platforms found were the work of kings and patesis
       (priest-kings) of 4000-3800 B. C., but, to our great
       astonishment, they did not represent the earliest trace of
       human life at Nippur. There were not less than about thirty
       feet of rubbish below them, revealing an even earlier
       civilization, the beginning and development of which lie
       considerably before the times of Sargon the Great (3800 B. C.)
       and Narâm-Sin, who had been generally regarded as
       half-mythical persons of the first chapter of Babylonian
       history."

       Of the results of the work of those three expeditions of the
       University of Pennsylvania, and of the studies for which they
       furnished materials to Professor Hilprecht, Professor Sayce
       wrote with much enthusiasm in the "Contemporary Review" of
       January, 1897, as follows: "In my Hibbert Lectures on the
       'Religion of the Ancient Babylonians' I had been led by a
       study of the religious texts of Babylonia to the conclusion
       that Nippur had been a centre from which Babylonian culture
       was disseminated in what we then regarded as prehistoric
       times. Thanks to the American excavations, what were
       prehistoric times when my Hibbert Lectures were written have
       now become historic, and my conclusion has proved to be
       correct. … For the first time in Babylonia they have
       systematically carried their shafts through the various strata
       of historical remains which occupy the site, carefully noting
       the objects found in each, and wherever possible clearing each
       stag away when once it had been thoroughly examined. The work
       began in 1888, about two hundred Arabs being employed as
       labourers. … The excavations at Nippur were carried deeply and
       widely enough not only to reveal the history of the city
       itself but also to open up a new vista in the forgotten
       history of civilised man. The history of civilisation has been
       taken back into ages which a short while since were still
       undreamed of. Professor Hilprecht, the historian of the
       expedition, upon whom has fallen the work of copying,
       publishing, and translating the multitudinous texts discovered
       in the course of it, declares that we can no longer 'hesitate
       to date the founding of the temple of Bel and the first
       settlements in Nippur somewhere between 6000 and 7000 B. C.,
       possibly even earlier.' At any rate the oldest monuments which
       have been disinterred there belong to the fifth or sixth
       millennium before the Christian era. Hitherto we have been
       accustomed to regard Egypt as the land which has preserved for
       us the earliest written monuments of mankind, but Babylonia
       now bids fair to outrival Egypt. The earliest fixed date in
       Babylonian history is that of Sargon of Akkael and his son
       Naram-Sin. It has been fixed for us by Nabonidos, the royal
       antiquarian of Babylonia. In one of his inscriptions he
       describes the excavations he made in order to discover the
       memorial cylinders of Naram-Sin, who had lived '3200 years'
       before his own time. In my Hibbert Lectures I gave reasons for
       accepting this date as approximately correct. The recent
       discoveries at Niffer, Telloh, and other places have shown
       that my conclusion was justified. …

    {14}

       "Assyriologists have long had in their possession a cuneiform
       text which contains the annals of the reign of Sargon, and of
       the first three years of the reign of his son. It is a late
       copy of the original text, and was made for the library of
       Nineveh. Our 'critical' friends have been particularly merry
       over the credulity of the Assyriologists in accepting these
       annals as authentic. … So far from being unhistorical, Sargon
       and Naram-Sin prove to have come at the end of a
       long-preceding historical period, and the annals themselves
       have been verified by contemporaneous documents. The empire of
       Sargon, which extended from the Persian Gulf to the
       Mediterranean, was not even the first that had arisen in
       Western Asia. And the art that flourished under his rule, like
       the art which flourished in Egypt in the age of the Old
       Empire, was higher and more perfect than any that succeeded it
       in Babylonia. … Henceforward, Sargon and Naram-Sin, instead of
       belonging to 'the grey dawn of time,' must be regarded as
       representatives of 'the golden age of Babylonian history.'
       That they should have undertaken military expeditions to the
       distant West, and annexed Palestine and the Sinaitic Peninsula
       to the empire they created need no longer be a matter of
       astonishment. Such campaigns had already been undertaken by
       Babylonian kings long before; the way was well known which led
       from one extremity of Western Asia to the other. …

       "It is Mr. Haynes [Director of the explorations from 1893] who
       tells us that we are henceforth to look upon Sargon of Akkad
       as a representative of 'the golden age of Babylonian history,'
       and his assertion is endorsed by Professor Hilprecht. In fact,
       the conclusion is forced upon both the excavator and the
       palæographist. Professor Hilprecht, who, thanks to the
       abundant materials at his disposal, has been able to found the
       science of Babylonian palæography, tracing the development of
       the cuneiform characters from one stage of development to
       another, and determining the age of each successive form of
       writing, has made it clear to all students of Assyriology that
       many of the inscriptions found at Niffer and Telloh belong to
       a much older period than those of the age of Sargon. The
       palæographic evidence has been supplemented by the results of
       excavation. … As far back as we can penetrate, we still find
       inscribed monuments and other evidences of civilisation. It is
       true that the characters are rude and hardly yet lifted above
       their pictorial forms. They have, however, ceased to be
       pictures, and have already become that cursive script which we
       call cuneiform. For the beginnings of Babylonian writing we
       have still to search among the relics of centuries that lie
       far behind the foundation of the temple of Nippur.

       "The first king whom the excavations there have brought to
       light is a certain En-sag(sak)-ana who calls himself 'lord of
       Kengi' and conqueror of Kis 'the wicked.' Kengi—'the land of
       canals and reeds,' as Professor Hilprecht interprets the
       word—was the oldest name of Babylonia, given to it in days
       when it was still wholly occupied by its Sumerian population,
       and when as yet no Semitic stranger had ventured within it.
       The city of Kis (now El-Hy-mar) lay outside its borders to the
       north, and between Kis and Kengi there seems to have been
       constant war. … Nippur was the religious centre of Kengi, and
       Mul-lil, the god of Nippur, was the supreme object of Sumerian
       worship. … A king of Kis made himself master of Nippur and its
       sanctuary, and the old kingdom of Kengi passed away. The final
       blow was dealt by the son of the Sumerian high priest of the
       'Land of the Bow.' Lugal-zaggi-si was the chieftain who
       descended from the north upon Babylonia and made it part of
       his empire. … Lugal-zaggi-si lived centuries before Sargon of
       Akkad in days which, only a year ago, we still believed to lie
       far beyond the horizon of history and culture. We little
       dreamed that in that hoar antiquity the great cities and
       sanctuaries of Babylonia were already old, and that the
       culture and script of Babylonia had already extended far
       beyond the boundaries of their motherland. The inscriptions of
       Lugal-zaggi-si are in the Sumerian language, and his name,
       like that of his father, is Sumerian also. … The empire of
       Lugal-zaggi-si seems to have passed away with his death, and
       at no long period subsequently a new dynasty arose at Ur. …
       According to Professor Hilprecht, this would have been about
       4000 B. C. How long the first dynasty of Ur lasted we cannot
       tell. It had to keep up a perpetual warfare with the Semitic
       tribes of northern Arabia, Ki-sarra, 'the land of the hordes,'
       as it was termed by the Sumerians. Meanwhile a new state was
       growing up on the eastern side of the Euphrates in a small
       provincial city called Lagas, whose ruins are now known as
       Telloh. Its proximity to Eridu, the seaport and trading depot
       of early Babylonia, had doubtless much to do with its rise to
       power. At all events the kings of Telloh, whose monuments have
       been brought to light by M. de Sarzec, became continually
       stronger, and the dynasty of Lagas took the place of the
       dynasty of Ur. One of these kings, E-Anna-gin, at length
       defeated the Semitic oppressors of northern Chaldæa in a
       decisive battle and overthrew the 'people of the Land of the
       Bow.' …

       "The kings of Lagas represent the closing days of Sumerian
       supremacy. With Sargon and his empire the Semitic age begins.
       The culture of Chaldæa is still Sumerian, the educated classes
       are for the most part of Sumerian origin, and the literature of
       the country is Sumerian also. But the king and his court are
       Semites, and the older culture which they borrow and adopt
       becomes Semitised in the process. … For many generations
       Sumerians and Semites lived side by side, each borrowing from
       the other, and mutually adapting and modifying their own forms
       of expression. … Sumerian continued to be the language of
       religion and law—the two most conservative branches of human
       study—down to the age of Abraham. … The new facts that have
       been disinterred from the grave of the past furnish a striking
       confirmation of Professor Hommel's theory, which connects the
       culture of primitive Egypt with that of primitive Chaldæa, and
       derives the language of the Egyptians, at all events in part,
       from a mixed Babylonian language in which Semitic and Sumerian
       elements alike claimed a share. We now know that such a mixed
       language did once exist, and we also know that this language
       and the written characters by which it was expressed were
       brought to the shores of the Mediterranean and the frontiers
       of Egypt in the earliest age of Egyptian history."

          A. H. Sayce,
          Recent Discoveries in Babylonia
          (Contemporary Review, January, 1897).

    {15}

       The third of the Pennsylvania expeditions closed its work at
       Nippur in February, 1896. There was then an interval of three
       years before a fourth expedition resumed work at the ruins in
       February, 1899. In the "Sunday School Times" of April 29 and
       May 27, 1899, Professor Hilprecht (who did not go personally
       to Nuffar until later in the year) gave the following account
       of the friendly reception of the exploring party by the Arabs
       of the district, from whom there had been formerly much
       experience of trouble: "The Affej tribes, in whose territory
       the large mounds are situated, had carefully guarded the
       expedition's stronghold,—a mud castle half-way between the
       ruins and the marshes, which had been sealed and entrusted to
       their care before we quitted the field some years ago. They
       now gave to the expedition a hearty welcome, accompanied by
       shooting, shouting, dancing, and singing, and were evidently
       greatly delighted to have the Americans once more in their
       midst. In the presence of Haji Tarfa, their
       commander-in-chief, who was surrounded by his minor shaykhs
       and other dignitaries of the El-Hamza tribes, the former
       arrangements with the two shaykhs Hamid el-Birjud and Abud
       el-Hamid were ratified, and new pledges given for the security
       and welfare of the little party of explorers, the question of
       guards and water being especially emphasized. In accordance
       with the Oriental custom, the expedition showed its
       appreciation of the warm reception by preparing for their
       hosts in return a great feast, at which plenty of mutton and
       boiled rice were eaten by some fifty Arabs, and the old bond
       of friendship was cemented anew with 'bread and salt.'" …

       "Doubtless all the advantages resulting for the Affej Bed'ween
       and their allies from the presence of the Americans were
       carefully calculated by them in the three years (February,
       1896-1899) that we had withdrawn our expedition from their
       territory. They have apparently found out that the
       comparatively large amount of money brought into their country
       through the wages paid to many Arabs employed as workmen, and
       through the purchase of milk, eggs, chicken, mutton, and all
       the other material supplied by the surrounding tribes for our
       camp, with its about two hundred and fifty persons, has done
       much to improve their general condition. The conviction has
       been growing with them that we have not come to rob them of
       anything to which they attach great value themselves, nor to
       establish a new military station for the Turkish government in
       order to gather taxes and unpaid debts. Every Arab engaged by
       the Expedition has been fairly treated, and help and
       assistance have always been given cheerfully and gratis to the
       many sick people who apply daily for medicine, suffering more
       or less during the whole year from pulmonary diseases, typhoid
       and malarial fevers, easily contracted in the midst of the
       extended marshes which they inhabit."

       In the "Sunday School Times" of August 5, in the same year,
       Professor Hilprecht reported: "The mounds of Nippur seem to
       conceal an almost inexhaustible treasure of inscribed
       cuneiform tablets, by means of which we are enabled to restore
       the chronology, history, religion, and the high degree of
       civilization, obtained at a very early date by the ancient
       inhabitants between the lower Euphrates and Tigris. More than
       33,000 of these precious documents were found during the
       previous campaigns. Not less than 4,776 tablets have been
       rescued from February 6 to June 10 this year, averaging,
       therefore, nearly 1,200 'manuscripts in clay,' as we may style
       them, per month. About the fourth part of these tablets is in
       perfect condition, while a very large proportion of the
       remaining ones are good-sized fragments or tablets so
       fortunately broken that their general contents and many
       important details can be ascertained by the patient
       decipherer."

       In November, 1899, Professor Hilprecht started for the field,
       to superintend the explorations in person, and on the way he
       wrote to the "S. S. Times" (published December 13): "The
       deeper the trenches of the Babylonian Expedition of the
       University of Pennsylvania descend into the lower strata of
       Nippur, the probable site of the biblical Calneh, the more
       important and interesting become the results obtained. The
       work of clearing the northeastern wall of the high-towering
       temple of Bel was continued with success during the summer
       months. Particularly numerous were the inscribed vase
       fragments brought to light, and almost exclusively belonging
       to the pre-Sargonic period,—3800 B. C. and before. As I showed
       in the second part of Volume I of our official University
       publication, this fragmentary condition of the vases is due to
       the wilful destruction of the temple property by the
       victorious Elamitic hordes, who, towards the end of the third
       pre-Christian millennium, ransacked the Babylonian cities,
       extending their conquest and devastation even as far as the
       shores of the Mediterranean Sea (comp. Gen. 14). From the
       earliest historical period down to about 2200 B. C., when this
       national calamity befell Babylonia, the large temple
       storehouse, with its precious statues, votive slabs and vases,
       memorial stones, bronze figures, and other gifts from powerful
       monarchs and governors, had practically remained intact. What,
       therefore, is left of the demolished and scattered contents of
       this ancient chamber as a rule is found above the platform of
       Ur-Ninib (about 2500 B. C.), in a layer several feet thick and
       about twenty-five feet wide, surrounding the front and the two
       side walls of the temple. The systematic clearing and
       examination of this layer, and of the huge mass of ruins lying
       above it, occupied the attention of the expedition
       considerably in the past years, and was continued with new
       energy during the past six months." At the end of January,
       1900, Professor Hilprecht arrived in Babylonia, and wrote some
       weeks later to the "Sunday School Times" (May 3): "As early as
       eleven years ago, the present writer pointed out that the
       extensive group of hills to the southwest of the temple of Bel
       must be regarded as the probable site of the temple library of
       ancient Nippur. About twenty-five hundred tablets were rescued
       from the trenches in this hill during our first campaign.
       Later excavations increased the number of tablets taken from
       these mounds to about fifteen thousand. But it was only within
       the last six weeks that my old theory could be established
       beyond any reasonable doubt.
    {16}
       During this brief period a series of rooms was exposed which
       furnished not less than over sixteen thousand cuneiform
       documents, forming part of the temple library during the
       latter half of the third millennium B. C. In long rows the
       tablets were lying on ledges of unbaked clay, serving as
       shelves for these imperishable Old Babylonian records. The
       total number of tablets rescued from different parts of the
       ruins during the present campaign amounts even now to more
       than twenty-one thousand, and is rapidly increased by new
       finds every day. The contents of this extraordinary library
       are as varied as possible. Lists of Sumerian words and
       cuneiform signs, arranged according to different principles,
       and of fundamental value for our knowledge of the early
       non-Semitic language of the country, figure prominently in the
       new 'find.' As regards portable antiquities of every
       description, and their archeological value, the American
       expedition stands readily first among the three expeditions at
       present engaged in the exploration of Ancient Babylonia and
       the restoration of its past history."

       Three weeks later he added: "The Temple Library, as indicated
       in the writer's last report, has been definitely located at
       the precise spot which, in 1889, the present writer pointed
       out as its most probable site. Nearly eighteen thousand
       cuneiform documents have been rescued this year from the
       shelves of a series of rooms in its southeastern and
       northwestern wings. The total number of tablets (mostly of a
       didactic character) obtained from the library up to date is
       from twenty-five thousand to twenty-six thousand tablets
       (whole and broken). In view, however, of more important other
       duties to be executed by this expedition before we can leave
       Nippur this year, and in consideration of the enormous amount
       of time and labor required for a methodical exploration of the
       whole mound in which it is concealed, I have recently ordered
       all the gangs of Arabic workmen to be withdrawn from this
       section of ancient Nippur, and to be set at work at the
       eastern fortification line of the city, close to the
       temple-complex proper. According to a fair estimate based upon
       actual finds, the unique history of the temple, and
       topographical indications, there must be hidden at least from
       a hundred thousand to a hundred and fifty thousand tablets
       more in this ancient library, which was destroyed by the
       invading Elamites about the time of Abraham's emigration from
       Ur of the Chaldees. Only about the twentieth part of this
       library (all of Dr. Haynes's previous work included) has so
       far been examined and excavated."

       In the same letter the Professor described the uncovering of
       one façade of a large pre-Sargonic palace—"the chief
       discovery," in his opinion, "of this whole campaign." "A
       thorough excavation of this large palace," he wrote, "will
       form one of the chief tasks of a future expedition, after its
       character, age, and extent have been successfully determined
       by the present one. Important art treasures of the Tello type,
       and literary documents, may reasonably be expected to be
       unearthed from the floor-level of its many chambers. It has
       become evident, from the large number of pre-Sargonic
       buildings, walls, and other antiquities discovered on both
       sides of the Shatt-en-Nil, that the pre-Sargonic Nippur was of
       by far greater extent than had been anticipated. This
       discovery, however, is only in strict accord with what we know
       from the cuneiform documents as to the important historical
       rôle which the temple of Bel ('the father of the gods'), as
       the central national sanctuary of ancient Babylonia, played at
       the earliest period, long before Babylon, the capital of the
       later empire, achieved any prominence."

       The work at Nippur was suspended for the season about the
       middle of May, 1900, and Professor Hilprecht, after his return
       to Philadelphia, wrote of the general fruits of the campaign,
       in the "Sunday School Times" of December 1: "As the task of
       the fourth and most recent expedition, just completed, I had
       mapped out, long before its organization, the following work.
       It was to determine the probable extent of the earliest
       pre-Sargonic settlement at ancient Nippur; to discover the
       precise form and character of the famous temple of Bêl at this
       earliest period; to define the exact boundaries of the city
       proper; if possible, to find one or more of the great city
       gates frequently mentioned in the inscriptions; to locate the
       great temple library and educational quarters of Nippur; to
       study the different modes of burial in use in ancient
       Babylonia; and to study all types and forms of pottery, with a
       view to finding laws for the classification and determination
       of the ages of vases, always excavated in large numbers at
       Nuffar. The work set before us has been accomplished. The task
       was great,—almost too great for the limited time at our
       disposal. … But the number of Arab workmen, busy with pickax,
       scraper, and basket in the trenches for ten to fourteen hours
       every day, gradually increased to the full force of four
       hundred. … In the course of time, when the nearly twenty-five
       thousand cuneiform texts which form one of the most
       conspicuous prizes of the present expedition have been fully
       deciphered and interpreted; when the still hidden larger mass
       of tablets from that great educational institution, the temple
       library of Calneh-Nippur, discovered at the very spot which I
       had marked for its site twelve years ago, has been brought to
       light,—a great civilization will loom up from past
       millenniums before our astonished eyes. For four thousand
       years the documents which contain this precious information
       have disappeared from sight, forgotten in the destroyed rooms
       of ancient Nippur. Abraham was about leaving his ancestral
       home at Ur when the great building in which so much learning
       had been stored up by previous generations collapsed under the
       ruthless acts of the Elamite hordes. But the light which
       begins to flash forth from the new trenches in this lonely
       mound in the desert of Iraq will soon illuminate the world
       again. And it will be no small satisfaction to know that it
       was rekindled by the hands of American explorers."

    {17}

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
       German exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

       An expedition to explore the ruins of Babylon was sent out by
       the German Orient Society, in 1899, under the direction of Dr.
       Koldewey, an eminent architect and archæologist, who had been
       connected with previous works of excavation done in Babylonia
       and northern Syria. In announcing the project, in the "Sunday
       School Times" of January 28, 1899, Professor Hilprecht
       remarked: "These extended ruins will require at least fifty
       years of labor if they are to be excavated as thoroughly and
       systematically as the work is done by the American expedition
       at Nippur, which has employed in its trenches never less than
       sixty, but frequently from two hundred to four hundred, Arabic
       workmen at the same time during the last ten years. Certain
       parts of the ruins of Babylon have been previously explored
       and excavated by Layard, Rawlinson, and the French expedition
       under Fresnel and Oppert, to which we owe the first accurate
       details of the topography of this ancient city." Writing
       somewhat more than a year later from Nippur, after having
       visited the German party at Babylon, Professor Hilprecht said
       of its work: "The chief work of the expedition during the past
       year was the exploration of the great ruin heap called
       El-Kasr, under which are hidden the remains of the palace of
       Nebuchadrezzar, where Alexander the Great died after his
       famous campaign against India. Among the few important
       antiquities so far obtained from this imposing mound of
       Ancient Babylon is a new Hittite inscription and a
       neo-Babylonian slab with an interesting cuneiform legend. Very
       recently, Dr. Koldewey, whose excellent topographical surveys
       form a conspicuous part of the results of the first year, has
       found the temple of the goddess Nin-Makh, so often mentioned
       in the building inscriptions of the neo-Babylonian rulers, and
       a little terra-cotta statue of the goddess. The systematic
       examination of the enormous mass of ruins covering Ancient
       Babylon will require several decenniums of continued hard
       labor. To facilitate this great task, a bill has been
       submitted to the German Reichstag requesting a yearly
       government appropriation of over fifteen thousand dollars,
       while at the same time application has been made by the German
       Orient Committee to the Ottoman Government for another firman
       to carry on excavations at Warka, the biblical Erech, whose
       temple archive was badly pillaged by the invading Elamites at
       about 2280 B. C."

       Some account of results from the uncovering of the palace of
       Nebuchadrezzar are quoted from "Die Illustrirte Zeitung" in
       the "Scientific American Supplement," December 16, 1899, as
       follows: "According to early Babylonian records,
       Nebuchadnezzar completed the fortifications of the city, begun
       by his father Narbolpolassar, consisting of a double inclosure
       of strong walls, the inner called Imgur-Bel ('Bel is
       gracious'), the outer Nemitti-Bel ('foundation of Bel'). The
       circumference of the latter according to Herodotus was 480
       stades (55 miles), its height 340 feet, and its thickness 85
       feet. At the inner and outer peripheries, one-story houses
       were built, between which was room enough for a chariot drawn
       by four horses harnessed abreast. When Koldewey cut through
       the eastern front of Al Kasr, he came upon a wall which was
       undoubtedly that described by Herodotus. The outer eastern
       shell was composed of burnt brick and asphalt, 24 feet in
       thickness; then came a filling of sand and broken stone 70½
       feet in thickness, which was followed by an inner western
       shell of 43 feet thickness. The total thickness was,
       therefore, 137.5 feet. By dint of hard work this wall was cut
       through and the entrance to Nebuchadnezzar's palace laid bare.
       Koldewey and his men were enabled to verify the description
       given by Diodorus of the polychromatic reliefs which graced
       the walls of the royal towers and palaces. It still remains to
       be seen how trustworthy are the statements of other ancient
       historians. The city itself, as previous investigators have
       found, was adorned with many temples, chief among them Esaglia
    ('the high towering house'), temple of the city, and the national
       god Marduk (Merodach) and his spouse Zirpanit. Sloping toward
       the river were the Hanging Gardens, one of the world's seven
       wonders, located in the northern mound of the ruins of Babel.
       The temple described by Herodotus is that of Nebo, in
       Borsippa, not far from Babylon, which Herodotus included under
       Babylon and which the cuneiform inscriptions term 'Babylon the
       Second.' This temple, which in the mound of Birs Nimrûd is the
       most imposing ruin of Babylon, is called the 'eternal house'
       in the inscriptions; it was restored by Nebuchadnezzar with
       great splendor. In form, it is a pyramid built in seven
       stages, for which reason it is sometimes referred to as the
       'Temple of the Seven Spheres of Heaven and Earth.' The Tower
       of Babel, described in Genesis x., is perhaps the same
       structure. It remains for the German expedition to continue
       its excavations in Nebuchadnezzar's palace."

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Babylonia:
       Discovery of an inscription of Nabonidos,
       the last of the Babylonian kings.

       "A discovery of the greatest importance has just been made by
       Father Scheil, who has for some time been exploring in
       Babylonia. In the Mujelibeh mound, one of the principal heaps
       of ruins in the 'enciente' of Babylon, he has discovered a
       long inscription of Nabonidos, the last of the Babylonian
       Kings (B. C. 555-538), which contains a mass of historical and
       other data which will be of greatest value to students of this
       important period of Babylonian history. The monument in
       question is a small 'stela' of diorite, the upper part of
       which is broken, inscribed with eleven columns of writing, and
       which appears to have been erected early in the King's reign.
       It resembles in some measure the celebrated India-House
       inscription of Nebuchadnezzar, but is much more full of
       historical matter. Its value may be estimated when it is
       stated that it contains a record of the war of revenge
       conducted by the Babylonians and their Mandian allies against
       Assyria, for the destruction of the city by Sennacherib, in B.
       C. 698; an account of the election and coronation of Nabonidos
       in B. C. 555, and the wonderful dream in which Nebuchadnezzar
       appeared to him; as well as an account of the restoration of
       the temple of the Moon god at Kharran, accompanied by a
       chronological record which enables us to fix the date of the
       so-called Scythian invasion. There is also a valuable
       reference to the murder of Sennacherib by his son in Tebet, B.
       C. 681."

          American Journal of Archœology,
          January-March, 1896.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Persia:
       French exploration of the ruins of Susa,
       the capital of ancient Elam.

       "In 1897 an arrangement was completed between the French
       Government and the Shah of Persia by which the former obtained
       the exclusive right of archeological explorations in the
       latter's empire, coupled with certain privileges for the
       exportation of different kinds of antiquities that might be
       unearthed. Soon afterwards, M. J. de Morgan, late director of
       excavations in Egypt, who had made archeological researches in
       the regions east of the Tigris before, was placed at the head
       of a French expedition to Susa, the ancient capital of Elam,
       the upper strata of which had been successfully explored by M.
       Dieulafoy.
    {18}
       In the Babylonian cuneiform inscriptions Elam appears as the
       most terrible foe of the Babylonian empire from the earliest
       time: and the name of its capital, Susa, or Shâsha, was
       discovered by the present editor several years ago on a small
       votive object in agate, originally manufactured and inscribed
       in southern Babylonia, in the first half of the third
       pre-christian millennium, several hundred years afterwards
       carried away as part of their spoil by the invading Elamites,
       and in the middle of the fourteenth century B. C. recaptured,
       reinscribed, and presented to the temple of Nippur by King
       Kurigalzu, after his conquest of Susa. It was therefore
       evident that, if the same method of excavating was applied to
       the ruins of Susa as had been applied so successfully by the
       University of Pennsylvania's expedition in Nippur, remarkable
       results would soon be obtained, and amply repay all labor and
       money expended. M. de Morgan, accompanied by some engineers
       and architects, set hopefully to work, cutting his trenches
       more than fifty feet below the ruins of the Achæmenian
       dynasty. The first campaign, 1897-98, was so successful, in
       the discovery of buildings and inscribed antiquities, that in
       October of last year the French government despatched the
       Assyriologist Professor Scheil, in order to decipher the new
       cuneiform documents, and to report on their historical
       bearings.

       "Among the more important finds so far made, but not yet
       published, maybe mentioned over a thousand cuneiform tablets
       of the earlier period, a beautifully preserved obelisk more
       than five feet high, and covered with twelve hundred lines of
       Old Babylonian cuneiform writing. It was inscribed and set up
       by King Manishtusu, who left inscribed vases in Nippur and
       other Babylonian cities. A stele of somewhat smaller size,
       representing a battle in the mountains, testifies to the high
       development of art at that remote period. On the one end it
       bears a mutilated inscription of Narâm-Sin, son of Sargon the
       Great (3800 B. C.); on the other, the name of Shimti-Shilkhak,
       a well-known Elamitic king, and grandfather of the biblical
       Ariokh (Genesis 14). These two monuments were either left in
       Susa by the two Babylonian kings whose names they bear, after
       successful operations against Elam, or they were carried off
       as booty at the time of the great Elamitic invasion, which
       proved so disastrous to the treasure-houses and archives of
       Babylonian cities and temples [see above: BABYLONIA]. The
       latter is more probable to the present writer, who in 1896
       ('Old Babylonian Inscriptions,' Part II, page 33) pointed out,
       in connection with his discussion of the reasons of the
       lamentable condition of Babylonian temple archives, that on
       the whole we shall look in vain for well-preserved large
       monuments in most Babylonian ruins, because about 2280 B. C.
       'that which in the eyes of the national enemies of Babylonia
       appeared most valuable was carried to Susa and other places:
       what did not find favor with them was smashed and scattered on
       Babylonian temple courts.'"

          Prof. H. V. Hilprecht,
          Oriental Research
          (Sunday School Times, January 28, 1809).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
       Earlier explorations.

       For some account of earlier archæological explorations in
       Egypt,

          See, in volume 1,
          EGYPT.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
       Results of recent exploration.
       The opening up of prehistoric Egypt.
       The tomb of Mena.
       The funeral temple of Merenptah.
       Single mention of the people of Israel.

       "During all this century in which Egyptian history has been
       studied at first hand, it has been accepted as a sort of axiom
       that the beginnings of things were quite unknown. In the
       epitome of the history which was drawn up under the Greeks to
       make Egypt intelligible to the rest of the world, there were
       three dynasties of kings stated before the time of the great
       pyramid builders; and yet of those it has been commonly said
       that no trace remained. Hence it has been usual to pass them
       by with just a mention as being half fabulous, and then to
       begin real history with Senefern or Khufu (Cheops), the kings
       who stand at the beginning of the fourth dynasty, at about
       4000 B. C. The first discovery to break up this habit of
       thought was when the prehistoric colossal statues of Min, the
       god of the city of Koptos, were found in my excavations in his
       temple. These had carvings in relief upon them wholly
       different from anything known as yet in Egypt, and the
       circumstances pointed to their being earlier than any carvings
       yet found in that country. In the same temple we found also
       statues of sacred animals and pottery which we now know to
       belong to the very beginning of Egyptian history, many
       centuries before the pyramids, and probably about 5000 B. C.
       or earlier.

       "The next step was the finding of a new cemetery and a town of
       the prehistoric people, which we can now date to about 5000 B.
       C., within two or three centuries either way. This place lay
       on the opposite side of the Nile to Koptos—that is to say,
       about 20 miles north of Thebes. At first we were completely
       staggered by a class of objects entirely different from any
       yet known in Egypt. We tried to fit them into every gap in
       Egyptian history, but found that it was impossible to put them
       before 3000 B. C. Later discoveries prove that they are really
       as old as 5000 B. C. They show a very different civilization
       from that of the Egyptians whom we already know—far less
       artistic, but in some respects even more skillful in
       mechanical taste and touch than the historical Egyptians. They
       built brick houses to live in, and buried their dead in small
       chambers sunk in the gravels of the water courses, lined with
       mats, and roofed over with beams. They show several points of
       contact with the early Mediterranean civilization, and appear
       to have been mainly north African tribes of European type.
       Their pottery, in its patterns and painting, shows designs
       which have survived almost unchanged unto the present day
       among the Kabyles of the Algerian Mountains. And one very
       peculiar type of pottery is found spread from Spain to Egypt,
       and indicates a widespread commercial intercourse at that
       remote day. The frequent figures upon the vases of great
       galley ships rowed with oars show that shipping was well
       developed then, and make the evidences of trading between
       different countries easy to be accepted.

    {19}

       "An of the above belongs to the age probably before 4700 B.
       C., which is the age given for the first historical king of
       Egypt by the Greek history of Manetho. A keystone of our
       knowledge of the civilization is the identification of the
       tomb of Mena, the first name in Egyptian history, the
       venerated founder of all the long series of hundreds of
       historic kings. This tomb, about 15 miles north of Thebes, was
       found by some Arabs, and shown to Dr. De Morgan, the director
       of the Department of Antiquities. It was a mass of about
       thirty chambers, built of mud brick and earth. Each chamber
       contained a different class of objects, one of stone vases,
       one of stone dishes, one of copper tools, one of water jars,
       etc. And among the things are carvings of lions and vases in
       rock crystal and obsidian, large hard-stone vases, slate
       palettes for grinding paint, pottery vases, and, above all, an
       ivory tablet with relief carvings which show the names of the
       king. Besides this, M. Amelineau has found sixteen tombs of
       this same general character at Abydos, which we can hardly now
       doubt belong to the early kings of the first three dynasties,
       and some four or five have been actually identified with the
       names of these kings in the Greek history. So now instead of
       treating the first three dynasties as half fabulous and saying
       that Egyptian art and civilization begin full blown at 4000 B.
       C., we have the clear and tangible remains of much of these
       early kings back to 4700 B. C., and a stretch of some
       centuries of the prehistoric period with a varied and
       distinctive civilization, well known and quite different from
       anything later, lying before 4700 B. C. To put the earlier
       part of this to 5500 B. C. is certainly no stretch of
       probability. …

       "We now pass entirely from these early times, with their
       fascinating insight into the beginnings of things, long before
       any other human history that we possess, until we reach down
       to what seems quite modern times in the record of Egypt, where
       it comes into contact with the Old Testament history. On
       clearing out the funereal temple of King Merenptah I found in
       that the upper half of a fine colossal statue of his, with all
       the colors still fresh upon it. As this son of Rameses the
       Great is generally believed to be the Pharaoh of the exodus,
       such a fine portrait of him is full of interest. Better even
       than that—I found an immense tablet of black granite over 10
       feet high and 5 feet wide. It had been erected over two
       centuries before and brilliantly carved by an earlier king,
       whose temple was destroyed for materials by Merenptah. He took
       this splendid block and turned its face inward against the
       wall of his temple and carved the back of it with other scenes
       and long inscriptions. Most of it is occupied with the history
       of his vanquishing the Libyans, or North African tribes, who
       were then invading Egypt. But at the end he recounts his
       conquests in Syria, among which occurs the priceless passage:
       'The people of Israel are spoiled; they have no seed.' This is
       the only trace yet found in Egypt of the existence of the
       Israelites, the only mention of the name, and it is several
       centuries earlier than the references to the Israelite and
       Jewish kings in the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria. "What
       relation this has to our biblical knowledge of the Israelites
       is a wide question, that has several possible answers. Without
       entering on all the openings, I may here state what seems to
       me to be the most probable connection of all the events,
       though I am quite aware that fresh discoveries might easily
       alter our views. It seems that either all the Israelites did
       not go into Egypt or else a part returned and lived in the
       north of Palestine before the exodus that we know, because we
       here find Merenptah defeating Israelites at about 1200 B. C.
       Of his conquest and of those of Rameses III in Palestine there
       are no traces in the biblical accounts, the absence of which
       indicates that the entry into Canaan took place after 1160 B.
       C., the last war of Rameses III. Then the period of the Judges
       is given in a triple record—(l) of the north, (2) of the east
       of the Jordan, (3) of Ephraim and the west; and these three
       accounts are quite distinct and never overlap, though the
       history passes in succession from one to another. Thus the
       whole age of Judges is but little over a century. And to this
       agree the priestly genealogies stretching between the
       tabernacle and temple periods.

       "Leaving now all the monumental age, we come lastly to the
       evidences of the Christian period, preserved in the papyri or
       miscellaneous waste papers left behind in the towns of the
       Roman times. Last winter my friends, Mr. Grenfell and Mr.
       Hunt, cleared out the remains of the town Behnesa, about 110
       miles south of Cairo. There, amid thousands of stray papers,
       documents, rolls, accounts, and all the waste sweepings out of
       the city offices, they found two leaves which are priceless in
       Christian literature—the leaf of Logia, or sayings of Jesus,
       and the leaf of Matthew's Gospel. The leaf of the Logia is
       already so widely known that it is needless for me to describe
       it. … The leaf of Matthew's Gospel is of great interest in the
       literary history of the Gospels. Hitherto we have had no
       manuscripts older than the second great ecclesiastical
       settlement under Theodosius. Now we have a piece two ages
       earlier—before the first settlement of things under
       Constantine at the council of Nicea. Here, in the middle of
       the third century, we find that the beginning of the Gospel,
       the most artificial, and probably the latest, part, the
       introductory genealogy and account of the Nativity, was
       exactly in its present form. This gives us the greatest
       confidence that the Gospel as we have it dates from the time
       of the great persecutions. Such are some of the astonishing
       and far-reaching results that Egypt has given us within three
       years past."

          W. M. Flinders Petrie,
          Recent Research in Egypt
          (Sunday School Times, February 19, 1898.)

       In a later article, contributed to the "Popular Science
       Monthly," Professor Petrie has described more fully the
       results of recent exploration in Egypt, especially with
       reference to the discovery and study of prehistoric remains.
       The following are passages from the article: "The great stride
       that has been made in the last six years is the opening up of
       prehistoric Egypt, leading us back some 2000 years before the
       time of the pyramid builders. Till recently nothing was known
       before the age of the finest art and the greatest buildings,
       and it was a familiar puzzle how such a grand civilization
       could have left no traces of its rise. This was only a case of
       blindness on the part of explorers. Upper Egypt teems with
       prehistoric remains, but, as most of what appears is dug up by
       plunderers for the market, until there is a demand for a class
       of objects, very little is seen of them. Now that the
       prehistoric has become fashionable, it is everywhere to be
       seen. The earlier diggers were dazzled by the polished
       colossi, the massive buildings, the brilliant sculptures of
       the well-known historic times, and they had no eyes for small
       graves, containing only a few jars or, at best, a flint knife.

    {20}

       "The present position of the prehistory of Egypt is that we
       can now distinguish two separate cultures before the beginning
       of the Egyptian dynasties, and we can clearly trace a sequence
       of manufactures and art throughout long ages before the pyramid
       builders, or from say 6000 B. C., giving a continuous history
       of 8000 years for man in Egypt. Continuous I say advisedly,
       for some of the prehistoric ways are those kept up to the
       present time. In the earliest stages of this prehistoric
       culture metal was already used and pottery made. Why no ruder
       stages are found is perhaps explained by the fact that the
       alluvial deposits of the Nile do not seem to be much older
       than 8000 years. The rate of deposit is well known—very
       closely one metre in a thousand years—and borings show only
       eight metres thick of Nile mud in the valley. Before that the
       country had enough rain to keep up the volume of the river,
       and it did not drop its mud. It must have run as a rapid
       stream through a barren land of sand and stones, which could
       not support any population except paleolithic hunters. With
       the further drying of the climate, the river lost so much
       velocity that its mud was deposited, and the fertile mud flats
       made cultivation and a higher civilization possible. At this
       point a people already using copper came into the country. …

       "The second prehistoric civilization seems to have belonged to
       a people kindred to that of the first age, as much of the
       pottery continued unchanged, and only gradually faded away.
       But a new style arose of a hard, buff pottery, painted with
       patterns and subjects in red outline. Ships are represented
       with cabins on them, and rowed by a long bank of oars. The use
       of copper became more general, and gold and silver appear
       also. … Though this civilization was in many respects higher
       than that which preceded it, yet it was lower artistically,
       the figures being ruder and always flat, instead of in the
       round. …

       "The separation of these two different ages has been entirely
       reached by the classification of many hundreds of tombs, the
       original order of which could be traced by the relation of
       their contents. … The material for this study has come
       entirely from excavations of my own party at Nagada (1895),
       Abadiyeh, and Hu (1899); but great numbers of tombs of these
       same ages have been opened without record by Dr. de Morgan
       (1896-1897), and by French and Arab speculators in
       antiquities. The connection between these prehistoric ages and
       the early historic times of the dynastic kings of Egypt is yet
       obscure. The cemeteries which would have cleared this have
       unhappily been looted in the last few years without any
       record, and it is only the chance of some new discoveries that
       can be looked to for filling up the history.

       "We can at least say that the pottery of the early kings is
       clearly derived from the later prehistoric types, and that
       much of the civilization was in common. But it is clear that
       the second prehistoric civilization was degrading and losing
       its artistic taste for fine work before the new wave of the
       dynastic or historic Egyptians came in upon it. These early
       historic people are mainly known by the remains of the tombs
       of the early kings, found by M. Amelineau at Abydos
       (1896-1899), and probably the first stage of the same race is
       seen in the rude colossi of the god Min, which I found at
       Koptos (1894). … In these great discoveries of the last few
       years we can trace at least three successive peoples, and see
       the gradual rise of the arts, from the man who was buried in
       his goat skins, with one plain cup by him, up to the king who
       built great monuments and was surrounded by most sumptuous
       handiwork. We see the rise of the art of exquisite flint
       flaking, and the decline of that as copper came more commonly
       into use. We see at first the use of signs, later on disused
       by a second race, and then superseded by the elaborate
       hieroglyph system of the dynastic race. …

       "Turning now to the purely classical Egyptian work, the
       principal discoveries of the last few years have given us new
       leading examples in every line. The great copper statue of
       King Pepy, with his son, dates from before 3000 B. C. It is
       over life size, and entirely wrought in hammered copper,
       showing a complete mastery in metal work of the highest
       artistic power. … Many of the royal temples of the 19th
       dynasty at Thebes were explored by the English in 1896. The
       Ramesseum was completely examined, through all the maze of
       stone chambers around it. But the most important result was
       the magnificent tablet of black granite, about 10 feet high
       and 5 wide, covered on one side with an inscription of Amen
       Hotep III, and on the other side with an inscription of
       Merenptah. The latter account, of about 1200 B. C., mentions
       the war with the 'People of Israel'; this is the only naming
       of Israel on Egyptian records, and is several centuries
       earlier than any Assyrian record of the Hebrews. …

       "One of the most important results of historical Egyptian
       times is the light thrown on prehistoric Greek ages. The
       pottery known as 'Mykenæan' since the discoveries of
       Schliemann in the Peloponnesus was first dated in Egypt at
       Gurob in 1889; next were found hundreds of vase fragments at
       Tell el Amarna in 1892; and since then several Egyptian kings'
       names have been found on objects in Greece, along with such
       pottery. The whole of this evidence shows that the grand age
       of prehistoric Greece, which can well compare with the art of
       classical Greece, began about 1600 B. C., was at its highest
       point about 1400 B. C., and became decadent about 1200 B. C.,
       before its overthrow by the Dorian invasion. Besides this
       dating, Greece is indebted to Egypt for the preservation of
       the oldest texts of its classics."

          W. M. Flinders Petrie,
          Recent Years of Egyptian Exploration
          (Appleton's Popular Science Monthly, April, 1900).

       Still later, in an address at the annual meeting of the Egypt
       Exploration Fund, November 7, 1900, Professor Petrie summed up
       with succinctness the gains to our knowledge of early man from
       the later researches in Egypt. "How many controversies," he
       said, "had waged over Manetho! And now from the Royal tombs of
       Abydos we had seen and handled this summer the drinking bowls and
       furniture of the Kings of the first dynasty, even the property
       of Menes himself, the first King of United Egypt. The early
       Kings, whom we had scarcely believed in, even Mena who had
       been proclaimed a mythical version of the Cretan Minos and the
       Indian Manu, came now before us as real and as familiarly as
       the Kings of the 30th dynasty or of Saxon England; and never
       before had so remote a period been brought so completely
       before us as it had been in the work this year at Abydos.
    {21}
       And how did Manetho and the State history of Seti bear the
       test? Five Kings we could already identify out of the eight
       recorded for the first dynasty. Those five are proved to have
       been recorded in their correct order, although the time of the
       first dynasty was so remote from even that of Seti that all
       the names had become slightly altered by transmission. It was
       to be remembered that the first dynasty was older to Seti than
       the Exodus was to us. Now that we were no longer afraid of our
       own rashness in assigning anything to a date before the fourth
       dynasty, and could deal with the earliest periods back to the
       first entry of agricultural man into Egypt, we could see more
       of the perspective of history. We saw palæolithic man
       scattering his massive flint weapons until the age of Nile mud
       (beginning about 7000 B. C.) made agriculture possible, and a
       Caucasian race ousted the palæolithic folks, whose portraits
       were left us in the figures found in the earliest graves. We
       saw this oldest race of man to have been of the Hottentot
       type, but even more hairy than the Hottentot, with the traces
       of his original Northern habitation not yet wiped off by
       tropical suns. Then we saw a rapidly rising civilization
       already knowing metals linked with the modern Kabyle both by
       bodily formation and by existing products. Next after some
       dozen generations we could trace strong Eastern or Semitic
       influence, which carried on this civilization to a higher
       point in many respects; and then decay set in and the first
       cycle that we could trace was completed. The next cycle began
       with the entry of the dynastic race from the Red Sea,
       possessing the elements of hieroglyphic writing and far more
       artistic sense and power than the earlier people. In some
       three or four centuries they had gradually conquered and
       invaded all the races scattered through Egypt—long-haired,
       short-haired, bearded and unbearded, clothed and unclothed;
       and the first King of all Egypt, who founded his new capital
       at the mouth of the valley, was Mena. The era of consolidation
       which preceded him was stated by Manetho as the dynasty of ten
       Kings of Abydos, who reigned for 300 years; it was a time of
       rapidly increasing civilization, during which most of the main
       features of Egyptian language, life, and art were stamped for
       5,000 years to come. From the Royal tombs of Abydos we could
       see now how this art rose to its finest age in the middle of
       the first dynasty, and was decaying and becoming cheaper and
       more common by the end of that time. Probably we should see
       that this cycle was fading when some new impetus gave birth to
       the colossal ages of the pyramid builders. That grand period
       we now see to have been the third cycle of civilization and
       art, which was renewed again and again until we might see in
       the brilliance of the Fatimite dynasty the seventh of the
       great eras of Egypt. Such was the wider aspect of human
       history which the work solely of English exploration in Egypt
       now put before us. It might be safely said that there had
       never been a greater extension of knowledge of man's past in
       any decade than the discoveries of the last five years had
       unfolded. Details yet awaited us, but the main lines were all
       marked out, and their work of the future was to complete the
       picture of which we now had the full extent before us. What,
       now, would occupy the coming winter was the exploration of the
       remaining Royal tombs."

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
       Discovery of a fragment of the Logia, or Sayings of Jesus.

       During the winter of 1896-1897, Messrs. Bernard P. Grenfell
       and Arthur S. Hunt conducted excavations for the Egypt
       Exploration Fund on the site of Oxyrhynchus, which was a
       flourishing city in the time of Roman rule in Egypt. Large
       quantities of papyri were found in the rubbish heaps of the
       town, and among them one fragment of special and remarkable
       interest,—as thus described by the discoverers, in a brief
       report, entitled "Sayings of Our Lord," published by the Egypt
       Exploration Fund in 1897: "The document in question is a leaf
       from a papyrus book containing a collection of Logia or
       Sayings of our Lord, of which some, though presenting several
       novel features, are familiar, others are wholly new. It was
       found at the very beginning of our work upon the town, in a
       mound which produced a great number of papyri belonging to the
       first three centuries of our era, those in the immediate
       vicinity of our fragment belonging to the second and third
       centuries. This fact, together with the evidence of the
       handwriting, which has a characteristically Roman aspect,
       fixes with certainty 300 A. D. as the lowest limit for the
       date at which the papyrus was written. The general
       probabilities of the case, the presence of the usual
       contractions found in biblical MSS., and the fact that the
       papyrus was in book, not roll, form, put the first century out
       of the question, and made the first half of the second
       unlikely. The date therefore probably falls within the period
       150-300 A. D. More than that cannot be said with any approach
       to certainty. … The fragment measures 5¾X3¾ inches, but its
       height was originally somewhat greater, as it is unfortunately
       broken at the bottom."

       The following is a translation of the fragmentary sayings
       inscribed on the leaf:

       "… and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote that
       is in thy brother's eye."

       "Jesus saith, Except ye fast to the world, ye shall in no wise
       find the kingdom of God; and except ye keep the sabbath, ye
       shall not see the Father."

       "Jesus saith, I stood in the midst of the world, and in the
       flesh was I seen of them, and I found all men drunken, and
       none found I athirst among them, and my soul grieveth over the
       sons of men, because they are blind in their heart. …"

       "Jesus saith, Wherever there are … and there is one … alone, I
       am with him. Raise the stone and there thou shalt find me,
       cleave the wood and there am I."

       "Jesus saith, A prophet is not acceptable in his own country,
       neither doth a physician work cures upon them that know him."

       "Jesus saith, A city built upon the top of a high hill, and
       stablished, can neither fall nor be hid."

    {22}

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:Egypt:
       New discoveries in the tombs of the Valley of the Kings.

       In the Valley of the Kings, which extends along the west bank
       of the Nile, in the Libyan Mountains, opposite Luxor, M.
       Loret, director of the Egyptian explorations, discovered in
       1898 the tombs of Thutmosis III. and Amenophis II., and in the
       following year made the more important discovery of the tomb of
       Thutmosis I., "the real founder of the eighteenth dynasty, who
       made Egypt one of the great empires of the ancient world."
       Professor Steindorf of the University of Leipsic, writing of
       this discovery to Professor Hilprecht of the University of
       Pennsylvania, remarked that its special importance "lies in
       the fact that Thutmosis I, the earliest king of the eighteenth
       dynasty, was also the first ruler to depart from the ancient
       custom of the Pharaohs, that of building in the desert lowland
       pyramidal tombs. For himself he had a tomb hewn out of rock in
       the mountains. His predecessor, Amenophis I, according to
       custom, built his tomb in the plain, near the present site of
       Drah-abul-negge, as we know from written records. Thutmosis I,
       on the contrary, chose for his last dwelling-place the lonely
       and majestic valley in the Libyan Mountains. For centuries the
       Pharaohs followed his example, and during the eighteenth,
       nineteenth, and twentieth dynasties were built those
       magnificent sepulchers which in Roman times were still among
       the greatest curiosities of ancient Thebes. …

       "Chief among the articles that Mr. Loret found in the tomb is
       a remarkably well-preserved papyrus containing texts from the
       Book of the Dead, with colored pictures finely executed; also
       a chest in which were kept a draught-board, with a full set of
       draughtmen, and some garlands; likewise fruit, food, poultry,
       and beef. The last-mentioned articles, being intended for the
       sustenance of the dead, each one was wrapped in linen and
       enclosed in a wooden case, exactly corresponding to its form.
       Thirteen large earthen beer jars, most of which, with their
       seals, stood there unmarred, and a large number of other
       vessels, had contained the beverages necessary for the
       refreshment of the dead. Weapons, among others two
       artistically wrought leathern quivers containing arrows, and
       two beautiful armchairs, completed this strange stock of
       equipments. The most remarkable piece of all is a large and
       beautifully preserved couch, the like of which has never been
       found in any other tomb. It consists of a quadrangular wooden
       frame, overspread with a thick rush mat, and over this were
       stretched three layers of linen with a life-size figure of the
       god of death, Osiris, drawn upon the outer layer. The figure
       itself was smeared with some material intended to make the
       under layer waterproof. Over this, mingled with some adhesive
       substance, soil had been spread, in which barley was planted.
       The grains had sprouted, and had grown to the height of from
       two and a half to three inches. The whole, therefore,
       represented a couch whereon the dead Osiris lay figured in
       greensward. Verily, a striking poetical idea, the resurrection
       of the dead symbolized by the picture of the barley springing
       up. The whole tomb, with its numerous equipments, furnishes a
       very important contribution to the history of the methods of
       burial among the ancient Egyptians."

          Sunday School Times,
          July 8, 1899.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
       Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak.

       "From Professor Georg Steindorff, of the University of
       Leipsic, comes the following: 'In the covered colonnade of the
       great temple at Karnak extensive restorations have lately been
       undertaken, rendered necessary by a most deplorable accident,
       which, about a year ago, befell this grandest of all Egyptian
       edifices. It occurred on the morning of October 3, 1899, in
       the colonnade which was built by Ramses I, Sethos I, and
       Ramses II, and which is doubtless familiar to all in
       engravings and photographs. In the northeastern part of this
       structure as many as eleven immense columns fell, and were
       totally wrecked, while several others are leaning over so that
       they might fall at any time. By this event the magnificent
       structure has been utterly ruined, and it now presents a
       dreary aspect. The cause of this catastrophe has not been
       definitely ascertained. The first thought was of an
       earthquake, but nothing of the sort was experienced elsewhere
       in Egypt on the morning of the day above mentioned. It is more
       likely that during the thirty-two hundred years of the
       building's existence, the material used in its construction
       had greatly deteriorated, and that this fact increased the
       possibility of a collapse. Then, also, in the main hall during
       recent years, the work of excavation and restoration was carried
       on with little regard for the dilapidated condition of the
       temple, which was weakened rather than strengthened by this
       work. But especially for the last four years, during the
       inundation of the Nile, the hall, by artificial means, has
       been flooded in order to extract and remove the salt which had
       formed. By this periodical flooding and drying of the ground
       the foundations have been very badly damaged. This, according
       to Dr. Borchardt, is the prime cause of the ruin. First the
       ground gave way under a column, which then toppled, and, in
       falling, brought down the others with it.

       "We must recognize the zeal with which the Egyptian
       Government, especially the department of Egyptian Antiquities,
       with its Director-General, Professor Maspero, came to the
       rescue of the ill-fated edifice. To prevent further
       catastrophe, they first proceeded to remove the architraves
       from five of the endangered columns, and to reduce the height
       of the columns to about twenty feet. This was accomplished by
       filling with sand that portion of the hall in which the
       columns stood, and then rolling the separate parts down the
       inclined plane formed by the sand. The north portion of the
       pylon terminating the colonnade toward the east—that is,
       toward the Nile—had badly suffered by the disaster. There were
       cracks in it so large as to cause the fear that it might some
       day collapse. After prompt and thorough work this danger also
       was obviated. Later on the ruins of the eleven fallen columns
       are to be removed, and the foundations of the hall examined.
       Then everything possible will be done to make the ground
       solid, and the attempt will be made to erect again the ruined
       columns. But whether the beautiful colonnade will ever resume
       its former appearance, whether it will ever again make upon
       the visitor such an overpowering impression as formerly, may
       well be a matter of serious doubt. Ancient Thebes has lost one
       of its most beautiful monuments.'"

          Sunday School Times,
          December 1, 1900.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Egypt:
       Discovery of the Serapeion at Alexandria.

       "The excavations by Dr. Botti, the Director of the Alexandrian
       Museum, in the neighborhood of Pompey's Pillar, have resulted
       in the discovery of the Serapeion, where the last of the great
       libraries of Alexandria was preserved. An elaborate account of
       his researches, with an admirable plan, has been given by the
       discoverer in a memoir on 'L'Acropole d'Alexandrie et le
       Sérapeum,' presented to the Archæological Society of
       Alexandria. … Dr. Botti was first led to make his explorations
       by a passage in the orator Aphthonios, who visited Alexandria
       about A. D. 315."

          American Journal of Archœology,
          January-arch, 1896.

    {23}

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Crete:
       Recent explorations.
       Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos
       and the Cretan Labyrinth.
       Fresh light on prehistoric Greece
       and the origin of the alphabet.

       Results of extraordinary importance have been already obtained
       from explorations in Crete, carried on during 1899 and 1900 by
       the British School at Athens, under the direction of Mr. D. G.
       Hogarth, and by Mr. Arthur J. Evans, of the Ashmolean Museum,
       working with the aid of a small Cretan Exploration Fund,
       raised in England. The excavations of both parties were
       carried on at Knossos, but the latter was the most fortunate,
       having opened the site of a prehistoric palace which is
       yielding remarkable revelations of the legendary age in Crete.
       In a communication to the "London Times" of October 31, 1900,
       Mr. Evans gave the following account of the results so far as
       then obtained:

       "The discoveries made at Knossos throw into the shade all the
       other exploratory campaigns of last season in the Eastern
       Mediterranean, by whatever nationality conducted. It is not
       too much to say that the materials already gathered have
       revolutionized our knowledge of prehistoric Greece, and that
       to find even an approach to the results obtained we must go
       back to Schliemann's great discovery of the Royal tombs at
       Mycenae. The prehistoric site, of which some two acres have
       now been uncovered at Knossos, proves to contain a palace
       beside which those of Tiryns and Mycenae sink into
       insignificance. By an unhoped-for piece of good fortune the
       site, though in the immediate neighbourhood of the greatest
       civic centres of the island in ancient, medieval, and modern
       times, had remained practically untouched for over 3,000
       years. At but a very slight depth below the surface of the
       ground the spade has uncovered great courts and corridors,
       propylaea, a long succession of magazines containing gigantic
       store jars that might have hidden the Forty Thieves, and a
       multiplicity of chambers, pre-eminent among which is the
       actual throne-room and council-chamber of Homeric kings. The
       throne itself, on which (if so much faith be permitted to us)
       Minos may have declared the law, is carved out of alabaster,
       once brilliant with coloured designs and relieved with curious
       tracery and crocketed arcading which is wholly unique in
       ancient art and exhibits a strange anticipation of 13th
       century Gothic. In the throne-room, the western entrance
       gallery, and elsewhere, partly still adhering to the walls,
       partly in detached pieces on the floors, was a series of
       fresco paintings, excelling any known examples of the art in
       Mycenaean Greece. A beautiful life-size painting of a youth,
       with a European and almost classically Greek profile, gives us
       the first real knowledge of the race who produced this
       mysterious early civilization. Other frescoes introduce us to
       a lively and hitherto unknown miniature style, representing,
       among other subjects, groups of women engaged in animated
       conversation in the courts and on the balconies of the Palace.
       The monuments of the sculptor's art are equally striking. It
       may be sufficient to mention here a marble fountain in the
       shape of a lioness's head with enamelled eyes, fragments of a
       frieze with beautifully cut rosettes, superior in its kind to
       anything known from Mycenae; an alabaster vase
       naturalistically copied from a Triton shell; a porphyry lamp
       with graceful foliation supported on an Egyptianising lotus
       column. The head and parts of the body of a magnificent
       painted relief of a bull in gesso duro are unsurpassed for
       vitality and strength.

       "It is impossible here to refer more than incidentally to the
       new evidence of intercourse between Crete and Egypt at a very
       remote period supplied by the Palace finds of Knossos. It may
       be mentioned, however, as showing the extreme antiquity of the
       earlier elements of the building that in the great Eastern
       Court was found an Egyptian seated figure of diorite, broken
       above, which can be approximately dated about 2000 B. C. Below
       this again extends a vast Stone Age settlement which forms a
       deposit in some places 24 ft. in thickness.

       "Neither is it possible here to dwell on the new indications
       supplied by some of the discoveries in the 'House of Minos' as
       to the cult and religious beliefs of its occupants. It must be
       sufficient to observe that one of the miniature frescoes found
       represents the façade of a Mycenaean shrine and that the
       Palace itself seems to have been a sanctuary of the Cretan God
       of the Double Axe, as well as a dwelling place of prehistoric
       kings. There can be little remaining doubt that this huge
       building with its maze of corridors and tortuous passages, its
       medley of small chambers, its long succession of magazines
       with their blind endings, was in fact the Labyrinth of later
       tradition which supplied a local habitation for the Minotaur
       of grisly fame. The great figures of bulls in fresco and
       relief that adorned the walls, the harem scenes of some of the
       frescoes, the corner stones and pillars marked with the labrys
       or double axe—the emblem of the Cretan Zeus, explaining the
       derivation of the name 'Labyrinth' itself—are so many details
       which all conspire to bear out this identification. In the
       Palace-shrine of Knossos there stands at last revealed to us
       the spacious structure which the skill of Daedalus is said to
       have imitated from the great Egyptian building on the shore of
       Lake Moeris, and with it some part at least of his fabled
       masterpieces still clinging to the walls.

       "But, brilliant as are the illustrations thus recovered of the
       high early civilization of the City of Minos and of the
       substantial truth of early tradition, they are almost thrown
       into the shade by a discovery which carries back the existence
       of written documents in the Hellenic lands some seven
       centuries beyond the first known monuments of the historic
       Greek writing. In the chambers and magazines of the Palace
       there came to light a series of deposits of clay tablets, in
       form somewhat analogous to the Babylonian, but inscribed with
       characters in two distinct types of indigenous prehistoric
       script—one hieroglyphic or quasi-pictorial, the other linear.
       The existence of a hieroglyphic script in the island had been
       already the theme of some earlier researches by the explorer
       of the Palace, based on the more limited material supplied by
       groups of signs on a class of Cretan seal-stones, and the
       ample corroboration of the conclusions arrived at was,
       therefore, the more satisfactory. These Cretan hieroglyphs
       will be found to have a special importance in their bearing on
       the origin of the Phoenician alphabet.

    {24}

       "But the great bulk of the tablets belonged to the linear
       class, exhibiting an elegant and much more highly-developed
       form of script, with letters of an upright and singularly
       European aspect. The inscriptions, over 1,000 of which were
       collected, were originally contained in coffers of clay, wood,
       and gypsum, which had been in turn secured by clay seals
       impressed with finely-engraved signets and counter-marked and
       counter-signed by controlling officials in the same script
       while the clay was still wet. The clay documents themselves
       are, beyond doubt, the Palace archives. Many relate to
       accounts concerning the Royal Arsenal, stores, and treasures.
       Others, perhaps, like the contemporary cuneiform tablets,
       refer to contracts or correspondence. The problems attaching
       to the decipherment of these clay records are of enthralling
       interest, and we have here locked up for us materials which
       may some day enlarge the bounds of history."

       In an earlier communication to "The Times" (September 15), Mr.
       Evans had explained more distinctly the importance of the clay
       tablets found at Knossos, as throwing light on the origin of
       the alphabet: "In my excavation of the pre-historic Palace at
       Knossos," he wrote, "I came upon a series of deposits of clay
       tablets, representing the Royal archives, the inscriptions on
       which belong to two distinct systems of writing—one
       hieroglyphic and quasi-pictorial; the other for the most part
       linear and much more highly developed. Of these the
       hieroglyphic class especially presents a series of forms
       answering to what, according to the names of the Phoenician
       letters, we must suppose to have been the original pictorial
       designs from which these, too, were derived. A series of
       conjectural reconstructions of the originals of the Phoenician
       letters on this line were in fact drawn out by my father, Sir
       John Evans, for a lecture on the origin of the alphabet given
       at the Royal Institution in 1872, and it may be said that
       two-thirds of these resemble almost line for line actual forms
       of Cretan hieroglyphics. The oxhead (Aleph), the house (Beth),
       the window (He), the peg (Vau), the fence (Cheth), the hand
       (Yod) seen sideways, and the open palm (Kaph), the fish (Nun),
       the post or trunk (Samekh), the eye (Ain), the mouth, (Pe),
       the teeth (Shin), the cross-sign (Tau), not to speak of
       several other probable examples, are all literally reproduced.

       "The analogy thus supplied is indeed overwhelming. It is
       impossible to believe that, while on one side of the East
       Mediterranean basin these alphabetic prototypes were naturally
       evolving themselves, the people of the opposite shore were
       arriving at the same result by a complicated process of
       selection and transformation of a series of hieratic Egyptian
       signs derived from quite different objects. The analogy with
       the Cretan hieroglyphic forms certainly weighs strongly in
       favour of the simple and natural explanation of the origin of
       the Phoenician letters which was held from the time of
       Gesenius onwards, and was only disturbed by the extremely
       ingenious, though over-elaborate, theory of De Rougé."

       At the annual meeting of the subscribers to the British School
       at Athens, held in London, October 30, 1900, Mr. Hogarth, the
       Director, spoke with great enthusiasm of the significance of
       the Cretan discoveries already made, and of the promise of
       enlarged knowledge which they gave. He said: "The discovery
       made 25 years ago [by Schliemann] that no barbarians, but
       possessors of a very high and individual culture, preceded the
       Hellenic period in Greece—a culture which could not but have
       affected the Hellenic—had been developed in various ways
       since. It had been established that this culture had had a
       very long existence and development; it covered completely a
       large geographical area; it developed various local
       characteristics in art production which seemed to be gathered
       again into one by the typical art of Mycenae. But the most
       important historical points remained obscure. Where was the
       original home of this new civilization; what family did the
       race or races belong to; of what speech were they and what
       religions; what was the history of their societies and art
       during their dominance, and what became of them after? Neither
       mainland Greece nor the Aegean islands answered these. But
       there were two unknown quantities, Crete and Asia Minor, with
       Rhodes. One of these we have now attacked. Crete by its great
       size and natural wealth, its position, and its mythologic fame
       was bound to inform us of much. It is too early to say that
       the questions will all be answered by Crete, but already we
       have much light. The discovery of written documents and of
       shrines has told us more than any other evidence of the origin
       and family. The Knossos frescoes show us the racial type; the
       Dictaean, Cave, and Knossos houses illuminate the religion.
       New arts have been discovered, and the relation to Egypt and
       Asia are already far better understood. It remains now to find
       the early tombs, and clear the lower stratum of the Palace
       ruins at Knossos, to know more of the earliest Cretan race, to
       explore the cast or 'Eteocretan' end of the island, to obtain
       light on the language and relations to Egypt and Asia, and to
       investigate the 'Geometric' period, which is the transition to
       the Hellenic."

       Commenting in another place on the discoveries in Crete, Mr.
       Hogarth has pointed out their effect in modifying the ideas
       heretofore entertained of the importance of Phoenician
       influence in the rise of European civilization. "For many
       years now," he writes, "we have had before our eyes two
       standing protests against the traditional claim of Phoenicia
       to originate European civilization, and those protests come
       from two regions which Phoenician influence, travelling west,
       ought first to have affected, namely, Cyprus and Asia Minor.
       In both these regions exist remains of early systems of
       writing which are clearly not of Phoenician descent. Both the
       Cypriote syllabic script and the 'Hittite' symbols must have
       been firmly rooted in their homes before ever the convenient
       alphabet of Sidon and Tyre was known there. And now, since Mr.
       Evans has demonstrated the existence of two non-Phoenician
       systems of writing in Crete also, the use of one of which has
       been proved to extend to the Cyclades and the mainland of
       Greece, it has become evident that we have to deal in
       south-eastern Europe, as well as in Cyprus or Asia Minor, with
       a non-Phoenician influence of civilization which, since it
       could originate that greatest of achievements, a local script,
       was quite powerful enough to account by itself also for the
       local art.

    {25}

       "Those who continue to advocate the Phoenician claim do not
       seem sufficiently to realize that nowadays they have to take
       account neither only of the Homeric age nor only of even half
       a millennium before Homer, but of an almost geologic
       antiquity. Far into the third millennium B. C. at the very
       least, and more probably much earlier still, there was a
       civilization in the Aegean and on the Greek mainland which,
       while it contracted many debts to the East and to Egypt, was
       able to assimilate all that it borrowed, and to reissue it in
       an individual form, expressed in products which are not of the
       same character with those of any Eastern civilization that we
       know."

          D. G. Hogarth,
          Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
          part 2, pages 237-238
          (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

       "During the past season, Evans, discoverer of the now famous
       early Cretan systems of writing, Halbherr and other Italians,
       as well as the French, have been proving what was already
       foreshadowed, that in Crete we find in its purest form and in
       all its historic and racial phases that Mediterranean
       civilization,—Pelasgic and Achæan,—that culminated in Tiryns
       and Mykenae. We now see that Homer sings of the closing years
       of a culture that dates back of the 'Trojan 'War' at least for
       fifteen hundred years. Crete is found to be covered with
       ruined Pelasgic cities, surrounded by gigantic polygonal
       walls, crowned by acropoli, adorned with royal palaces,
       defended by forts, connected by artificial highways, and with
       necropoli of vaulted tombs like those discovered by Schliemann
       at Mykenae. Already the royal palaces and libraries are being
       unearthed at Cnossos and 'Goulâs' with sculptures and
       decoration of the most novel description and early date. A
       literature in an unknown tongue and in undeciphered scripts is
       being found, to puzzle scholars as much perhaps as the Hittite
       and Etruscan languages. Some day these 'Pelasgic' documents
       will disclose the secrets of a neglected civilization and fill
       up the gap between early Eastern and Hellenic cultures."

          A. L. Frothingham, Jr.,
          Archæological Progress
          (International Monthly, December, 1900).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: India:
       Discovery of the birthplace, tomb and relics of Gautama Buddha,

          See (in this volume)
          BUDDHA.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Troy:
       Later researches on the site.

       "Dr. Doerpfeld finished in 1894 the exploration which he had
       begun in 1893 on the site of the excavations of Schliemann at
       Hissarlik (Troia). It appears to be established that
       Schliemann, carried away by his zeal, had overlooked the very
       end which he wished to attain, and that the burnt city, which
       he thought to be the real Troia, is a more ancient foundation
       going back beyond the year 2000 B. C. M. Doerpfeld discerned,
       in one of the layers of ruins (discovered but disregarded by
       Schliemann), a city which must be the Ilios of Priam
       contemporaneous with the Mykenai of Agamemnon; he removed the
       surrounding walls, the towers, and some of the houses that
       filled it. It is to be understood that this little acropolis,
       analogous to that of Tiryns, is not the whole of the city but
       simply its citadel, which Homer called 'Pergamos.' It was
       surrounded, lower down, by a city reserved for the habitation
       of the common people, some traces of which also have been
       found."

          American Journal of Archœology, 1896.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
       Excavations at Antemnæ disclose what early Rome
       was probably like.

       "We can show what the earliest Rome was, the Rome of Romulus
       on the Palatine, and how it grew to be the City of the Seven
       Hills. The City itself, crowded with the wrecks of twenty-five
       centuries, preserves to-day few memorials of its earliest age;
       but excavations made on two sites, one close to Rome, one a
       little further north in Etruria, explain the process very
       clearly. The traveller who approaches Rome by the Via Salaria
       sees, just where Tiber and Anio join, a modern fort on an
       isolated rock. Here was Antemnae, destroyed (according to
       legend) by Roman jealousy very soon after Rome itself was
       founded. The legend seems to be true, at least in substance.
       On this hilltop excavations have shown a little village within
       a wall of stone: it had its temple and senate-house, its
       water-cistern, and square huts, thatched or timbered, for
       dwelling-houses. The relics found there shew that the site was
       abandoned, never to be again inhabited, about the time at
       which the legend fixes the fall of Antemnae. Here we have
       Rome's earliest rival. From the rival we may guess what the
       earliest Rome was like on the Palatine rock, and what all the
       little Italian towns were in their infancy."

          F. Haverfield,
          Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
          part 2, pages 302-303
          (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
       The Etruscans.

       "During the decade which is now ending, archaeology has thrown
       some light on this strange people. Researches in North Italy
       prove that it never entered the Peninsula from the north.
       Researches in Etruria itself prove that the earliest Etruscan
       civilization resembled that which prevailed in the Eastern
       Mediterranean in the last days of the Aegean period. After
       all, the old legends were right. The ancients told how the
       Etruscans came from the east: archaeological evidence is now
       accumulating to confirm the legends. Precisely when they came
       or why is still obscure, nor can we identify them yet with any
       special tribe in pre-historic Greece, Pelasgian or other.
       Probably they were driven from their old homes, like the
       Phoenicians who built Carthage and the Phocaeans who built
       Marseilles."

          F. Haverfield,
          Authority and Archaeology Sacred and Profane,
          part 2, page 305
          (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Italy:
       Sunken Roman vessels in Lake Nemi.

       "A discovery during 1895 which made a great sensation
       throughout Italy, was that of the famous Roman vessels which
       had been sunk for so many centuries at the bottom of Lake
       Nemi, the existence of which has been known or suspected ever
       since the fifteenth century, notwithstanding many sceptics."

          American Journal of Archœology
          July-September, 1896.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: Syria:
       Ruined cities of the Roman Province.

       An important exploration of ruined cities in the old Roman
       provinces of Syria and Arabia was conducted by an American
       archæological expedition organized in 1899. Mr. Howard Crosby
       Butler, of Princeton, was in charge of the studies made in
       architecture, sculpture and archæological matters generally;
       Professor William K. Prentice devoted attention to classical
       inscriptions, of which a great number were found, while
       Semitic inscriptions were the subjects of the study of Dr.
       Enno Littmann, of the University of Halle. The ruins of
       thirty-three cities, nearly all of them evident places of
       large population in their day, were visited in regions now too
       bare of productive soil to support even the small nomadic
       population of the present day. "The desert conditions have
       preserved the cities intact as they stood at the time when
       they appear to have been abandoned, in the beginning of the
       seventh century." Some account of the expedition and its work
       is given in the "New York Tribune" of February 3, 1901.

       ----------ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: End--------

    {26}

    ARCTIC EXPLORATION, Recent.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION.

       ----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: Start--------

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.
       Census.

       "According to the census, the number of persons in the
       Argentine Republic on May 10, 1895, was 4,042,990; the
       estimated number of Argentines outside the boundaries of the
       Republic on that day is placed at 50,000, thus making the
       total population 4,092,990." Of this population 663,854 is in
       the city of Buenos Ayres. "The increase in the population
       between September 15, 1869 (the last census), and May 10, 1895
       (the date on which the present census was taken), has been
       2,218,776, equivalent to an increase of 120 per cent, or an
       annual increase of 4.6 per cent. The urban population of the
       Republic has increased 1,045,944. … It is estimated that there
       are 345,393 foreigners in the city of Buenos Ayres, and that
       the total number of foreigners in the Republic is about
       1,000,000. … Among the Argentine portion of the population,
       the females exceed the males in number, while it is estimated
       that two-thirds of the foreign population are males."

          United States Consular Reports,
          November, 1896, page 438.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.
       Resignation of President Peña.

       President Saenz Peña having refused to issue, at the request
       of Congress, a decree of amnesty, extended to all persons
       implicated in the last revolution, his Cabinet resigned
       (January 16), and he found it impossible to form another.
       Thereupon the President himself resigned his office, on the
       22d of January, and his resignation was accepted by the
       Congress. Señor Uriburu was elected President on the following
       day, and promptly issued the desired decree.

    ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.
       Settlement of boundary dispute with Chile.
       Election of President.

       "A long unsettled dispute as to the extended boundary between
       the Argentine Republic and Chile, stretching along the Andean
       crests from the southern border of the Atacama Desert to
       Magellan Straits, nearly a third of the length of the South
       American continent, assumed an acute stage in the early part
       of the year, and afforded to this Government occasion to
       express the hope that the resort to arbitration, already
       contemplated by existing conventions between the parties,
       might prevail despite the grave difficulties arising in its
       application. I am happy to say that arrangements to this end
       have been perfected, the questions of fact upon which the
       respective commissioners were unable to agree being in course
       of reference to Her Britannic Majesty for determination. A
       residual difference touching the northern boundary line across
       the Atacama Desert, for which existing treaties provided no
       adequate adjustment, bids fair to be settled in like manner by
       a joint commission, upon which the United States Minister at
       Buenos Aires has been invited to serve as umpire in the last
       resort."

          Message of the President of the United States of America,
          December, 1898.

       The arbitration of the United States Minister, Honorable
       William I. Buchanan, proved successful in the matter last
       referred to, and the Atacama boundary was quickly determined.

       In June, 1898, General Julio Roca was elected President and
       assumed the office in October. In July a treaty of arbitration
       was concluded with the government of Italy, which provides
       that there shall be no appeal from the decision of the
       arbitrators.

       ----------ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: End--------

    ARGON, The Discovery of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    ARICA, The question concerning.

          See (in this volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

    ARMENIA: A. D. 1895-1899.
       Revolt against Turkish oppression.
       Massacres and atrocities of the conflict.
       Final concessions.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895; 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
          1896 (AUGUST); 1899 (OCTOBER).

    ARMENIA: A. D. 1896.
       Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank
       and subsequent massacre of Armenians in Constantinople.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY; A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

    ARMIES, European and American:
       Their numbers and cost compared.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    ARMY ADMINISTRATION, American:
       Investigation of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899.

    ARMY CANTEEN, Abolition of the American.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    ARMY, United States:
       Act to increase to 100,000 men.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    ASHANTI:
       British occupation of the country.
       Rising of the tribes.
       Siege and relief of Kumassi.

       In 1895, King Prempeh, of Ashanti, provoked a second
       expedition of British troops against his capital, Kumassi, or
       Coomassie, by persistence in slave-catching raids and in human
       sacrifices, and by other violations of his treaty engagements.

       For some account of the former expedition

          See, in volume 2,
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1873-1880)

       Late in the year a strong force was organized in Gold Coast
       Colony, mostly made up of native troops. It marched without
       resistance to Kumassi, which it entered on the 17th of
       January, 1896. Prempeh made complete submission, placing his
       crown at the feet of the Governor of the Gold Coast; but he
       was taken prisoner to Sierra Leone. A fort was built, and
       garrisoned in the center of the town, and the country was then
       definitely placed under British protection, politically
       attached to the Gold Coast Colony. It submitted quietly to the
       practical conquest until the spring of 1900, when a fierce and
       general rising of the tribes occurred. It was said at the time
       that the outbreak was caused by efforts of the British to
       secure possession of a "golden stool" which King Prempeh had
       used for his throne, and which had been effectually concealed
       when Kumassi was taken in 1896; but this has been denied by
       Sir Frederic Hodgson, the Governor of the Gold Coast. "The
       'golden stool,'" he declared, "was only an incident in the
       affair and had nothing to do with the cause of the rising,
       which had been brewing for a long time.
    {27}
       In his opinion the Ashantis had been preparing ever since the
       British occupation in 1896 to reassert their independence."
       The Governor was, himself, in Kumassi when the Ashantis first
       attacked it, on the 25th of March, and he has given an account
       of the desperate position in which the few British officials,
       with their small native garrison and the refugees whom they
       tried to protect, were placed. "Our force," said Sir Frederic
       Hodgson, "consisted of only some 200 Hausas, while there is
       reason to believe that we had not less than 15,000 Ashantis
       surrounding us. In addition to our own force we had to protect
       some 3,500 refugees, chiefly Mahomedan traders, Fantis, and loyal
       Kumassis, none of whom we were able to take into the fort,
       where every available bit of space was required for military
       purposes. It was heartrending to see the efforts of these poor
       people to scale the walls or break through the gate of the
       fort, and we had to withdraw the Hausas from the cantonments
       and draw a cordon round the refugees. It is impossible to
       describe the horror of the situation with these 3,500 wretched
       people huddled together without shelter under the walls of the
       fort. That same night a tornado broke over Kumassi, and the scene
       next morning with over 200 children was too terrible for
       words. Afterwards they were able to arrange shelters for
       themselves." Near the end of April, two small reinforcements
       from other posts reached Kumassi; but while this strengthened
       the numbers for defence, it weakened the food supply. Taking
       stock of their food, the besieged decided that they could hold
       out until June 23, and that if the main body then marched out,
       to cut, if possible, their way through the enemy, leaving a
       hundred men behind, the latter might keep the fort until July
       15. This, accordingly, was done. On the 23d of June Governor
       Hodgson, with all but 100 men, stole away from Kumassi, by a
       road which the Ashantis had not guarded, and succeeded in
       reaching the coast, undergoing great hardships and dangers in
       the march. Meantime, an expedition from Cape Coast Castle was
       being energetically prepared by Colonel Sir J. Willcocks, who
       overcame immense difficulties and fought his way into Kumassi
       on Ju]y 15, the very day on which the food-supply of the
       little garrison was expected to give out. The following
       account of his entry into Kumassi is from Colonel Willcocks'
       official report: "Forming up in the main road, we marched
       towards Kumassi, a mile distant, the troops cheering wildly
       for the Queen and then followed silence. No sound came from
       the direction of the fort, which you cannot see till quite
       close. For a moment the hideous desolation and silence, the
       headless bodies lying everywhere, the sickening smell, &c.,
       almost made one shudder to think what no one dared to
       utter—'Has Kumassi fallen? Are we too late?' Then a bugle
       sound caught the ear—'the general salute'—the tops of the
       towers appeared, and again every man in the column, white and
       black, broke into cheers long sustained. The brave defenders
       had at last seen us; they knew for hours' past from the firing
       growing ever nearer that we were coming, yet they dared not
       open their only gate; they perforce must wait, for even as we
       appeared the enemy were making their last efforts to destroy
       the outlying buildings, and were actually setting them on fire
       until after dark, when a party of 100 men went out and treated
       them to volleys and cleared them out. If I have gone too fully
       into details of the final scene, the occasion was one that
       every white man felt for him comes perhaps but once, and no
       one would have missed it for a kingdom."

    ASPHYXIATING SHELLS: Declaration against.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    ASSASSINATIONS:
       Of President Barrios.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

       Of President Borda.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

       Of Canovas del Castillo.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

       Of Empress Elizabeth of Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

       Of Governor Goebel.

          See (in this volume)
          KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.

       Of President Heureaux.

          See (in this volume)
          DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

       Of King Humbert.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900;
          and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

       Of Professor Mihaileano.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

       Of Nâsr-ed-din, Shah of Persia.

          See (in this volume)
          PERSIA: A. D. 1896.

       Of M. Stambouloff.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

    ASSIOUT, Nile barrage at.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

    ASSOCIATIONS BILL, The French.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901.

    ASSOUAN. Nile barrage at.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

    ASSUMPTIONIST FATHERS, Dissolution of the Society of the.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

    ATACAMA, The question concerning.

          See (in this volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

    ATBARA, Battle of the.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

    ATHENS: A. D. 1896.
       The revival of Olympic games.

       As the result of a movement instituted in France by the Baron
       de Coubertin, an interesting attempt to give athletic sports
       the spirit and semblance of the ancient Olympic games was made
       at Athens in the spring of 1896. A number of wealthy Greeks in
       different parts of the world joined generously in the
       undertaking, one gentleman especially, M. Averoff, of
       Alexandria, bearing the cost of a restoration in marble of the
       stadium at Athens, for the occasion. The games were held in
       April, from the 6th to the 15th, and were witnessed by a great
       number of people. Besides Greek competitors, there were 42 from
       Germany, 23 from England, 21 from America, 15 from France. The
       great event of the occasion was the long foot-race from
       Marathon to Athens, which was won by a young Greek.

       The U. S. Consul at Athens, writing of the reconstruction of
       the ancient stadium for the games, described the work as
       follows:

    {28}

       "The stadium may be described as an immense open air
       amphitheater constructed in a natural ravine, artificially
       filled in at the end. It is in the shape of an elongated
       horseshoe. The spectators, seated upon the sloping sides of
       the ravine, look down into the arena below, which is a little
       over 600 feet in length and about 100 feet wide at the widest
       part. … The stadium, as rebuilt for the games, will consist of
       (1) the arena, bounded by a marble curbing, surmounted by an
       iron railing adorned with Athenian owls;
       (2) a walk between this curbing and the first row of seats;
       (3) a low retaining wall of marble on which rests the first
       row of seats, the entire row being of marble;
       (4) the seats;
       (5) the underground tunnel.

       In addition to these features there will be an imposing
       entrance, a surrounding wall at the top of the hill, and two
       supporting walls at the entrance. As far as possible, in the
       reconstruction of the stadium, the old portions will be used,
       where these are in a sufficient state of preservation, and an
       effort will be made to reproduce, as nearly as practicable,
       the ancient structure. The seats at present will not all be
       made of pentelic marble, as there is neither time nor money
       for such an undertaking. At the closed end of the arena,
       seventeen rows will be made of pentelic marble, as well as the
       first row all the way around. The remaining rows up to the
       first aisle are being constructed of Pincus stone. These will
       accommodate 25,000 seated spectators. From this aisle to the
       top will be placed wooden benches for 30,000 seated
       spectators. Add to these standing room for 5,000, and we have
       the holding capacity of the stadium 60,000 without crowding."

          United States Consular Reports,
          March, 1896, pages 353-354.

    ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.
       The Cotton States and International Exposition.

       An important exposition, named as above, was held with great
       success at Atlanta, Georgia, from the 18th of September until
       the end of the year 1895. The exhibits from Mexico and many of
       the Central and South American States were extensive and
       interesting; but the main interest and value of the exposition
       were in its showing of the industrial resources of the
       Southern States of the American Union, and of the recent
       progress made in developing them.

    AUSGLEICH, The.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: FINANCIAL RELATIONS;
          and A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    AUSTRAL ISLANDS:
       Annexation to France.

       The Austral or Tubuai Islands were formally annexed to France
       by the Governor of Tahiti, on the 21st of August, 1900.

       ----------AUSTRALIA. Start--------

    AUSTRALIA:
       Recent extensions of Democracy in the Australian Colonies
       and New Zealand.
       Social experiments.

       "The five colonies of the Australian continent, Tasmania, and
       New Zealand constitute seven practically independent
       commonwealths under the British crown. Australians and New
       Zealanders have therefore been able to develop their countries
       along their own lines, and have surpassed all other
       Anglo-Saxon nations in the number and variety of functions
       which the state is called upon to perform. … The railways
       almost without exception, and all the telegraph and telephone
       lines, are in the hands of the community. In the few cases in
       which there is private ownership of railways, a particular
       line was demanded at a certain time, and the government were
       not then in a position to borrow the funds required for its
       construction. Western Australia has recently purchased the
       entire property of one of the two private undertakings in the
       colony. A mass of sanitary and industrial legislation also has
       been placed upon the statute book.

       "Again, South Australia, Victoria, Western Australia, and New
       Zealand lend money to settlers at low rates of interest; South
       Australia sells its wines in London; Queensland facilitates
       the erection of sugar mills; Victoria and South Australia have
       given a bonus upon the exportation of dairy produce; South
       Australia, New Zealand, and Victoria receive the produce,
       grade and freeze it free of charge, or at a rate which barely
       covers the expenses; Victoria contributes toward the erection
       of butter factories; Victoria and New Zealand have subsidized
       the mining industry; and Western Australia has adopted a
       comprehensive scheme for the supply of water to the Coolgardie
       gold fields. In all the colonies the national system of
       primary education is compulsory and undenominational. In South
       Australia, Victoria, Queensland, and New Zealand it is also free.
       In the other colonies fees are charged, which may be remitted
       wholly or partly if parents are unable to pay them. Assistance
       is given in most cases for the promotion of secondary,
       technical, and university education. New Zealand and South
       Australia have appointed public trustees. New Zealand has long
       possessed a department of life insurance.

       "Finally, … New Zealand has adopted a system of old-age
       pensions. A pension of seven shillings a week is to be given
       to every person above the age of sixty-five years, provided he
       or she has lived in the colony for twenty-five years, and is
       able to pass a certain test in regard to sobriety and general
       good conduct. … In South Australia direct taxation takes two
       forms. There is an income tax at the rate of four and a half
       pence in the pound up to £800, and of six-pence in the pound
       above £800 of taxable amount resulting from personal
       exertions, and at the rate of ninepence and one shilling in
       the pound respectively on incomes from property. Incomes
       between £125 and £425 enjoy exemption on £125 of the amount.
       Again, there is a tax on the unimproved value of land of one
       half-penny in the pound up to, and one penny above, the
       capital value of £5000. …

       "Similar taxation is to be found in New Zealand, and includes
       both a progressive income tax and a tax on land values which
       is more highly graduated than that of South Australia. … All
       improvements are excluded from the assessment of the taxable
       amount. … If the owner of the property is dissatisfied with
       the assessment of the government, he can call upon them to buy
       it of him at their own valuation. In only one case has such an
       extreme step been taken; and it is pleasant to find that it
       has resulted in an annual profit of nearly five per cent upon
       the outlay, and that the land which formerly gave employment
       to a few shepherds is now occupied by a large number of
       thriving settlers.
    {29}
       I may add that when the government deem that an estate is not
       being developed as it should be by its owners, they are
       authorized by statute to purchase it—by negotiation if
       possible, otherwise at a price paid by an impartial
       tribunal—with a view to its subdivision into small holdings
       suitable to the requirements of the community. This system of
       taxation, it will be said with some truth, is based upon the
       teachings of Henry George. He travelled in Australia and New
       Zealand, and was listened to with attention; but, while he
       looked to the ultimate absorption of the whole unearned
       increment, his hearers in the antipodes dissociated themselves
       from his conclusions, though they appreciated the value of his
       premises. Consequently, while accepting his principles, they
       did not hesitate to exempt small properties from the tax, and
       to increase its rate progressively in relation to the amount
       of the unimproved value. …

       "One of the most hopeful signs of the day is that, with the
       help of the representatives of labor in Parliament, Australian
       governments have done much within recent years to mitigate the
       excess of population in the large towns, and to replace the
       unemployed upon the land. Of course mistakes have been made.
       In some cases settlers have failed through lack of
       agricultural knowledge; in others, on account of the
       barrenness of the soil. In South Australia, the village
       settlements, which were avowedly started as an alternative to
       relief works, have been only a modified success. In New
       Zealand, village settlements have produced very satisfactory
       results. … In Victoria, a labor colony has been established,
       with the entire support of the trades-unionists, to which the
       unemployed may be sent, and at which they receive, at a very
       low rate of wages, a course of instruction in agricultural
       pursuits which enables them subsequently to obtain private
       employment with farmers or others. In New Zealand, I found a
       very strong feeling among trades-unionists that it would be to
       the interest of the workingmen themselves if a penal colony
       were established, on the lines of those which exist in
       Germany, to which loafers might be sent, and at which they
       would be compelled to work, with the alternative of
       starvation."

          H. De R. Walker,
          Australasian Extensions of Democracy
          (Atlantic Monthly, May, 1899).

          See also (in this volume),
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

    AUSTRALIA: Western Australia:
       The Outlander problem in Australia.

       "Here we have a problem in many respects similar to that which
       has distracted South Africa. In several particulars the
       resemblance is startlingly close. … Many of the elements of
       disorder in the two continents are the same. In Western
       Australia, as in the Transvaal, there is a large population of
       mining residents, who complain that they are treated like
       'helots'—to use Sir Alfred Milner's term—by the privileged
       agricultural burghers. They urge that they are denied fair
       representation, so that the burghers monopolise political
       power; that the administration is in the hands of a knot of
       politicians and place-hunters at Perth—I had almost written
       Pretoria; that they have made the colony wealthy by their
       enterprise and capital, only to see a large part of the fruits
       of their industry drawn from them by excessive taxation, which
       is expended mainly outside their own district; that they are
       burdened by oppressive railway rates and denied access to the
       port which is the natural outlet to the Goldfields, and so on.
       The Kalgoorlie 'Uitlanders,' like the Johannesburgers, have
       sent a petition to the Queen, signed by a larger number of
       persons than those who forwarded the famous memorial which set
       the ball rolling in South Africa and led to the Bloemfontein
       Conference. The case is fully and temperately set forth in
       this petition, and in the Manifesto of the Eastern Goldfields
       Reform League of Western Australia, both of which documents
       are in the last Bluebook relating to Australian Federation.
       The same official compilation contains a statement to Mr.
       Chamberlain from Dr. Paget Thurston, in which the parallel
       between West Australia and the Transvaal is asserted with the
       most uncompromising directness. 'We have here,' says the
       writer, 'a Boer and Outlander question almost parallel to that
       in the Transvaal. As an Outlander I appeal to you.' Dr.
       Thurston adds: 'The old West Australians openly speak as if
       the colony was theirs, and we were interlopers who have no
       course open to us but to leave the colony if we are
       dissatisfied.' This has a very familiar sound, and so has the
       following: 'The great bulk of the taxation is levied through
       duties on food and drink. As the Boer party includes all the
       agricultural producers, and the Outlanders include the great
       bulk of the consumers, this acts injuriously on us in two
       ways. It puts a frightful load on the Outlander taxpayer, and
       enables the Boer producer to command a very high price for his
       food-stuffs. Owing to the limitation of the market by
       excessive protection, many articles of common use reach famine
       prices at times. In the three years I have been here, for
       instance, potatoes have been £22 10s. a ton; apples, 2s. 6d. a
       pound; oranges, 5s. a dozen; new-laid eggs, 4s. a dozen (at
       the time of writing, 3s. 6d.). Fresh butter is practically
       unobtainable for ten months in the year, and common country
       wine (such as I used to buy for 3d. and 4d. a bottle in the
       Canary Islands) is here 2s. a bottle. I ask you, Sir, whether
       any other place in Her Majesty's Empire (not physically
       inaccessible) can show prices one half as high during the past
       three years?'

       "Nor does the ominous kind of hint that preceded the Jameson
       Raid fail to be uttered. Only three terminations, according to
       Dr. Thurston, are possible if Sir John Forrest does not modify
       his Krugerite policy towards the mining settlers:
       '(1) Separation of the goldfields.—This would be only fair to
       the goldfields; but thousands of Outlanders have settled in
       the other parts of the colony, and this step would not redress
       their wrongs. The practical result of this step would be
       prosperity for the goldfields, but almost ruin for the rest of
       the colony.
       (2) Revolution.—I fear this is much more probable than is
       generally thought. Unless a material change takes place
       quickly there will be bloodshed in this colony.
       (3) General depression, practically equivalent to bankruptcy.'
       Separation, however, and the creation of a new colony, which
       would include the Goldfields district and come down to the
       sea, and would immediately join the Australian Federation, is
       the remedy officially proposed by the representatives of the
       Outlanders. …

    {30}

       "The Colonial Secretary has deferred his final answer to the
       Goldfields Petition until the comments of the Perth Ministry
       upon that document have been received and considered. But he
       has sent a provisional reply to the representatives of the
       petitioners in London. He sees the solution of the matter in
       getting Western Australia somehow into the new Commonwealth.
       In a communication to Mr. Walter Griffiths, one of the
       Goldfields delegates, the Colonial Secretary says: 'The
       decision of the Government of Western Australia to summon
       Parliament immediately with the view to the passing of a
       measure for the submission of the Commonwealth Bill to the
       electors of the colony has removed the chief of the grievances
       put forward in the petition and has opened up an early
       prospect of obtaining the object which the petitioners had in
       view. An answer will be returned to the petition after a
       careful consideration of its terms and of the comments of the
       Government of the colony thereon, but Mr. Chamberlain trusts
       that before an answer can be returned the people of the colony
       will have decided to join the Commonwealth, for the government of
       which, in that event, it will be to deal with the grievances
       alleged in the petition in so far as they are not exclusively
       within the province of the Parliament and Government of
       Western Australia.' In other words, let the Federation dispose
       of the matter. But the delegates point out that this might not
       remove their grievances. The Federal Parliament would have no
       power to compel the dominant party in the Perth Assembly
       either to redistribute seats fairly, or divide the colony, so
       as to create 'Home Rule for the Rand.' True, we should have
       washed our hands of the affair, and could tell the malcontent
       Uitlanders that it was none of our business. But if Perth
       still remained obstinate, and Coolgardie in consequence began
       to carry out some of those ugly projects hinted at by Dr.
       Thurston, it might become our business in an embarrassing
       fashion. At any rate, it does not seem quite fair to the new
       Commonwealth to start it in life with this grave question,
       still unsettled, upon its hands."

          S. Low,
          Enigmas of Empire
          (Nineteenth Century, June, 1900).

    AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Defeat of the Protectionist policy.
       Adoption of a liberal tariff.

       At the general elections of July, 1894, in New South Wales,
       the tariff issue was sharply defined. "'Protection' was
       inscribed on the banners of the ministerial party, led by the
       then Premier, Sir George Dibbs, while the aggressive
       opposition, led by Mr. Reid, … fought under the banner of
       'free trade.' The Free Traders won the battle in that
       election, as there were 63 Free Traders, 40 Protectionists,
       and 22 labor members, mostly with free-trade leanings,
       returned. On the reassembling of Parliament, Sir George Dibbs
       was confronted with a large majority, and Mr. George H. Reid
       was called to form a government on the lines suggested by the
       issues of the campaign. The Council or 'upper house,'
       consisting of Crown nominees for life, rejected the measures
       suggested by Mr. Reid and passed by the Assembly by an
       overwhelming majority, and Mr. Reid dissolved Parliament on
       July 6, 1895, and appealed to the country. The election was
       held on July 24, and again the issues, as set forth in the
       measures, were fought out vigorously. The great leader of
       protection, Sir George Dibbs, with several of his ablest
       followers, was defeated, and the so-called Free Trade party
       came back, much stronger than before. Thus, it was claimed
       that the mandate of the people, declaring for free trade and
       direct taxation, had been reaffirmed, and on the reassembling
       of Parliament, on August 13, the same measure, as passed by
       the Assembly and rejected by the Council, was again presented
       and passed by the Assembly by a majority of 50 to 26, and
       again went to the upper house. Again it was met with great
       hostility, but the Government party in that chamber, having
       been augmented by ten new appointments, the temper of the
       house was softened and the bill was passed with some two
       hundred and fifty amendments. As, the Assembly could only
       accept some eighty of these without, yielding material points
       … a conference was suggested, which, after several days of
       discussion, agreed to a modified measure, embracing the
       principle of free trade, as interpreted in this colony, and
       direct taxation, and the new law goes into effect as above
       stated, on January 1, 1896.

       "It may be well here to remark that there are a few articles,
       notably raw sugar, glucose, molasses, and treacle, upon which
       the duty will be removed gradually, so as not to wantonly
       disturb vested interests, but, with these exceptions, the
       change is a very sweeping one."

          United States Consular Reports,
          June, 1896, page 299.

    AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1896.
       Change in the government of Norfolk Island.
       Its re-annexation to New South Wales.

       A change in the government of Norfolk Island was proclaimed in
       November, 1896, by the Governor of New South Wales, who came
       to the island, acting under directions from the British
       Colonial Office, and announced that "Her Majesty's Government
       has decided to appoint a resident magistrate. The object
       sought is to secure the impartial administration of justice,
       while leaving the local and municipal affairs of the island to
       be conducted by a council representing the inhabitants. In
       consideration of the fact that the Norfolk Island settlement
       originally formed part of the administrative colony of New
       South Wales, and that the legal business of the island and the
       registration of all land titles and transfers have uniformly
       been conducted by the Government departments at Sydney, Her
       Majesty's Government has decided to transfer the
       administration of the island to the Government of New South
       Wales. The Government of New South Wales has accepted the
       charge and as soon as the necessary arrangements have been
       completed Norfolk Island will be administered by the governor
       of New South Wales in council." "It will thus be seen that the
       Pitcairn community, which, for more than one hundred years,
       has governed itself by its own laws, is now abolished and that
       a new era has begun. The governor's legal right to annul the
       constitution given by the Queen when the community emigrated
       from Pitcairn was questioned. A deputation was appointed to
       wait on the governor, but he refused
       to discuss the subject further."

          United States Consular Reports,
          May, 1897, page 37.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1897.
       Conference of colonial premiers with
       the British Colonial Secretary.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

Map of Australia and Islands of the Pacific.

    {31}

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.
       Federation of the Australian Colonies.
       The steps by which the Union was accomplished.
       Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act" by
       the Imperial Parliament.

       "The first indication of a plan for united action among the
       colonies is to be found in a proposal of Earl Grey in 1850.
       The main object of the proposal was to bring about uniformity
       in colonial tariffs; but, though partially adopted, it came to
       nothing. From 1850 to 1860 the project of federation was
       discussed from time to time in several of the colonial
       legislatures, and committees on the subject were appointed.
       But there seems to have been little general interest in the
       question, and up to 1860 all efforts in the direction of
       federation met with complete failure. Shortly after, however,
       a new form of united action, less ambitious but more likely of
       success, was suggested and adopted. From 1863 to 1883
       conferences of colonial ministers were held at various times
       to discuss certain specified topics, with a view to
       introducing identical proposals in the separate colonial
       legislatures. Six of these conferences were held at Melbourne
       and three at Sydney; and one also was held at Hobart in 1895,
       though the period of the real activity of the conference
       scheme practically closed in 1883. The scheme proved a
       failure, because it was found impossible to carry out the
       measures concerted in the conferences. But material events
       were doing more than could any public agitation to draw
       attention to the advantages of closer union. The colonies were
       growing in population and wealth, railroads were building and
       commerce was extending. The inconveniences of border customs
       duties suggested attempts at something like commercial
       reciprocity between two or more colonies. New political
       problems also helped to arouse public interest. Heretofore
       there had been little fear of foreign aggression and, hence,
       no feeling of the need of united action for common defense;
       nor had there been any thought of the extension of Australian
       power and interests beyond the immediate boundaries of the
       different colonies. But the period from 1880 to 1890 witnessed
       a change in this respect. It was during this period that much
       feeling was aroused against the influx of French criminals,
       escaped from the penal settlements in New Caledonia. The
       difficulties in regard to New Guinea belong also to this
       decade. Suspicion of the designs of Germany upon that part of
       the island of New Guinea nearest the Dutch boundary led to the
       annexation of its eastern portion by the Queensland
       government. This action was disavowed by the British
       government under Gladstone, and the fears of the colonists
       were ridiculed; but almost immediately after the northern half
       of New Guinea was forcibly taken possession of by Germany. The
       indignation of Australians was extreme, and the opinion was
       freely expressed that the colonies would have to unite to
       protect their own interests. Finally, this was the time of the
       French designs on the New Hebrides Islands and of German
       movements with reference to Samoa. These conditions, economic
       and political, affected all the colonies more or less
       intimately and resulted in the first real, though loose, form
       of federal union. At the instigation of the Honorable James
       Service, premier of Victoria, a convention met at Sydney,
       November, 1883, composed of delegates from all the colonial
       governments. This convention adopted a bill providing for the
       establishment of a Federal Council, with power to deal with
       certain specified subjects and with such other matters as
       might be referred to it by two or more colonies. … New South
       Wales and New Zealand refused to agree to the bill, but it was
       adopted by the other colonies; and the Imperial Parliament, in
       1885, passed an act permitting such a Council to be called
       into existence at the request of any three colonies, to be
       joined by other colonies as they saw fit. Meetings of the
       Council took place in 1886, 1888, 1889 and 1891, but very
       little was accomplished. That the Federal Council was a very
       weak affair is obvious. … Meanwhile, interest in a more
       adequate form of federation was growing. In 1890 Sir Henry
       Parkes proposed a plan for federal union of a real and
       vigorous sort. At his suggestion, a conference met at
       Melbourne, February 6, 1890, to decide on the best method of
       getting the question into definite shape for consideration. …
       Provision was made … for the calling of a convention to draw
       up a constitution. … In accordance with the decision of the
       conference, delegates from the several colonies convened at
       Sydney, March 2, 1891; and with the work of this convention
       began the third and final stage in the federation movement.
       The Sydney convention formulated a bill, embodying a draft of
       a federal constitution, and then resolved that provision
       should be made by the several parliaments to submit it to the
       people in such manner as each colony should see fit. … But
       there was no sufficient external pressure to bring about an
       immediate discussion and an early settlement. … The result was
       that nothing was done. … Meanwhile, federation leagues had
       been organized in different colonies, and in 1893 delegates
       from a number of these leagues met at Bendigo, Victoria. …
       After adopting the bill of 1891 as a basis of discussion, the
       Bendigo conference resolved to urge the colonial governments
       to pass uniform enabling acts for a new convention—its members
       to be elected by popular vote—to frame a constitution which
       should be submitted to the people for approval. This proposal
       met with general favor and resulted in the calling of a
       meeting of the premiers of all the colonies at Hobart in
       January, 1895. There an enabling bill was drafted which five
       premiers agreed to lay before their respective parliaments. …
       It took two years to get this machinery into working order. At
       length, however, the requisite authority was granted by five
       colonies: New South Wales, Victoria, South Australia, Western
       Australia and Tasmania, Queensland and New Zealand declining
       to participate. On March 22, 1897, the second constitutional
       convention assembled at Adelaide. This convention drew up a
       new federal constitution, based upon the draft of 1891.
       Between May 5 and September 2 the constitution was discussed
       in each of the parliaments. When the convention reassembled at
       Sydney on March 2, as many as 75 amendments were reported as
       suggested by the different colonies. Many were of an
       insignificant character and many were practically identical.
       The constitution and proposed amendments were discussed in two
       sessions of the convention, which finally adjourned March 16,
       1898, its work then being ready to submit to the people.
    {32}
       In June a popular vote resulted in the acceptance of the
       constitution by Victoria, Tasmania, and South Australia; but
       the failure of the parent colony, New South Wales, to adopt it
       blocked all hope of federal union for the moment. Recently,
       however, at a conference of colonial premiers certain
       amendments demanded by New South Wales were agreed to in part,
       and upon a second vote the constitution, as amended, was
       accepted by that colony."

          W. G. Beach,
          The Australian Federal Constitution
          (Political Science Quarterly, December, 1899).

       In August, 1899, the draft of a Constitution thus agreed upon
       was transmitted to England, with addresses from the provincial
       legislatures, praying that it be passed into law by the
       Imperial Parliament. Early in the following year delegates
       from the several colonies were sent to England to discuss with
       the Colonial Office certain questions that had arisen, and to
       assist in procuring the passage by Parliament of the necessary
       Act. Looked at from the Imperial standpoint, a number of
       objections to the draft Constitution were found, but all of
       them were finally waived excepting one. That one related to a
       provision touching appeals from the High Court of the
       Australian Commonwealth to the Queen in Council. As framed and
       adopted in Australia, the provision in question was as
       follows:

       "74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council in
       any matter involving the interpretation of this Constitution
       or of the Constitution of a State, unless the public interests
       of some part of Her Majesty's Dominions, other than the
       Commonwealth or a State, are involved. Except as provided in
       this section, this Constitution shall not impair any right
       which the Queen may be pleased to exercise, by virtue of Her
       Royal Prerogative, to grant special leave of appeal from the
       High Court to Her Majesty in Council. But The Parliament may
       make laws limiting the matters in which such leave may be
       asked."

       This was objected to on several grounds, but mainly for the
       reasons thus stated by Mr. Chamberlain: "Proposals are under
       consideration for securing a permanent and effective
       representation of the great Colonies on the Judicial
       Committee, and for amalgamating the Judicial Committee with
       the House of Lords, so as to constitute a Court of Appeal from
       the whole British Empire. It would be very unfortunate if
       Australia should choose this moment to take from the Imperial
       Tribunal the cognizance of the class of cases of greatest
       importance, and often of greatest difficulty. Article 74
       proposes to withdraw from the Queen in Council matters
       involving the interpretation of the Constitution. It is
       precisely on questions of this kind that the Queen in Council
       has been able to render most valuable service to the
       administration of law in the Colonies, and questions of this
       kind, which may sometimes involve a good deal of local
       feeling, are the last that should be withdrawn from a Tribunal
       of appeal with regard to which there could not be even a
       suspicion of prepossession. Questions as to the constitution
       of the Commonwealth or of a State may be such as to raise a
       great deal of public excitement as to the definition of the
       boundaries between the powers of the Commonwealth Parliament
       and the powers of the State Parliaments. It can hardly be
       satisfactory to the people of Australia that in such cases,
       however important and far-reaching in their consequences, the
       decision of the High Court should be absolutely final. Before
       long the necessity for altering the Constitution in this
       respect would be felt, and it is better that the Constitution
       should be enacted in such a form as to render unnecessary the
       somewhat elaborate proceedings which would be required to
       amend it."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command, April and May, 1900,
          Australia—Cd. 124 and 158).

       In reply, the Australian delegates maintained that they had no
       authority to amend, in any particular, the instrument which
       the people of the several colonies had ratified by their
       votes; but the Imperial authorities were inflexible, and the
       article 74 was modified in the Act which passed Parliament, on
       the 7th of July, 1900, "to constitute the Commonwealth of
       Australia," as may be seen by reference to the text, published
       elsewhere.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900.
       The question of the Federal Capital.

       By the Constitution of the Commonwealth, it is required that
       the seat of government "shall be determined by the Parliament,
       and shall be within territory which shall have been granted to
       or acquired by the Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and
       belong to the Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New
       South Wales, and be distant not less than one hundred miles
       from Sydney;" and "such territory shall contain an area of not
       less than one hundred square miles." "New South Wales," says a
       correspondent, writing from Sydney, "is naturally anxious to
       get the question decided as quickly as possible; but Victoria
       will equally be inclined to procrastinate, and the new
       Parliament—which cannot be more comfortable than it will be
       at Melbourne—will not be in a hurry to shift. The necessity
       for a new and artificial capital arises entirely out of our
       provincial jealousies, and it would have been a great saving
       of initial expense and a great diminution of inconvenience if
       we could have used one of the old capitals for a quarter of a
       century." To remove preliminary difficulties and avoid delay,
       the government of New South Wales appointed a commissioner to
       visit and report on the most likely places. The report of this
       commissioner, made early in October, "reduces the possible
       positions to three—one near Bombala in the south-east corner
       of the colony at the foot of the Australian Alps, one near
       Yass on the line of the railway between Sydney and Melbourne,
       and one near Orange on our western line. On the whole he gives
       the preference to the first named."

    AUSTRALIA: New South Wales: A. D. 1900.
       Old-Age Pension Act.

       A letter from Sydney, November 29, 1900, announced: "The
       question of the establishment of an old age pension system,
       similar to that now in successful operation in New Zealand
       [see (in this volume) NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899], has been
       agitating New South Wales for several months, and to-day the
       bill for that purpose became a law. There has been a desire on
       the part of some members of the Legislature to hold over the
       bill until the convening of the Federal Parliament, in the
       hope that the measure would become universal throughout the
       continent, but the majority, including the Premier, wished the
       bill to be pushed through without loss of time. There is no
       opposition worth mentioning. … At a mass meeting in favor of
       the bill representatives of every political party, of every
       Church and of every profession and trade in the community were
       present.
    {33}
       The sentiment of the colony has never been more unanimous. …
       The estimated cost of the scheme is something like £250,000 or
    £300,000 a year, but this does not take into consideration the
       amount which will be saved by doing away with the charitable
       institutions now draining the pockets alike of the state and
       of the individual. Private contributions alone amount to
       £600,000 a year; all this will be saved, together with a part
       of the Government's annual expenditure—about £400,000—for
       public institutions. Not all pauper institutions can be
       abolished, for many of the aged and friendless poor are ailing
       or slightly feeble minded, and will continue to need medical
       attention."

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (March).
       New Zealand looking toward federation with the Australian
       Commonwealth.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

    AUSTRALIA: West Australia: A. D. 1900 (August).
       Vote to join the Commonwealth.

       The question of union with the other colonies in the
       Commonwealth, from which the West Australians had previously
       held aloof, was submitted to them in August (women voting for
       the first time), and decided affirmatively by 44,704 against
       19,691. Adding the West Australian totals to the aggregate
       vote at the decisive referendum in each of the other
       federating colonies, the following is the reported result:

       For federation.     422,647
       Against federation. 161,024

       Majority.           261,623

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (September-December).
       The Queen's Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth.
       Contemplated visit of the Duke and Duchess of York
       to open the first session of the Federal Parliament.
       Appointment of Lord Hopetoun to be Governor-General.
       The first Federal Cabinet.

       On the 17th of September the following proclamation of the
       Australian Commonwealth was issued by the Queen:

       "Whereas by an Act of Parliament passed in the sixty-third and
       sixty-fourth years of Our reign, intituled 'An Act to
       constitute the Commonwealth of Australia,' it is enacted that
       it shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the Privy
       Council, to declare by Proclamation that, on and after a day
       therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
       passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,
       South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her
       Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have
       agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a
       Federal Commonwealth, under the name of the Commonwealth of
       Australia. And whereas We are satisfied that the people of
       Western Australia have agreed thereto accordingly. We
       therefore, by and with the advice of Our Privy Council, have
       thought fit to issue this Our Royal Proclamation, and We do
       hereby declare that on and after the first day of January, one
       thousand nine hundred and one, the people of New South Wales,
       Victoria, South Australia, Queensland, Tasmania, and Western
       Australia shall be united in a Federal Commonwealth under the
       name of the Commonwealth of Australia. Given at Our Court at
       Balmoral, this seventeenth day of September, in the year of
       our Lord one thousand nine hundred, and in the sixty-fourth
       year of Our reign. God save the Queen."

       At the same time, the following announcement, which caused
       extreme delight in Australia, was published officially from
       the Colonial Office:

       "Her Majesty the Queen has been graciously pleased to assent,
       on the recommendation of the Marquis of Salisbury, to the
       visit of their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of York
       to the colonies of Australasia in the spring of next year. His
       Royal Highness the Duke of York will be commissioned by her
       Majesty to open the first Session of the Parliament of the
       Australian Commonwealth in her name. Although the Queen
       naturally shrinks from parting with her grandson for so long a
       period, her Majesty fully recognizes the greatness of the
       occasion which will bring her colonies of Australia into
       federal union, and desires to give this special proof of her
       interest in all that concerns the welfare of her Australian
       subjects. Her Majesty at the same time wishes to signify her
       sense of the loyalty and devotion which have prompted the
       spontaneous aid so liberally offered by all the colonies in
       the South African war, and of the splendid gallantry of her
       colonial troops. Her Majesty's assent to this visit is, of
       course, given on the assumption that at the time fixed for the
       Duke of York's departure the circumstances are as generally
       favourable as at present and that no national interests call
       for his Royal Highness's presence in this country."

       To manifest still further the interest taken by the British
       government in the event, it was made known in October that
       "when the Duke of York opens the new Commonwealth Parliament,
       the guard of honour, it is directed, shall be so made up as to
       be representative of every arm of the British Army, including
       the Volunteers. To the Victoria and St. George's Rifles has
       fallen the honour of being selected to represent the entire
       Volunteer force of the country. A detachment of the regiment,
       between 50 and 60 strong, will accordingly leave for Australia
       in about a month and will be absent three or four months."

       The honor of the appointment to be the first Governor-General
       of the new Commonwealth fell to a Scottish nobleman, John
       Adrian Louis Hope, seventh Earl of Hopetoun, who had been
       Governor of Victoria from 1889 to 1895, and had held high
       offices at home, including that of Lord Chamberlain in the
       household of the Queen. Lord Hopetoun landed at Sydney on the
       15th of December and received a great welcome. On the 30th,
       his Cabinet was formed, and announced, as follows:

       Mr. Barton, Prime Minister and Minister for External Affairs;
       Mr. Deakin, Attorney-General;
       Sir William Lyne, Minister for Home Affairs;
       Sir George Turner, Treasurer;
       Mr. Kingston, Minister of Trade and Commerce;
       Mr. Dickson, Minister of Defence;
       Sir John Forrest, Postmaster-General.

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Inauguration of the Federal Government.

       The government of the Commonwealth was inaugurated with
       splendid ceremonies on the first day of the New Year and the
       New Century, when the Governor-General and the members of the
       Federal Cabinet were sworn and assumed office. Two messages
       from the British Secretary of State for the Colonies were
       read, as follows:

    {34}

       "The Queen commands me to express through you to the people of
       Australia her Majesty's heartfelt interest in the inauguration
       of the Commonwealth, and her earnest wish that, under divine
       Providence, it may ensure the increased prosperity and
       well-being of her loyal and beloved subjects in Australia."

       "Her Majesty's Government send cordial greetings to the
       Commonwealth of Australia. They welcome her to her place among
       the nations united under her Majesty's sovereignty, and
       confidently anticipate for the new Federation a future of
       ever-increasing prosperity and influence. They recognize in
       the long-desired consummation of the hopes of patriotic
       Australians a further step in the direction of the permanent
       unity of the British Empire, and they are satisfied that the
       wider powers and responsibilities henceforth secured to
       Australia will give fresh opportunity for the display of that
       generous loyalty and devotion to the Throne and Empire which
       has always characterized the action in the past of its several
       States."

    AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (May).
       Opening of the first Parliament of the Commonwealth
       by the heir to the British crown.
       The programme of the Federal Government.

       The Duke of Cornwall and York, heir to the British crown (but
       not yet created Prince of Wales), sailed, with his wife, from
       England in March, to be present at the opening of the first
       Parliament of the federated Commonwealth of Australia, which
       is arranged to take place early in May. He makes the voyage in
       royal state, on a steamer specially fitted and converted for
       the occasion into a royal yacht, with an escort of two
       cruisers.

       Preliminary to the election and meeting of Parliament, the new
       federal government has much organizing work to do, and much
       preparation of measures for Parliament to discuss. The
       Premier, Mr. Barton, in a speech made on the 17th of January,
       announced that the Customs were taken over from the several
       States on January 1, and the defences and post-offices would
       be transferred as soon as possible. " Probably the railways
       would be acquired by the Commonwealth at an early date.
       Whether the debts of the several States would be taken over
       before the railways was a matter which had to be decided, and
       was now engaging the attention of the Treasurer. The Ministry
       would not consider the appointment of a Chief Justice of the
       High Court until Parliament had established that tribunal." In
       the same speech, the main features of the programme and policy
       of the federal government were indicated. "The Commonwealth,"
       said the Premier, "would have the exclusive power of imposing
       Customs and excise duties, and it would, therefore, be
       necessary to preserve the States' power of direct taxation.
       There must be no direct taxation by the Commonwealth except
       under very great pressure. Free trade under the Constitution
       was practically impossible; there must be a very large Customs
       revenue. … The policy of the Government would be protective, not
       prohibitive, because it must be revenue-producing. No one
       colony could lay claim to the adoption of its tariff, whether
       high or low. The first tariff of Australia ought to be
       considerate of existing industries. The policy of the
       Government could be summed up in a dozen words. It would give
       Australia a tariff that would be Australian. Regarding a
       preferential duty on British goods, he would be glad to
       reciprocate where possible, but the question would have to
       receive very serious consideration before final action could
       be taken. Among the legislation to be introduced at an early
       date, Mr. Barton continued, were a Conciliation and
       Arbitration Bill in labour disputes, and a Bill for a
       transcontinental railway, which would be of great value from
       the defence point of view. He was in favour of womanhood
       suffrage. Legislation to exclude Asiatics would be taken in
       hand as a matter of course."

       ----------AUSTRALIA: End--------

       ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: Start--------

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY:
       Financial relations of the two countries
       forming the dual Empire.

       "The financial relations of Austria and Hungary fall under
       three main heads. Firstly, the Quota, or proportionate
       contribution to joint expenditure. The Quota is an integral
       portion of the compact of 1867 [see—in volume 1—AUSTRIA: A. D.
       1866-1867], but is revised every ten years. Failing an
       agreement on the proportion to be paid by each half of the
       monarchy, the Quota is fixed from year to year by the Emperor
       till an agreement is arrived at. Secondly, the so-called
       commercial 'Ausgleich' treaty, which provides for a customs
       union, postal and telegraphic union, commercial equality of
       citizens of one state in the other, identical excise duties,
       &c. Thirdly, the Bank Union, by which Austria and Hungary have
       a common Austro-Hungarian bank, and common paper money. The
       Ausgleich and Bank Union are not essential parts of the 1867
       compact; they are really only treaties renewable every ten
       years, and if no agreement is come to, they simply lapse, and
       each state makes its own arrangements, which seems very likely
       to be the fate of the Ausgleich unless the present crisis can
       be got over. The proceeds of the joint customs are applied
       directly to common expenses, and only the difference is made
       up by Quota. But if the Ausgleich falls through, the whole of
       the joint expenditure will have to be settled by quota
       payments. The joint expenditure goes almost wholly to the
       up-keep of the army, navy, and consular and diplomatic
       services. It amounts on an average to about 150 million
       florins or 12½ million £, falling as low as 124½ million
       florins in 1885 and rising to nearly 167 million in 1888. Of
       this total the customs revenues have, in the last few years,
       accounted for nearly a third, usually about 31 per cent. The
       Quota was fixed in 1867 at 70 per cent. for Austria and 30 per
       cent. for Hungary, based on a very rough calculation from the
       yield of common taxation in the years 1860-1865, the last few
       years preceding the restoration of Hungarian independence. On
       the incorporation of the so-called Military Frontier in
       Hungary, the Hungarian proportion was increased to 31.4.
       Hitherto the Hungarians have resisted any attempt to increase
       their quota. This 'non possumus' attitude has provoked great
       resentment in Austria, especially when it is compared with the
       self-complacent tone with which the Magyars dwell on the enormous
       progress made by Hungary since 1867. That progress is
       indubitable. Hungary has not only developed as an agricultural
       state, but is in a very fair way of becoming an industrial and
       manufacturing state as well. …

    {35}

       "On all these grounds the Austrians declare that they can no
       longer go on paying the old Quota of 68.6 per cent. The
       Hungarians admit the great progress made by Hungary, but with
       some qualifications. In spite of the growth of Budapest,
       Fiume, and a few other towns, Hungary is still, on the whole,
       very backward when compared with Austria. The total volume of
       her manufactures is very small, in spite of the rapid increase
       of recent years. Hungary is still, to all intents and
       purposes, an agricultural country, and as such, has suffered
       largely from the fall in prices."

          L. S. Amery,
          Austro-Hungarian Financial Relations
          (Economic Journal, September, 1898).

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.
       Conflict with the Church.
       Resignation of Count Kalnoky.

       In the last month of 1894 royal assent was given to three
       bills, known as the Ecclesiastical Laws, which marked an
       extraordinary departure from the old subserviency of the State
       to the Church. The first was a civil marriage law, which made
       civil marriage compulsory, leaving religious ceremonies
       optional with the parties, and which modified the law of
       divorce; the second annulled a former law by which the sons of
       mixed marriages were required to follow the father's religion,
       and the daughters to follow that of the mother; the third
       established an uniform State registration of births, deaths
       and marriages, in place of a former registration of different
       creeds, and legalized marriages between Christians and Jews
       without change of faith. These very radical measures, after
       passing the lower house of the Hungarian legislature, were
       carried with great difficulty through the aristocratic and
       clerical upper house, and only by a strong pressure of
       influence from the emperor-king himself. They were exceedingly
       obnoxious to the Church, and the Papal Nuncio became active in
       a hostility which the Hungarian premier, Baron Banffy, deemed
       offensive to the State. He called upon the Imperial Minister
       of Foreign Affairs, Count Kalnoky, to address a complaint on
       the subject to the Vatican. This led to disagreements between
       the two ministers which the Emperor strove without success to
       reconcile, and Count Kalnoky, in the end, was forced to retire
       from office. The Pope was requested to recall the offending
       Nuncio, and declined to do so.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Race-jealousies and conflicts.
       The position of Bohemia in the part of the dual Empire
       called Austria.
       Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.
       Austrian Ministry of Count Badeni.
       Enlarged parliamentary franchise.

       In the constitutional reconstruction of the Empire after the
       war of 1866, almost everything was conceded to the Magyars of
       Hungary, who acquired independence in matters of internal
       administration, and ascendancy over the other races subject to
       the Hungarian crown. "On the other hand, absolute equality was
       established between the different countries that are not
       connected with Hungary. No greater privileges were granted to
       an ancient historical kingdom such as Bohemia than were given,
       for instance, to the small Alpine district situated between
       the Tyrol and the Boden See (Lake of Constance) known as
       Vorarlberg. … The representatives of these countries were to
       meet at Vienna, and a ministry for 'Cisleithania' was
       appointed. That these measures were injudicious is now the
       opinion of almost all Austrians. Beust [the Saxon statesman
       who was called in to conduct the political reconstruction of
       1867—see, in volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867; and
       1866-1887], created a new agglomeration of smaller and larger
       countries, entirely different as regards race, history, and
       culture. It is characteristic of the artificiality of Count
       Beust's new creation that up to the present day no real and
       generally accepted name for it has been found. The usual
       designation of Cisleithania is an obvious absurdity. A glance
       at the map will suffice to show how senseless such a name is
       when applied, for instance, to Dalmatia, one of the countries
       ruled from Vienna. The word 'Austria' also can correctly be
       applied only either to all the countries ruled by the house of
       Habsburg-Lorraine or to the archduchies of Upper and Lower
       Austria, which are the cradle of the dynasty. The official
       designation of the non-Hungarian parts of the empire is 'the
       kingdoms and lands represented in the parliament' (of
       Vienna)—'Die im Reichsrathe vertretenen Königreiche und
       Länder.'

       "Though the Germans willingly took part in the deliberations
       of the Parliament of 'Cisleithania,' the Slavs of Bohemia and
       Poland were at first violently opposed to the new institution.
       They might perhaps have willingly consented to take part in a
       Vienna parliament that would have consisted of representatives
       of the whole empire. But when the ancient historical rights of
       Hungary were fully recognized, countries such as Bohemia and
       Poland … naturally felt offended. Count Beust dealt
       differently with these two divisions of the empire. The partly
       true, partly imaginary, grievances of the Poles were more
       recent and better known thirty years ago than they are now.
       Beust was impressed by them and considered it advisable to
       make large concessions to the Poles of Galicia with regard to
       autonomy, local government, and the use of the national
       language. The Poles, who did not fail to contrast their fate
       with that of their countrymen who were under Russian or
       Prussian rule, gratefully accepted these concessions, and
       attended the meetings of the representative assembly at
       Vienna. Other motives also contributed to this decision of the
       Galician Poles. Galicia is a very poor country, and the Germans
       who then ruled at Vienna, naturally welcoming the
       representatives of a large Slav country in their Parliament,
       proved most generous in their votes in favour of the Galician
       railways. Matters stood differently in Bohemia, and the
       attitude of Count Beust and the new 'Cisleithanian' ministers
       was also here quite different. They seem to have thought that
       they could break the resistance of the Bohemians by military
       force, and with the aid of the German minority of the
       population. A long struggle ensued. … Bohemia is … the
       'cockpit' of Austrian political warfare, and almost every
       political crisis has been closely connected with events that
       occurred in Bohemia. The Bohemian representatives in 1867
       refused to take part in the deliberations of the Vienna
       Parliament, the existence of which they considered contrary to
       the ancient constitution of their country.
    {36}
       In 1879 they finally decided to take part in the deliberations
       of the Vienna assembly. … The Bohemians, indeed, entered the
       Vienna Parliament under protest, and declared that their
       appearance there was by no means to be considered as a
       resignation of the special rights that Bohemia had formerly
       possessed. The Bohemian deputies, however, continued
       henceforth to take part in the deliberations of the
       Cisleithanian Parliament and loyally supported those of the
       many Austrian ministers who were not entirely deaf to their
       demands. Some of these demands, such as that of the foundation
       of a national university at Prague, were indeed granted by the
       Vienna ministers. Though a German university continued to exist
       at Prague, this concession was vehemently opposed by the
       Germans, as indeed every concession to appease the Bohemian
       people was."

          Francis Count Lutzow,
          Austria at the End of the Century
          (Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1899).

       During recent years, government in the dual empire has been
       made increasingly difficult, especially on the Austrian side,
       by the jealousy, which grows constantly more bitter, between
       the German and Slavic elements of the mixed population, and by
       the rising heat of the Anti-Semitic agitation. The latter was
       brought to a serious crisis in Vienna during 1895 by the
       election of Dr. Lueger, a violent leader of Anti-Semitism, to
       the office of First Vice-Burgomaster, which caused the
       resignation of the Burgomaster, and led to such disorders in
       the municipal council that the government was forced to
       intervene. The council was dissolved and an imperial
       commissioner appointed to conduct the city administration
       provisionally; but similar disorders, still more serious,
       recurred in October, when elections were held and the
       Anti-Semites won a majority in the council. Dr. Lueger was
       then elected Burgomaster. The government, supported by a
       majority in the Austrian Reichsrath, refused to confirm the
       election. A second time Dr. Lueger was elected; whereupon the
       municipal council was again dissolved and the municipal
       administration transferred to an imperial commissioner. This
       measure was followed by scenes of scandalous turbulence in the
       Reichsrath and riotous demonstrations in the streets, which
       latter were vigorously suppressed by the police. Some
       considerable part of the temper in these demonstrations was
       directed against the Austrian premier, Count Badeni, and still
       more against the Polish race, to which he belonged. Count
       Badeni, who had been Governor of Galicia, had just been called
       to the head of affairs, and gave promise of an administration
       that would be strong; but several other members of his cabinet
       were Poles, and that fact was a cause of offense. He gave an
       early assurance that the demand for an enlargement of the
       parliamentary franchise should be satisfactorily met, and that
       other liberal measures should be promptly taken in hand. These
       promises, with the show of firmness in the conduct of the
       government, produced a wide feeling in its favor. The promise
       of an enlargement of the parliamentary franchise in Austria
       was redeemed the following February (1896), by the
       introduction and speedy passage of a parliamentary reform
       bill, which embodied an important revision of the Austrian
       constitution. Seventy-two new members were added to the 353
       which formerly constituted the lower or Abgeordneten House of
       the Austrian Reichsrath. The original body of 353 remained as
       it had been, made up in four sections, elected by four classes
       in the community, namely: owners of large estates, electing 85
       members; doctors of the universities and town taxpayers who
       pay five florins of direct taxation yearly, these together
       electing 115; chambers of commerce and industry, electing 22;
       country taxpayers who pay five florins of direct taxation
       yearly, electing 131. The number of voters in these four
       privileged classes were said to number 1,732,000 when the
       Reform Bill passed. The new voters added by the bill were
       estimated to number about 3,600,000. But the latter would
       elect only the 72 new members added to the House, while the
       former continued to be exclusively represented by the 353
       members of its former constitution. In other words, though the
       suffrage was now extended to all male adults, it was not with
       equality of value to all. For about one-third of the political
       community, the franchise was given five times the weight and
       force that it possessed for the remaining two-thirds.
       Nevertheless, the bill seems to have been accepted and passed
       with no great opposition. In Vienna, the Anti-Semitic
       agitation was kept up with violence, Dr. Lueger being elected
       four times to the chief-burgomastership of the city, in
       defiance of the imperial refusal to sanction his election.
       Finally the conflict was ended by a compromise. Lueger
       resigned and was permitted to take the office of Vice
       Burgomaster, while one of his followers was chosen to the
       Chief Burgomaster's seat.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.
       Celebration of the Millennium of the Kingdom of Hungary.

       The millennial anniversary of the Kingdom of Hungary was
       celebrated by the holding of a great national exposition and
       festival at Buda-Pesth, from the 2d of May until the end of
       October, 1896. Preparations were begun as early as 1893, and
       were carried forward with great national enthusiasm and
       liberality, the government contributing nearly two millions of
       dollars to the expense of the undertaking. The spirit of the
       movement was expressed at the beginning by the Minister of
       Commerce, Bela Lukács, by whose department it was specially
       promoted. "The government," he said, "will take care that the
       national work be exhibited in a worthy frame, so as to further
       the interests of the exhibitors. May everyone of you, its
       subjects, therefore show what he is able to attain by his
       diligence, his taste, and his inventive faculty. Let us all,
       in fact, compete—we who are working, some with our brains,
       others with our hands, and others with our machines—like one
       man for the father-land. Thus the living generation will be
       able to see what its fore-fathers have made in the midst of
       hard circumstances, and to realize what tasks are awaiting us
       and the new generations in the path which has been smoothed by
       the sweat, labor, and pain of our ancestors. This will be a
       rare family festival, the equal of which has not been granted
       to many nations. Let the people gather, then, round our august
       ruler, who has guided our country with fatherly care and
       wisdom in the benevolent ways of peace to the heights which
       mark the progress of to-day, and who—a faithful keeper of the
       glorious past of a thousand years—has led the Hungarian people
       to the threshold of a still more splendid thousand years to
       come!"

    {37}

       Writing shortly before the opening, the United States Consul
       at Buda-Pesth, Mr. Hammond, gave the following description of
       the plans and preparations then nearly complete: "The series
       of official festivities will be diversified by those of a
       social and popular character. These will be the
       interparliamentary conference for international courts of
       arbitration; the congress of journalists, with the view to
       constitute an international journalistic union; international
       congresses of art and history, of actors, tourists, athletes,
       etc.; numerous national congresses embracing every
       intellectual and material interest of the country, in which
       the leading personages of all groups and branches of national
       production, the highest authorities in the field of commerce,
       industry, communication, etc., as well as those who are in the
       forefront of the literary, spiritual, and philanthropic
       movements of the country will take part.

       "There is activity in all classes of Hungarian society, with a
       view to carrying out the ingenious project of the artist Paul
       Vágó—the great historical pageant. Several municipal bodies
       have already promised their cooperation, while scores of men
       and women, bearers of historic names, have declared their
       readiness to take part at their own expense. All the costumes
       of all the races and social classes who have inhabited this
       country during ten centuries will pass before our eyes in this
       beautiful cortege. The genius of the artist will call into life
       in their descendants the warriors who conquered Pannonia under
       Arpad, and, during the reign of Louis the Great, annexed to
       this realm all the neighboring countries; all the dignitaries,
       both civil and ecclesiastical, who, under Stephen the Saint, King
       Kálman, and Mathias Corvinus, spread Christianity,
       enlightenment, liberty, and wealth to the extreme confines of
       this part of Europe; all the crusaders of Joannes Hunyady, who
       drove back the Crescent for a century and thus defended
       western civilization against eastern fanaticism; all the
       kings, princes, noblemen, and poets of modern times who have
       led the nation in her struggle for modern ideas. These
       historical figures will be followed by their retainers or
       surrounded by the popular types of the respective epochs. To
       judge by the sketches of the artist, this pageant promises to
       surpass anything that has hitherto been offered on similar
       occasions.

       "All these festivals will move, as it were, within the fixed
       frame of the Millennial National Exhibition, which will cover
       an area of 500,000 square meters (5,382,100 square feet) and
       consist of 169 buildings and pavilions, erected at a total
       cost (including private expenses) of 10,000,000 florins
       ($4,020,000). This exhibition is divided into two sections,
       viz:

       (1) The historical section, containing art treasures, relics,
       and antiquities of the past, which will illustrate the
       political, religious, military, and private life of each
       principal period in the history of the nation. …
      (2) The section of modern times will embrace everything offered
      by similar exhibitions.

       Nevertheless, the visitor's mind will here, too, be impressed
       with the solemnity of the millennium and the enthusiasm
       inspiring the nation at this momentous period of its history.
       The programme embraces the national life in all its
       manifestations. Not only will the present condition of Hungary
       be laid open to general view, but the world will also be
       impressed with the great progress Hungary has made since the
       reestablishment of her constitution in 1867."

          United States Consular Reports,
          April, 1896.

       By every possible arrangement of facilitation and cheapening,
       a visit to the Exposition was placed within the means of all
       the inhabitants of the kingdom; and especial provision was
       made for bringing schools and teachers to receive the
       object-lessons which it taught.

       Among the ceremonies which attended the ending of the great
       national festival, was the formal opening, at Orsova, of a
       ship channel through the rocky obstructions that have been
       known since the days when they troubled the Romans as the
       "Iron Gates of the Danube."

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.
       Industrial combinations.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.
       The forces of feudalism and clericalism in Austria.
       Austrian parties in the Reichsrath.
       Their aims, character and relative strength.
       Count Badeni's language decrees for Bohemia.

       "In no European country have the forces of feudalism and
       clericalism such an enormous influence as they have in
       Austria. The Austrian nobility is supreme at Court and in the
       upper branches of the Administration. In Hungary the small
       nobility and landed gentry exercise a preponderating
       influence, but they are a wide class and filled with the
       national spirit. The Austrian nobility forms a narrow,
       intensely exclusive and bigoted caste, whose only political
       interest is the maintenance of its own class supremacy. The
       large Protestant element in Hungary has in no small degree
       contributed to the success of the Magyars, both in its effect
       on the national character and by the secondary position to
       which the mixture of creeds has relegated the Church. In
       Austria the Church of Rome is all-powerful. The House of
       Habsburg has always been bigotedly Catholic: Francis Joseph
       himself was a pupil of the Jesuits. The triumph of the
       reaction after 1848 was the establishment in 1855 of that
       'written Canossa' the Concordat, which made the Church
       absolute in all matters relating to education and marriage.
       And even though the Concordat was got rid of in 1870, the
       energies of the clerical party have been but little weakened.
       The real explanation of the whole course of Austrian politics
       lies in the interaction of the two conflicts—of reaction,
       clerical or aristocratic, against liberalism, and of Slav
       against German. …

       "In March 1897 came the general elections, to which a special
       interest was lent by the first appearance of the fifth class
       of voters. The most striking feature of the elections was the
       complete and final break up of the German Liberal party. … The
       history of the German Liberal party has been one of a
       continuous decline both in numbers and importance. It counted
       200 members in 1873, 170 in 1879, 114 in 1885-1891, and only
       77 out of a total of 425 in 1897. … Their political theories
       are those of moderate constitutional liberalism as understood
       on the Continent in the middle of the century—i. e. belief in
       the efficacy of parliamentary government, in commercial and
       industrial freedom, hostility to military bureaucracy and
       clericalism. … The most radical group among them, the
       Progressists, an offshoot of the last election, is about as
       radical as the ordinary English Conservative of to-day. The
       views of the Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz are those of
       the English Tory of fifty years ago.

    {38}

       "Of the fractions into which the Liberal party is now divided
       the most important is the Deutsch Fortschrittliche, or
       Progressive, which split off from the main body in November
       1896. Its chief object was to direct a stronger opposition on
       national and liberal lines to Count Badeni. Its 35 members are
       almost exclusively recruited from Bohemia and Moravia. They
       differ from the German 'Volkspartei' mainly in their refusal
       to accept anti-Semitism, which would be both against their
       liberal professions and their economic convictions as
       representatives of the commercial and manufacturing classes.
       The constitutional landowners (Verfassungstreue
       Grossgrundbesitz, 30 seats) represent the most conservative
       element of the old Liberal party. … The 12 members of the Free
       German Union (Freie Deutsche Vereinigung) may perhaps consider
       themselves the most authentic remnant of the great Liberal
       party—it is their chief claim to distinction. The German
       National or People's party (Deutsche Volkspartei, 43 seats)
       first made its appearance at the elections of 1885. It
       rejected the old idea of the Liberals that the Germans were
       meant, as defenders of the State, to look to State interests
       alone without regard to the fate of their own nationality, and
       took up a more strictly national as well as a more democratic
       attitude. It has also of late years included anti-Semitism in
       its programme. Its main strength lies in the Alpine provinces,
       where it heads the German national and Liberal opposition to
       the Slovenes on the one side, and the German clericals on the
       other. It is at present the largest of the German parties. …

       "Least but not last of the German parties comes the little
       group of five led by Schönerer and Wolf. Noisy, turbulent, and
       reckless, this little body of extremists headed the
       obstruction in the Reichsrath, the disorganised larger German
       parties simply following in its wake. The object these men aim
       at is the incorporation of German Austria in the German
       Empire, the non-German parts being left to take care of
       themselves. Both the German National party and Schönerer's
       followers are anti-Semitic, but anti-Semitism only plays a
       secondary part in their programme. The party that more
       specially claims the title of anti-Semite is the Christian
       Social (Christlich-Soziale, 27 seats). The growth of this
       party in the last few years has been extraordinarily rapid. In
       Dr. Lueger and Prince Alois Liechtenstein it has found leaders
       who thoroughly understand the arts of exciting or humouring
       the Viennese populace. … The characteristic feature of
       Austrian anti-Semitism, besides the reaction against the
       predominance of the ubiquitous Jew in commerce, journalism,
       and the liberal professions, is that it represents the
       opposition of the small tradesman or handicraftsman to the
       increasing pressure of competition from the large Jewish shops
       and the sweating system so frequently connected with them. The
       economic theories of the party are of the crudest and most
       mediæval kind; compulsory apprenticeship, restricted trade
       guilds, penalties on stock exchange speculation, &c., form the
       chief items of its programme. …

       "The German Clericals and the Clerical Conservatives
       (Katholische Volkspartei and Centrum) number some 37 votes
       together; but their importance has always been increased by
       the skilful and unscrupulous parliamentary tactics of the
       party. The strength of the Clerical party lies in the ignorant
       and devotedly pious peasantry of Upper Austria and the Alpine
       provinces. The defence of agrarian interests is included in
       its programme; but its only real object is the maintenance of
       the moral and material power of the Church. Its policy looks
       solely to the interests of the Vatican. …

       "The best organised of the national parties is the Polish Club
       (59 seats). It represents the national and social interests of
       the Polish nobility and landed gentry. … Standing outside of
       Austrian interests, they exercise a controlling voice in
       Austrian affairs. The three-score well-drilled Polish votes
       have helped the Government again and again to ride roughshod
       over constitutional opposition. The partition of Poland has
       thus avenged itself on one at least of its spoilers. The
       Germans have long resented this outside interference which
       permanently keeps them in a minority. … The Czechs are a party
       of 60, and together with the 19 representatives of the Czech
       landed aristocracy, form the largest group in the Reichsrath.
       The Young Czech party began in the seventies as a reaction
       against the Old Czech policy of passive resistance. In
       contra-distinction to the Old Czechs, they also professed
       radical and anti-clerical views in politics generally. … In
       1897 the Old Czechs finally withdrew from the contest or were
       merged in the victorious party. … Of the other nationalist
       parties the most important is the Slav National Christian
       Union (35 seats), comprising the Slovenes, Croatians, and some
       of the more moderate Ruthenians from Galicia. Their programme
       is mainly national, though tinged with clericalism; equality
       of the Slav languages with German and Italian in mixed
       districts; and ultimately a union of the southern Slavs in an
       autonomous national province. The Italians are divided into 5
       Clerical Italians from the Tirol and 14 Liberals from Trieste,
       Istria, &c. The Tirolese Italians desire a division of the
       Tirol into a German and an Italian part. …

       "The most interesting, and in some ways the most respectable,
       of all Austrian parties is the Socialist or Social Democratic
       party (15 seats). It is the only one that fights for a living
       political theory—German liberalism being to all intents and
       purposes defunct—and not for mere national aggression. The
       Social Democrats hold the whole national agitation to be an
       hysterical dispute got up by professors, advocates, and other
       ne'er-do-weels of the unemployed upper classes. … Their
       support is derived from the working classes in the industrial
       districts, and not least from the poorer Jews, who supply
       socialism with many of its keenest apostles. …

       "Altogether a most hopeless jumble of incoherent atoms is this
       Austrian Reichsrath. The chariots driving four-ways on the
       roof of the Houses of Parliament are a true symbol of the
       nature of Austrian politics. To add to the confusion, all the
       parties are headless. Able men and men of culture, there are a
       good many in the House; but political leaders there are none.
       The general tone of the House is undignified, and has been so
       for some time. …

    {39}

       "On April 5, 1897, Count Badeni published the notorious
       language decrees for Bohemia. This ordinance placed the Czech
       language on an absolute equality with the German in all
       governmental departments and in the law courts all over
       Bohemia. … After 1901 all officials in every part of Bohemia
       were to be obliged to know both languages. The refusal of the
       Germans to admit the language spoken by 62 per cent. of the
       population of Bohemia to an equality with their own is not
       quite so preposterous as would at first sight appear. Without
       subscribing to Professor Mommsen's somewhat insolent dicta
       about 'inferior races,' one must admit that the Czech and
       German languages do not stand on altogether the same footing.
       German is a language spoken by some 60,000,000 of people, the
       language of a great literature and a great commerce. Czech is
       difficult, unpronounceable, and spoken by some 5,000,000 in
       all. It must be remembered, too, that the two nations do not
       really live together in Bohemia, but that the Germans live in
       a broad belt all round the country, while the Czechs inhabit
       the central plain. There is no more reason for a German
       Bohemian to acquire Czech than there is for a citizen of
       Edinburgh to make himself master of Gaelic. On the other hand,
       every educated Czech naturally learns German, even in a purely
       Czech-speaking district. … It must also be remembered that the
       decrees, as such, were of doubtful constitutionality; the
       language question was really a matter for the Legislature to
       settle. The decrees at once produced a violent agitation among
       the Germans, which rapidly spread from Bohemia over the whole
       Empire."

          The Internal Crisis in Austria-Hungary
          (Edinburgh Review, July, 1898).

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (October-December).
       Scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath described by Mark Twain.

       "Here in Vienna in these closing days of 1897 one's blood gets
       no chance to stagnate. The atmosphere is brimful of political
       electricity. All conversation is political; every man is a
       battery, with brushes overworn, and gives out blue sparks when
       you set him going on the common topic. … Things have happened
       here recently which would set any country but Austria on fire
       from end to end, and upset the government to a certainty; but
       no one feels confident that such results will follow here.
       Here, apparently, one must wait and see what will happen, then
       he will know, and not before; guessing is idle; guessing
       cannot help the matter. This is what the wise tell you; they
       all say it; they say it every day, and it is the sole detail
       upon which they all agree. There is some approach to agreement
       upon another point: that there will be no revolution. … Nearly
       every day some one explains to me that a revolution would not
       succeed here. 'It couldn't, you know. Broadly speaking, all
       the nations in the empire hate the government—but they all
       hate each other too, and with devoted and enthusiastic
       bitterness; no two of them can combine; the nation that rises
       must rise alone; then the others would joyfully join the
       government against her, and she would have just a fly's chance
       against a combination of spiders. This government is entirely
       independent. It can go its own road, and do as it pleases; it
       has nothing to fear. In countries like England and America,
       where there is one tongue and the public interests are common,
       the government must take account of public opinion; but in
       Austria-Hungary there are nineteen public opinions—one for
       each state. No—two or three for each state, since there are
       two or three nationalities in each. A government cannot
       satisfy all these public opinions; it can only go through the
       motions of trying. This government does that. It goes through
       the motions, and they do not succeed; but that does not worry
       the government much.' …

       "The recent troubles have grown out of Count Badeni's
       necessities. He could not carry on his government without a
       majority vote in the House at his back, and in order to secure
       it he had to make a trade of some sort. He made it with the
       Czechs—the Bohemians. The terms were not easy for him: he must
       pass a bill making the Czech tongue the official language in
       Bohemia in place of the German. This created a storm. All the
       Germans in Austria' were incensed. In numbers they form but a
       fourth part of the empire's population, but they urge that the
       country's public business should be conducted in one common
       tongue, and that tongue a world language—which German is.
       However, Badeni secured his majority. The German element was
       apparently become helpless. The Czech deputies were exultant.
       Then the music began. Badeni's voyage, instead of being
       smooth, was disappointingly rough from the start. The
       government must get the 'Ausgleich' through. It must not fail.
       Badeni's majority was ready to carry it through; but the
       minority was determined to obstruct it and delay it until the
       obnoxious Czech-language measure should be shelved.

       "The 'Ausgleich' is an Adjustment, Arrangement, Settlement,
       which holds Austria and Hungary together [see above; also, in
       volume 1, AUSTRIA: A. D. 1866-1867]. It dates from 1867, and
       has to be renewed every ten years. It establishes the share
       which Hungary must pay toward the expenses of the imperial
       government. Hungary is a kingdom (the Emperor of Austria is
       its King), and has its own parliament and governmental
       machinery. But it has no foreign office, and it has no army—at
       least its army is a part of the imperial army, is paid out of
       the imperial treasury, and is under the control of the
       imperial war office. The ten-year rearrangement was due a year
       ago, but failed to connect. At least completely. A year's
       compromise was arranged. A new arrangement must be effected
       before the last day of this year. Otherwise the two countries
       become separate entities. The Emperor would still be King of
       Hungary—that is, King of an independent foreign country. There
       would be Hungarian custom-houses on the Austrian frontier, and
       there would be a Hungarian army and a Hungarian foreign
       office. Both countries would be weakened by this, both would
       suffer damage. The Opposition in the House, although in the
       minority, had a good weapon to fight with in the pending
       'Ausgleich.' If it could delay the 'Ausgleich' a few weeks,
       the government would doubtless have to withdraw the hated
       language bill or lose Hungary.

       "The Opposition began its fight. Its arms were the Rules of
       the House. It was soon manifest that by applying these Rules
       ingeniously, it could make the majority helpless, and keep it
       so as long as it pleased. It could shut off business every now
       and then with a motion to adjourn. It could require the ayes
       and noes on the motion, and use up thirty minutes on that
       detail. It could call for the reading and verification of the
       minutes of the preceding meeting, and use up half a day in
       that way.
    {40}
       It could require that several of its members be entered upon
       the list of permitted speakers previously to the opening of a
       sitting; and as there is no time limit, further delays could
       thus be accomplished. These were all lawful weapons, and the
       men of the Opposition (technically called the Left) were
       within their rights in using them. They used them to such dire
       purpose that all parliamentary business was paralyzed. The
       Right (the government side) could accomplish nothing. Then it
       had a saving idea. This idea was a curious one. It was to have
       the President and the Vice-Presidents of the parliament
       trample the Rules under foot upon occasion! …

       "And now took place that memorable sitting of the House which
       broke two records. It lasted the best part of two days and a
       night, surpassing by half an hour the longest sitting known to
       the world's previous parliamentary history, and breaking the
       long-speech record with Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour effort, the
       longest flow of unbroken talk that ever came out of one mouth
       since the world began. At 8.45, on the evening of the 28th of
       October, when the House had been sitting a few minutes short
       of ten hours, Dr. Lecher was granted the floor. … Then burst
       out such another wild and frantic and deafening clamor as has
       not been heard on this planet since the last time the
       Comanches surprised a white settlement at midnight. Yells from
       the Left, counter-yells from the Right, explosions of yells
       from all sides at once, and all the air sawed and pawed and
       clawed and cloven by a writhing confusion of gesturing arms
       and hands. Out of the midst of this thunder and turmoil and
       tempest rose Dr. Lecher, serene and collected, and the
       providential length of him enabled his head to show out above
       it. He began his twelve-hour speech. At any rate, his lips
       could be seen to move, and that was evidence. On high sat the
       President imploring order, with his long hands put together as
       in prayer, and his lips visibly but not hearably speaking. At
       intervals he grasped his bell and swung it up and down with
       vigor, adding its keen clamor to the storm weltering there
       below. Dr. Lecher went on with his pantomime speech,
       contented, untroubled. … One of the interrupters who made
       himself heard was a young fellow of slight build and neat
       dress, who stood a little apart from the solid crowd and
       leaned negligently, with folded arms and feet crossed, against
       a desk. Trim and handsome; strong face and thin features;
       black hair roughed up; parsimonious mustache; resonant great
       voice, of good tone and pitch. It is Wolf, capable and
       hospitable with sword and pistol. … Out of him came early this
       thundering peal, audible above the storm:

       "'I demand the floor. I wish to offer a motion.'

       "In the sudden lull which followed, the President answered,
       'Dr. Lecher has the floor.'

       "Wolf. 'I move the close of the sitting!'

       "President. 'Representative Lecher has the floor.'
       [Stormy outburst from the Left—that is, the Opposition.]

       "Wolf. 'I demand the floor for the introduction of a
       formal motion. [Pause.] Mr. President, are you going to grant
       it, or not? [Crash of approval from the Left.] I will keep on
       demanding the floor till I get it.'

       "President. 'I call Representative Wolf to order. Dr.
       Lecher has the floor.' …

       "'Which was true; and he was speaking, too, calmly, earnestly,
       and argumentatively; and the official stenographers had left
       their places and were at his elbows taking down his words, he
       leaning and orating into their ears—a most curious and
       interesting scene. … At this point a new and most effective
       noisemaker was pressed into service. Each desk has an
       extension, consisting of a removable board eighteen inches
       long, six wide, and a half-inch thick. A member pulled one of
       these out and began to belabor the top of his desk with it.
       Instantly other members followed suit, and perhaps you can
       imagine the result. Of all conceivable rackets it is the most
       ear-splitting, intolerable, and altogether fiendish. … Wolf
       went on with his noise and with his demands that he be granted
       the floor, resting his board at intervals to discharge
       criticisms and epithets at the Chair. … By-and-by he struck
       the idea of beating out a tune with his board. Later he
       decided to stop asking for the floor, and to confer it upon
       himself. And so he and Dr. Lecher now spoke at the same time,
       and mingled their speeches with the other noises, and nobody
       heard either of them. Wolf rested himself now and then from
       speech-making by reading, in his clarion voice, from a
       pamphlet.

       "I will explain that Dr. Lecher was not making a twelve-hour
       speech for pastime, but for an important purpose. It was the
       government's intention to push the 'Ausgleich' through its
       preliminary stages in this one sitting (for which it was the
       Order of the Day), and then by vote refer it to a select
       committee. It was the Majority's scheme—as charged by the
       Opposition—to drown debate upon the bill by pure noise—drown
       it out and stop it. The debate being thus ended, the vote upon
       the reference would follow—with victory for the government.
       But into the government's calculations had not entered the
       possibility of a single-barrelled speech which should occupy
       the entire time-limit of the sitting, and also get itself
       delivered in spite of all the noise. … In the English House an
       obstructionist has held the floor with Bible-readings and
       other outside matters; but Dr. Lecher could not have that
       restful and recuperative privilege—he must confine himself
       strictly to the subject before the House. More than once, when
       the President could not hear him because of the general
       tumult, he sent persons to listen and report as to whether the
       orator was speaking to the subject or not.

       "The subject was a peculiarly difficult one, and it would have
       troubled any other deputy to stick to it three hours without
       exhausting his ammunition, because it required a vast and
       intimate knowledge—detailed and particularized knowledge—of
       the commercial, railroading, financial, and international
       banking relations existing between two great sovereignties,
       Hungary and the Empire. But Dr. Lecher is President of the
       Board of Trade of his city of Brünn, and was master of the
       situation. … He went steadily on with his speech; and always
       it was strong, virile, felicitous, and to the point. He was
       earning applause, and this enabled his party to turn that fact
       to account. Now and then they applauded him a couple of
       minutes on a stretch, and during that time he could stop
       speaking and rest his voice without having the floor taken
       from him. …

    {41}

       "The Minority staid loyally by their champion. Some
       distinguished deputies of the Majority staid by him too,
       compelled thereto by admiration of his great performance. When
       a man has been speaking eight hours, is it conceivable that he
       can still be interesting, still fascinating? When Dr. Lecher had
       been speaking eight hours he was still compactly surrounded by
       friends who would not leave him and by foes (of all parties)
       who could not; and all hung enchanted and wondering upon his
       words, and all testified their admiration with constant and
       cordial outbursts of applause. Surely this was a triumph
       without precedent in history. …

       "In consequence of Dr. Lecher's twelve-hour speech and the
       other obstructions furnished by the Minority, the famous
       thirty-three-hour sitting of the House accomplished nothing. …
       Parliament was adjourned for a week—to let the members cool
       off, perhaps—a sacrifice of precious time, for but two months
       remained in which to carry the all-important 'Ausgleich' to a
       consummation. …

       "During the whole of November things went from bad to worse.
       The all-important 'Ausgleich' remained hard aground, and could
       not be sparred off. Badeni's government could not withdraw the
       Language Ordinance and keep its majority, and the Opposition
       could not be placated on easier terms. One night, while the
       customary pandemonium was crashing and thundering along at its
       best, a fight broke out. … On Thanksgiving day the sitting was
       a history-making one. On that day the harried, bedeviled and
       despairing government went insane. In order to free itself
       from the thraldom of the Opposition it committed this
       curiously juvenile crime: it moved an important change of the
       Rules of the House, forbade debate upon the motion, put it to
       a stand-up vote instead of ayes and noes, and then gravely
       claimed that it had been adopted. … The House was already
       standing up; had been standing for an hour; and before a third
       of it had found out what the President had been saying, he had
       proclaimed the adoption of the motion! And only a few heard
       that. In fact, when that House is legislating you can't tell
       it from artillery-practice. You will realize what a happy idea
       it was to sidetrack the lawful ayes and noes and substitute a
       stand-up vote by this fact: that a little later, when a
       deputation of deputies waited upon the President and asked him
       if he was actually willing to claim that that measure had been
       passed, he answered, 'Yes—and unanimously.' …

       "The 'Lex Falkenhayn,' thus strangely born, gave the President
       power to suspend for three days any deputy who should continue
       to be disorderly after being called to order twice, and it
       also placed at his disposal such force as might be necessary
       to make the suspension effective. So the House had a
       sergeant-at-arms at last, and a more formidable one, as to
       power, than any other legislature in Christendom had ever
       possessed. The Lex Falkenhayn also gave the House itself
       authority to suspend members for thirty days. On these terms
       the 'Ausgleich' could be put through in an hour—apparently.
       The Opposition would have to sit meek and quiet, and stop
       obstructing, or be turned into the street, deputy after
       deputy, leaving the Majority an unvexed field for its work.

       "Certainly the thing looked well. … [But next day, when the
       President attempted to open the session, a band of the
       Socialist members made a sudden charge upon him, drove him and
       the Vice President from the House, took possession of the
       tribune, and brought even the semblance of legislative
       proceedings to an end. Then a body of sixty policemen was
       brought in to clear the House.] Some of the results of this
       wild freak followed instantly. The Badeni government came down
       with a crash; there was a popular outbreak or two in Vienna;
       there were three or four days of furious rioting in Prague,
       followed by the establishing there of martial law; the Jews
       and Germans were harried and plundered, and their houses
       destroyed; in other Bohemian towns there was rioting—in some
       cases the Germans being the rioters, in others the Czechs—and
       in all cases the Jew had to roast, no matter which side he was
       on. We are well along in December now; the new
       Minister-President has not been able to patch up a peace among
       the warring factions of the parliament, therefore there is no
       use in calling it together again for the present; public
       opinion believes that parliamentary government and the
       Constitution are actually threatened with extinction, and that
       the permanency of the monarchy itself is a not absolutely
       certain thing!

       "Yes, the Lex Falkenhayn was a great invention, and did what
       was claimed for it—it got the government out of the
       frying-pan."

          S. L. Clemens (Mark Twain),
          Stirring Times in Austria
          (Harper's Magazine, March, 1898).

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (December).
       Imperial action.

       On the last day of the year the Emperor closed the sittings of
       the Austrian Reichsrath by proclamation and issued a rescript
       continuing the "Ausgleich" provisionally for six months.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898.
       Prolongation of factious disorders.
       Paralysis of constitutional government.

       Though scenes in the Austrian Chamber were not quite so
       violent, perhaps, as they had become near the close of 1897,
       the state of factious disorder continued much the same
       throughout the year, and legislation was completely stopped.
       The work of government could be carried on only by imperial
       decrees. The ministry of Baron von Gautsch, which had
       succeeded that of Count Badeni, attempted a compromise on the
       language question in Bohemia by dividing the country into
       three districts, according to the distribution of the several
       races, in one of which German was to be the official tongue,
       in another Czech, while both languages were to be used in the
       third. But the Germans of the empire would accept no such
       compromise. In March, Baron von Gautsch retired, and Count
       Thun Hohenstein formed a Ministry made up to represent the
       principal factions in the Reichsrath; but, the scheme brought
       no peace. Nor did appeals by Count Thun, "in the name of
       Austria," to the patriotism and the reason of all parties, to
       suspend their warfare long enough for a little of the
       necessary work of the state to be done, have any effect. The
       turbulence in the legislature infected the whole community,
       and especially, it would seem, the students in the schools,
       whose disorder caused many lectures to be stopped. In Hungary,
       too, there was an increase of violence in political agitation.
       A party, led by the son of Louis Kossuth, struggled to improve
       what seemed to be an opportunity for breaking the political
       union of Hungary with Austria, and realizing the old ambition
       for an independent Hungarian state.
    {42}
       The ministry of Baron Banffy had this party against him, as
       well as that of the clericals, who resented the civil marriage
       laws, and legislation came to a deadlock nearly as complete in
       the Hungarian as in the Austrian Parliament. There, as well as
       in Austria, the extension of the Ausgleich, provisionally for
       another year, had to be imposed by imperial decree.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and
       the "Concert of Europe."

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (September).
       Assassination of the Empress.
       Jubilee of the Emperor's reign.

       On the 10th of September, Elizabeth, Empress of Austria and
       Queen of Hungary, was assassinated at Geneva by an Italian
       anarchist, named Luigi Luccheni, who stabbed her with a small
       stiletto, exceedingly thin and narrow in the blade. The
       murderer rushed upon her and struck her, as she was walking,
       with a single attendant, on the quay, towards a lake steamer
       on which she intended to travel to Montreux. She fell, but
       arose, with some assistance, and walked forward to the
       steamer, evidently unaware that she had suffered worse than a
       blow. On the steamer, however, she lost consciousness, and
       then, for the first time, the wound was discovered. It had
       been made by so fine a weapon that it showed little external
       sign, and it is probable that the Empress felt little pain.
       She lived nearly half an hour after the blow was struck. The
       assassin attempted to escape, but was caught. As Swiss law
       forbids capital punishment, he could be only condemned to
       solitary confinement for life. This terrible tragedy came soon
       after the festivities in Austria which had celebrated the
       jubilee year of the Emperor Francis Joseph's reign. The
       Emperor's marriage had been one of love: he had suffered many
       afflictions in his later life; the state of his realm was such
       as could hardly be contemplated without despair; men wondered
       if he could bear this crowning sorrow and live. But he had the
       undoubted affection of his subjects, much as they troubled him
       with their miserably factious quarrels, and that consciousness
       seems to have been his one support.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Continued obstruction by the German parties in Austria.
       Extensive secession of German Catholics from their
       Church, and its significance.
       Withdrawal of the Bohemian language decrees.
       Obstruction taken up by the Czechs.

       During most of the year the German parties in the Austrian
       Reichsrath continued to make legislation impossible by
       disorderly obstruction, with the avowed purpose of compelling
       the government to withdraw the language decrees in Bohemia. A
       still more significant demonstration of German feeling and
       policy appeared, in a wide-spread and organized movement to
       detach German Roman Catholics from their church, partly, it
       would seem, as a proceeding of hostility to the Clerical
       party, and partly as a means of recommending the Germans of
       the Austrian states to the sympathy of the German Empire, and
       smoothing the approach to an ultimate union of some of those
       states with the Germanic federation. The agitation against the
       Catholic Church is called "Los von Rom," and is said to have
       had remarkable results. "Those acquainted with the situation
       in Austria," says a writer in the "Quarterly Review," "do not
       wonder that in various parts of the Empire there is a marked
       tendency among the German Catholics to join Christian
       communions separated from Rome. Many thousand Roman Catholics
       have recently renounced their allegiance to the Holy See.
       Further secessions are announced as about to take place. The
       movement is especially strong in great centres like Eger,
       Asch, and Saatz, but has made itself felt also in Carinthia,
       and even in coast districts. This is a grave political fact,
       for it is a marked indication of serious discontent, and a
       sure sign that some arrangement under which certain districts
       of Austria might be joined to Germany would not be unwelcome
       to a section of the people."

          Quarterly Review,
          January, 1899.

       In September the Austrian Ministry of Count Thun resigned, and
       was succeeded by one formed under Count Clary-Aldingen. The
       new premier withdrew the language decrees, which quieted the
       German obstructionists, but provoked the Czechs to take up the
       same rôle. Count Clary-Aldingen resigned in December, and a
       provisional Ministry was formed under Dr. Wettek, which lasted
       only until the 10th of January, 1900, when a new Cabinet was
       formed by Dr. von Körber. In Hungary, Baron Banffy was driven
       from power in February, 1899, by a state of things in the
       Hungarian Parliament much like that in the Austrian. M.
       Koloman Szell, who succeeded him, effected a compromise with
       the opposition which enabled him to carry a measure extending
       the Ausgleich to 1907. This brought one serious difficulty of
       the situation to an end.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901;
          and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900.
       Military and naval expenditure.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (February).
       Attempted pacification of German and Czech parties by a
       Conciliation Board.

       "On Monday last [February 5] the German and Czech Conciliation
       Board met for the first time in Vienna, under the presidency of
       the Austrian Premier, Dr. von Körber, and conferred for two
       hours. … Dr. von Körber is at the head of what may be called a
       'business' Ministry, composed largely of those who had filled
       subordinate offices in previous Ministries. It was hoped,
       perhaps, that, since the leading politicians with a political
       'past' could apparently do nothing to bring about a
       settlement, men with no past, but with a capacity for
       business, and in no way committed on the racial question,
       might do better in effecting a working arrangement. The
       appointment of this Conciliation Board seemed a promising way
       of attempting such a settlement. Dr. von Körber opened
       Monday's proceedings with a strong appeal to both sides,
       saying: 'Gentlemen, the Empire looks to you to restore its
       happiness and tranquillity.' It cannot be said that the Empire
       is likely to find its wishes fulfilled, for when the Board came
       down to hard business, the old troubles instantly revealed
       themselves.
    {43}
       The Premier recommended a committee for Bohemia of twenty-two
       members, and one for Moravia of fifteen members, the two
       sitting in joint session in certain cases. Dr. Engel then set
       forth the historical claims of the Czechs, which immediately
       called forth a demand from Dr. Funke, of the German party,
       that German should be declared the official language
       throughout Austria. Each speaker seems to have been supported
       by his own party, and so no progress was made, and matters
       remain in 'statu quo ante.' The singularly deficient
       constitution of this Board makes against success, for it seems
       that the German Nationalists and Anti-Semites have only one
       delegate apiece, the Social Democrats were not invited at all,
       while the extreme Germans and extreme Czechs, apparently
       regarding the Board as a farce, declined to nominate delegates
       to its sittings. … There is unhappily little reason for
       believing that the Board of Conciliation will effect what the
       Emperor himself has failed to accomplish."

          Spectator (London),
          February 10, 1900.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (September-December).
       Warnings by the Emperor.
       Clerical interference in politics.
       The attitude of Hungary.
       Economic decline of Austria.
       Pessimistic views in Vienna.
       The pending elections.

       The Vienna correspondence of the "London Times" seems to be
       the best source of information concerning the critical
       conditions that are prevailing in the composite Empire, as the
       Nineteenth Century closes, and the events by which those
       conditions are from time to time revealed. The writer, whose
       reports we shall quote, is evidently well placed for
       observation, and well prepared for understanding what he sees.

       In a dispatch of September 14, he notes the significance of a
       reprimand which the Emperor had caused to be administered to
       the Archbishop of Sarajevo, for interference in political
       affairs:

       "The chief of the Emperor's Cabinet called the Archbishop's
       attention to newspaper reports of a speech made by him at the
       close of the Catholic Congress recently held at Agram, in
       which he was represented to have expressed the hope that
       Bosnia would be incorporated with Croatia at the earliest
       possible date. As that question was a purely political one and
       foreign to the sacred vocation of the Archbishop, and as its
       solution fell exclusively within the jurisdiction of certain
       lay factors, and more especially within the Sovereign
       prerogatives of his Majesty, the chief of the Cabinet was
       instructed, in case the reports were correct, to communicate
       to his Grace the serious warning and firm expectation of the
       Emperor that his Grace would abstain in future, both in word
       and deed, from interference in political questions. As was to
       be expected, this sharp reprimand to an ecclesiastic of such
       high position and repute has made a great sensation. It meets
       with warm approval from the entire Hungarian Press. … There
       is, on the other hand, bitter mortification in Clerical
       circles. It is evidently felt that the warning to abstain from
       politics may be of more than mere local and individual
       significance."

       In another dispatch on the same day the correspondent reported
       a still more significant imperial utterance, this time from
       the Emperor's own lips: "Yesterday the Emperor, who is
       attending the manœuvres in Galicia, received the Polish
       Parliamentary Deputation and, addressing their president,
       informed him that the dissolution of the Reichsrath and the
       coming elections were the last constitutional means which
       would be employed by his Government. That implies that, if the
       new Parliament will not work, the Constitution will be
       suspended. … The dissolution of the Reichsrath takes place in
       opposition to the wish of the moderate element of all parties,
       who did their utmost to dissuade the Prime Minister from
       taking such a drastic measure. The opinion of those who did
       not approve of dissolution is that in the absence of a new
       suffrage the next Parliament will prove more unruly than the
       last. … Yesterday's Imperial warning requires no comment.
       It means no more than it says—namely, an eventual suspension
       of the Constitution. It does not point to any alternative
       regime in case the Parliamentary system should break down.
       Indeed, there is nothing to show that any such alternative has
       been under the consideration of the Emperor and his Ministers. No
       less an authority than Dr. Lueger, the Anti-Semitic
       burgomaster of Vienna, has just expressed his opinion on the
       subject to a local journalist in the following words:

       'I am firmly convinced that nobody, not a single man in
       Austria, including all statesmen and Parliamentary
       politicians, has the faintest idea of how the situation will
       develop.'"

       A few days later (September 25) the "Times" correspondence
       summarized an important speech by the Hungarian statesman,
       Count Apponyi, to his constituents, in which the same forecast
       of a political catastrophe in Austria was intimated. Count
       Apponyi,—"after dwelling upon the importance of maintaining
       the Ausgleich, remarked that affairs in Austria might take a
       turn which would render its revision indispensable owing
       either to a complete suspension of the constitutional system
       in Austria, the maintenance of which was one of the conditions
       of the arrangement of 1867, or such modifications thereof as
       would make the existing form of union between the two
       countries technically untenable or politically questionable.
       In either case the revision could only confirm the
       independence of Hungary. But even then Count Apponyi believed
       that by fallowing the traditions of Francis Deák it would be
       possible to harmonize the necessary revision with the
       fundamental principles of the Dual Monarchy. It would,
       however, be a great mistake to raise that question unless
       forced to do so by circumstances. Count Apponyi went on to say
       that the importance of Hungary, not only in the Monarchy but
       throughout the civilized world, was enormously increased by
       the fact that it secured the maintenance of Austria-Hungary,
       threatened by the destructive influence of the Austrian chaos,
       and thus constituted one of the principal guarantees of
       European tranquillity. The peace-abiding nations recognized
       that this service to the dynasty, the Monarchy, and the
       European State system was only possible while the
       constitutional independence and national unity of Hungary was
       maintained. It was clear to every unprejudiced mind that
       Hungarian national independence and unity was the backbone of
       the Dual Monarchy and one of the most important guarantees of
       European peace. But the imposing position attained by Hungary
       through the European sanction of her national ideal would be
       imperilled if they were of their own initiative to raise the
       question of the union of the two countries and thus convert
       the Austrian crisis into one affecting the whole Monarchy."

    {44}

       An article in the "Neue Freie Presse," of Vienna, on the
       hostility of the Vatican to Austria and Hungary was partially
       communicated in a despatch of October 11. The Vienna journal
       ascribes this hostility in part to resentment engendered by
       the alliance of Catholic Austria with Italy, and in part to
       the Hungarian ecclesiastical laws.

          See above: A. D. 1894-1895.

       It remarked: "Never has clericalism been so influential in the
       legislation and administration of this Empire. The most
       powerful party is the one that takes its 'mot d'ordre' from
       the Papal Nunciature. It guides the feudal nobility, it is the
       thorn in the flesh of the German population, it has provoked a
       20 years' reaction in Austria, and, unhindered and protected,
       it scatters in Hungary that seed which has thriven so well in
       this half of the Monarchy that nothing is done in Austria
       without first considering what will be said about it in Rome."
       A day or two later some evidence of a growing resentment in
       Austria at the interference of the clergy in politics was
       adduced: "Thus the Czech organ, inspired by the well-known
       leader of the party, Dr. Stransky, states that a deputation of
       tradespeople called on the editor and expressed great
       indignation at the unprecedented manner in which the priests
       were joining in electoral agitation. They added that they
       'could no longer remain members of a Church whose clergy took
       advantage of religious sentiment for political purposes.' The
       Peasants' Electoral Association for Upper Austria has just
       issued a manifesto in which the following occurs:—'We have for
       more than 20 years invariably elected the candidates proposed by
       the Clerical party. What has been done during that long period
       for us peasants and small tradespeople? What have the Clerical
       party and the Clerical members of Parliament done for us? How
       have they rewarded our long fidelity? By treason. … We have
       been imposed upon long enough. It is due to our self-respect
       and honour to emancipate ourselves thoroughly from the
       mamelukes put forward by the Clerical wirepullers. We must
       show that we can get on without Clerical leadingstrings.'"

       On the 26th of October the writer summarized a report that day
       published by the Vienna Stock Exchange Committee, as
       furnishing "fresh evidence of the disastrous effects of the
       prolonged internal political crisis." "The report begins by
       stating that the Vienna Stock Exchange, formerly the leading
       and most important one in Europe, and which, in consequence of
       the geographical situation of the town, was called upon to be
       the centre of financial operations with the Near East, has for
       years past been steadily declining. Every year the number of
       those frequenting the Bourse diminishes, and there has been an
       annual decrease in the amount of capital that has changed
       hands. Of late years, and particularly within the last few
       months, this has assumed such dimensions that it has become an
       imperative duty for the competent authorities to investigate the
       causes of the evil and to seek a remedy. It is recognized that
       the deplorable domestic situation has largely contributed to
       the decline of the Bourse. The deadlock in the Legislative
       Assembly has occasioned stagnation in industry and commerce,
       whereas outside the Monarchy there has been an unprecedented
       development of trade. Further prejudice has been caused by
       what is called in the report the anti-capitalist tendencies,
       which represent all gains and profits to be ill-gotten. The
       profession of merchant has been held up by unprincipled
       demagogues as disreputable. The authorities are reproached
       with having encouraged those tendencies by undue tolerance."

       Early in November, the Vienna letters began accounts of the
       electioneering campaign then opening, though elections for the
       new House were not to take place until the following January:
       "Every day," wrote the correspondent, "brings its contingent
       of electoral manifestos, and all parties have already had
       their say. Unfortunately, nothing could be less edifying. It
       may be said of them all that they have profited little by
       experience, and it is vain to search for any indication of a
       conciliatory disposition among Czechs or Germans, Liberals or
       Clericals. One and all are as uncompromising as ever, and
       neither the leaders nor the rank and file are prepared to
       reckon with the real exigencies of the situation, even to save
       their own Parliamentary existence. The feudal nobility, who
       stand aloof from Parliamentary strife, have alone lost nothing
       of their position and influence. They disdainfully refuse to
       take either the requirements of the State or the legitimate
       wishes of the Crown into account. They are preparing in
       alliance with Ultramontanism to hold their own against the
       coming storm. Their action in the pending electrical campaign
       is of an occult nature; their proceedings are seldom reported
       by the newspapers, and when they meet it is by groups and
       privately.

       "The political speeches which have hitherto been delivered in
       various parts of the country are bewildering. The Germans are
       split up into several fractions, and even on the other side
       there have been separate manifestos from the Young Czechs and
       also from the Old Czechs, who have long ceased to play a part
       in the Reichsrath. It is confusion worse confounded, in fact
       complete chaos. The prospect of a rallying of the
       heterogeneous and mutually antagonistic groups on the basis of
       resistance to Hungarian exigencies, though possible, is not
       yet at hand, whatever the future may reserve. … The words of
       warning that came from the Crown as to this being the last
       attempt that would be made to rule by constitutional methods
       has clearly failed to produce that impression among
       Parliamentary politicians which might justly have been
       anticipated. Not even the most experienced and best informed
       among the former members of the Reichsrath are disposed to
       make any prophecy as to what will follow the dissolution of
       the next Chamber."

    {45}

       In the following month, a significant speech in the Reichsrath
       at Buda-Pesth, by the very able Hungarian Prime Minister, M.
       Szell, WIIS reported. "He foreshadowed the possibility of a
       situation in which Austria would not be able to fulfil the
       conditions prescribed in the Ausgleich Act of 1867 with regard
       to the manner of dealing with the affairs common to both halves
       of the Monarchy. He himself had, however, made up his mind on
       the subject, and was convinced that even in those
       circumstances the Hungarians would by means of provisional
       measures regulate the common affairs and interests of the two
       States, 'while specially asserting the rights of Hungary and
       its independence.' Another version of this somewhat oracular
       statement runs as follows:—'Hungary, without infringing the
       Ausgleich law, will find ways and means of regulating those
       affairs which, in virtue of the Pragmatic sanction, are common
       to both States, while at the same time protecting her own
       interests and giving greater emphasis to her independence.'
       Dr. Szell added:—'When the right time comes I shall explain my
       views, and eventually submit proposals to the House.
       Meanwhile, let us husband our strength and keep our powder
       dry.' The self-confident and almost defiant tone of this
       forecast, coming from a responsible statesman accustomed to
       display such prudence and moderation of language as M. Szell,
       has made a profound impression in Austria. It assumes the
       breakdown of the Austrian Parliamentary system to be a
       certainty, and anticipates the adoption by Hungary of
       one-sided measures which, according to M. Szell, will afford
       more effective protection to its interests and confirm its
       independence. This seems to be interpreted in Vienna as an
       indication that the Hungarian Premier has a cut and dry scheme
       ready for the revision of the Ausgleich in a direction which
       bodes ill for Austria. The gravity of the Ministerial
       statement is recognized by journals of such divergent views as
       the semi-official 'Fremdenblatt,' the pan-Germanic and
       Anti-Semitic 'Deutsche Zeitung,' and the 'Neues Wiener
       Tagblatt,' which is the organ of the moderate German element.
       The 'Neues Wiener Tagblatt' frankly acknowledges that, in
       addition to all her other cares, Austria has now to consider
       the crucial question of the form which her relations with
       Hungary will assume at no distant date. Commercial severance
       and declarations of independence are, it says, being discussed
       by the initiated sections of the community in both countries,
       as if it were a matter of merely economic concern, instead of
       the greatest and most perilous political problem that the
       Monarchy has been called upon to solve since the establishment
       of the Dual system, which, in spite of its complexity, has
       worked well for such a long period. The 'Neues Wiener
       Tagblatt,' nevertheless, admits that things have now reached a
       stage at which economic severance is no longer impossible." In
       a subsequent speech on New Year's Day, M. Szell declared that
       it "would be a fatal mistake to sever the ties which had so
       long connected the two countries, as the objects for which
       they were called into existence still remained and their
       fundamental basis was not shaken."

       The Vienna journals, on that New Year's Day of 1901, reviewed
       the past and surveyed the prospects of the future in gloomy
       and pessimistic tones. Heading its article "Progress
       Backward," the "Wiener Allgemeine Zeitung" said: "It is true
       that Austria has at her disposal a larger and more efficiently
       trained army than ever. The natural resources of the country
       have been better developed than in the past. The progress of
       the century has not been without influence upon ourselves.
       But, whereas other nations are more vigorous, greater, and
       mightier, we have become weaker, smaller, and less important.
       The history of the world during the second half of the past
       century has been made at our expense. … In the new partition
       of the world no room has been reserved for Austria. The most
       important events which will perhaps give the world a new
       physiognomy are taking place without Austria's being able to
       exercise the slightest influence thereon. We are living upon
       our old reputation, but in the long run that capital will
       prove insufficient."

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Census of Vienna.

          See (in this volume)
          VIENNA: A. D. 1900.

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.
       Parliamentary elections.
       Weakening of the Clerical and Anti-Semitic parties.
       Gains for the ultra-radical German parties.
       Disorderly opening of the Reichsrath.
       Speech of the Emperor from the throne.

       From the parliamentary elections held in January the Clerical
       and Anti-Semitic parties came back to the Reichsrath shorn of
       about one-third of their strength, while the various radical
       factions, especially those among the Germans, appear to have
       made considerable gains. Even in the Tyrol, one of the
       strongest of the Clerical leaders, Baron Di Pauli, was
       defeated, and in Vienna the Anti-Semitic majority was cut to
       less than one-fourth of what it had been three years before.
       "The Pan-Germanic group," writes "The Times" correspondent
       from Vienna, "which only numbered five in the last Parliament,
       now musters 21. It will be remembered that it openly advocates
       incorporation with the German Empire, and as a preparatory
       measure the wholesale conversion of the German population of
       Austria to Protestantism. It has hitherto been to a certain
       extent boycotted by the other German parties, being excluded
       from their so-called union for mutual defence and joint
       action." "But the programme which had thus been boycotted by
       the bulk of the German members has been the most successful of
       all in the recent general election. The position of its
       leading representative, Herr Schönerer, has been so
       strengthened that he has been able to impose upon the whole
       group the title of Pan-Germanic Union, and to enforce the
       acceptance of the principle of 'emancipation from Rome.' The
       latter demand caused a certain hesitation on the part of some
       of his new followers, who, however, ultimately decided to
       adopt it, although not to the full extent of renouncing the
       Roman Catholic faith, as Herr Schönerer and his principal
       lieutenant, Herr Wolf, themselves had done. At a conference of
       the party its programme was declared to be the promotion of
       such a federal connexion of the German provinces of Austria
       with the German Empire as would furnish a permanent guarantee
       for the maintenance of the German nationality in this country.
       The party would oppose every Government that resisted the
       realization of that object, and it could not participate in
       any manifestations of loyalty while such a Government policy
       was maintained. At the same time, the party regarded it as
       their obvious duty to emancipate themselves from Rome in a
       political but not religious sense—that is to say, to free
       themselves from the influence of the Roman Curia in affairs of
       State.

    {46}

       "This boycotted party and programme now threatens to win the
       voluntary or enforced adherence of the advanced section of the
       other German groups which had hitherto declined to commit
       themselves to such an extreme policy. The most moderate of all
       the German parties, that of the constitutional landed
       proprietors, has felt called upon to enter an energetic and
       indignant protest against the foregoing Pan-Germanic
       programme. While they are convinced supporters of the
       Austro-German alliance, they unconditionally reject
       aspirations which they hold to be totally inconsistent with
       the tried and reliable basis of that agreement, and which
       would constitute an undignified sacrifice of the independence
       of the Monarchy. They further decline to make their
       manifestations of loyalty to the Sovereign dependent upon any
       condition; and they strongly condemn the emancipation from
       Rome movement as a culpable confusion of the spheres of
       religion and politics, and an infringement of the liberty of
       conscience which is calculated to sow dissension among the
       German nationality in Austria.

       "It now remains to be seen to which side the bulk of the
       German representatives will rally; to that of the Moderates,
       who have re-affirmed their devotion to the Dynasty and the
       existing Constitution, or to that of the Pan-Germanic
       revolutionaries, who have decided to make their manifestations
       of loyalty dependent upon the adoption by the Crown of their
       programme.

       "The outlook has thus undergone, if anything, a change for the
       worse since the last Reichsrath was dissolved. The only
       reassuring feature of the situation is that the fall of the
       Ministry is not a primary end with any of the parties in the
       Reichsrath. Dr. von Körber, who is a politician of great tact
       and experience, has avoided friction on all sides."

       The opening session of the newly elected Reichsrath was held
       on the 31st of January, and the disorderly temper in it was
       manifested upon a reference by the President to the death of
       Queen Victoria, which called out cries of hostility to England
       from both Germans and Czechs.

       "In the course of the proceedings some of the members of the
       Extreme Czech fraction warned the Prime Minister in
       threatening terms against introducing a single word hostile to
       the Czech nation in the coming Speech from the Throne. They
       also announced their intention of squaring accounts with him
       so soon as the Speech from the Throne should be delivered. The
       whole sitting did not last an hour, but … what happened
       suffices to show that not only the Pan-Germanic Union, but
       also the Extreme section of the German People's party and a
       couple of Radical Czechs, are ready at a moment's notice to
       transform the Reichsrath into a bear garden."

       On the 4th of February the two Houses of the Reichsrath were
       assembled at the Palace and addressed by the Emperor, in a
       speech from the throne of which the following is a partial
       report: "His Majesty referred to various features of
       legislation, including the Budget, the revision of the Customs
       tariff, the promotion of trade, industry, and navigation, the
       protection of the working classes and the regulation of the
       hours of labour, the Government railway projects and the
       Bosnian lines, and Bills for the regulation of emigration, the
       construction of dwellings for the lower classes, the
       repression of drunkenness, the development of the University
       system and other educational reforms, and a revision of the
       Press laws—in fact a whole inventory of the important
       legislative arrears consequent upon the breakdown of
       Parliament.

       "The following passage occurs in the further course of the
       speech: 'The Constitution which I bestowed upon my dominions
       in the exercise of my free will ought to be an adequate
       guarantee for the development of my people. The finances of
       the State have been put in order in exemplary fashion and its
       credit has been raised to a high level. The freedom of the
       subject reposes upon a firm foundation, and thanks to the
       scholastic organization and the extraordinary increase of
       educational establishments general culture has reached a
       gratifying standard, which has more especially contributed to
       the efficiency and intelligence of my army. The Provincial
       Diets have been able to do much within the limits of their
       jurisdiction. The beneficial influence of the constitutional
       system has penetrated as far as the communal administrations.
       I am thus justified in saying that the fundamental laws of the
       State are a precious possession of my loyal people.
       Notwithstanding the autonomy enjoyed by certain kingdoms and
       provinces, they constitute for foreigners the symbol of the
       strength and unity of the State. I was, therefore, all the
       more grieved that the last sessions of the Legislature should
       have had no result, even if I am prepared to acknowledge that
       such business as affected the position of the Monarchy was
       satisfactorily transacted by all parties.'

       "The Emperor then expressed his regret that other matters of
       equal importance affecting the interests of Austria had not
       been disposed of. His Majesty made an appeal to the
       representatives of the Reichsrath to devote their efforts to
       the necessary and urgent work awaiting them, and assured them
       that they might count upon the Government. All attempts at the
       moral and material development of the Empire were, he said,
       stultified by the nationality strife. Experience had shown
       that the efforts of the Government to bring about a settlement
       of the principal questions involved therein had led to no
       result and that it was preferable to deal with the matter in
       the Legislature. The Government regarded a generally
       satisfactory solution of the pending language question as
       being both an act of justice and a necessity of State.
       Trusting in the good will manifested by all parties, the
       Ministry would do its utmost to promote a settlement which
       would relieve the country of its greatest evil. At the same
       time, the Cabinet was under the obligation of maintaining
       intact the unity of language in certain departments of the
       Administration, in which it constituted an old and well-tested
       institution. Success must never again be sought through
       paralysing the popular representation. The hindrance of
       Parliamentary work could only postpone or render quite
       impossible the realization of such aspirations as most deeply
       affected the public mind. The Sovereign then referred to the
       damage done to the interests of the Empire by the obstacles
       placed in the way of the regular working of the Constitution,
       and pointed to the indispensable necessity of the vigorous
       co-operation of Parliament in the approaching settlement of
       the commercial relations between the two halves of the
       Monarchy. The speech concluded with a warmly-worded appeal to
       the representatives to establish a peace which would
       correspond to the requirements of the time and to defend as
       their fathers had defended 'this venerable State which accords
       equal protection to all its peoples.'"

    {47}

    AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Continued turbulence of the factions
       in the Austrian Reichsrath.
       Outspoken aim of the Pan-Germans.

       At this writing (late in March), the disgraceful and
       destructive conflict of reckless factions is still raging in
       the Austrian Reichsrath, and the parties have come to blows
       several times. The hope of the German extremists for a
       dissolution of the Empire seems to be more and more openly
       avowed. On one occasion, "a Czech member, Dr. Sieleny, having
       accused the Pan-Germans of wistfully glancing across the
       frontier, Herr Stein, a member of the Pan-Germanic group,
       replied, 'We do not glance, we gaze.' Being reproached with
       looking towards Germany with an ulterior motive, the same
       gentleman answered, 'You Czechs want to go to Russia, and we
       Germans want to go to Germany.' Again, on being told that he
       would like to become a Prussian, he exclaimed, 'I declare
       openly that we want to go to the German Empire.' Finally, in
       reply to another remark, Herr Stein observed that everybody in
       the country who was an Austrian patriot was stupid."

       ----------AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: End--------

    AUTONOMY, Constitutional:
       Granted by Spain to Cuba and Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
          and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    AYUNTAMIENTOS.

       Town councillors in Spain and in the Spanish American states.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    B.

    BABYLON: Exploration of the ruins of the city.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH:
          BABYLONIA: GERMAN EXPLORATION.

    BABYLON: Railway to the ruins.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

    BABYLONIA: Archæological Exploration in.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    BACHI,
    BASHEE ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    BACTERIAL SCIENCE, Recent.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    BADENI, Count: Austrian ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    BADEN-POWELL, General R. S. S.: Defense of Mafeking.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

    BAGDAD, Railways to.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and JEWS: A. D. 1899.

    BAJAUR.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A.D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
       First Lord of the Treasury in the British Cabinet.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

    BALFOUR, Arthur J.:
       Tribute to Queen Victoria.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES, The.

       "The States of the Balkan Peninsula, ever since the practical
       disruption of European Turkey after the war of 1877-78, have
       been in a condition of chronic restlessness. Those who desire
       the repose of Europe have hoped against hope that the new
       communities which were founded or extended on the ruins of the
       Ottoman dominion in Europe would be able and willing to keep
       the peace among themselves and to combine in resisting the
       intrusion of foreign influences. These expectations have been
       too frequently disappointed. The lawlessness of Bulgaria and
       the unsettled state of Servia, more especially, continue to
       constitute a periodical cause of anxiety to the diplomacy of
       Europe. The recent murder at Bukharest of Professor
       Mihaileano, a Macedonian by birth and a Rumanian by
       extraction, appears to be a shocking example of the teaching
       of a school of political conspirators who have their centre of
       operations at Sofia. These persons had already combined to
       blackmail and terrorise the leading Rumanian residents in the
       capital of Bulgaria, where the most abominable outrages are
       stated to have been committed with impunity. Apparently, they
       have now carried the war, with surprising audacity, into the
       Rumanian capital itself. Two persons marked out for vengeance
       by the terrorists of Sofia had previously been murdered in
       Bukharest, according to our Vienna Correspondent, but these
       were Bulgarians by birth. It is a further step in this
       mischievous propaganda that a Rumanian subject, the occupant
       of an official position at the seat of the Rumanian
       government, should be done to death by emissaries from the
       secret society at Sofia. His crime was that, born of Rumanian
       parents in Macedonia, he had the boldness to controvert in the
       Press the claims of the Bulgarians to obtain the upper hand in
       a Turkish province, where Greeks, Turks, Bulgarians,
       Albanians, and Serbs are inextricably mixed up. Professor
       Mihaileano had probably very good reasons for coming to the
       conclusion that, whatever may be the evils of Ottoman rule,
       they are less than those which would follow a free fight in
       the Balkans, ending, it may be, in the ascendency of Bulgarian
       ruffianism.

       "It is for this offence that M. Mihaileano suffered the
       penalty of death by the decree of a secret tribunal, and at
       the hands of assassins sent out to do their deadly work by
       political intriguers who sit in safety at Sofia. The most
       serious aspect of the matter, however, is the careless and
       almost contemptuous attitude of the Bulgarian Government. The
       reign of terror at Sofia and the too successful attempts to
       extend it to Rumania have provoked remonstrances not only from
       the government at Bukharest, but from some of the Great
       Powers, including Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy. … There
       is only too much reason to fear, even now, that both the
       Bulgarian Government and the ruler of the Principality are
       afraid to break with the terrorists of Sofia.
    {48}
       Political assassination is unfortunately among the traditions
       of the Bulgarian State, but it has never been practised with
       such frequency and impunity as under the rule of Prince
       Ferdinand. … His own conduct as a ruler, coupled with the
       lamentable decline of the spirit of Bulgarian independence,
       which seemed to be vigorous and unflinching before the
       kidnapping of Prince Alexander, has steadily lowered his
       position. The Bulgarian agitation—to a large extent a sham
       one—for the 'redemption,' as it is called, of Macedonia is a
       safety-valve that relieves Prince Ferdinand and those who
       surround him from much unpleasant criticism. …

       "The situation in the Balkans is in many respects disquieting.
       The Bulgarian agitation for the absorption of Macedonia is not
       discouraged in high quarters. The hostility of the Sofia
       conspirators to the Koutzo-Wallachs, the Rumanians of
       Macedonia, is due to the fact that the latter, being a small
       minority of the population, are ready to take their chance of
       equal treatment under Turkish rule, subject to the supervision
       of Europe, rather than to be swallowed up in an enlarged
       Bulgaria, dominated by the passions that now prevail in the
       Principality and that have been cultivated for obvious
       reasons. Russia, it is believed, has no wish to see Bulgarian
       aspirations realized, and would much rather keep the
       Principality in a state of expectant dependence. Servia and
       Greece would be as much embarrassed as Rumania by the success
       of the Bulgarian propaganda, and Austria-Hungary would regard
       it as a grave menace. Of course the Turkish government could
       not be expected to acquiesce in what would, in fact, be its
       knell of doom. … In Greece, the insubordination in certain
       sections of the army is a symptom not very alarming in itself,
       but unpleasantly significant of latent discontent. In Turkey,
       of course, the recrudescence of the fanaticism which
       periodically breaks out in the massacres of the Armenians
       cannot be overlooked. A more unfortunate time could not be
       chosen for endeavouring to reopen the Eastern question by
       pressing forward the Bulgarian claim to Macedonia. Nor could a
       more unfortunate method be adopted of presenting that claim than
       that of the terrorists who appear to be sheltered or screened
       at Sofia."

          London Times, August 23, 1900.

          See, also (in this volume),
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
       Bulgaria.

       On the 15th of July, 1895, M. Stambouloff, lately the powerful
       chief minister in the Bulgarian government, but now overthrown
       and out of favor, was attacked by four assassins, in the
       streets of Sofia, and received wounds from which he died three
       days afterwards.

       The increasing influence of Russia in Bulgaria was manifested
       unmistakably on the 14th of February, 1896, when Prince Boris,
       the infant son and heir of the reigning Prince Ferdinand, was
       solemnly baptised into the Orthodox Greek Church, the Tzar of
       Russia, represented by proxy at the ceremony, acting as
       sponsor. This is understood to have been done in opposition to
       the most earnest remonstrances of the mother of the child, who is
       an ardent Roman Catholic, the father being nominally the same.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:
       Recent changes.

       "The accession of territory obtained under the Berlin Treaty
       has already begun to alter the character of the country. The
       area of the Principality has been almost doubled, and fertile
       valleys, tracts of rich woodland and a strip of sea-coast have
       been added to the realm of Prince Nikolas. Montenegro is now
       something more than the rocky eyrie of a warlike clan, and the
       problem of its commercial development constantly occupies the
       mind of its ruler. The state of transition is reflected in the
       aspect of the capital. A tiny hamlet in 1878, Tzetinye now
       bears witness to the growth of civilisation and to the
       beneficent influence of a paternal despotism. … Nikolas I.,
       'Prince and Gospodar of free Tzrnagora and the Berda,' is the
       most picturesque and remarkable figure in the South Slavonic
       world. Descended from a long line of heroes, the heir of the
       Vladikas, he has, like them, distinguished himself in many a
       hard-fought conflict with the hereditary foe. In the field of
       poetry he has also won his triumphs; like his father Mirko,
       'the Sword of Montenegro,' he has written lyric odes and
       ballads; like his ancestor, the Vladika Petar II., he has
       composed historical dramas, and his poems and plays hold a
       recognised place in contemporary Slavonic literature. The
       inheritor of a splendid tradition, a warrior and a bard,
       gifted by nature with a fine physique and a commanding
       presence, he forms the impersonation and embodiment of all
       that appeals most to the imagination of a romantic and
       impressionable race, to its martial instinct, its poetic
       temperament, and its strange—and to us
       incomprehensible—yearning after long-vanished glories. … Any
       attempt to describe Prince Nikolas' work as an administrator
       and a reformer would lead me too far. The codification of the
       law, which was begun by his ancestors, Danilo I. and Petar I.,
       has been almost completed under his supervision. … The
       suppression of the vendetta is one of the greatest of the
       Prince's achievements. … Crime is now rare in the
       Principality, except in the frontier districts, where acts of
       homicide are regarded as justifiable, and indeed laudable, if
       perpetrated in payment of old scores, or if the victim is an
       Albanian from over the border. Primary education has been made
       universal, schools have arisen in every village, and lecturers
       have been appointed to explain to the peasants the advantages
       of learning. Communications are being opened up, and the
       Principality, which a few years since possessed nothing but
       mule-tracks, can now boast of 138 miles of excellent
       carriage-road, better engineered and maintained than any I
       have seen in the Peninsula. The construction of roads is
       viewed with some apprehension by the more conservative
       Montenegrins, who fear that their mountain stronghold may lose
       its inaccessible character. But the Prince is determined to
       keep abreast of the march of civilisation. Nine post-offices
       and thirteen telegraph stations have been established. The
       latter, which are much used by the people, will play an
       important part in the next mobilization of the Montenegrin
       army. Hitherto the forces of the Principality have been called
       together by stentorian couriers who shouted from the tops of
       the mountains. A great reform, however, still remains to be
       attempted—the conversion of a clan of warriors into an
       industrial nation. The change has been rendered inevitable by
       the enlargement of the bounds of the Principality, and its
       necessity is fully recognised by the Prince.
    {49}
       Once the future of the country is assured, his order will be
       'à bas les armes.' He is aware that such an edict would be
       intensely unpopular, but he will not flinch when the time for
       issuing it arrives. Every Montenegrin has been taught from his
       cradle to regard warfare as his sole vocation in life, and to
       despise industrial pursuits. The tradition of five hundred
       years has remained unbroken, but the Prince will not hesitate
       to destroy it. So enormous is his influence over the people,
       that he feels confident in his ability to carry out this
       sweeping reform."

          J. D. Bourchier,
          Montenegro and her Prince
          (Fortnightly Review, December, 1898).

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: Montenegro:
       New title of the Prince.

       On the 19th of December, 1900, at Tzetinye, or Cettigne, "the
       President of the Council of State, in the presence of the
       other Ministers and dignitaries and of the members of the
       Diplomatic Corps, presented an address to the Prince of
       Montenegro praying him, in token of the gratitude of the
       Montenegrin people for the benefits which he had conferred on
       them during his 40 years' reign, to take the title of Royal
       Highness. The Prince acceded to the request, and, replying to
       the President, thanked all the European rulers who on this
       occasion had given him a fresh proof of their friendship by
       their recognition of his new title. After the ceremony a Te
       Deum was celebrated in the Cathedral, and the Prince
       subsequently reviewed the troops, receiving a great welcome
       from the people."

          Telegram,
          Reuter's Agency.

    BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES:
       Servia.

       In January, 1894, the young king, Alexander, called his
       father, the ex-king, Milan (abdicated in 1889—see, in volume
       1. BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: A. D. 1879-1889), to Belgrade
       to give him help against his Radical ministers, who had been
       taking, the latter thought, too much into their own hands. The
       first result was a change of ministry, soon followed by a
       decision from the synod of Servian bishops annulling the
       divorce of ex-King Milan and Queen Natalie; by a public
       announcement of their reconciliation, and by an ukase from
       King Alexander, cancelling all laws and resolutions which
       touched his parents and restoring to them their rights and
       privileges as members of the royal house. This, again, was
       followed, on the 21st of May, by a royal proclamation which
       abolished the constitution of December, 1888, and restored the
       old constitution of 1869. This was a tremendous step backward, to
       a state of things in which almost no protection against
       arbitrary kingship could be found.

       For some years the ex-king exercised considerable influence
       over his son, and was again an uncertain and much distrusted
       factor in the troubled politics of southeastern Europe. In
       1898 the son appointed him commander-in-chief of the Servian
       army, and he is said to have ably and energetically improved
       its efficiency during the brief period of his command. A
       breach between father and son was brought about before long,
       however, by the determination of the latter to marry a lady,
       Madame Draga Maschin, considerably older than himself, who had
       been lady-in-waiting to his mother; while the father was
       arranging a political marriage for him with a German princess.
       The young king married his chosen bride in August, 1900, and
       guarded his frontier with troops to bar the return of his
       father, then sojourning at a German watering place, to the
       kingdom. It was a final exile for the ex-king. He visited
       Paris for a time; then went to Vienna, and there, on the 11th
       of February, 1901, he died, at the age of 47.

    BALLOONS, Declaration against explosives from.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    BALTIC and NORTH SEA CANALS.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE); and 1900 (JUNE).

    BANK OF FRANCE: Renewal of privileges.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

    BANKING: Its effect on the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

    BANKRUPTCY LAW, National.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 1).

    BARBADOS: Condition and relief measures.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    BARCELONA: A. D. 1895.
       Student riots.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

    BAROTSILAND:
       British Protectorate proclaimed.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

    BARRAGE WORKS, Nile.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

    BARRIOS, President: Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (GUATEMALA): A. D. 1897-1898.

    BARTON, Miss Clara, and the Red Cross Society.
       Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          ARMENIA: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
          and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    BASHEE,
    BACHI ISLANDS, The American acquisition of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    BECHUANALAND, British:
       Annexation to Cape Colony.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (CAPE COLONY).

    BECHUANALAND, British:
       Partial conveyance to the British South Africa Company.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

    BEEF INVESTIGATION, The American Army.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    BEET SUGAR.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY);
          and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    BEHRING SEA.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA.

    BÊL, Temple of:
       Exploration of its ruins at Nippur.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    BELGIAN ANTARCTIC EXPEDITION.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897-1899.

    {50}

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The first election under the new constitution.
       Victory of the Catholics and surprising Socialist gains.

       Elsewhere in this work the full text of the Belgian
       constitution as it was revised in 1893;

          See in volume 1
          CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM).

       The peculiar features of the new constitution, especially in
       its provision of a system of cumulative or plural voting, are
       described.

          See in volume 3
          NETHERLANDS (BELGIUM): A. D. 1892-1893)

       The singularity of the experiment thus introduced caused the
       elections that were held in Belgium in 1894 and 1895 to be
       watched with an interest widely felt. Elections for the
       Chamber of Representatives and the Senate occurred on the same
       day, October 14, 1894. Previously the Belgian suffrage had
       been limited to about 130,000 electors. Under the new
       constitution the electors numbered no less than 1,370,000, and
       the working of the plural system gave them 2, 111,000 votes.
       The result was a more crushing victory for the Catholics than
       they had ever won before. Of 152 Representatives they elected
       no less than 104. The Liberal party was almost annihilated,
       securing but 20 seats in the Chamber; while the Socialists
       rose to political importance, winning 28 seats. This
       representation is said to be not at all proportioned to the
       votes cast by the several parties, and it lent force to the
       demand for a system of proportional representation, as the
       needed accompaniment of plural voting, which had been urged
       when the constitution was revised. In the Senate the
       Conservatives obtained 52 seats and the Liberals 24. In the
       next year an electoral law relating to communal councils was
       passed. In this law, the principle of proportional
       representation was introduced, along with that of cumulative
       or plural voting. Compulsory voting, enforced by penalties
       more or less severe, was also a feature of the law. In
       November, the first election under it was held, and again the
       Socialists made surprising gains, at the expense of the
       Radical party, the Catholics and Liberals generally holding
       their ground.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1895.
       New School Law.
       Compulsory religious teaching restored.

          See (in this volume)
          EDUCATION: A. D. 1895 (BELGIUM).

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1897.
       Industrial combinations.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1897 (July).
       British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
       In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Threatened revolution.

       An explosion of discontent with the working of the electoral
       provisions of the new constitution (see above) occurred in
       June, and created for a time an exceedingly dangerous
       situation. It was precipitated by an attempt on the part of
       the government to pass a bill providing for proportional
       representation in certain districts, which was expected to
       increase the advantage already possessed by the Clerical or
       Catholic party. Excitement in the Chamber of Deputies reached
       such a height on the 28th of June that fighting among the
       members occurred, and soldiers were called in. That night and
       the next day there was serious rioting in Brussels; barricades
       were built; sharp battles between citizens and soldiers were
       fought, and a general strike of working men was proposed. On
       the 30th, the government arranged a compromise with the
       Socialist and Liberal leaders which referred the question of
       proportional representation to a committee in which all
       parties were represented. This quieted the disorder. In due
       time the committee reported against the measure which the
       government had proposed; whereupon a change of ministry was
       made, the new ministry being expected to bring forward a more
       satisfactory plan of proportional representation. It produced
       a bill for that purpose, the provisions of which failed to
       give satisfaction, but which was passed, nevertheless, near
       the end of the year.

       Commenting, in July, on the disturbances then just quieted in
       Belgium, the "Spectator," of London, remarked: "The recent
       explosion of political feeling in Belgium was a much more
       serious event than was quite understood in this country. It
       might have involved all Europe, as, indeed, it may even yet.
       There was revolution in the air, and a revolution in Belgium
       would gravely affect the military position both of France and
       Germany, would rouse keen suspicions and apprehensions in this
       country, and would perturb all the dynasties with fears of
       coming change. The new electoral bill drove the Liberals and
       Socialists of the little kingdom into one another's arms—both
       believing that it would give the Clericals a permanent hold on
       power—and whenever these two parties are united they control
       the majority of the Belgian people. That majority is a most
       dangerous one. It controls all the cities, and it includes
       hundreds of thousands of men who resent their economic
       condition with justifiable bitterness, and who are penetrated
       with a tradition of victories achieved by insurrection. At the
       same time they have no pacific vent for their discontents, for
       the suffrage gives double votes to the well-to-do, and secures
       to both Liberals and laborers on all economic or religious
       questions a certainty of defeat. With the inhabitants of the
       cities all rioting and killing the officials, the government
       would have been compelled to resort to force, and it is by no
       means clear that force was decidedly on their side. The
       Belgian army is not a caste widely separated in feeling from
       the people; it has no instinctive devotion to the Clerical
       party, and it has no great soldier whom it admires or to whom
       it is attached. The king is distrusted and disliked both
       personally and politically; and the dynasty, which has no
       historic connection with Belgium, has never taken root in the
       soil as the Bernadottes, for example, have done in Sweden. If
       the revolutionists had been beaten, they would have appealed
       to France, where Belgium is regarded as a reversionary estate;
       while if they had been victorious, they might—in our judgment,
       they certainly would—have proclaimed a republic. … The danger
       has, we suppose, for the moment been smoothed away; but it has
       not been removed, probably can not be removed, while the
       conditions which produce it continue to exist. The Belgians,
       who are commonly supposed to be so prosperous and pacific, are
       divided by differences of race, creed, and social condition
       more violent than exists in Ireland, where at all events, all
       alike, with insignificant exceptions, speak one tongue.
    {51}
       The French-speaking Belgians despise the Flemish-speaking
       Belgians, and the Flemish speaking Belgians detest the
       French-speaking Belgians, with a rancor only concealed by the
       long habit of living and acting together,—a habit which,
       remember, has not prevented the same contempts and aversions
       from continuing to exist in Ireland. The Clericals and the
       Secularists hate each other as only religious parties can
       hate; far more than Catholics and Protestants in any of the
       countries where the two creeds stand side by side. The
       Secularist seems to the Clerical a blasphemer, against whom
       almost all devices are justifiable, while the Clerical is held
       by the Secularist to be a kind of evil fool, from whom nothing is
       to be expected except cunningly concealed malignity. The
       possessors of property expect that the 'ugly rush' which used
       to be talked of in England will occur tomorrow, while the wage
       receivers declare that they are worked to death for the
       benefit of others, who will not leave them so much as a living
       wage. All display when excited to a noteworthy fierceness of
       temper, a readiness to shed blood, and a disposition to push
       every quarrel into a sort of war,—tendencies visible
       throughout the history of the country."

       At the parliamentary election in June, 1900, under the new law
       providing for proportional representation, the Socialists
       gained seventeen seats from the Clerical party.

    BELGIUM: A. D. 1900.
       Relations with the Congo State.

          See (in this volume)
          CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.

    BELL TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    BELMONT, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    BENIN:
       Massacre of British officials.
       Capture of the town.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

    BERGENDAL FARM, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

       "Several vexatious questions were left undetermined by the
       decision of the Bering Sea Arbitration Tribunal.

          See, in volume 5,
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1886-1893.

       The application of the principles laid down by that august
       body has not been followed by the results they were intended
       to accomplish, either because the principles themselves lacked
       in breadth and definiteness or because their execution has
       been more or less imperfect. Much correspondence has been
       exchanged between the two Governments [of Great Britain and
       the United States] on the subject of preventing the
       exterminating slaughter of seals. The insufficiency of the
       British patrol of Bering Sea under the regulations agreed on
       by the two Governments has been pointed out, and yet only two
       British ships have been on police duty during this season in
       those waters. The need of a more effective enforcement of
       existing regulations as well as the adoption of such
       additional regulations as experience has shown to be
       absolutely necessary to carry out the intent of the award have
       been earnestly urged upon the British Government, but thus far
       without effective results. In the meantime the depletion of
       the seal herds by means of pelagic hunting [that is, in the
       open sea] has so alarmingly progressed that unless their
       slaughter is at once effectively checked their extinction
       within a few years seems to be a matter of absolute certainty.
       The understanding by which the United States was to pay and Great
       Britain to receive a lump sum of $425,000 in full settlement
       of all British claims for damages arising from our seizure of
       British sealing vessels unauthorized under the award of the
       Paris Tribunal of Arbitration was not confirmed by the last
       Congress, which declined to make the necessary appropriation.
       I am still of the opinion that this arrangement was a
       judicious and advantageous one for the Government, and I
       earnestly recommend that it be again considered and
       sanctioned. If, however, this does not meet with the favor of
       Congress, it certainly will hardly dissent from the
       proposition that the Government is bound by every
       consideration of honor and good faith to provide for the
       speedy adjustment of these claims by arbitration as the only
       other alternative. A treaty of arbitration has therefore been
       agreed upon, and will be immediately laid before the Senate,
       so that in one of the modes suggested a final settlement may
       be reached."

          Message of the President of the United States to Congress,
          December, 1895.

       The treaty thus referred to by the President was signed at
       Washington, February 8, 1896, and ratifications were exchanged
       at London on the 3d of June following. Its preamble set forth
       that, whereas the two governments had submitted certain
       questions to a tribunal of arbitration, and "whereas the High
       Contracting Parties having found themselves unable to agree
       upon a reference which should include the question of the
       liability of each for the injuries alleged to have been
       sustained by the other, or by its citizens, in connection with
       the claims presented and urged by it, did, by Article VIII of
       the said Treaty, agree that either party might submit to the
       Arbitrators any questions of fact involved in said claims, and
       ask for a finding thereon, the question of the liability of
       either Government on the facts found to be the subject of
       further negotiation: And whereas the Agent of Great Britain
       did, in accordance with the provisions of said Article VIII,
       submit to the Tribunal of Arbitration certain findings of fact
       which were agreed to as proved by the Agent of the United
       States, and the Arbitrators did unanimously find the facts so
       set forth to be true, as appears by the Award of the Tribunal
       rendered on the 15th day of August, 1893: And whereas, in view
       of the said findings of fact and of the decision of the
       Tribunal of Arbitration concerning the jurisdictional rights
       of the United States in Behring Sea, and the right of
       protection of property of the United States in the fur-seals
       frequenting the islands of the United States in Behring Sea,
       the Government of the United States is desirous that, in so
       far as its liability is not already fixed and determined by
       the findings of fact and the decision of said Tribunal of
       Arbitration, the question of such liability should be
       definitely and fully settled and determined, and compensation
       made, for any injuries for which, in the contemplation of the
       Treaty aforesaid, and the Award and findings of the Tribunal
       of Arbitration, compensation may be due to Great Britain from
       the United States: And whereas it is claimed by Great Britain,
       though not admitted by the United States, that prior to the
       said Award certain other claims against the United States
       accrued in favour of Great Britain on account of seizures of
       or interference with the following named British
       sealing-vessels, to wit: the 'Wanderer,' the 'Winifred,' the
       'Henrietta,' and the 'Oscar and Hattie,' and it is for the
       mutual interest and convenience of both the High Contracting
       Parties that the liability of the United States, if any, and
       the amount of compensation to be paid, if any, in respect to
       such claims, and each of them should also be determined under
       the provisions of this Convention—all claims by Great Britain
       under Article V of the modus vivendi of the 18th April, 1892,
       for the abstention from fishing of British sealers during the
       pendency of said arbitration having been definitely waived
       before the Tribunal of Arbitration"—therefore the two nations
       have concluded the Convention referred to, which provides that
       "all claims on account of injuries sustained by persons in
       whose behalf Great Britain is entitled to claim compensation
       from the United States, and arising by virtue of the Treaty
       aforesaid, the Award and the findings of the said Tribunal of
       Arbitration, as also the additional claims specified in the
       5th paragraph of the preamble hereto, shall be referred to two
       Commissioners, one of whom shall be appointed by Her Britannic
       Majesty, and the other by the President of the United States,
       and each of whom shall be learned in the law."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 10, 1896).

    {52}

       Judges William L. Putnam, of the United States, and George E.
       King, of Canada, were subsequently appointed to be the two
       commissioners provided for in the treaty. Meantime each
       government had appointed a number of men of science to
       investigate the condition of the herds of fur-seals on
       Pribilof Islands, President David S. Jordan, of Leland
       Stanford Junior University being director of the American
       investigation and Professor D'Arcy W. Thompson having charge
       of the British. The two bodies of investigators reached quite
       different conclusions. Professor Jordan, in a preliminary
       statement, announced; "There is still a vast body of fur seals
       on the islands, more than the commissioners were at first led
       to expect, but the number is steadily declining. The only
       cause of this decline is the killing of females through
       pelagic sealing. The females are never molested on the
       islands, but three-fourths of those killed in Bering sea are
       nursing females. The death of the mother causes the death of
       the young on shore, so that for every four fur seals killed at
       sea three pups starve to death on shore. As each of those
       females is also pregnant, a like number of unborn pups is
       likewise destroyed." His formal report, made in January, 1897,
       was to the same effect, and led to the following conclusion:
       "The ultimate end in view should be an international
       arrangement whereby all skins of female fur seals should be
       seized and destroyed by the customs authorities of civilized
       nations, whether taken on land or sea, from the Pribilof herd,
       the Asiatic herds, or in the lawless raiding of the Antarctic
       rookeries. In the destruction of the fur seal rookeries of the
       Antarctic, as well as those of the Japanese islands and of
       Bering sea, American enterprise has taken a leading part. It
       would be well for America to lead the way in stopping pelagic
       sealing by restraining her own citizens without waiting for
       the other nations. We can ask for protection with better grace
       when we have accorded, unasked, protection to others." The
       report of Professor Thompson, made three months later, agreed
       but partially with that of the American experts. He admitted
       the extensive starving of the young seals, caused by the
       killing of the mothers, but contended that the herd was
       diminishing slightly, if at all, and he did not favor drastic
       measures for the suppression of pelagic sealing.

       The government of the United States adopted measures in
       accordance with the views of Professor Jordan, looking to an
       international regulation of the killing of seals. Hon. John W.
       Foster was appointed a special ambassador to negotiate
       arrangements to that effect. Through the efforts of Mr.
       Foster, an international conference on the subject was agreed
       to on the part of Russia and Japan, but Great Britain declined
       to take part. While these arrangements were pending, the
       American Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, addressed a letter
       to the American Ambassador at London, Mr. Hay, criticising the
       conduct of the British government and its agents in terms that
       are not usual among diplomats, and which excited much feeling
       when the letter was published in July. This called out a reply
       from the British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, in which
       he wrote: "When Her Majesty's government sent their agents to
       inquire into the actual facts in 1896, it was found that, in
       spite of the large catch of 1895, the herd actually numbered
       more than twice as many cows as it had been officially
       asserted to contain in 1895. The result of these
       investigations, as pointed out in Lord Salisbury's dispatch of
       May 7, has further been to show that pelagic sealing is much
       less injurious than the practice pursued by the United States'
       lessees of killing on land every male whose skin was worth
       taking. If the seal herd to-day is, as Professor Jordan
       estimates, but one-fifth of what it was in 1872-74, that
       result must be, in great measure, due to the fact that, while
       the islands were under the control of Russia, that power was
       satisfied with an average catch of 33,000 seals; subsequently
       under the United States' control more than three times that
       number have been taken every year, until the catch was,
       perforce, reduced because that number of males could no longer
       be found.

       "Last year, while the United States government were pressing
       Her Majesty's government to place further restrictions on
       pelagic sealing, they found it possible to kill 30,000 seals
       on the islands, of which Professor Jordan says (in one place
       in his report) 22,000 were, to the best of his information,
       three-year-olds, though (in another place) he estimated the
       total number of three-year-old males on the islands as 15,000
       to 20,000. If such exhaustive slaughter is continued, it will,
       in the light of the past history of the herd, very quickly bring
       about that commercial extermination which has been declared in
       the United States to be imminent every year for the last
       twelve years. Enough has perhaps been said to justify the
       refusal of Her Majesty's government to enter on a precipitate
       revision of the regulations."

    {53}

       The two countries were thus being carried into serious
       opposition, on a matter that looks contemptible when compared
       with the great common interests which ought to bind them in
       firm friendship together. But, while the government of Great
       Britain declined to enter into conference with those of
       Russia, Japan and the United States, on general questions
       relating to the seals, it assented at length to a new
       conference with the United States and Canada, relative to the
       carrying out of the regulations prescribed by the Paris
       tribunal of 1893. Both conferences were held at Washington in
       October and November of 1897. The first resulted in a treaty
       (November 6) between Russia, Japan, and the United States,
       providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing during such time
       as might be determined by experts. The other conference led,
       after some interval, to the creation of a Joint High
       Commission for the settlement of all questions in dispute
       between the United States and Canada, the sealing question
       included.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

       So far as concerned its own citizens, the American government
       adopted vigorous measures for the suppression of pelagic
       sealing. An Act of Congress, approved by the President on the
       29th December, 1897, forbade the killing of seals, by any
       citizen of the United States, in any part of the Pacific Ocean
       north of 35 degrees north latitude. The same act prohibited
       the importation into the United States of sealskins taken
       elsewhere than in the Pribilof Islands, and very strict
       regulations for its enforcement were issued by the Treasury
       Department. No sealskins, either in the raw or the
       manufactured state, might be admitted to the country, even
       among the personal effects of a traveller, unless accompanied
       by an invoice, signed by an United States Consul, certifying
       that they were not from seals killed at sea. Skins not thus
       certified were seized and destroyed.

       In his annual report for 1898, the United States Secretary of
       the Treasury stated that no pelagic sealing whatever had been
       carried on by citizens of the United States during the season
       past; but that 30 British vessels had been engaged in the
       work, against 32 in the previous year, and that their total
       catch had been 10,581, against 6,100 taken by the same fleet
       in 1897. The number of seals found on the Islands was reported
       to be greatly reduced.

    BERLIN: A. D. 1895.
       Census.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    BERLIN: A. D. 1896.
       Industrial exposition.

       An exposition of German industries and products was opened at
       Berlin on the 1st of May, 1896. which excited wide interest
       and had an important stimulating effect in Germany.

    BERLIN: A. D. 1900.
       Growth shown by the latest census.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    BERLIN: A. D. 1901.
       The Berlin and Stettin Ship Canal.

          See GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    BETHLEHEM, Capture of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    BIAC-NA-BATO, Treaty of.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

    BIBLE LANDS, Archæological exploration in.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    BICOLS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    BIDA, British subjugation of.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

    BIG SWORD,
    BIG KNIFE SOCIETY.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    BISMARCK, Prince Otto von: Death.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

    BLACK FLAG REBELLION.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    BLANCO, General Ramon, Captain-General of Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    BLANCOS.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

    BLOEMFONTEIN:
       Taken by the British.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH—MAY).

    BLOEMFONTEIN CONFERENCE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

    BLUEFIELDS INCIDENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

    BOARD SCHOOLS, English.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

    BOERS.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

    BOHEMIA:
       Recent situation in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

    BOHEMIA: A. D. 1897.
       The language decrees.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897; and 1898.

    BOLIVIA: A. D. 1894-1900.
       The dispute with Chile concerning Atacama.

          See (in this volume) CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

    BOLIVIA: A. D. 1899.
       Revolution.

       The government of President Alonzo (elected in 1896) was
       overthrown in April, 1899, by a revolutionary movement
       conducted by General José Manuel Pando, who was elected
       President by the legislative chambers in the following
       October.

    BOMBAY: A. D. 1896-1901.
       The Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    BOMBAY: A. D. 1901.
       Census returns.
       Decrease of population.

       A telegram from Bombay, March 6, 1901, reports that "the
       census returns show the city of Bombay has 770,000
       inhabitants, a decrease of over fifty thousand in ten years,
       mainly due to the exodus of the last two months on account of
       the plague. Partial returns from the rural districts show
       terrible decreases in population through famine."

    BORDA, President: Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

    BORIS, Prince: Conversion.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (BULGARIA).

    {54}

    BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.
       The municipal experiments of Mayor Quincy.

       First elected Mayor of Boston in 1895, and reelected in 1897,
       the two terms of the administration of Mayor Josiah Quincy
       were made remarkable by the number, the originality and the
       boldness of the experiments which he introduced in extension
       of the functions of municipal government. They consisted on
       the one hand in the substitution, in certain branches of
       public work, of direct labor for the contract system, and on
       the other in the provision of new facilities for promoting
       popular health, recreation, and instruction. He established a
       municipal printing office, a municipal department of
       electrical construction, and another municipal department
       which conducts every kind of repairing work that the city
       requires; all of these to supersede the old system of
       contracts and jobs. He instituted a great number and variety
       of public baths,—floating baths, beach baths, river baths and
       swimming pools. He opened playgrounds and gymnasiums, both
       outdoor and indoor. He carried the city into the work of the
       fresh air missions for poor children. He reorganized the
       administration of public charities. He placed the artistic
       undertakings of the city under the supervision of a competent
       board. He instituted cheap concerts of a high order, as well
       as popular lectures. Boston at length took alarm at the extent
       of the ventures of Mayor Quincy, complained of the cost, and
       refused him reelection for a third term. But the Boston
       correspondent of a New York journal opposed in politics to
       Mayor Quincy, writing on the 15th of December, 1900, testifies
       that "most of the experiments are working well, and a study of
       them cannot fail to be beneficial to those who have the
       government of other cities in their hands. … The madness of
       Mayor Quincy had evidently a method. It seems to have made
       permanent a good many excellent institutions. Some good
       citizens say that things were done too quickly, that they cost
       too much money, that the Mayor was always robbing Peter to pay
       Paul, as it were. But, after all, it seems cause for
       thankfulness that they were done at all."

    BOSTON: A. D. 1899.
       Completion of the Subway.

       In this year the city of Boston completed a very important
       public improvement, undertaken in 1895, and carried out under
       the direction of a commission appointed that year. This was
       the construction of a Subway under Boylston and Tremont
       streets, and under various streets in the northern district,
       for the transit of electric cars through the crowded central
       parts of the city. The section of Subway from Park Square to
       Park Street was finished in the fall of 1897; the remainder in
       1899. The entire length of underground road is one and
       two-thirds miles. The cost of work done was $4,686,000: cost
       of real estate taken, $1,100,000. The legislative Act
       authorizing the work provided further for the construction of
       a tunnel to East Boston, and for the purchase of rights of way
       for an elevated road to Franklin Park, with new bridges to
       Charlestown and West Boston.

    BOWER, Sir Graham:
       Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on
       the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume))
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    BOXERS, The Chinese:
       The secret society and the meaning of its name.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), and after.

    BRADFORD'S HISTORY:
       Return of the manuscript to Massachusetts.

          See (in this volume)
          MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.
       Conflict with the "Fanatics."

       A religious enthusiast, called Conselheiro (Counsellor), who
       had made his appearance in the State of Bahia and gathered a
       great number of followers, began in 1897 to become dangerous
       to the government, which he denounced as atheistic; his
       following grew disorderly, and political malcontents were
       taking advantage of the disturbance which he caused. Attempts
       on the part of the government to stop the disorder were
       fiercely resisted, and its conflict with "the Fanatics," as
       Conselheiro and his followers were known, soon became a very
       serious war, demanding many thousands of troops, and spreading
       over wide regions of the country. Amazonian bands of women
       fought with "the Fanatics," and were among the most dreaded
       forces on their side. The headquarters and stronghold of the
       movement were finally taken in July, after an obstinate
       defense, and in October Conselheiro was killed; after which
       the rebellion came to an end.

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1898.
       Election of Dr. Campos Salles to the Presidency.

       The nomination and election of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, who
       was inaugurated President of the United States of Brazil on
       the 15th of November, 1898, "marks the decided distinction of
       parties in Brazil. Previously, there had been various
       divergencies among the Republicans, but no distinct party
       differences. But at that time there arose a party advocating
       the selection of a candidate who would favor the national
       against the foreign (naturalized) element; one who would have
       influence with the few remaining advocates of the monarchical
       government; who would give preference to a military over a
       civil government; finally, one who would introduce into the
       government the system called 'Jacobinism,' a designation which
       the new party did not refuse to accept. Dr. Campos Salles was
       the candidate of the moderate Republicans or Conservatives,
       who were organized under the name of the Republican party,
       with a platform demanding respect for the constitution and
       declaring for the institution of such reforms as only reason
       and time should dictate. The sympathies of the conservative
       element and of foreigners who had interests in the country
       were with the candidate of this party and gave him their
       support. The election of Dr. Campos Salles inspired renewed
       confidence in the stability of Brazil, a confidence which was
       at once manifested by the higher quotation of the national
       bonds, by an advance in the rate of exchange, and by greater
       activity in business throughout the country. Brazil, in spite
       of all hindrances, has prospered since 1889."

          Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
          December, 1898.

    {55}

    BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.
       Arbitration of the French Guiana boundary dispute.
       Award of the Swiss Government.

       A dispute with France concerning the boundary of the French
       possessions in Guiana, which Brazil inherited from Portugal,
       and which dates back to the 17th century, was submitted at
       last to the Swiss Federal Council, as a tribunal of
       arbitration, and settled by the award of the Council on
       December 1, 1900. The decision fixes the River Oyapok and the
       watershed of the Tumuc Humac Mountains as the boundary. It is
       practically in favor of Brazil, for France had claimed, a year
       before, a territory of not less than 400,000 square
       kilomètres, ten times the area of Switzerland itself. Even
       after a large abatement had been made, the claim was still for
       260,000 square kilometres, or 100,000 square miles, much more
       than the area of Great Britain. The actual territory allotted
       to France by the Federal Government of Switzerland is about
       3,000 square miles. The arbitrators had no excuse for saying
       that the case was not brought before them in all its length
       and breadth. The documents presented by France formed four
       large volumes, supplemented by an atlas of 35 maps, while
       Brazil, not to be outdone, put in 13 volumes of documents and
       three atlases, with about 200 maps.

    BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE:
       Administrative separation from British
       South Africa Company's territory.
       Conflicts with natives.
       Resources and prospects of the country.

       Until 1894, the territory north of the Zambezi over which the
       British South Africa Company claimed a "sphere of influence,"
       and the region covered by the British Protectorate that was
       declared in 1889-1890 over Nyassaland and the Shiré Highlands,
       were administered together by Sir Harry Johnston. But in that
       year the South Africa Company undertook the administration of
       its own portion of British Central Africa, and Commissioner
       Johnston became the Administrator of the remaining "British
       Central Africa Protectorate." In his report for 1895-1896
       (April to April) the Commissioner estimated the native
       population of the Protectorate at 844,420; British subjects,
       259; other Europeans, 30; Indians, 263; half-castes, 23. Of
       hostilities with the natives, Commissioner Johnston gave the
       following report:

       "In the autumn of 1895, … a campaign lasting four months was
       commenced and carried to a successful conclusion against all
       the independent Yao Chiefs who dwelt on the south-eastern
       border of the Protectorate, and who continued to raid our
       territories for slaves. This campaign culminated in the
       complete defeat and death or expulsion of those Arabs who had
       created an independent power in the North Nyasa district.
       Action was also taken against the Angoni Chief, Mwasi Kazungu,
       in the interior of the Marimba district, who had made common
       cause with the Arabs, and was attempting to form against us a
       league of the Angoni-Zulus. … The only people likely now to
       give trouble in any way are the Angoni-Zulus, who are to the
       west of the Protectorate what the Yaos and Arabs have been to
       the north. For the past 40 years the western portions of the
       Protectorate have been the happy hunting-ground of the
       descendants of the Zulu bands who quitted Matabeleland at
       various periods during the last 70 years, and who penetrated
       into Central Africa as far as the eastern part of Tanganyika
       and the south shores of the Victoria Nyanza. They established
       themselves strongly as a ruling caste on the high plateaux to
       the west and to the north-east of Lake Nyasa. From these
       plateaux they raided perseveringly for slaves, chiefly in the
       regions of the Great Luangwa valley, but also to some extent
       the coast lands of Lake Nyasa.

       "Not a few of the Angoni Chiefs are friendly and well disposed
       towards the British, and seem likely to settle down quietly as
       they appreciate the futility of continued defiance of our
       power; but we may have yet a little trouble from the Western
       Angoni, and also from an ill-conditioned young Chief
       ordinarily known by his father's name, Chikusi, but whose
       private appellation is Gomanikwenda. Chikusi lives on the
       wedge of Portuguese territory which penetrates the
       southwestern part of the Protectorate. Secure in the knowledge
       that our forces cannot infringe the Portuguese border, he
       occasionally makes raids for slaves into the Upper Shire and
       Central Angoniland districts."

          Sir Harry Johnston,
          Report
          (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
          Papers by Command, Africa, Number 5, 1896),
          pages 12-13.

       In the autumn of 1896, Chikusi raided one of the mission
       stations at Ntonda, killing many native Christians. An
       expedition was then sent against him, which pursued him to his
       chief kraal, and took him prisoner. He was tried for murder,
       condemned and shot.

       "Nyasaland, or British Central Africa as it is officially
       called, is now [1898] in a fair way of becoming one of the
       richest coffee and tobacco growing districts of the world. It
       enjoys the immense advantage of direct water communication
       with the coast and, with the exception of a stretch of one
       hundred miles, the River Shiré, which runs out of Lake Nyasa,
       is navigable along its whole course. Before long the Upper and
       Lower Shiré will be connected by a railway line, and goods
       will then be landed at the northern extremity of Lake Nyasa—a
       distance of 700 miles from the mouth of the Zambezi—at a
       trifling cost. At present the journey can already be
       accomplished in a week. Ten steamers navigate Lake Nyasa, and
       double that number run on the Zambezi and the Shiré Rivers.
       This mighty task—accomplished, we must not forget it, without
       the cost of a single penny to the British tax-payer—did not
       benefit Great Britain alone. The Portuguese, who, for the last
       three centuries were slumbering in their East African
       possessions, were aroused by the extraordinary activity which
       was displayed at their door. At first they raised objections,
       but they soon understood what advantages they would derive
       from the situation, and gave their hearty co-operation to
       Great Britain. It brought more wealth than they had ever
       dreamt of to their Zambezi provinces, now a busy centre of
       trade, in telegraphic communication with the Cape in the South
       and Lake Nyasa in the North. The Portuguese port of Beira, a
       sandbank some years ago, has become the most important harbour
       between Zanzibar and Delagoa Bay, and owes its present
       position to the railway line which runs to Mashonaland."

          L. Decle,
          The Fashoda Question
          (Fortnightly Review, November, 1898).

    BRITISH COLUMBIA.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.
       Territory transferred to the British Government.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

    {56}

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895-1897.
       Its creation and extent.
       Existence of slavery.
       War in the Province of Seyyidieh.
       Report of the commissioner.

       "The British East Africa Protectorate is bounded on the east
       by the Indian Ocean, on the west by the Uganda Protectorate,
       and on the south-west by the Anglo-German frontier, which,
       starting from the mouth of the River Umba, runs in a generally
       north-west direction till it strikes the eastern shore of Lake
       Victoria Nyanza at the point at which it is intersected by the
       1st parallel of south latitude. To the north and north-east it
       is bounded by the Italian sphere of influence from which it is
       divided by the River Juba up to parallel 6° of north latitude,
       and thence by a line running along that parallel until it
       reaches the Blue Nile. The frontier between the East Africa
       and Uganda Protectorates is only partially defined: starting
       from the German frontier, it follows the Guaso Masai River as
       far as Sosian, thence strikes north-cast to the Kedong River,
       which it follows to its source, and thence runs in a northerly
       direction along the Likipia escarpment or eastern lip of the
       great 'meridional rift.' It is, however, still undecided
       whether or not it should be deflected, for greater convenience
       in dealing with the Uganda Masai, so as to leave to Uganda the
       region between the southern portion of the Likipia escarpment
       and the so-called Aberdare range. In view of the uncertainty
       existing as to the inland boundaries, it is impossible to give
       the exact area of the territory, though it may be estimated
       roughly at 280,000 square miles. It will be sufficient here to
       state that its coast-line, including in the term the Islands
       of Lamu, Manda, and Patta, which are separated from the
       mainland by narrow channels, is 405 miles long, whilst its
       greatest breadth, measured from the centre of the district of
       Gosha on the Juba, to the Likipia escarpment, is 460 miles.

       "The Protectorate in its present form was constituted on the
       1st July, 1895. Previous to that date a Protectorate had been
       declared on the 4th November, 1890, over those portions of the
       territory which formed part of the Zanzibar Sultanate, and on
       the 19th November of the same year over Witu and the whole of
       the coast between the Tana and Juba Rivers. The administration
       of this second Protectorate was confided in 1893, with the
       exception of those portions of the coast between the Tana and
       Juba which belonged to the Zanzibar Sultanate and were rented
       by the Imperial British East Africa Company from him, to the
       Sultan of Zanzibar, but without being fused in or united to
       the Sultanate. In September, 1894, a Protectorate was
       established under an independent Commissioner over Uganda, and
       was subsequently defined as extending over the whole of the
       intervening territory from which the Imperial British East
       Africa Company had withdrawn its effective control, that is,
       as far as the western limits of its district of Kikuyu, which
       still constitutes the frontier between the East Africa and
       Uganda Protectorates. The remainder of the British sphere
       between the Zanzibar and Uganda boundaries and the Tana River
       and German frontier was placed under Her Majesty's protection
       on the 1st July, 1895, and the whole of the above-described
       territories to the east of the Uganda Protectorate were at the
       same time fused into one administrative whole under the title
       of the' East Africa Protectorate.'

       "British East Africa includes three district sovereignties, i.
       e.: 1. The mainland territories of the Sultan of Zanzibar. 2.
       The Sultanate of Witu. 3. The remainder of the Protectorate
       consisting of the old 'chartered territory' of the Imperial
       British East Africa Company and of the region between the Tana
       and the Juba not included either in Zanzibar or Witu. This
       division, which I propose for the sake of convenience to style
       British East Africa proper, is not, of course, technically
       under Her Majesty's sovereignty, and is divided among a number
       of tribes and races under our Protectorate, but it differs from
       Zanzibar and Witu in that the status of the Chiefs exercising
       authority there is not recognized by international law or at
       least by any international engagement.

       "The mainland dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar included in
       the Protectorate (for he possesses certain coast ports to the
       north of it now leased to Italy) consist—(1.) Of a strip of
       coast 10 miles deep from high-water mark, extending from the
       mouth of the River Umba on the south to Kipini on the Ozi on
       the north; and (2.) Of a series of islands off the coast
       between the Ozi and the Juba and of the mainland town of
       Kismayu with a radius of 10 miles around it. … The State of
       Witu extends along the coast from Kipini to Kwyhoo, its
       northern boundary being a straight line drawn in 1887 by
       Commissioners representing the German and Zanzibar Governments
       due west from Kwyhoo to a point a few miles east of the Ozi
       River. It was founded, or rather gradually grew up, in the
       years from 1860 to 1885, round a colony of outlaws. … When the
       German Government first interested itself, about a decade ago,
       in East African affairs, it recognized the little colony of
       outlaws and refugees from the coast towns which had grown up
       in Witu, as an independent State. … Accordingly, on
       transferring this Protectorate by the Treaty of 1890 to Great
       Britain, it stipulated by Article II of that Agreement, that
       the sovereignty of the Sultan of Witu over the territory
       formally defined as his in 1887 should be recognized by the
       new Protecting Power. …

       "Beyond the Zanzibar and Witu limits, the territories
       comprised in the Protectorate are ruled directly under Her
       Majesty by the British officers in charge of them. All the
       various tribes, Mahommedan and heathen, retain, however, their
       respective native Rulers and institutions. … For a period of ten
       months from the transfer from the Imperial British East Africa
       Company to Her Majesty's Government, the country now forming
       the Province of Seyyidieh, was the theatre of disturbances,
       which for a time retarded the development of the territory,
       and diverted the attention of the Administration from useful
       schemes of improvement that might otherwise have been
       immediately set on foot. These disturbances began under the
       Administration of the Imperial British East Africa Company,
       their immediate cause being a dispute over the succession to
       the Chieftainship of Takaungu between Rashid-bin-Salim, the
       son, and Mubarak-bin-Rashid, the nephew of the former Chief. …
       The Company supported Rashid, who, though younger in years
       than Mubarak, was friendly to the English. … Though the
       rebellion of the Mazrui Chiefs retarded to some extent the
       development of the province, and entailed in its suppression
       considerable expense, its occurrence, under the special
       circumstances which attended it, has not been an unmixed evil.
       We have broken once for all the power of several influential
       Arab potentates, who were never thoroughly subjugated either
       by the Sultans or the Company, and whose ambitions and
       semi-independent position would sooner or later have involved
       us in trouble with them had we attempted to make the authority
       of our Administration effective, and to interfere with the
       slavery, and even Slave Trade, which flourished under their
       protection."

          Sir A. Hardinge,
          Report
          (Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
          Papers by Command, Africa, Number 7, 1897),
          page 1-3, and 65.

    {57}

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Rising of Ogaden Somalis.

       In the later part of November, 1900, news reached Zanzibar of
       a rising of the Somali tribe called Ogadens in the Jubaland
       province of the British East Africa Protectorate, and that the
       British Sub-Commissioner, Mr. Jenner, had probably been killed.
       The Somalis are a very war-like race, supposed to be Gallas by
       descent, with an admixture of Arab blood. In the following
       February it was announced that Aff-Madu, the headquarters of
       the Ogaden Somalis, had been occupied without opposition by
       the British punitive expedition sent to exact reparation for
       the murder of Mr. Jenner, and that the Ogaden Sultan was a
       prisoner.

    BRITISH EMPIRE, Penny postage in.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

    BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY: A. D. 1889.
       The founding of the Company.

          See (in volume 4)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Extended charter and enlarged powers.
       Its master spirit, Mr. Rhodes.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895.

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1895.
       Arrangements in Bechuanaland.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BECHUANALAND).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
       Revocation of the Company's charter called for
       by President Kruger.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
       Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
       Parliamentary investigation of its administration.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896.
       Complicity of officials in the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Demands from President Kruger for proceedings
       against the Directors.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1897.
       Convicted of subjecting natives to forced labor.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1898.
       Reorganization.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, The: A. D. 1900.
       Administration extended over Barotsiland.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

    BRONX, The Borough of the.
          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

    BROOKE, General John R.: Military Governor of Cuba.
       Report.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

       Commanding in Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

    BROOKLYN:
       Absorption in Greater New York.

          See (in this volume) NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

       Tunnel from New York.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    BRUGES: A. D. 1900.
       The new canal from the city to the sea.

       "On the 25th day of February, the inauguration of the new
       canal was celebrated at Bruges. … The canal runs from
       Zeebrugge, a port on the North Sea 14.29 miles north of
       Ostend, to the city of Bruges, a total distance of 7.46 miles.
       The work is now so far completed that vessels of a draft of 25
       feet can enter and pass to the port of Bruges. The locks are
       fully completed, as well as three-fifths of the wharf wall at
       Bruges; when finished, the wharf wall will have a total length
       of 1,575 feet. The canal has a width of 72 feet 6 inches at
       the bottom and 229 feet 4 inches at the water level and will
       have, when completed, a depth of 26 feet 3 inches; this will
       also be the depth of the interior port and of the great basin
       of Bruges. Bruges is an old, inland deep-water port, having
       connection with the sea by canal from Ostend, but this only
       for vessels of very light draft."

          United States Consular Reports,
          July, 1900, page 346.

    BRUSSELS: A. D. 1898.
       Sugar Conference.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    BRUSSELS:
       The General Act of.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    BRYAN, William J.:
       Candidacy for the American Presidency.
       His speech of acceptance, 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    BUBONIC PLAGUE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    BUDA-PESTH: A. D. 1896.
       Celebration of the Hungarian Millennium.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

    BUDDHA, Gautama:
       Discovery of his birthplace and his tomb, with personal relics.

       "Mr. Vincent Smith, of the Bengal Civil Service, a learned
       antiquary, has published in the Allahabad 'Pioneer' a
       statement as to the nature and significance of recent
       discoveries of Buddhist antiquities in India. The first of
       these is the home of Gautama Buddha, who lived about 500 B.
       C., and who is known to have been the son of the Raja of
       Kapilavastu, a small state in the Nepal Terai, bordering on
       the modern Oudh. The site of Kapilavastu has long been eagerly
       sought for, and it is only within the past three years that
       the accidental discovery of an inscribed pillar erected by the
       Emperor Asoka, in the third century B. C., fixed with
       certainty the site of the city. The ruins, which were lately
       visited by Mr. Smith, are, so far as is yet known, all of
       brick; they are for the most part buried in jungle, and are so
       extensive that many years would be required for their
       exploration. The city was destroyed during the lifetime of
       Gautama, and when the first of the famous Chinese pilgrims
       visited the place, in 410 A. D., it was a mass of desolate
       ruins, and there is no indication that it has since been
       occupied. This fact gives exceptional interest to the
       excavations now in progress, for they are bringing to light
       buildings more ancient than any previously known in India.
    {58}
       More interesting even than Kapilavastu is the discovery of the
       Lumbini Garden, the traditional birthplace of Gautama. The
       sacred spot has been found marked by another of Asoka's
       pillars, on which the inscription is perfect. This is also in
       Nepalese territory, five miles from the British frontier. The
       pillar stands on the western edge of a mound of ruins, about a
       hundred yards in diameter, and on the south side of the mound
       is the tank in which the child's mother bathed after his
       birth. Another discovery which was made in a stupa, or brick
       tumulus, close to the British frontier, is that of relics of
       Buddha himself. These consist only of fragments of bone, which
       were deposited in a wooden vessel that stood on the bottom of
       a massive coffer, more than four feet long and two feet deep,
       cut out of a solid block of fine sandstone. This coffer was
       buried under eighteen feet of masonry, composed of huge
       bricks, each sixteen inches long. The wooden vessel was
       decayed, and with it was an exquisitely finished bowl of rock
       crystal, the largest yet discovered in India, and also five
       small vases of soapstone. All these vessels were partially
       filled, in honor of the relics, with a marvellous collection
       of gold stars, pearls, topazes, beryls, and other jewels, and
       of various objects delicately wrought in crystal, agate, and
       other substances. An inscription on the lid of one of the
       soapstone vases declares the relics to be those of Buddha
       himself, and the characters in which the inscription is
       written are substantially the same as those of the Asoka
       inscriptions, and indicate that the tumulus was constructed
       between 300 and 250 B. C."

          London Times,
          May, 1898.

       The relies discovered, as described above, were presented by
       the Indian government to the King of Siam, he being the only
       existing Buddhist monarch, with the proviso that he offer a
       portion of them to Buddhists of Ceylon and Burmah.

    BUENOS AYRES: A. D. 1895.
       Population.

          See (in this volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1895.

    BUFFALO: A. D. 1896.
       First reception of electric power from Niagara Falls.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.
       The Pan-American Exposition.

       As this volume goes to press, the preparations are about
       completed for holding a great Exposition at Buffalo, which
       promises to be second in importance only to the Columbian
       Exposition at Chicago, in 1893, so far as concerns
       undertakings of like character in America. The Columbian
       Exposition was a "World's Fair"; this at Buffalo is
       "Pan-American,"—an exhibition, that is, of the arts, the
       industries, and all the achievements in civilization of the
       peoples of the Western hemisphere, from Bering Strait to Cape
       Horn. Very nearly every country in North, South and Central
       America has taken a warmly interested part in the preparations
       for the Exposition, and many have erected special buildings
       for their exhibits. The States of the Union have likewise been
       active, and few of them will be unrepresented in the numerous
       buildings on the grounds. Cuba, Porto Rico, and the West
       Indies generally, as well as Hawaii and the Philippine
       Islands, in their new character as dependencies of the United
       States, are brought importantly into the scheme.

       The enterprise received official endorsement from the Federal
       Government when Congress in July, 1898, by resolution declared
       that "A Pan-American Exposition will undoubtedly be of vast
       benefit to the commercial interests of the countries of North,
       South and Central America, and it merits the approval of
       Congress, and of the people of the United States." In March,
       1899, Congress appropriated $500,000, and declared that "it is
       desirable to encourage the holding of a Pan-American Exposition
       on the Niagara Frontier in the City of Buffalo, in the year
       1901, fittingly to illustrate the marvelous development of the
       Western Hemisphere during the Nineteenth Century, by a display
       of the arts, industries, manufactures and the products of the
       soil, mine and sea," and also declared that "the proposed
       Pan-American Exposition being confined to the Western
       Hemisphere, and being held in the near vicinity of the great
       Niagara Cataract, within a day's journey of which reside forty
       million people, would unquestionably be of vast benefit to the
       commercial interests, not only of this country, but of the
       entire hemisphere, and should therefore have the sanction of
       the Congress of the United States."

       The grounds of the Exposition are in the northern part of the
       city of Buffalo, taking in a portion of its most beautiful
       public park. They extend about one mile in length, from north
       to south, and about half a mile in width, containing 350
       acres. A general plan of landscape and building architecture,
       with which every detail of form and color should be made to
       harmonize, was worked out at the beginning by a board of the
       leading architects of the United States, and has been adhered
       to with beautifully harmonious effects.

       In one of the circular announcements of the Exposition it is
       said: "In planning the Exposition the management early decided
       upon giving to electricity special homage. The progress of the
       electrical science has been so marked in recent years as to
       excite the wonderment of the scientific world. Buffalo is,
       perhaps, more than any other city on the globe, interested in
       this science, owing to the nearness of Niagara Falls, where
       the greatest electric power plants known to this class of
       engineering have been installed. In fact the electrical
       displays here contemplated would be impossible except where a
       large volume of power is available, such as Buffalo receives
       from the great Falls of Niagara. … The Pan-American Exposition
       will far surpass former enterprises of this kind in six
       important features:

       First, the electrical effects:
       second, the hydraulic and fountain effects;
       third, the horticultural, floral and garden effects;
       fourth, the original sculptural ornamentation;
       fifth, the color decorations;
       sixth, the court settings.

       Particular attention has been given by the designers in the
       arrangement of its court settings, to provide unusually large
       vistas, both for the purpose of providing a memorable picture
       and for the utility reason of accommodating large crowds of
       people."

       The Pan-American Exposition is under the management of a
       strong company of professional and business men in Buffalo,
       with Mr. John G. Milburn for its President. The
       Director-General is Honorable William I. Buchanan, former
       United States Minister to the Argentine Republic.

    {59}

    BULGARIA: A. D. 1895-1900.
       Condition.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
          and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

    BULGARIA: A. D. 1899(May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    BULLER, General Sir Redvers:
       In the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER), and after.

    BULLETS, Declaration against certain.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    BULLETS, Dum-dum.

          See (in this volume)
          DUM-DUM BULLET.

    BUREAU OF THE AMERICAN REPUBLICS.

          See (in this volume)
          AMERICAN REPUBLICS, BUREAU OF THE.

    BURMAH: A. D. 1897.
       Raised in status as a British dependency.

       Burmah was raised in status as a British dependency, under the
       government of India, by royal proclamation in 1897. The chief
       commissioner became lieutenant-governor, and a local
       legislative council was to be created.

    C.

    CAGAYAN,
    KAGAYAN: The American acquisition.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    CAGAYANS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    CALCIUM CARBIDE, The production of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    CALNEH, The ancient city of:
       Its identity with Nippur.
       Exploration of its ruins.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH:
          BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    CAMBON, M. Jules:
       Action for Spain in making overtures for peace
       with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    CAMEROONS,
    KAMERUNS, The:
       Cost of maintenance.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

       ----------CANADA: Start--------

    CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.
       The Manitoba School Question.

       "When Manitoba in 1870 passed from the position of a Crown
       territory, managed by the Hudson's Bay Company, into that of a
       province of Canada, its area, which is considerably greater than
       that of England and Wales, was peopled by about 12,000
       persons, whites and half-breeds. In religion this population
       was about equally divided into Catholics and Protestants.
       Previous to the Union there was no State system of education.
       A number of elementary schools existed, but they owed their
       foundation entirely to voluntary effort, and were supported
       exclusively by private contributions, either in the form of
       fees paid by some of the parents or of funds supplied by the
       Churches. In every case these schools were conducted and
       managed on strictly denominational lines. When the Act of
       Union was passed it was sought to secure the continuance of
       this state of things, and to safeguard the rights of whichever
       Church should in the hereafter be in the minority by the
       following sub-sections in the 22nd section, which gave to the
       legislature of the province the power to make laws in relation
       to education: '(1) Nothing in any such law shall prejudicially
       affect any right or privilege with respect to denominational
       schools which any class of persons have by law or practice in
       the province at the Union. (2) An appeal shall lie to the
       Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of the
       legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,
       affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman
       Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to
       education.' Those two clauses of the Manitoba Act, 1870,
       govern the whole situation.

       "The attention of the new provincial legislature was at once
       directed to the condition of the elementary schools. The
       Government decided to supersede the old voluntary system by
       one of State-aided schools, which, however, were still to be
       scrupulously denominational in character. The legislature
       simply took the educational system as it found it and improved
       it by assistance from public funds. Thus it was arranged that
       the annual public grant for common school education was to be
       appropriated equally between the Protestant and the Catholic
       schools. … The only important amendment to this Act was passed
       in 1875, and provided that the legislative grant, instead of
       being divided between the Protestant and Catholic schools as
       heretofore, should in future be distributed in proportion to
       the number of children of school age in the Catholic and
       Protestant districts. Already immigration had begun to upset
       the balance of numbers and power, and as the years went on it
       became evident that the Catholics were destined to be in a
       permanent minority in Manitoba. This trend of immigration,
       which in 1875 made legislation necessary, has continued ever
       since; and to-day the Catholics of the province number only
       20,000 out of a total population of 204,000. No further change
       was made in the educational system of Manitoba until the
       memorable year of 1890. In that year the provincial
       legislature boldly broke all moorings with the past, and,
       abolishing the separate denominational schools, introduced a
       system of free compulsory and unsectarian schools, for the
       support of which the whole community was to be taxed. … To
       test the legality of the change, what is known as Barrett's
       case was begun in Winnipeg. It was carried to the Supreme
       Court of Canada, and the Canadian judges by a unanimous
       decision declared that the Act of 1890 was ultra vires and
       void.
    {60}
       The city of Winnipeg appealed to the Privy Council, and that
       tribunal in July 1892 reversed the decision of the Canadian
       Court and affirmed that the Act was valid and binding. … The
       second subsection of the 22nd section of the Manitoba Act
       already quoted says: 'An appeal shall lie to the
       Governor-General in Council from any Act or decision of the
       legislature of the province, or of any provincial authority,
       affecting any right or privilege of the Protestant or Roman
       Catholic minority of the Queen's subjects in relation to
       education.' But if the legislation of 1890 was intra vires,
       and expressly declared to be so on the ground that it had not
       prejudicially affected the position which the minority held at
       the time of the Union, how could there be an appeal from it? …
       The Governor-General, however, consented to refer the question
       as to his jurisdiction to the courts of justice. What is known
       as Brophy's case was begun, and in due course was carried to
       the Supreme Court of Canada. The decision of that tribunal,
       though not unanimous, was in accord with public expectation.
       The majority of the judges felt that the previous judgment of
       the Privy Council had settled the matter beforehand. The Act
       of 1890 had been declared intra vires on the ground that it
       had not interfered with the rights which the minority
       possessed before the Union, and therefore there could be no
       appeal from it. …

       "Still the undaunted Archbishop of St. Boniface went on, and
       for a last time appealed to that Judicial Committee of the
       Privy Council which two years and a half before had so spoiled
       and disappointed the Catholic hopes. In January 1894 the final
       decision in Brophy's case was read by the Lord Chancellor. For
       a second time the Lords of the Council upset the ruling of the
       Supreme Court of Canada, and treated their reasoning as
       irrelevant. It will be remembered that both the appellant
       prelates and the Canadian judges had assumed that the clause
       in the Manitoba Act, which conferred the right of appeal to
       the Governor-General, was limited to one contingency, and
       could be invoked only if the minority were robbed at any time
       of the poor and elementary rights which they had enjoyed
       before the Act of Union. But was the clause necessarily so
       limited? Could it not be used to justify an appeal from
       legislation which affected rights acquired after the Union? …
       In the words of the judgment: 'The question arose: Did the
       sub-section extend to the rights and privileges acquired by
       legislation subsequent to the Union? It extended in terms to
       "any" right or privilege of the minority affected by any Act
       passed by the legislature, and would therefore seem to embrace
       all the rights and privileges existing at the time when such
       Act was passed. Their lordships saw no justification for
       putting a limitation on language thus unlimited. There was
       nothing in the surrounding circumstances or in the apparent
       intention of the legislature to warrant any such limitation.'
       … In other words, the dispute was referred to a new tribunal,
       and one which was free to consider and give effect to the true
       equities of the case. The Governor-General and his responsible
       advisers, after considering all the facts, found in favour of
       the Catholic minority, and at once issued a remedial Order to
       the Government of Manitoba, which went far beyond anything
       suggested in the judgment in Brophy's case. The province was
       called upon to repeal the legislation of 1890, so far as it
       interfered with the right of the Catholic minority to build
       and maintain their own schools, to share proportionately in
       any public grant for the purposes of education, and with the
       right of such Catholics as contributed to Catholic schools to
       be held exempt from all payments towards the support of any
       other schools. In a word, the Governor-General and Sir
       Mackenzie Bowell's Administration, exercising, as it were,
       appellate jurisdiction, decided that the minority were
       entitled to all they claimed. The Government of Manitoba,
       however, had hardened their hearts against the minority in the
       province, and refused to obey the remedial Order. …

       "The refusal of the provincial Government 'to accept the
       responsibility of carrying into effect the terms of the
       remedial Order' for the first time brought the Parliament of
       Canada into the field, and empowered them to pass coercive
       legislation. A remedial Bill was accordingly, after an
       inexplicable delay, brought into the Federal Parliament to
       enforce the remedial Order. … The Cabinet recognised that the
       Federal Parliament had no power to spend the money of the
       province, and so all they could do was to exempt the minority
       from the obligation to contribute to the support of schools
       other than their own. The Bill bristled with legal and
       constitutional difficulties; it concerned the coercion of a
       province; it contained no less than 116 clauses; it was
       introduced on the 2nd of March 1896, when all Canada knew that
       the life of the Federal Parliament must necessarily expire on
       the 24th of April. Some fifteen clauses had been considered
       when the Government admitted, what all men saw, the
       impossibility of the task, and abandoned the Bill. … While the
       fate of the remedial Bill was still undecided, Sir Donald
       Smith and two others were commissioned by the Federal
       Government to go to Winnipeg and see if by direct negotiations
       some sort of tolerable terms could be arranged. … Sir Donald
       Smith proposed that the principle of the separate school
       should be admitted wherever there were a reasonable number of
       Catholic children—thus, wherever in towns and villages there
       are twenty-five Catholic children of school age, and in
       cities where there are fifty such children, they should have
       'a school-house or school-room for their own use,' with a
       Catholic teacher. … In the event the negotiations failed; the
       baffled Commissioners returned to Ottawa, and on the 24th of
       April 1896 Parliament was dissolved. The Government went to
       the country upon the policy of the abandoned Bill. On the
       other hand, many of the followers of Mr. Laurier in the
       province of Quebec pledged themselves to see justice done to
       the Catholics of Manitoba, and let it be understood that they
       objected to the remedial Bill only because it was not likely
       to prove effective in the face of the combined hostility of
       the legislature and the municipalities of the province. …
       Catholic Quebec gave Mr. Laurier his majority at Ottawa. …

    {61}

       "When the Liberal party for the first time for eighteen years
       found itself in power at Ottawa, Mr. Laurier at once opened
       negotiations with Manitoba. The result was a settlement which,
       although it might work well in particular districts, could not be
       accepted as satisfactory by the Catholic authorities. It arranged
       that where in towns and cities the average attendance of
       Catholic children was forty or upwards, and in villages and
       rural districts the average attendance of such children was
       twenty-five or upwards, one Catholic teacher should be
       employed. There were various other provisions, but that was
       the central concession. … Leo the Thirteenth, recognising the
       difficulties which beset Mr. Laurier's path, mindful, perhaps,
       also that it is not always easy immediately to resume friendly
       conference with those who have just done their best to defeat
       you, has sent to Canada an Apostolic Commissioner."

          J. G. Snead Cox,
          Mr. Laurier and Manitoba
          (Nineteenth Century, April, 1897).

    CANADA: A. D. 1895.
       Northern territories formed into provisional districts.

       "The unorganized and unnamed portion of the Dominion this year
       was set apart into provisional districts. The territory east of
       Hudson's Bay, having the province of Quebec on the south and
       the Atlantic on the east, was to be hereafter known as Ungava.
       The territory embraced in the islands of the Arctic Sea was to
       be known as Franklin, the Mackenzie River region as Mackenzie,
       and the Pacific coast territory lying north of British
       Columbia and west of Mackenzie as Yukon. The extent of Ungava
       and Franklin was undefined. Mackenzie would cover 538,600
       square miles, and Yukon 225,000 square miles, in addition to
       143,500 square miles added to Athabasca and 470,000 to
       Keewatin. The total area of the Dominion was estimated at
       3,456,383 square miles."

          The Annual Register, 1895,
          page 391.

    CANADA: A. D. 1895.
       Negotiations with Newfoundland.

       Negotiations for the entrance of Newfoundland into the
       federation of the Dominion of Canada proved ineffectual and
       were abandoned in May. The island province refused the terms
       proposed.

    CANADA: A. D. 1896 (June-July).
       Liberal triumph in Parliamentary elections.
       Formation of Ministry by Sir Wilfred Laurier.

       General elections held in Canada on the 23d of June, 1896,
       gave the Liberal Party 113 seats out of 213 in the Dominion
       House of Commons; the Conservatives securing 88, and the
       Patrons of Industry and other Independents 12. Much to the
       general surprise, the scale was turned in favor of the
       Liberals by the vote of the province of Quebec,
       notwithstanding the Manitoba school question, on which
       clerical influence in the Roman church was ranged against that
       party. The effect of the election was to call the Liberal
       leader, Sir Wilfred Laurier, of Quebec, to the head of the
       government, the Conservative Ministry, under Sir Charles
       Tupper, retiring on the 8th of July.

    CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Policy of the Liberal Government.
       Revision of the tariff, with discriminating duties
       in favor of Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

       "The position of the Canadian Liberals, when they came into
       power after the General Election of 1896, was not unlike that
       of the English Liberals after the General Election of 1892.
       Both Liberal parties had lists of reforms to which they were
       committed. The English measures were in the Newcastle
       Programme. Those of the Canadian Liberals were embodied in the
       Ottawa Programme, which was formulated at a convention held at
       the Dominion Capital in 1893. … A large part of the Ottawa
       Programme was set out in the speech which the Governor-General
       read in the Senate when the session of 1897 commenced. There was
       then promised a measure for the revision of the tariff; a bill
       providing for the extension of the Intercolonial railway from
       Levis to Montreal; a bill repealing the Dominion Franchise Act
       and abolishing the costly system of registration which goes
       with it; and a measure providing for the plebiscite on the
       Prohibition question. Neither of these last two measures was
       carried through Parliament. Both had to be postponed to
       another session; and the session of 1897 was devoted, so far
       as legislation went, chiefly to the tariff, and to bills, none
       of which were promised in the Speech from the Throne, in
       retaliation for the United States Contract Labor Laws, and the
       new United States tariff. …

       "The new tariff was a departure from the tariffs of the
       Conservative regime in only one important direction.
       Protective duties heretofore had been levied on imports from
       England, in the same way as on imports from the United States
       or any other country. The 'National Policy' had allowed of no
       preferences for England; and during the long period of
       Conservative rule, when the Conservatives were supported by
       the Canadian manufacturers in much the same way as the
       Republican party in the United States is supported by the
       manufacturing interests, the Canadian manufacturers had been
       as insistent for adequate protection against English-made
       goods, as against manufactured articles from the United States
       or Germany. The Conservative party had continuously claimed a
       monopoly of loyalty to England; but in its tariffs had never
       dared to make any concession in favour of English goods. In
       the new tariff, preferences for England were established; and
       with these openings in favour of imports from Great Britain,
       there came a specific warning from the Minister of Finance
       that Canadian manufacturers must not regard themselves as
       possessing a vested interest in the continuance of the
       protective system. …

       "When the Minister of Finance laid the tariff before the House
       of Commons, he declared that the 'National Policy,' as it had
       been tried for eighteen years, was a failure; and … claimed
       that lowering the tariff wall against England was a step in
       the direction of a tariff 'based not upon the protective
       system but upon the requirements of the public service.'
       During the first fifteen months of the new tariff, the
       concession to England consists of a reduction by one-eighth of
       the duties chargeable under the general list. At the end of
       that time, that is on the last of July, 1898, the reduction
       will be one-fourth. The reductions do not apply to wines, malt
       liquors, spirits and tobacco, the taxes on which are
       essentially for revenue. While England was admitted at once to
       the advantages of the reduced tariff, this tariff is not to be
       applicable to England alone. In July, it was extended to the
       products of New South Wales, the free-trade colony of the
       British Australasian group; and any country can come within
       its provisions whose government can satisfy the Comptroller of
       Customs at Ottawa, that it is offering favourable treatment to
       Canadian exports, and is affording them as easy an entrance
       through its customs houses as the Canadians give by means of
       the reciprocal tariff. It is also possible, under a later
       amendment to the Tariff Act, for the Governor in Council to
       extend the benefits of the reciprocal tariff to any country
       entitled thereto by virtue of a treaty with Great Britain.
    {62}
       Numerous alterations were made in the general list of import
       duties. Some of these involved higher rates; others lowered
       the duties. But if the changes in the fiscal system had been
       confined to these variations, the new tariff would not have
       been noteworthy, and it would have fulfilled few of the
       pledges made by the Liberals when they were in Opposition. It
       owes its chief importance to the establishment of an inner
       tariff in the interests of countries which deal favourably
       with Canada."

          E. Porritt,
          The New Administration in Canada
          (Yale Review, August, 1897).

    CANADA: A. D. 1897 (June-July).
       Conference of colonial premiers with
       the British Colonial Secretary.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    CANADA: A. D. 1897 (October).
       Self-government for the Northwestern Territories.

       By an Act passed in October, a system of self-government,
       going far towards the full powers of a provincial government,
       but having some limitations, was provided for the Northwest
       Territories.

    CANADA: A. D. 1898 (January).
       Encyclical Letter of the Pope on the Manitoba School Question.

       On the report made by his delegate, Monsignor Merry del Val,
       Pope Leo XIII. addressed an encyclical letter to the Roman
       Church in Canada, concerning the duty of Catholics in the
       matter of the Manitoba schools (see above: A. D. 1890-1896),
       which was made public at Quebec on the 9th of January, 1898.
       The letter has great general importance, as defining with
       precision the attitude of the Church towards all secular
       school systems. With a few unessential passages it is given in
       what follows:

       "It was with extreme solicitude," wrote the Pope, "that we
       turned our mind to the unhappy events which in these later
       years have marked the history of Catholic education in
       Manitoba. … And since many expected that we should make a
       pronouncement on the question, and asked that we should trace
       a line of conduct and a way to be followed, we did not wish to
       decide anything on this subject before our Apostolic delegate
       had been on the spot, charged to proceed to a serious
       examination of the situation, and to give an account to us of
       the state of affairs. He has faithfully and diligently
       fulfilled the command which we had given him. The question
       agitated is one of great and exceptional importance. We speak
       of the decision taken seven years ago by the parliament of
       Manitoba on the subject of education. The act of Confederation
       had secured to Catholic children the right of education in public
       schools in keeping with their conscientious convictions. The
       parliament of Manitoba abolished this right by contrary law.
       By this latter law a grave injury was inflicted, for it was
       not lawful for our children to seek the benefits of education
       in schools in which the Catholic religion is ignored or
       actively combated, in schools where its doctrine is despised
       and its fundamental principles repudiated. If the Church has
       anywhere permitted this, it was only with great reluctance and
       in self-defense, and after having taken many precautions,
       which, however, have too often been found unequal to parrying
       the danger. In like manner one must at all cost avoid, as most
       pernicious, those schools wherein every form of belief is
       indifferently admitted and placed on an equal footing—as if in
       what regards God and Divine things, it was of no importance
       whether one believed rightly or wrongly, whether one followed
       truth or falsehood. You well know, venerable brothers, that
       all schools of this kind have been condemned by the Church,
       because there can be nothing more pernicious nor more fitted
       to injure the integrity of faith and to turn away the tender
       minds of youth from the truth. … For the Catholic there is but
       one true religion, the Catholic religion; hence in all that
       concerns doctrine, or morality, or religion, he cannot accept
       or recognize anything which is not drawn from the very sources
       of Catholic teaching. Justice and reason demand, then, that
       our children have in their schools not only scientific
       instruction but also moral teachings in harmony, as we have
       already said, with the principles of their religion, teachings
       without which all education will be not only fruitless but
       absolutely pernicious. Hence the necessity of having Catholic
       teachers, reading books, and textbooks approved of by the
       bishops, and liberty to organize the schools, that the
       teaching therein shall be in full accord with Catholic faith
       as well as with all the duties that flow therefrom. For the
       rest, to decide in what institutions their children shall be
       instructed, who shall be their teachers of morality, is a
       right inherent to parental authority. When, then, Catholics
       demand, and it is their duty to demand, and to strive to
       obtain, that the teaching of the masters shall be in
       conformity with the religion of their children, they are only
       making use of their right; and there can be nothing more
       unjust than to force on them the alternative of allowing their
       children to grow up in ignorance, or to expose them to
       manifest danger in what concerns the supreme interests of
       their souls. It is not right to call in doubt or to abandon in
       any way these principles of judging and acting which are
       founded on truth and justice, and which are the safe-guards
       both of public and private interests. Therefore, when the new
       law in Manitoba struck a blow at Catholic education, it was
       your duty, venerable brothers, to freely protest against the
       injury and disaster inflicted; and the way in which you all
       fulfilled that duty is a proof of your common vigilance, and
       of a spirit truly worthy of bishops; and, although each one of
       you will find on this point a sufficient approbation in the
       testimony of his own conscience, learn, nevertheless, that you
       have also our conscience and our approbation, for the things
       which you sought and still seek to protect and defend are most
       sacred. The difficulties created by the law of which we speak by
       their very nature showed that an alleviation was to be sought
       for in a united effort. For so worthy was the Catholic cause
       that all good and upright citizens, without distinction of
       party, should have banded themselves together in a close union
       to uphold it. Unfortunately for the success of this cause, the
       contrary took place. What is more deplorable still, is that
       Catholic Canadians themselves failed to unite as they should
       in defending those interests which are of such importance to
       all—the importance and gravity of which should have stilled
       the voice of party politics, which are of much less
       importance. We are not unaware that something has been done to
       amend that law. The men who are at the head of the federal
       government and of the Province of Manitoba have already taken
       certain measures with a view to decreasing the difficulties of
       which the Catholics of Manitoba complain, and against which
       they rightly continue to protest.
    {63}
       We have no reason to doubt that these measures were taken from
       love of justice and from a laudable motive. We cannot, however,
       dissimulate the truth; the law which they have passed to
       repair the injury is defective, unsuitable, insufficient. The
       Catholics ask—and no one can deny that they justly ask—for
       much more. Moreover, in the remedial measures that have been
       proposed there is this defect, that in changes of local
       circumstances they may easily become valueless. In a word, the
       rights of Catholics and the education of their children have
       not been sufficiently provided for in Manitoba. Everything in
       this question demands, and is conformable to justice, that
       they should be thoroughly provided for, that is, by placing in
       security and surrounding with due safe-guards those
       unchangeable and sacred principles of which we have spoken
       above. This should be the aim, this the end to be zealously
       and prudently sought for. Nothing can be more injurious to the
       attainment of this end than discord; unity of spirit and
       harmony of action are most necessary. Nevertheless since, as
       frequently happens in things of this nature, there is not only
       one fixed and determined but various ways of arriving at the
       end which is proposed and which should be obtained, it follows
       that there may be various opinions equally good and
       advantageous. Wherefore let each and all be mindful of the
       rules of moderation, and gentleness, and mutual charity; let
       no one fail in the respect that is due to another; but let all
       resolve in fraternal unanimity, and not without your advice,
       to do that which the circumstances require and which appears
       best to be done. As regards especially the Catholics of
       Manitoba, we have every confidence that with God's help they
       will succeed in obtaining full satisfaction. This hope is
       founded, in the first place, in the righteousness of the
       cause, next in the sense of justice and prudence of the men at
       the head of the government, and finally in the good-will of all
       upright men in Canada. In the meantime, until they are able to
       obtain their full rights, let them not refuse partial
       satisfaction. If, therefore, anything is granted by law to
       custom, or the good-will of men, which will render the evil
       more tolerable and the dangers more remote, it is expedient
       and useful to make use of such concessions, and to derive
       therefrom as much benefit and advantage as possible. Where,
       however, no remedy can be found for the evil, we must exhort
       and beseech that it be provided against by the liberality and
       munificence of their contributions, for no one can do anything
       more salutary for himself or more conducive to the prosperity
       of his country, than to contribute, according to his means, to
       the maintenance of these schools. There is another point which
       appeals to your common solicitude, namely, that by your
       authority, and with the assistance of those who direct
       educational institutions, an accurate and suitable curriculum
       of studies be established, and that it be especially provided
       that no one shall be permitted to teach who is not amply
       endowed with all the necessary qualities, natural and
       acquired, for it is only right that Catholic schools should be
       able to compete in bearing, culture, and scholarship with the
       best in the country. As concerns intellectual culture and the
       progress of civilization, one can only recognize as
       praiseworthy and noble the desire of the provinces of Canada
       to develop public instruction, and to raise its standard more
       and more, in order that it may daily become higher and more
       perfect. Now there is no kind of knowledge, no perfection of
       learning, which cannot be fully harmonized with Catholic
       doctrine."

    CANADA: A. D. 1898 (September).
       Popular vote on the question of Prohibition.

       Pursuant to a law passed by the Dominion Parliament the
       previous June, a vote of the people in all the Provinces of
       the Dominion was taken, on the 29th of September, 1898, upon
       the following question: "Are you in favor of the passing of an
       act prohibiting the importation, manufacture or sale of
       spirits, wine, ale, beer, cider, and all other alcoholic
       liquors for use as beverages?" The submitting of this question
       to a direct vote of the people was a proceeding not quite
       analogous to the Swiss Referendum, since it decided the fate
       of no pending law; nor did it imitate the popular Initiative
       of Swiss legislation, since the result carried no mandate to
       the government. It was more in the nature of a French
       Plébiscite, and many called it by that name; but no Plebiscite
       in France ever drew so real an expression of popular opinion
       on a question so fully discussed. The result of the voting was
       a majority for prohibition in every Province except Quebec,
       Ontario pronouncing for it by more than 39,000, Nova Scotia by
       more than 29,000, New Brunswick by more than 17,000, Manitoba
       by more than 9,000, Prince Edward's Island by more than 8,000,
       and the Northwest Territories by more than 3,000, while
       British Columbia gave a small majority of less than 600 on the
       same side. Quebec, on the other hand, shouted a loud "No" to
       the question, by 93,000 majority. The net majority in favor of
       Prohibition was 107,000. The total of votes polled on the
       question was 540,000. This was less than 44 per cent of the
       total registration of voters; hence the vote for Prohibition
       represented only about 23 per cent of the electorate, which
       the government considered to offer too small a support for the
       measure asked for.

    CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       The Joint High Commission for settlement of all unsettled
       questions between Canada and the United States.

       As the outcome of negotiations opened at Washington in the
       previous autumn by the Canadian Premier, relative to the
       seal-killing controversy, an agreement between Great Britain,
       Canada and the United States was concluded on the 30th of May,
       1898, for the creation of a Joint High Commission to negotiate
       a treaty, if possible, by which all existing subjects of
       controversy between the United States and Canada should be
       settled with finality. Appointments to the Commission by the
       three governments were made soon afterwards, Great Britain
       being represented by the Lord High Chancellor, Baron
       Herschell; Canada by Sir Wilfred Laurier, Premier, Sir Richard
       Cartwright, Minister of Trade and Commerce, and Sir Louis
       Henry Davies, Minister of Marine and Fisheries; the United
       States by Honorable John W. Foster, ex-Secretary of State,
       Senator Charles W. Fairbanks, Senator George Gray,
       Representative Nelson Dingley, and the Honorable John A.
       Kasson, Reciprocity Commissioner. Senator Gray having been
       subsequently appointed on the Commission to negotiate peace
       with Spain, his place on the Anglo-American Commission was
       taken by Senator Faulkner.
    {64}
       The Joint Commission sat first in Quebec and later in
       Washington. Among the questions referred to it were those
       relating to the establishment of the boundary between Alaska
       and British Columbia; the issues over Bering Sea and the catch
       of fur seals; the unmarked boundary between Canada and the
       United States near Passamaqnoddy Bay in Maine and at points
       between Wisconsin and Minnesota and Canada; the northeast
       fisheries question, involving the rights of fishing in the
       North Atlantic off Newfoundland and other points; the
       regulation of the fishing rights on the Great Lakes;
       alien-labor immigration across the Canadian-American border;
       commercial reciprocity between the two countries; the
       regulation of the bonding system by which goods are carried in
       bond across the frontier and also the regulation of traffic by
       international railways and canals of the two countries;
       reciprocal mining privileges in the Klondyke, British North
       America and other points; wrecking and salvage on the ocean
       and Great Lakes coasting waters; the modification of the
       treaty arrangement under which only one war vessel can be
       maintained on the Great Lakes, with a view to allowing
       warships to be built on the lakes and then floated out to the
       ocean. The sessions of the Joint Commission were continued at
       intervals until February, 1899, when it adjourned to meet at
       Quebec in the following August, unless further adjournment
       should be agreed upon by the several chairmen. Such further
       adjournment was made, and the labors of the Joint Commission
       were indefinitely suspended, for reasons which the President
       of the United States explained in his Message to Congress,
       December, 1899, as follows: "Much progress had been made by
       the Commission toward the adjustment of many of these
       questions, when it became apparent that an irreconcilable
       difference of views was entertained respecting the
       delimitation of the Alaskan boundary. In the failure of an
       agreement as to the meaning of articles 3 and 4 of the treaty
       of 1825 between Russia and Great Britain, which defined the
       boundary between Alaska and Canada, the American Commissioners
       proposed that the subject of the boundary be laid aside and
       that the remaining questions of difference be proceeded with,
       some of which were so far advanced as to assure the
       probability of a settlement. This being declined by the
       British Commissioners, an adjournment was taken until the
       boundary should be adjusted by the two Governments. The
       subject has been receiving the careful attention which its
       importance demands, with the result that a modus vivendi for
       provisional demarcations in the region about the head of Lynn
       Canal has been agreed upon [see (in this volume) ALASKA
       BOUNDARY QUESTION] and it is hoped that the negotiations now
       in progress between the two Governments will end in an
       agreement for the establishment and delimitation of a
       permanent boundary."

    CANADA: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Modus Vivendi, fixing provisional boundary line of Alaska.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

    CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Troops to reinforce the British army in South Africa.

       A proposal from the Canadian government to assist that of the
       Empire in its South African War was gratefully accepted in the
       early stages of the war, and a regiment of infantry called the
       Royal Canadian, numbering a little more than 1,000 men, sailed
       from Quebec, October 30. In the following January a second
       contingent of more than 1,000 men was sent to the field. This
       latter comprised squadrons of mounted rilles and rough-riders,
       and three batteries of field artillery. In the same month the
       Canadian government accepted an offer from Lord Strathcona to
       raise, equip and transport at his own expense a body of 500
       mounted men from the Northwest.

    CANADA: A. D. 1900 (November).
       General election.

       The general election of members of the Dominion House of
       Commons was held November 7, resulting as follows:

    Provinces.           Liberal.  Conservative. Independent.  Total.

    Nova Scotia.            15          5            0          20
    New-Brunswick.           9          5            0          14
    Prince Edward Island.    3          2            0           5
    Quebec.                 57          8            0          65
    Ontario.                33         54            5          92
    Manitoba.                2          3            2           7
    Northwest Territories.   2          0            2           4
    British Columbia.        3          2            1           6

    Totals.                124         79           10         213

       As in the election of 1896, the Liberal Ministry of Sir
       Wilfred Laurier found its strong support in the province of
       Quebec. Its party suffered unexpected losses in Ontario. The
       slight meaning of the election was summed up by Professor
       Goldwin Smith as follows: "The net result of the elections
       seems to be a Government resting on French Quebec and an
       Opposition resting on British Ontario. The minor provinces
       have been carried, as usual, by local interests rather than on
       general questions. Apart from the distinction of race between
       the two great provinces and the antagonism, before dormant but
       somewhat awakened by the war, there was no question of importance
       at issue between the parties. Both concurred in sending
       contingents to South Africa. The Liberals, though they went in
       at first on the platform of free trade—at least, of a tariff
       for revenue only—have practically embraced protection under
       the name of stability of the tariff, and are believed to have
       received from the protected manufacturers contributions to
       their large election fund. The other special principles, such
       as the reduction of expenditure and discontinuance of the
       bonus to railways, proclaimed by Liberals before the last
       election, have been dropped. So has reform of the Senate. It
       is not likely that the Liberal victory will be followed by any
       change either in legislation or government, or by any special
       reform. Mr. Bourassa and Monet, of the French-Canadian members
       who protested against the contingent, have been re-elected.
       Great as may be the extent and warmth of British feeling, the
       statement that Canadians were unanimously in favour of
       participation in the war must not be taken without
       qualification. For myself, I felt that so little principle was
       at stake that I voted for two Conservatives on their personal
       merits."

    {65}

    CANAL, The new Bruges.

          See (in this volume)
          BRUGES: A. D. 1900.

    CANAL, The Chicago Drainage.

          See (in this volume)
          CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.

    CANAL, City of Mexico Drainage.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898.

    CANAL, The Elbe and Trave.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1581-1892.
       The early inception of the project.
       Movements towards its realization.

       "The thought of uniting the two great oceans by means of a
       canal across the American isthmus sprang up, as is known, from
       the moment the conviction was reached that the passage which,
       from the days of Columbus, was thought to exist towards the
       Southern Sea, was not a reality. … Nevertheless the first
       survey of the land was not carried out until the year 1581,
       when, in obedience to superior instructions, Captain Antonio
       Pereira, Governor of Costa Rica, organized an expedition and
       explored the route by way of the San Juan river, the lake, and
       the rivers emptying into Gulf Nicoya, Costa Rica. Thirty-nine
       years later Diego de Mercado submitted to King Philip III his
       famous report of January 23, 1620, suggesting the route by the
       river and lake, and thence through Costa Rican territory along
       the Quebrada or Barranca Honda to Salinas Bay, then called
       Puerto del Papagayo. Either because the magnitude of the
       undertaking was at that time superior to the necessities of
       trade, or, as was said, because Spain considered the canal
       antagonistic to her interests, the era of independence arrived
       without the execution of the project ever having been entered
       upon. After independence the Congress of Central America, in
       which Costa Rica and Nicaragua were represented as States of
       the Federation which succeeded the Colonial Government,
       enacted on June 16, 1825, a decree providing for the
       construction of the canal, and in that same year Don Antonio
       José Cañas, Diplomatic Representative of Central America in
       Washington, addressed the Secretary of State, Mr. Henry Clay,
       informing him of this resolution and stating that: 'A company
       formed of American citizens of respectability was ready to
       undertake the work as soon as a treaty with the United States
       insuring the coöperation of the latter was signed; that he was
       ready to enter into negotiations for the treaty, and that
       nothing would be more pleasant for Central America than to see
       the generous people of the United States joining her in the
       opening of the canal, sharing the glory of the enterprise, and
       enjoying the great advantages to be derived from it.' The
       Government of Central America could not carry the undertaking
       into effect, notwithstanding that among the means employed to
       reach the desired result there figures the arrangement
       concluded with the King of Holland in October, 1830. But,
       though the hopes centered in the undertaking were frustrated,
       to the honor of Central America the declarations of that
       Congress, which constitute, like the concession for the canal
       itself, one of the loftiest public documents ever issued by
       any nation of the earth, have become a matter of record. The
       Central American Federation dissolved, this important matter
       attached to Nicaragua and Costa Rica directly, and the
       boundary line between the two republics having been determined
       by the treaty of April 15, 1858, as were also the points
       relative to the canal, the two governments jointly granted a
       concession on May 1 of that same year to Mr. Felix Belly, a
       distinguished French writer, to whom the Emperor Napoleon gave
       his support to carry forward the undertaking. This failing of
       accomplishment, the two governments, in perfect accord,
       concluded the contract known as the Ayon-Chevalier, signed by
       Nicaragua on October 16, 1868, and by Costa Rica on June 18,
       1869, which, it is unnecessary to say, also failed to produce
       any results whatever. Some years after the expiration of this
       last contract Nicaragua promoted a discussion as to the
       validity of the treaty and the meaning of some of its
       stipulations, which Costa Rica upheld in its original form,
       and the question was submitted to the decision of the
       President of the United States, Mr. Cleveland, who in his
       award of March 22, 1888, accepted by both parties, declared
       the treaty valid and binding upon each Republic and
       interpreted the points which in the opinion of Nicaragua were
       doubtful. According to the provisions of both of these
       documents, the treaty and award, even in the remote event that
       the natural rights of Costa Rica should not be injured, Nicaragua
       is bound not to make any grants for canal purposes across her
       territory without first asking the opinion of the Republic of
       Costa Rica. Three years prior, and while this question was
       still pending, Nicaragua concluded the treaty known as the
       Zavala-Frelinghuysen, signed in Washington on December 1,
       1884, whereby the title to the canal was conveyed to the
       United States, and Costa Rica adhered to this treaty under
       date of February 23, 1885; but the negotiations remained
       without effect, because, ratification having been denied in
       the Senate, although a reconsideration of the subject had been
       agreed to, President Cleveland, on inaugurating his first
       administration, withdrew the document from the Senate. Things
       then returned to the status they formerly maintained, and
       Nicaragua in April, 1887, and Costa Rica in July, 1888,
       respectively granted the concessions pursuant to which the
       construction of the American waterway has been pending of late
       years. The Congress of the United States has been giving
       special attention to this important matter since the year
       1892, and commissions have been created charged with the
       survey and location of the route, as well as the study of the
       influence of the canal in its different aspects. Recently the
       investigation is not limited to the route by Nicaragua and
       Costa Rica alone, but extends to Panama."

          Speech of Señor Calvo, Costa Rican Minister,
          at the International Commercial Congress,
          Philadelphia, October 24, 1899.

    {66}

    CANAL, Interoceanic, The Project of the: A. D. 1889-1899.
       The Maritime Canal Company.
       Investigation of Nicaragua routes.

       "The failure of the Frelinghuysen-Zavala treaty [see above]
       was a severe disappointment to the friends of the canal
       project, but it did not discourage them. A company of private
       citizens, capitalists and promoters, was organized, which at
       length took the name of the Maritime Canal Company. Fair and
       full concessions were secured from the government of
       Nicaragua, while similar articles were also signed with the
       Republic of Costa Rica on account of imagined ownership of a
       portion of the territory through which the canal was to pass,
       though it has been shown subsequently, in the settlement of
       the boundary dispute between those two governments, that Costa
       Rica's rights in the matter were solely riparian. In due time
       Congress was called upon to grant a charter to the Maritime
       Company, which asked nothing more than this." The chartering
       act was passed by Congress in 1889, with an important
       amendment proposed by Judge Holman of Indiana, providing that
       "nothing in this act contained shall be so construed as to
       commit the United States to any pecuniary liability whatever
       for any account of said company, nor shall the United States
       be held in any wise liable or responsible in any form or by
       any implication for any debt or, liability in any form which
       said company may incur, nor as guaranteeing any engagement or
       contract of said company." But two years afterwards, the
       company having failed to enlist the necessary capital for its
       undertaking, an attempt was made to set aside the above
       provision and to persuade Congress to guarantee $100,000,000
       of bonds, taking $70,000,000 of stock and making the
       government a partner in the enterprise. The proposal was
       rejected. Congress "did not guarantee the company's bonds. The
       company, without such guarantee, was unable to raise the
       necessary capital, either in the United States or abroad, and
       the financial crisis of 1893 so overwhelmed it that all active
       operations on the isthmus were suspended, and they have never
       been resumed. The same issue, the guaranteeing of bonds, has
       come up from time to time in succeeding Congresses, but not
       until the second session of the Fifty-fourth [1897] did it
       appear to have much chance of being decided in favor of the
       company. The opposition in the Senate, where it was first
       considered, was strong, and the arguments advanced against the
       bill were clear, sound and forceful. The advocates of the
       measure were pressing for a vote, but almost at the supreme
       moment a note was received from the State Department,
       accompanied by a communication from Minister Rodriguez, the
       representative of the Greater Republic of Central America,
       setting forth several unassailable objections of his
       government to the methods of procedure. This final thrust
       determined the fate of the bill, and a vote on it was not
       taken. … The material points of Minister Rodriguez's
       criticism, which caused the Senate bill in 1897 to be
       withdrawn, were that some of the vital provisions of the
       cessions under which the Maritime Canal Company had the right
       to construct the canal were violated."

          C. M. Stadden,
          Latest Aspects of the Nicaragua Canal Project
          (North American Review, December, 1898).

       Congress now (June 4, 1897) passed an Act which created a
       commission to examine all practicable routes for a canal
       through Nicaragua, and report its judgment as to the best,
       with an estimate of the cost of the work on such route. The
       commissioners appointed were Admiral Walker, Professor Haupt,
       and Colonel Hains. Their report, submitted to the President in
       May, 1899, unanimously recommended the route described as
       follows: "This line, leaving Brito, follows the left bank of
       the Rio Grande to near Bueno Retiro, and crosses the western
       divide to the valley of the Lajas, which it follows to Lake
       Nicaragua. Crossing the lake to the head of the San Juan
       river, it follows the upper river to near Boca San Carlos;
       thence, in excavation, by the left bank of the river to the
       San Juanillo and across the low country to Greytown, passing
       to the northward of Lake Silico." But while the commissioners
       agreed in finding this route preferable to any others in the
       Nicaragua region, they disagreed seriously in their estimates
       of cost, Colonel Hains, putting it at nearly $135,000,000,
       while Admiral Walker and Professor Haupt placed the cost at
       little more than $118,000,000. Before the report of this
       Nicaragua Canal Commission was made, however, Congress (March
       3, 1899) had directed the appointment of another commission to
       examine and report upon all possible routes for an
       interoceanic canal, in the Panama region and elsewhere, as
       well as through Nicaragua and to determine the cost of
       constructing such a canal and "placing it under the control,
       management and ownership of the United States." This later
       commission, known as the Isthmian Canal Commission, was made
       up as follows:
       Rear-Admiral John G. Walker, U. S. N.;
       Samuel Pasco, of Florida;
       Alfred Noble, C. E. of Illinois;
       George S. Morrison, C. E., of New York;
       Colonel Peter C. Hains, U. S. A.;
       Professor William H. Burr, of Connecticut;
       Lieutenant-Colonel Oswald H. Ernst, U. S. A.;
       Professor Lewis M. Haupt, C. E., of Pennsylvania;
       Professor Emory R. Johnston, of Pennsylvania.

       In his Message to Congress the next December, President
       McKinley stated: "The contract of the Maritime Canal Company
       of Nicaragua was declared forfeited by the Nicaraguan
       Government on the 10th of October, on the ground of
       nonfulfillment within the ten years' term stipulated in the
       contract. The Maritime Canal Company has lodged a protest
       against this action, alleging rights in the premises which
       appear worthy of consideration. This Government expects that
       Nicaragua will afford the protestants a full and fair hearing
       upon the merits of the case." But another company had been put
       into the place of the Maritime Canal Company, by action of
       President Zelaya, of Nicaragua, who, in 1898, granted to
       Edward Eyre and E. F. Cragin, who represented an American
       Syndicate, the right to construct the canal when the contract
       with the Maritime should have lapsed. This transaction,
       however, lacked confirmation by Costa Rica and the United
       States.

    CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1893-1900.
       The Panama Canal Concession twice extended.
       Formation of new company.

          See (in this volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

    CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1899 (December).
       Transfer of the Panama Canal to an American company.

       The transfer of the Panama Canal from the later French company
       to an American company, chartered in New Jersey, was
       accomplished in December, 1899. The new company received all
       the property, rights, and powers of its French predecessor,
       the consideration to be paid to the latter being mainly in the
       form of shares in the American company.

Map of Central America showing the Isthmian Canal Routes

    {67}

    CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (November).
       Preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission in
       favor of the Nicaragua route.

       The preliminary report of the Isthmian Canal Commission,
       appointed under the Act of March 3, 1899, was presented to the
       President on the 30th November, 1900, and communicated to
       Congress at the opening of the session. The Commission
       reported in favor of the Nicaragua route, essentially on the
       lines laid down by the previous Nicaragua Canal Commission, as
       defined above. It found that the choice of routes lies between
       this and the route of the partly constructed Panama Canal, and
       its discussion of the question presented the following views:

       "(a) Between New York and San Francisco, the Nicaragua Canal
       route would be 377 nautical miles shorter than the Panama
       route. Between New Orleans and San Francisco 579 miles would
       be saved, and, in general, the distances between the Atlantic
       and Pacific ports of the United States are less by way of
       Nicaragua. Between our east coast and Yokohama and Shanghai
       the Nicaragua route is somewhat shorter, but for the trade of
       our eastern ports with the west coast of South America the
       Panama route is not so long as the Nicaragua.

       (b) A part of the saving in distance effected by using a
       Nicaragua canal instead of one at Panama would be offset by
       the longer time of transit at Nicaragua. An average steamer
       would require twelve hours to make the passage through the
       Panama Canal, and thirty-three through one across Nicaragua.
       For a 10-knot steamer this difference of twenty-one hours
       would be equivalent to 210 knots difference in distance, and
       for a 13-knot steamer, the difference in time of transit would
       be equivalent to 273 knots.

       (c) The Nicaragua route would be the more favorable one for
       sailing vessels because of the uncertain winds in the bay of
       Panama. It would not be impossible for sailing vessels to use
       the Panama Canal, but for average voyages between the two
       seaboards of the United States, a sailing vessel would require
       about nine days additional time to make the passage by way of
       the Panama Canal. However, neither route would be much used by
       sailing vessels, because of their inability to compete with
       steamers. They would certainly not be able to compete with
       steamers, both using the Panama Canal.

       (d) For the promotion of the domestic trade of the United
       States, the Nicaragua route would possess advantages over the
       Panama route, because the distance between our two seaboards
       is less. For our trade with Japan, China, the Philippines, and
       Australia, the advantages of the two routes are nearly equal,
       the distance by way of the Nicaragua route being slightly
       less. For our trade with South America the Panama route is
       shorter and more direct.

       (e) The industrial changes which the Nicaragua Canal would
       produce in the countries through which it will pass would be
       great. Nicaragua and Costa Rica comprise a region capable of
       producing a large amount of tropical products for which there
       is a demand in Europe and the United States. A canal across
       their territory would give a great impetus to their economic
       development.

       "A careful examination has been made of all the rights,
       privileges, and franchises held and owned by corporations,
       associations, and individuals at the different canal routes.
       This necessarily included a study of the treaties relating to
       the establishment of an interoceanic communication made by the
       Republics, whose territory is to be occupied, and by the
       United States, with one another, and also with foreign
       governments. The treaties heretofore made exclude all idea of
       a relinquishment of sovereignty over any of the proposed
       routes. In most of them the right of transit and the innocent
       use of the communication, whether by railway or canal, is
       granted to the other contracting party, its citizens and
       subjects, to be enjoyed upon equal terms with other
       governments and people; and the leading commercial nations of
       the world have committed themselves to the policy of
       neutrality at the different routes, and some of them have
       obligated themselves to use their influence to induce other
       nations to agree to the same policy. No existing treaties
       between the United States and the Republics of Nicaragua and
       Costa Rica, or of Colombia, give our Government the right to
       excavate and operate a maritime canal through any of these
       countries. The concessions granted by the different Republics
       through whose territory the lines of the projected canals
       extend, in terms, exclude the right of the companies holding
       them to transfer them to any foreign government, and further
       treaty rights must be acquired to enable the United States to
       undertake the excavation of a navigable waterway between the
       two oceans in a governmental capacity. The only prior
       obligations to corporations, associations, or individuals in
       the way of a direct agreement between the United States and
       Nicaragua authorizing our Government to construct a canal
       across the territory of the latter, to be under its control,
       management, and ownership, have been eliminated by the
       forfeiture and termination of the contracts with the Maritime
       Canal Company of Nicaragua and the Interoceanic Canal Company.
       In view of this declaration the Commission has not made any
       effort to ascertain the cost at which the concessions of these
       companies can be purchased, for if these forfeitures are final
       the rights formerly granted to these companies are not in the
       way of diplomatic negotiations with the Government interested
       to acquire the consent and authority necessary for the
       construction of a canal by this route. The situation in Costa
       Rica is practically the same.

       "The situation at Panama is different. The Republic of
       Colombia first granted a concession to the Panama Railroad
       Company, giving it exclusive privileges on the Isthmus, which
       will continue according to modifications afterwards made for
       ninety-nine years from August 16, 1867. A later concession to
       the Panama Canal Company required it to enter into some
       amicable arrangement with the railroad company under which the
       former might occupy the territory along or near its line. The
       canal company acquired by purchase a majority of the railroad
       stock, and the necessary arrangements were made. This stock is
       now under the control of the New Panama Canal Company, which
       gives it a directing influence in both organizations. The
       canal concession is to continue according to its latest
       extension for ninety-nine years from the day on which the
       canal shall be wholly or partially opened to public service,
       and the date fixed for this in the contract is October 31,
       1910. Should it fail and the concession be forfeited the
       company will still have exclusive control of the territory
       through which its line extends till 1966 under the railroad
       concession. The canal company is absolutely prohibited to cede
       or mortgage its rights under any consideration whatever to any
       nation or foreign government under penalty of forfeiture.
    {68}
       The contract with the railroad company contains a like
       prohibition and declares further that the pain of forfeiture
       will be incurred by the mere act of attempting to cede or
       transfer its privilege to a foreign government and such an act
       is declared absolutely null and of no value or effect. These
       concessions, if acquired by the United States, would not give
       to the Government the control and ownership evidently
       contemplated by the law, that is, an absolute ownership in
       perpetuity. The right under the contract with the railroad
       company is designated as 'the use and possession' of the
       property for ninety-nine years, and it is provided that 'at
       the expiration of the term of the privilege' and by the sole
       fact of the expiration, the Government of Colombia shall be
       substituted in all the rights of the company and shall
       immediately enter into the enjoyment of the line of
       communication, its fixtures, dependencies and all its
       products. The right of the canal company is substantially of
       the same character. … An examination of the charter rights of
       the New Panama Canal Company under the general incorporation
       laws of France and the special legislation in its behalf
       resulted in finding an enactment, included in a law passed
       June 8, 1888, requiring that all the plant necessary for the
       construction of the canal shall be manufactured in France and
       that the material must be of French origin. This being the
       situation, it was manifest that, even if the privileges of the
       companies could be purchased by and transferred to the United
       States, they were encumbered with charges and conditions that
       would not permit this Government to exercise all the rights of
       complete ownership over a canal constructed by it at the
       Panama route. A new arrangement is necessary if the United
       States is to undertake such a work. The relinquishment by the
       canal company, with the consent of Colombia, of the privileges
       it has under existing concessions, for a consideration to be
       agreed upon with the United States, would leave the way open
       for treaty negotiations between the two governments to
       ascertain whether Colombia will consent to the occupation of
       its territory by the United States for the construction of a
       canal to be under Government control, management, and
       ownership, and, if so, whether they can agree upon terms
       mutually satisfactory. The situation is peculiar, as there are
       three parties in interest. The United States can enter into no
       agreement with Colombia that does not have the approval of the
       company, and the concessions do not permit the company to
       transfer or attempt to transfer its rights to a foreign
       government.

       "The Commission has, however, attempted to ascertain the views
       of the New Panama Canal Company with reference to a
       disposition and transfer of its rights. Interviews were had
       with its president and other officers during the visit to
       Paris and on several occasions from time to time since then,
       and on the 10th day of April last a formal letter was
       addressed to Mr. Maurice Hutin, the president and
       director-general, asking whether he was in a position to name
       terms upon which the company would dispose of its property and
       interests to the United States. At different times since then
       the subject has been discussed by the representatives of the
       company with the Commission and its committee on rights,
       privileges, and franchises, but no formal reply to the letter
       was received until this report was being closed. These
       conferences and correspondence have resulted in no offer to
       dispose of the property and privileges of the company to the
       United States upon any terms, even with the consent of the
       Colombian Government, nor has the company expressed any desire
       or wish to enter into any negotiations with the United States
       with reference to such a disposition of its property and
       rights. It was proposed by President Hutin that the United
       States might obtain control of the canal scheme as a majority
       stockholder of a new organization to which the present company
       could contribute its concession, plant, unfinished work, and
       other property, at a valuation to be determined by
       arbitration, and he expressed the opinion that such an
       arrangement could be made without violating the concessions.
       But this must include some plan for the protection of the
       minority stockholders in the financial management, for they
       would favor a policy that would realize liberal dividends in
       proportion to the commercial value of the canal, while the
       policy of this Government might be to reduce tolls and charges
       to the cost of maintenance or even below it, if the interests
       of the people would be thereby advanced. The plan, however,
       which the company prefers is that outlined in its letter of
       February 28, 1899, addressed to the President of the United
       States, which has been published in Senate Document No. 188,
       Fifty-Sixth Congress, first session, pages 41 and 42. This was
       to reincorporate under the laws of New York or some other
       State, and accord to the United States such representation in
       its board of directors and such opportunity to acquire an
       interest in its securities as its concessions permitted. And
       an assurance was added to the effect that if the United States
       should desire to perpetuate or enlarge its existing rights and
       privileges acquired under the treaty of 1846, the company
       would conform to such supplemental treaty as might be entered
       into between the United States and Colombia. The Commission
       having no other authority than to make investigations and
       obtain information submits this result of its efforts to
       ascertain upon what terms the rights and privileges at the
       Panama route can be obtained. It is proper to add that the
       examination of the title of the present company to the canal
       property under the laws of France and Colombia has satisfied
       this Commission that the New Panama Canal Company has the
       entire control and management of the canal property. …

       "The estimated cost of building the Nicaragua Canal is about
       $58,000,000 more than that of completing the Panama Canal,
       leaving out the cost of acquiring the latter property. This
       measures the difference in the magnitude of the obstacles to
       be overcome in the actual construction of the two canals, and
       covers all physical considerations such as the greater or less
       height of dams, the greater or less depth of cuts, the
       presence or absence of natural harbors, the presence or
       absence of a railroad, the exemption from or liability to
       disease, and the amount of work remaining to be done. The New
       Panama Canal Company has shown no disposition to sell its
       property to the United States. Should that company be able and
       willing to sell, there is reason to believe that the price
       would not be such as would make the total cost to the United
       States less than that of the Nicaragua Canal. … In view of all
       the facts, and particularly in view of all the difficulties of
       obtaining the necessary rights, privileges, and franchises on
       the Panama route, and assuming that Nicaragua and Costa Rica
       recognize the value of the canal to themselves and are
       prepared to grant concessions on terms which are reasonable
       and acceptable to the United States, the Commission is of the
       opinion that 'the most practicable and feasible route for' an
       isthmian canal to be 'under the control, management, and
       ownership of the United States' is that known as the Nicaragua
       route."

          United States, 56th Congress,
          2d Session, Senate Doc. Number 5.

    {69}

    CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1900 (December).
       The Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between the United States and
       Great Britain, to facilitate the construction of the Canal,
       as amended by the United States Senate.

       In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, President
       McKinley had the following to say on the subject of the
       Interoceanic Canal: "The all important matter of an
       interoceanic canal has assumed a new phase. Adhering to its
       refusal to reopen the question of the forfeiture of the
       contract of the Maritime Canal Company, which was terminated
       for alleged non-execution in October, 1899, the Government of
       Nicaragua has since supplemented that action by declaring the
       so-styled Eyre-Cragin option void for non-payment of the
       stipulated advance. Protests in relation to these acts have
       been filed in the State Department, and are under
       consideration. Deeming itself relieved from existing
       engagements, the Nicaraguan Government shows a disposition to
       deal freely with the canal question either in the way of
       negotiations with the United States or by taking measures to
       promote the waterway. Overtures for a convention to effect the
       building of a canal under the auspices of the United States
       are under consideration. In the mean time, the views of the
       Congress upon the general subject, in the light of the report
       of the Commission appointed to examine the comparative merits
       of the various trans-isthmian ship canal projects, may be
       awaited. I commend to the early attention of the Senate the
       convention with Great Britain to facilitate the construction
       of such a canal, and to remove any objection which might arise
       out of the convention commonly called the Clayton-Bulwer
       Treaty."

       On the terms of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty:

          See, in volume 4,
          NICARAGUA: A. D. 1850.

       The Convention thus referred to was negotiated by the
       Secretary of State of the United States. Mr. John Hay, with
       the British Ambassador to the United States, Lord Pauncefote.
       It was signed at Washington on the 5th of February, 1900, and
       communicated by the President to the Senate on the same day.
       The action of the Senate on the Convention was not taken until
       after the opening of the session of Congress in December. It was
       then ratified (December 20), but with three amendments which
       seriously changed its character. The following is the text of
       the Convention as ratified, with the Senate amendments
       indicated:

       "ARTICLE I.
       It is agreed that the canal may be constructed under the
       auspices of the Government of the United States, either
       directly at its own cost, or by gift or loan of money to
       individuals or corporations or through subscription to or
       purchase of stock or shares, and that, subject to the
       provisions of the present Convention, the said Government
       shall have and enjoy all the rights incident to such
       construction, as well as the exclusive right of providing for
       the regulation and management of the canal.

       "ARTICLE II.
       The High Contracting Parties, desiring to preserve and
       maintain the 'general principle' of neutralization established
       in Article VIII of the Clayton-Bulwer Convention, [Added by
       the Senate] which convention is hereby superseded, adopt, as
       the basis of such neutralization, the following rules,
       substantially as embodied in the convention between Great
       Britain and certain other Powers, signed at Constantinople,
       October 29, 1888, for the Free Navigation of the Suez Maritime
       Canal, that is to say:

       1. The canal shall be free and open, in time of war as in time
       of peace, to the vessels of commerce and of war of all
       nations, on terms of entire equality, so that there shall be
       no discrimination against any nation or its citizens or
       subjects in respect of the conditions or charges of traffic,
       or otherwise.

       2. The canal shall never be blockaded, nor shall any right of
       war be exercised nor any act of hostility be committed within
       it.

       3. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not revictual nor
       take any stores in the canal except so far as may be strictly
       necessary; and the transit of such vessels through the canal
       shall be effected with the least possible delay, in accordance
       with the regulations in force, and with only such intermission
       as may result from the necessities of the service. Prizes
       shall be in all respects subject to the same rules as vessels
       of war of the belligerents.

       4. No belligerent shall embark or disembark troops, munitions
       of war or warlike materials in the canal except in case of
       accidental hindrance of the transit, and in such case the
       transit shall be resumed with all possible despatch.

       5. The provisions of this article shall apply to waters
       adjacent to the canal, within three marine miles of either
       end. Vessels of war of a belligerent shall not remain in such
       waters longer than twenty-four hours at any one time except in
       case of distress, and in such case shall depart as soon as
       possible; but a vessel of war of one belligerent shall not
       depart within twenty-four hours from the departure of a vessel
       of war of the other belligerent. [Added by the Senate] It is
       agreed, however, that none of the immediately foregoing
       conditions and stipulations in sections numbered one, two,
       three, four and five of this article shall apply to measures
       which the United States may find it necessary to take for
       securing by its own forces the defense of the United States
       and the maintenance of public order.

       6. The plant, establishments, buildings, and all works
       necessary to the construction, maintenance and operation of
       the canal shall be deemed to be part thereof, for the purposes
       of this Convention, and in time of war as in time of peace
       shall enjoy complete immunity from attack or injury by
       belligerents and from acts calculated to impair their
       usefulness as part of the canal.

       7. No fortifications shall be erected commanding the canal or
       the waters adjacent. The United States, however, shall be at
       liberty to maintain such military police along the canal as
       may be necessary to protect it against lawlessness and
       disorder.

       "ARTICLE III.
       The High Contracting Parties will, immediately upon the
       exchange of the ratifications of this Convention, bring it to
       the notice of the other Powers [and invite them to adhere to
       it].
       [Stricken out by the Senate.]

       "ARTICLE: IV.
       The present Convention shall be ratified by the President of
       the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
       Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty; and the
       ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington or at London
       within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if
       possible."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 160.

    {70}

       Anticipating the ratification of the above Treaty with Great
       Britain, the President of the United States, in December,
       1900, concluded agreements with the governments of Costa Rica
       and Nicaragua, both of which were in the following terms:

       "It is agreed between the two Governments that when the
       President of the United States is authorized by law to acquire
       control of such portion of the territory now belonging to [Costa
       Rica and Nicaragua] as may be desirable and necessary on which
       to construct and protect a canal of depth and capacity
       sufficient for the passage of vessels of the greatest tonnage
       and draft now in use from a point near San Juan del Norte, on
       the Caribbean Sea, via Lake Nicaragua, to Brito, on the
       Pacific Ocean, they mutually engage to enter into negotiations
       with each other to settle the plan and the agreements, in detail,
       found necessary to accomplish the construction and to provide
       for the ownership and control of the proposed canal. As
       preliminary to such future negotiations it is forthwith agreed
       that the course of said canal and the terminals thereof shall
       be the same that were stated in a treaty signed by the
       plenipotentiaries of the United States and Great Britain on
       February 5, 1900, and now pending in the Senate of the United
       States for confirmation, and that the provisions of the same
       shall be adhered to by the United States and [Costa Rica and
       Nicaragua]." No action on these agreements was taken in the
       Senate.

    CANAL, Interoceanic, A. D. 1901 (March).
       Rejection by the British Government of the Hay-Pauncefote
       Treaty as amended by the U. S. Senate.

       Early in March, soon after the adjournment of Congress, a
       communication from Lord Lansdowne, the British Secretary of
       State for Foreign Affairs, declining with courtesy and in
       friendly terms to accept the Senate amendments to the
       Hay-Pauncefote Treaty, was received by Lord Pauncefote, the
       British Ambassador at Washington. The objections urged most
       strongly are against those amendments which touch the
       neutrality of the proposed canal and its unimpeded use in time
       of war as well as in time of peace. "The first of them," said
       Lord Lansdowne, "which reserves to the United States the right
       of taking any measures which they may find necessary to secure by
       their own forces the defence of the United States, appears to
       His Majesty's government to involve a distinct departure from
       the principle which has until now found acceptance with both
       governments; the principle, namely, that in time of war, as
       well as in time of peace, the passage of the canal is to
       remain free and unimpeded, and is to be so maintained by the
       power or powers responsible for its control. Were this
       amendment added to the convention the United States would, it
       is presumed, be within their rights, if, at any moment when it
       seemed to them that their safety required it, in view of
       warlike preparations not yet commenced, but contemplated or
       supposed to be contemplated by another power, they resorted to
       warlike acts in or near the canal—acts clearly inconsistent
       with the neutral character which it has always been sought to
       give it, and which would deny the free use of it to the
       commerce and navies of the world. … If the new clause were to
       be added, the obligation to respect the neutrality of the
       canal in all circumstances would, so far as Great Britain is
       concerned, remain in force; the obligation of the United
       States, on the other hand, would be essentially modified. The
       result would be a onesided arrangement, under which Great
       Britain would be debarred from any warlike action in or around
       the canal, while the United States would be liable to resort to
       such action to whatever extent they might deem necessary to
       secure their own safety."

       To the contention that there is a specific prohibition in the
       Hay-Pauncefote treaty against the erection of fortifications,
       and that this would sufficiently insure the free use of the
       canal, Lord Lansdowne replies that this "contention is one
       which His Majesty's government are quite unable to admit." He
       notes the vagueness of language in the amendment, and says:
       "Even if it were more precisely worded it would be impossible
       to determine what might be the effect if one clause permitting
       defensive measures and another forbidding fortifications were
       allowed to stand side by side in the convention. To His
       Majesty's government it seems, as I have already said, that
       the amendment might be construed as leaving it open to the
       United States at any moment, not only if war existed, but even
       if it were anticipated, to take any measures, however
       stringent or far-reaching, which in their own judgment might
       be represented as suitable for the purpose of protecting their
       national interests. Such an enactment would strike at the very
       root of that 'general principle' of neutralization upon which
       the Clayton-Bulwer treaty was based, and which was reaffirmed
       in the convention as drafted."

       As to the third Senate amendment, which struck out the
       provision inviting the adherence of other powers, Lord
       Lansdowne says: "The amendment not only removes all prospect
       of the wider guarantee of the neutrality of the canal, but
       places this country in a position of marked disadvantage
       compared with other powers which would not be subject to the
       self-denying ordinance which Great Britain is desired to
       accept. It would follow, were His Majesty's government to
       agree to such an arrangement, that while the United States
       would have a treaty right to interfere with the canal in time
       of war, or apprehended war, and while other powers could with
       a clear conscience disregard any of the restrictions imposed
       by the convention, Great Britain alone, in spite of her
       enormous possessions on the American Continent, in spite of
       the extent of her Australasian colonies and her interests in
       the East, would be absolutely precluded from resorting to any
       such action or from taking measures to secure her interests in
       and near the canal."

       The British Minister closes his communication to Lord
       Pauncefote as follows: "I request that your excellency will
       explain to the Secretary of State the reasons, as set forth in
       this dispatch, why His Majesty's government feel unable to
       accept the convention in the shape presented to them by the
       American Ambassador, and why they prefer, as matters stand at
       present, to retain unmodified the provisions of the
       Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. His Majesty's government have
       throughout these negotiations given evidence of their earnest
       desire to meet the views of the United States.
    {71}
       They would on this occasion have been ready to consider in a
       friendly spirit any amendments of the convention not
       inconsistent with the principles accepted by both governments
       which the government of the United States might have desired
       to propose, and they would sincerely regret a failure to come
       to an amicable understanding in regard to this important
       subject."

    CANAL, The Kaiser Wilhelm Ship.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

    CANAL, Manchester Ship.

       On the 1st of January, 1894, the ship canal from Liverpool to
       Manchester, which had been ten years in course of construction
       and cost £15,000,000, was formally opened, by a long
       procession of steamers, which traversed it in four and a half
       hours.

    CANAL: The Rhine-Elbe, the Dortmund-Rhine,
    and other Prussian projects.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1890 (AUGUST);
          and 1901 (JANUARY).

    CANDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).
       Fresh outbreak.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

    CANEA: Christian and Moslem conflicts at.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:
       Formation of Spanish Cabinet.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

    CANOVAS DEL CASTILLO, Antonio:
       Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    CANTEEN, The Army.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), THE PROHIBITION PARTY;
          and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    CANTON: A. D. 1894.
       The Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    CANTON: A. D. 1899.
       Increasing piracy in the river.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899.

    CAPE COLONY.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY).

    CAPE NOME, Gold discovery at.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    CAPE SAN JUAN, Engagement at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    CARNEGIE, Andrew: Gifts and offers to public libraries.

          See (in this volume)
          LIBRARIES;
          and LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

    CARNEGIE COMPANY, Sale of the interests of the.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    CAROLINE and MARIANNE ISLANDS:
       Their sale by Spain to Germany.

       By a treaty concluded in February, 1899, the Caroline Islands,
       the Western Carolines or Pelew Islands, and the Marianne or
       Ladrone Islands (excepting Guam), were sold by Spain to
       Germany for 25,000,000 pesetas—the peseta being equivalent to
       a fraction less than twenty cents. Spain reserved the right to
       establish and maintain naval and mercantile stations in the
       islands, and to retain them in case of war. Spanish trade and
       privileges for the Spanish religious orders are guaranteed
       against interference.

    CARROLL, Henry K.:
       Report on Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

    CASSATION, The Court of.
       The French Court of Appeals.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

    CASTILLO, Pedro Lopez de:
       Letter to the soldiers of the American army.

          See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

    CATALOGUE, International, of Scientific Literature.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

    CATALONIA: Independent aspirations in.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: A. D. 1894.

       Late in December, the orange groves of Florida were mostly
       destroyed or seriously injured by the severest frost known in
       more than half a century.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       On January 8, a severe earthquake shock was felt at Meshed,
       Kelat and other Persian towns, causing over 1,100 deaths.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       In March, the Tigris overflowed its banks, causing
       incalculable loss of life and property in Mesopotamia.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       A succession of earthquake shocks in March, 1896, did great
       damage at Santiago, Valparaiso, and other parts of Chile.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       On May 15, a cyclone destroyed part of the town of Sherman, in
       Texas, killing more than 120 persons, mostly negroes. The same
       day a waterspout burst over the town of Howe in the same state,
       killing 8 people.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       On May 27, a fierce cyclone swept the city of St. Louis,
       Missouri, completely devastating a large part of the city, and
       causing great loss of life and property.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       A destructive wave swept the Japanese coast in June.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896.

       On July 26, a tidal wave, 5 miles in width, inundated the
       coast of Kiangsu, in China, destroying many villages and more
       than 4,000 inhabitants.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1896-1897.

       A severe famine prevailed in India from the spring of 1896
       until the autumn of 1897.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       A severe earthquake occurred at the island of Kishm in the
       Persian Gulf, in January, causing great loss of life.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       In March and April of this year the floods along the
       Mississippi river and its tributaries reached the highest
       level ever recorded. In extent of area and loss of property
       these floods were the most remarkable in the history of the
       continent. The total area under water on April 10 was about
       15,800 square miles, containing about 39,500 farms, whose
       value was close upon $65,000,000. The loss of life was small.
       Congress gave relief to the extent of $200,000, besides
       appropriating $2,583,300 for the improvement of the
       Mississippi.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       Extensive floods occurred in Galatz, Moldavia, in June,
       rendering 20,000 people homeless.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       The islands of Leyte and Samar, in the Visayas group, were
       swept by an immense wave caused by a cyclone, in October,
       thousands of natives being killed, and much property
       destroyed.

    {72}

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       On October 6, the Philippine Islands were swept by a typhoon,
       which destroyed several towns. The loss of life was estimated
       at 6,000, of whom 400 were Europeans. This was followed on
       October 12 by a cyclone which destroyed several villages and
       caused further loss of life.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1897.

       By an eruption of the Mayon volcano in the island of Luzon,
       Philippine Islands, four hundred persons were buried in the
       lava, and the large town of Libog completely destroyed.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       A series of earthquake shocks in Asia Minor during the month
       of January occasioned considerable loss of life and property.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       In January, Amboyna, in the Molucca Islands, was almost
       destroyed by an earthquake, in which about 50 persons were
       killed and 200 injured.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       On January 11, a tornado wrecked many buildings in Fort Smith,
       Ark. The loss of life was reported as 50, with hundreds
       injured.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       A disastrous blizzard occurred in New England, January 31 and
       February 1. Fifty lives were reported as lost, and the damage
       in Boston alone amounted to $2,000,000. Many vessels were
       driven ashore or foundered, with further loss of life.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       Floods on the Ohio river in March and April caused much loss
       of life and property. Shawneetown, Illinois on the Ohio river,
       was almost entirely destroyed by the flood, more than 60 lives
       being lost.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       On the night of September 10, the island of Barbados was swept
       by a tornado which destroyed 10,000 houses and damaged 5,000
       more. Three-fourths of the inhabitants were left homeless, and
       about 100 were killed. The islands of St. Vincent and St.
       Lucia also suffered great losses of life and property.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1898.

       A typhoon swept the central provinces of Japan in September,
       causing heavy floods, and destroying 100 lives.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       Severe floods on the Brazos river, in Texas, occasioned the
       death of about 100 people, and property losses to the extent
       of $15,000,000.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       A destructive tornado in Northern Missouri, in April, did much
       damage in the towns of Kirksville and Newtown. Over fifty
       persons were killed.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       An almost unprecedented failure of crops in eastern Russia
       caused famine, disease and awful destruction of life.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       A terrific hurricane visited the West Indies August 7 and 8.
       Of the several islands affected, Porto Rico suffered most,
       three-fourths of the population being left homeless. The total
       loss of life in the West Indies was estimated at 5,000.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       About 1,500 people lost their lives in an earthquake around
       Aidin, Asia Minor, September 2.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899.

       The island of Ceram, in the Moluccas, was visited by an
       earthquake and tidal wave, November 2. Many towns were
       destroyed, and 5,000 people killed.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1899-1900.
       Recurrence of famine in India.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA A. D. 1899-1900.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1900.

       The city of Galveston, Texas, was overwhelmed and mostly
       destroyed, on the 9th of September, by an unprecedented
       hurricane, which drove the waters of the Gulf upon the
       low-lying town.

          See (in this volume)
          GALVESTON.

    CATASTROPHES, Natural: 1901.
       Famine in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    CATHOLICS, Roman:
       Protest of British peers against the declaration required from
       the sovereign.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    CATHOLICS, Roman:
       Victory in Belgium.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

          See, also, PAPACY.

    CEBU: The American occupation of the island.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    CENSUS: Of the United States, A. D. 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-OCTOBER).

    CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1821-1898.
       Unsuccessful attempts to unite the republics.

       "In 1821, after numerous revolutions, Central America
       succeeded in throwing off the yoke of Spain. A Congress
       assembled at Guatemala in March, 1822, and founded the
       Republic of Central America, composed of Guatemala, Salvador,
       Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. The new Republic had but
       a short existence; after numerous civil wars the Union was
       dissolved, October 26, 1838, and the five States of the
       Republic became so many independent countries. Several
       attempts toward a reorganization of the Constitution of the
       Republic of Central America remained fruitless and had cost
       the lives of certain of their authors, when, through the
       influence of Dr. P. Bonilla, President of the Republic of
       Honduras, a treaty was concluded between Nicaragua and
       Salvador, according to which the three Republics constituted a
       federation under the name of the Greater Republic of Central
       America. The three Republics became States, and the
       sovereignty of the federation was exercised by a Diet composed
       of three members, one for each State, and which convened every
       year in the capital of the Federal States.

       "On the invitation of this Diet, the three States appointed a
       delegation which met as a Constituent Assembly at Managua,
       Nicaragua, and established a constitution, according to the
       terms of which the three States took the name of the United
       States of Central America, November 1, 1898. This
       Constitution, grand and patriotic, which, in the minds of
       those who had elaborated it, meant a complete consolidation of
       the three Federal States and a speedy realization of a
       reorganization of the Grand Republic of Central America,
       dreamed of by Morazan, had a sad ending. The day after the
       meeting of the Constituent Assembly a revolutionary movement
       hostile to the new federation broke out in Salvador and gave a
       new administration to this State. Its first act was to retire
       from the Union, and this secession brought about the
       dissolution of the United States of Central America; for,
       following the example of Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua took
       back their absolute sovereignty."

          H. Jalhay,
          quoted in Bulletin of American Republics, March, 1899.

    {73}

       The secession of Salvador was brought about by a revolutionary
       movement, which overthrew the constitutional government of
       President Gutierrez and placed General Tomas Regolado at the
       head of a provisional government, which issued the following
       manifesto on the 25th of November, 1898: "Considering—That the
       compact of Amapala, celebrated in June, 1895, and all that
       proceeds therefrom, has not obtained the legitimate sanction
       of the Salvadorean people, and, moreover, has been a violation
       of the political constitution of Salvador; That in the
       assembled Constituent Assembly of Managua, reunited in June of
       the present year, the deputies of Salvador were not directly
       elected by the Salvadorean people, and for that reason had no
       legal authority to concur to a constituent law that could bind
       the Republic; That the union with the Republics of Honduras
       and Nicaragua under the contracted terms will seriously injure
       the interests of Salvador: Decrees. ART. 1. The Republic of
       Salvador is not obliged by the contract of Amapala to
       acknowledge any authority in the constitution of Managua of
       the 27th August of the current year, and it is released from
       the contract of union with the Republics of Honduras and
       Nicaragua. ART. 2. The Republic of Salvador assumes in full
       its self-government and independence, and will enter the union
       with the sister Republics of Central America when same is
       convenient to its positive interests and is the express and
       free will of the Salvadorean people."

          United States, 55th Congress, 3d Session,
          Senate Document Number 50.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, A. D. 1884-1900.
       Interoceanic Canal measures of later years.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, with accompanying map.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Insurrection in the Mosquito Indian Strip.
       The Bluefields Incident.

       In his Annual Message to Congress, December, 1894, President
       Cleveland referred as follows to disturbances which had
       occurred during the year at Bluefields, the principal town of
       the Mosquito district of Nicaragua, and commonly known as "the
       Bluefields Incident:" "By the treaty of 1860 between Great
       Britain and Nicaragua, the former Government expressly
       recognized the sovereignty of the latter over the strip, and a
       limited form of self-government was guaranteed to the Mosquito
       Indians, to be exercised according to their customs, for
       themselves and other dwellers within its limits. The so-called
       native government, which grew to be largely made up of aliens,
       for many years disputed the sovereignty of Nicaragua over the
       strip and claimed the right to maintain therein a practically
       independent municipal government. Early in the past year
       efforts of Nicaragua to maintain sovereignty over the Mosquito
       territory led to serious disturbances, culminating in the
       suppression of the native government and the attempted
       substitution of an impracticable composite administration in
       which Nicaragua and alien residents were to participate.
       Failure was followed by an insurrection, which for a time
       subverted Nicaraguan rule, expelling her officers and
       restoring the old organization. This in turn gave place to the
       existing local government established and upheld by Nicaragua.
       Although the alien interests arrayed against Nicaragua in
       these transactions have been largely American and the commerce
       of that region for some time has been and still is chiefly
       controlled by our citizens, we can not for that reason
       challenge the rightful sovereignty of Nicaragua over this
       important part of her domain."

          United States, Message and Documents
          (Abridgment, 1894-1895).

       In his Message of 1895 the President summarized the later
       history of the incident as follows: "In last year's message I
       narrated at some length the jurisdictional questions then
       freshly arisen in the Mosquito Indian Strip of Nicaragua.
       Since that time, by the voluntary act of the Mosquito Nation,
       the territory reserved to them has been incorporated with
       Nicaragua, the Indians formally subjecting themselves to be
       governed by the general laws and regulations of the Republic
       instead of by their own customs and regulations, and thus
       availing themselves of a privilege secured to them by the
       treaty between Nicaragua and Great Britain of January 28,
       1860. After this extension of uniform Nicaraguan
       administration to the Mosquito Strip, the case of the British
       vice-consul, Hatch, and of several of his countrymen who had
       been summarily expelled from Nicaragua and treated with
       considerable indignity, provoked a claim by Great Britain upon
       Nicaragua for pecuniary indemnity, which, upon Nicaragua's
       refusal to admit liability, was enforced by Great Britain.
       While the sovereignty and jurisdiction of Nicaragua was in no
       way questioned by Great Britain, the former's arbitrary
       conduct in regard to British subjects furnished the ground for
       this proceeding. A British naval force occupied without
       resistance the Pacific seaport of Corinto, but was soon after
       withdrawn upon the promise that the sum demanded would be
       paid. Throughout this incident the kindly offices of the
       United States were invoked and were employed in favor of as
       peaceful a settlement and as much consideration and indulgence
       toward Nicaragua as were consistent with the nature of the
       case."

          United States,
          Message and Documents (Abridgment, 1895-1896).

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1895.
       Mexican boundary dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1895.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua: A. D. 1896-1898.
       Revolutionary conflicts.

       Vice President Baca of Nicaragua joined a revolutionary
       movement which was set on foot in February, 1896, by the
       Clericals, for the overthrow of President Zelaya, and was
       declared Provisional President. The rebellion had much support
       from exiles and friends in Honduras; but the government of
       that State sustained and assisted Zelaya. The insurgents were
       defeated in a number of battles, and gave up the contest in
       May. During the civil war American and British marines were
       landed on occasions at Corinto to protect property there. In
       1897, and again in 1898, there were renewed insurrections,
       quickly suppressed.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Costa Rica: A. D. 1896-1900.
       Boundary dispute with Colombia settled by arbitration.

          See (in this volume)
          COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.

    {74}

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1897.

       A dispute between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, as to the eastern
       extremity of their boundary line, was decided by General
       Alexander, a referee accepted by the two republics. The
       boundary had not been well defined in a treaty negotiated for
       its settlement in 1858. According to the terms of the treaty,
       the line was to start from the Atlantic at the mouth of the
       San Juan river; but changes of current and accumulation of
       river drift, etc., gave ground for dispute as to where the
       river actually made its exit. President Cleveland in 1888,
       acting as arbitrator at the request of the two countries,
       decided that the treaty of 1858 was valid, but was not clear
       as to which outlet of the delta was the boundary. Finally, in
       1896, an agreement was reached for a final survey and marking
       of the boundary line, and President Cleveland, on request,
       appointed General Alexander as arbitrator in any case of
       disagreement between the surveying commissions. The decision
       gives to Nicaragua the territory upon which Greytown is
       situated, and practical control of the mouth of the canal.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Guatemala: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Dictatorship of President Barrios.
       His assassination.

       In June, 1897, President José M. Reyna Barrios, whose six
       years term in the presidency would expire the next March,
       fearing defeat in the approaching election, forcibly dissolved
       the National Assembly and proclaimed a dictatorship. Three
       months later a revolt was organized by General Prospero
       Morales; but Barrios crushed it with merciless energy, and a
       veritable reign of terror ensued. In February, 1898, the
       career of the Dictator was cut short by an assassin, who shot
       him to avenge the death of a wealthy citizen, Don Juan
       Aparicio, whom Barrios had executed for expressing sympathy
       with the objects of the rebellion of the previous year.
       Control of the government was then taken by Dr. Cabrera, who
       had been at the head of the party which supported Barrios. A
       rising under Morales was again attempted, but failed. Morales,
       in a dying condition at the time, was betrayed and captured.
       Cabrera, with no more opposition, was elected President for
       six years.

    CENTRAL AMERICA, Nicaragua—Costa Rica: A. D. 1900.
       Agreements with the United States respecting the control of
       territory for interoceanic canal.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC, A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    CENTURY, The Nineteenth:
       Date of its ending.
       Its character and trend.
       Comparison with preceding ages.
       Its failures.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY.

    CERVERA, Rear-Admiral,
       and the Spanish Squadron at Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE);
          and (JULY 3).

    CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
       At Santiago.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
       Commanding American forces in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);
          (JULY); and (AUGUST).

    CHAFFEE, General Adna R.:
       Report of the allied movement to Peking
       and the capture of the city.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

    CHAKDARRA, Defense of.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    CHALDEA, New light on ancient.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Appointed British Secretary of State for the Colonies.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Conference with Colonial Premiers.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Controversies with the government of
       the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL);
          1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL), and after.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee
       on the Jameson Raid.
       Remarks in Parliament on Mr. Rhodes.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

          See (in this volume)
          JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Reassertion of British suzerainty over
       the South African Republic.
       Refusal to arbitrate questions of disagreement.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER);
          and 1898-1899.

    CHAMBERLAIN, Joseph:
       Declaration of South African policy.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

    CHANG CHIH-TUNG, Viceroy:
       Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    CHEMICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    CHEROKEES, United States agreement with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1894.
       Destruction of the Columbian Exposition buildings.

       By a succession of fires, January 9, February 14, most of the
       buildings of the Exposition, with valuable exhibits not yet
       removed, were destroyed.

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1896.
       Democratic National Convention.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1899.
       Significance of the municipal election.

       The municipal election of April 4, 1899, in Chicago, resulted
       in the reelection of Mayor Carter H. Harrison, Democrat, by
       149,000 votes, against 107,000 cast for Zina R. Carter,
       Republican, and 46,000 for Ex-Governor Altgeld, radical
       Democrat, running independently. In the opinion of a
       correspondent of the "Review of Reviews," "The campaign
       disclosed three interesting results—namely: (1) the growth of
       independence and of attention to local issues; (2) the
       dominance of the street-railroad issue; and (3) the growth of
       sentiment in favor of municipal ownership. Nearly two-thirds
       of all the votes cast were against the Republican candidate,
       and our correspondent regards this as largely due to the
       belief that he, more than any of the others, represented the
       interests of the street-railroad corporations." This writer
       holds that "in all probability any practical proposition for
       municipal ownership and operation of the street-railroads
       would to-day be approved by a popular vote in Chicago."

    {75}

    CHICAGO: A. D. 1900.
       Opening of the Drainage Canal.

       An extraordinary public work was brought into use early in the
       year, by the opening of what is known as the Chicago Drainage
       Canal. This was constructed for the purpose of turning the
       natural flow of water in Chicago River backward, away from
       Lake Michigan, its natural embouchure, into the small Des
       Plaines River, which runs to the Illinois, and the Illinois to
       the Mississippi,—the object being to carry the sewage of
       Chicago away from the Lake, where it contaminates the water
       supply of the city. Part of the city sewage was already being
       sent in that direction by a pumping system which carried it
       over the divide; the purpose of the canal is to take the
       whole. The work was begun in September, 1892, and practically
       finished, so far as concerns the canal, in little more than
       seven years, at a cost of about $34,500,000. Changes in the
       city sewage system, to fully utilize the object of the canal,
       were still to be completed. When the full use is realized,
       there is said to be provision in the canal for a maximum
       discharge of 600,000 cubic feet of water per minute. Some have
       anticipated that such an outflow would seriously lower the
       level of the lakes; but there were no signs of that effect in
       the season of 1900. Nor did it seem to appear that the sewage
       then passing by river flow westward was doing harm to towns on
       the Illinois and Mississippi, as they had apprehended; but the
       discharge was, as yet, far short of what it is intended to be.
       It is possible that ultimately the Chicago Drainage Canal may
       become part of a navigable water-way from the lakes to the
       Mississippi, realizing an old project of water transportation
       in that direction to compete with the rails. The canal has
       been constructed upon a scale to suffice for that use; but the
       river-improvement called for is one of formidable cost.

       About the time of the opening of the canal, the State of
       Missouri, by its Attorney-General, moved in the Supreme Court
       of the United States for leave to file a bill of complaint
       against the State of Illinois and the Sanitary District of
       Chicago, the purpose of which was to enjoin the defendants
       from discharging the sewage and noxious filth of the Sanitary
       District of Chicago into the Mississippi River by artificial
       methods. The complaint alleged that unless the relief sought
       is granted the water of the Mississippi, which is used for
       drinking and other domestic purposes by many thousands of
       inhabitants of the State, will be polluted, and that the
       public health will be endangered. The Court granted leave to
       file the bill. The defendants then interposed a demurrer,
       claiming that the controversy, not being in reality between
       two States, but between two cities, was one over which the
       Supreme Court has no jurisdiction. On the 28th of January,
       1901, the Court rendered its decision, overruling the demurrer
       to its jurisdiction. The effect of the opinion is that the
       Drainage Canal attorneys now must answer the complaint that
       the sewage and noxious filth of the sanitary district are
       contaminating the waters of the Mississippi River at St.
       Louis. No evidence of the facts will be taken in court. On the
       request of the parties to the suit, a commission will be
       appointed to take testimony and make a report.

    CHICAGO UNIVERSITY:
       Dedication of the Yerkes Observatory.

          See (in this volume)
          YERKES OBSERVATORY.

    CHICKASAWS, United States agreement with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    CHIH-LI, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.
       The questions with Bolivia and Peru concerning Atacama,
       Tacna and Arica.

       Of the treaties which closed the war of 1879-84 between Chile,
       Bolivia and Peru (see, in volume 1, CHILE: A. D. 1833-1884),
       that between Chile and Bolivia contained the following curious
       provision, of "indefinite truce," as it has been called:
       "Until the opportunity presents itself of celebrating a
       definite treaty of peace between the Republics of Chile and
       Bolivia, both countries duly represented by … have agreed to
       adjust a treaty of truce in accordance with the following
       bases: First, the Republics of Chile and Bolivia agree to
       celebrate an indefinite truce; and, in consequence, declare at
       an end the state of war, which will not be renewed unless one
       of the contracting parties should inform the other, with at
       least a year's notification, of its intention to recommence
       hostilities. In this case the notification will be made
       directly, or through the diplomatic representative of a
       friendly nation. Second, the Republic of Chile, while this
       truce is in force, shall continue to rule, in accordance with
       the political and administrative system established by Chilian
       law, the territories situated between parallel 238 and the
       mouth of the Loa in the Pacific, such territories having for
       their eastern boundary a straight line." Under this agreement
       Chile has held ever since the territory in question (which is
       the province of Atacama) and has claimed that her possession
       of it should be made conclusive and permanent by such a
       "definite treaty" as the "treaty of truce" in 1884
       contemplated. In her view it was taken in lieu of a war
       indemnity. Bolivia has disputed this view, maintaining that a
       permanent cession of the province, which was her only
       seaboard, and without which she has no port, was not intended.
       The Bolivian government has continually urged claims to the
       restoration of a seaport for Bolivian trade, which Chile has
       refused.

       At the same time when Atacama was taken from Bolivia, the
       provinces of Tacna and Arica were taken by Chile from Peru,
       with a stipulation in the peace treaty of Ancon (1884) that
       she should hold them for ten years, pending the payment by
       Peru of a war indemnity, and that the inhabitants should then
       decide by vote to which country they would belong. But, down
       to the close of the year 1900, the Chilian government had not
       allowed the vote to be taken.

       In September, 1900, the dispute, as between Chile and Bolivia,
       was brought to what seemed to be an ultimate stage by an
       incisive note from the Chilian to the Bolivian government,
       proposing to grant to the latter "in exchange for a final
       cancelling of all claims to the littoral, three compensations,
       viz.: First, to pay all obligations contracted by the Bolivian
       Government with the mining enterprises at Huaichaca, Corocoro
       and Oruro, and the balance of the Bolivian loan contracted in
       Chile in 1867: second, an amount of money, to be fixed by
       mutual agreement, for the construction of a railroad
       connecting any port on the Chilian coast with the interior of
       Bolivia, or else to extend the present Oruro Railway; and,
       third, to grant free transit for all products and merchandise
       passing into and out of Bolivia through the port referred to."
       Bolivia has not seemed to be disposed to accept this proposal,
       and the situation is likely to become more strained than before.

    {76}

    CHILI: A. D. 1896.
       Presidential election.

       An excited but orderly presidential election held in June,
       1896, without government interference, resulted in the choice
       of Senor Errazuriz, to succeed Admiral Jorge Montt, who had
       been at the head of the government since the overthrow and
       death of Balmaceda in 1891.

    CHILI: A. D. 1898.
       Settlement of boundary dispute with Argentine Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

    CHILI: A. D. 1900.
       Adoption of compulsory military service.

       The "Diario Oficial" of Chile of September 5, 1900, published
       a decree of the Chilian Government establishing compulsory
       military service in Chile. By the decree all Chileans will be
       liable to military service from their 20th to their 45th year.
       Every man on completing his 20th year will be liable to be
       chosen by lot to serve one year with the colors, after which,
       if so chosen, he will pass into the first reserve, where he
       will remain for nine years. Those not chosen by lot to serve
       one year with the colors will pass directly into the first
       reserve. The second reserve will consist of men of from 30 to 45
       years of age. Among those who will be exempt from compulsory
       military service are the members of the Government, members of
       Congress, State and municipal councillors, Judges, the clergy,
       including all those who wear the tonsure, or belong to any
       religious order, the directors and teachers of public schools
       and colleges, and the police. The last, however, will be
       liable to military duty if called upon by the President.
       Various civil servants and every only son, or every one of two
       only sons of a family which he assists to maintain, may be
       excused service under certain conditions.

    CHILI: A. D. 1900.
       Vote against compulsory arbitration at
       Spanish-American Congress.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

       ----------CHINA: Start--------

    CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The war with Japan.
       The peace treaty of Shimonoseki.
       Recognition of Korean independence.
       Cession of part of Fêng-tien, of Formosa,
       and of the Pescadores Islands to Japan.
       Relinquishment of Fêng-tien by Japan.

       In the original edition of this work, the causes of the war of
       1894-1895 between China and Japan will be found stated in the
       Supplement (volume 5, page 3736), under "COREA." In the new,
       revised edition, the same appears in volume 3, under "Korea."
       At the close of the year 1894 the Japanese were pressing their
       campaign, with little heed to the cold of winter, for which they
       seemed to be well prepared. They had won, almost with ease,
       every serious engagement of the war. They had half destroyed
       the Chinese navy, on the 18th of September, in a great battle
       at the mouth of the Yalu River, and, on the 21st-22d of
       November, they had captured Port Arthur, the strongest
       fortress in China, with costly dockyards and great stores of
       the munitions of war. In the first month of the new year the
       successes of the Japanese were renewed. Kaiphing was taken on
       the 10th; a vigorous Chinese attack was repulsed, near
       Niuchuang, on the 16th; a landing of 25,000 troops on the
       Shantung Peninsula was effected on the 20th, and a combined
       attack by army and navy on the strong forts which protected
       the important harbor of Wei-hai-wei, and the Chinese fleet
       sheltered in it, was begun on the 30th of the month. The
       attack was ended on the 13th of February, when the Chinese
       admiral Ting-Ju-chang gave up the remnant of his fleet and
       then killed himself. The Chinese general, Tai, had committed
       suicide in despair on the third night of the fighting. There
       was further fighting around Niuchuang and Yingkow during
       February and part of March, while overtures for peace were
       being made by the Chinese government. At length the famous
       viceroy, Li Hung-chang, was sent to Japan with full powers to
       conclude a treaty. Negotiations were interrupted at the outset
       by a foul attack on the Chinese ambassador by a Japanese
       ruffian, who shot and seriously wounded him in the cheek. But
       the Mikado ordered an armistice, and the Treaty of Shimonoseki
       was concluded and signed on the 17th of April. The essential
       provisions of the treaty are as follows:

       "Article I.
       China recognizes definitely the full and complete independence
       and autonomy of Corea, and, in consequence, the payment of
       tribute and the performance of ceremonies and formalities by
       Corea to China in derogation of such independence and autonomy
       shall wholly cease for the future.

       "Article II.
       China cedes to Japan in perpetuity and full sovereignty the
       following territories, together with all fortifications,
       arsenals, and public property thereon:
       (a.) The southern portion of the Province of Fêng-tien, within
       the following boundaries—The line of demarcation begins at the
       mouth of the River Yalu, and ascends that stream to the mouth
       of the River An-Ping: from thence the line runs to Fêng Huang;
       from thence to Haicheng; from thence to Ying Kow, forming a
       line which describes the southern portion of the territory.
       The places above named are included in the ceded territory.
       When the line reaches the River Liao at Ying Kow it follows
       the course of that stream to its mouth, where it terminates.
       The mid-channel of the River Liao shall be taken as the line
       of demarcation. This cession also includes all islands
       appertaining or belonging to the Province of Fêng-tien
       situated in the eastern portion of the Bay of Liao Tung, and
       in the northern part of the Yellow Sea.
       (b.) The Island of Formosa, together with all islands
       appertaining or belonging to the said Island of Formosa. (
       (c.) The Pescadores Group, that is to say, all islands lying
       between the 119th and 120th degrees of longitude east of
       Greenwich and the 23rd and 24th degrees of north latitude. …

    [Image: China East Coast.]

    {77}

       "Article IV.
       China agrees to pay to Japan as a war indemnity the sum of
       200,000,000 Kuping taels. The said sum to be paid in eight
       instalments. The first instalment of 50,000,000 taels to be
       paid within six months, and the second instalment of
       50,000,000 taels to be paid within twelve months after the
       exchange of the ratifications of this Act. The remaining sum
       to be paid in six equal annual instalments as follows: the
       first of such equal annual instalments to be paid within two
       years, the second within three years, the third within four
       years, the fourth within five years, the fifth within six
       years, and the sixth within seven years after the exchange of
       the ratifications of this Act. Interest at the rate of 5 per
       cent. per annum shall begin to run on all unpaid portions of
       the said indemnity from the date the first instalment falls
       due. China shall, however, have the right to pay by
       anticipation at any time any or all of said instalments. In
       case the whole amount of the said indemnity is paid within
       three years after the exchange of the ratifications of the
       present Act, all interest shall be waived, and the interest
       for two years and a half, or for any less period if then
       already paid, shall be included as a part of the principal
       amount of the indemnity.

       "Article V.
       The inhabitants of the territories ceded to Japan who wish to
       take up their residence outside the ceded districts shall be
       at liberty to sell their real property and retire. For this
       purpose a period of two years from the date of the exchange of
       the ratifications of the present Act shall be granted. At the
       expiration of that period those of the inhabitants who shall
       not have left such territories shall, at the option of Japan,
       be deemed to be Japanese subjects. Each of the two Governments
       shall immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of
       the present Act, send one or more Commissioners to Formosa to
       effect a final transfer of that province, and within the space
       of two months after the exchange of the ratifications of this
       Act such transfer shall be completed.

       "Article VI.
       All Treaties between Japan and China having come to an end in
       consequence of war, China engages, immediately upon the
       exchange of the ratifications of this Act, to appoint
       Plenipotentiaries to conclude with the Japanese
       Plenipotentiaries a Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, and a
       Convention to regulate frontier intercourse and trade. The
       Treaties, Conventions, and Regulations now subsisting between
       China and European Powers shall serve as a basis for the said
       Treaty and Convention between Japan and China. From the date
       of the exchange of the ratifications of this Act until the
       said Treaty and Convention are brought into actual operation
       the Japanese Government, its officials, commerce, navigation,
       frontier intercourse and trade, industries, ships and
       subjects, shall in every respect be accorded by China
       most-favoured-nation treatment. China makes, in addition, the
       following concessions to take effect six months after the date
       of the present Act:

       1. The following cities, towns, and ports, in addition to
       those already opened, shall be opened to the trade, residence,
       industries, and manufactures of Japanese subjects under the same
       conditions, and with the same privileges and facilities as
       exist at the present open cities, towns, and ports of China.
          (1.) Shashih, in the Province of Hupeh.
          (2.) Chung King, in the Province of Szechuan.
          (3.) Suchow, in the Province of Kiang Su.
          (4.) Hangchow, in the Province of Chekiang.

       The Japanese Government shall have the right to station
       Consuls at any or all of the above-named places.

       2. Steam navigation for vessels under the Japanese flag for
       the conveyance of passengers and cargo shall be extended to
       the following places:

          (1.) On the Upper Yangtsze River,
          from Ichang to Chung King.

          (2.) On the Woosung River and the Canal,
          from Shanghae to Suchow and Hangchow. The
          Rules and Regulations which now govern the
          navigation of the inland waters of China by foreign
          vessels, shall, so far as applicable, be enforced
          in respect of the above-named routes, until
          new Rules and Regulations are conjointly agreed to.

       3. Japanese subjects purchasing goods or produce in the
       interior of China or transporting imported merchandize into
       the interior of China, shall have the right temporarily to
       rent or hire warehouses for the storage of the articles so
       purchased or transported, without the payment of any taxes or
       exactions whatever.

       4. Japanese subjects shall be free to engage in all kinds of
       manufacturing industries in all the open cities, towns, and
       ports of China, and shall be at liberty to import into China
       all kinds of machinery, paying only the stipulated import
       duties thereon. All articles manufactured by Japanese subjects
       in China, shall in respect of inland transit and internal taxes,
       duties, charges, and exactions of all kinds and also in
       respect of warehousing and storage facilities in the interior
       of China, stand upon the same footing and enjoy the same
       privileges and exemptions as merchandize imported by Japanese
       subjects into China. In the event additional Rules and
       Regulations are necessary in connection with these
       concessions, they shall be embodied in the Treaty of Commerce
       and Navigation provided for by this Article.

       "Article VII.
       Subject to the provisions of the next succeeding Article, the
       evacuation of China by the armies of Japan, shall be
       completely effected within three months after the exchange of
       the ratifications of the present Act.

       "Article VIII.
       As a guarantee of the faithful performance of the stipulations
       of this Act, China consents to the temporary occupation by the
       military forces of Japan, of Wei-hai-wei, in the Province of
       Shantung. Upon the payment of the first two instalments of the
       war indemnity herein stipulated for and the exchange of the
       ratifications of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, the
       said place shall be evacuated by the Japanese forces, provided
       the Chinese Government consents to pledge, under suitable and
       sufficient arrangements, the Customs Revenue of China as
       security for the payment of the principal and interest of the
       remaining installments of said indemnity. In the event no such
       arrangements are concluded, such evacuation shall only take place
       upon the payment of the final instalment of said indemnity. It
       is, however, expressly understood that no such evacuation
       shall take place until after the exchange of the ratifications
       of the Treaty of Commerce and Navigation.

       "Article IX.
       Immediately upon the exchange of the ratifications of this
       Act, all prisoners of war then held shall be restored, and
       China undertakes not to ill-treat or punish prisoners of war
       so restored to her by Japan. China also engages to at once
       release all Japanese subjects accused of being military spies
       or charged with any other military offences. China further
       engages not to punish in any manner, nor to allow to be
       punished, those Chinese subjects who have in any manner been
       compromised in their relations with the Japanese army during
       the war.

       "Article X.
       All offensive military operations shall cease upon the
       exchange of the ratifications of this Act."

    {78}

       When the terms of the treaty were made known, Russia, Germany
       and France entered such protests against the cession of a
       portion of the Fêng-tien peninsula, on the main land, and
       brought such pressure to bear on Japan, that the latter was
       compelled to yield, and relinquished the districts in question
       by the following imperial proclamation, dated May 10, 1895:

       "We recently, at the request of the Emperor of China,
       appointed Plenipotentiaries for the purpose of conferring with
       the Ambassadors sent by China, and of concluding with them a
       Treaty of Peace between the two Empires. Since then the
       Governments of the two Empires of Russia and Germany and of
       the French Republic, considering that the permanent possession
       of the ceded districts of the Fêng-tien Peninsula by the
       Empire of Japan would be detrimental to the lasting peace of
       the Orient, have united in a simultaneous recommendation to
       our Government to refrain from holding those districts
       permanently.

       "Earnestly desirous as we always are for the maintenance of
       peace, nevertheless we were forced to commence hostilities
       against China for no other reason than our sincere desire to
       secure for the Orient an enduring peace. The Governments of
       the three Powers are, in offering their friendly
       recommendation, similarly actuated by the same desire, and we,
       out of our regard for peace, do not hesitate to accept their
       advice. Moreover, it is not our wish to cause suffering to our
       people, or to impede the progress of the national destiny by
       embroiling the Empire in new complications, and thereby
       imperilling the situation and retarding the restoration of
       peace. "China has already shown, by the conclusion of the
       Treaty of Peace, the sincerity of her repentance for her
       breach of faith with us, and has made manifest to the world
       our reasons and the object we had in view in waging war with
       that Empire. Under these circumstances we do not consider that
       the honour and dignity of the Empire will be compromised by
       resorting to magnanimous measures, and by taking into
       consideration the general situation of affairs. We have
       therefore accepted the advice of the friendly Powers, and have
       commanded our Government to reply to the Governments of the
       three Powers to that effect.

       "We have specially commanded our Government to negotiate with
       the Chinese Government respecting all arrangements for the
       return of the peninsular districts. The exchange of the
       ratifications of the Treaty of Peace has now been concluded,
       the friendly relations between the two Empires have been
       restored, and cordial relations with all other Powers have
       been strengthened. We therefore command all our subjects to
       respect our will, to take into careful consideration the
       general situation, to be circumspect in all things, to avoid
       erroneous tendencies, and not to impair or thwart the high
       aspirations of our Empire."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
          Papers by Command, Japan, Number 1, 1895.

    CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (March-July).
       Cession of Kiang-Hung to France protested against by
       Great Britain.

       In March, 1894, the government of China entered into a treaty
       with that of Great Britain, for the settlement of boundaries
       of Burmah, in which it agreed to make no cession of the
       district of Kiang-Hung, or any part of it, to any other Power.
       Notwithstanding this agreement, the eastern part of Kiang-Hung
       was ceded to France in July, 1895; for which proceeding the
       British Government promptly called China to account.

    CHINA: A. D. 1895.
       Treaty with Russia, giving railway privileges and
       other rights in Manchuria.

       On the 28th of October, 1896, the "North China Daily News,"
       the leading English newspaper in China, published what
       purports to be, and is believed to be, the text of a secret
       treaty, concluded in the previous year, between Russia and
       China, under which the former is extending her Trans-Siberian
       railway system through Manchuria, and is practically in
       possession of that province. The preamble of the treaty
       declares that the Emperor of China has specially appointed the
       princes and great officers of the Crown composing the Imperial
       Chinese Ministry of War to confer with the Russian Minister
       concerning the connecting of the railway system of the Three
       Eastern Provinces with the Trans-Siberian Railway, "with the
       object of facilitating the transport of goods between the two
       empires and strengthening the frontier defences and sea
       coasts. And, furthermore, to agree upon certain special
       privileges to be conceded by China to Russia as a response to
       the loyal aid given by Russia in the retrocession of Liaotung
       and its dependencies." The articles of the convention relating
       to the route of the railway are as follows:

       "I. Owing to the fact that the Russian Great Siberian Railway
       is on the point of completion, China consents to allow Russia
       to prolong her railway into Chinese territories (a) from the
       Russian port of Vladivostok into the Chinese city of Hunch'un,
       in the province of Kirin, from thence north-westwards to the
       provincial capital of Kirin, and (b) from a railway station of
       some city in Siberia to the Chinese town of Aiyun, in
       Heilungchiang province, from thence southwestwards to the
       provincial capital of Tsitsihar, and from thence to the town
       of Petunê, in Kirin province, and from thence south-eastwards
       to the provincial capital of Kirin.

       "II. All railways built by Russia into the Chinese provinces
       of Heilungchiang and Kirin shall be built at the sole expense
       of Russia, and the regulations and building thereof shall be
       solely on the Russian system, with which China has nothing to
       do, and the entire control shall be in the hands of Russia for
       the space of thirty years. At the end of the said period China
       shall be allowed to prepare the necessary funds wherewith,
       after proper estimation of the value of the said railways, she
       shall redeem them, the rolling stock, machine shops, and
       buildings connected therewith. But as to how China will at
       that date redeem these railways shall be left for future
       consideration.

       "III. China is now in the possession of a railway which she
       intends to extend from Shanhai-kuan into the provincial
       capital of Fêngtien—namely, Mukden (Shenking), and from
       Mukden to the provincial capital of Kirin. If China should
       hereafter find it inconvenient to build this road, she shall
       allow Russia to provide the funds to build the railway from
       the city of Kirin on behalf of China, the redemption of which
       road shall be permissible to China at the end of ten years.
       With reference to the route to be taken by this railway,
       Russia shall follow the surveys already made by China in
       connection therewith, from Kirin to Mukden, Newchwang, &c.

    {79}

       "IV. The railway to be built by China, beginning from
       Shanhaikuan, in Fêngtien, to Newchwang, to Kaiping, to
       Chinchou, to Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur), and to Talienwan and
       their dependencies, shall follow the Russian railway
       regulations, in order to facilitate the commercial intercourse
       between the respective empires."

       Article V authorizes Russia to place special battalions of
       horse and foot soldiers at the various important stations for
       the better protection of railway property. Article VII
       "permits" Russians and Chinese to exploit and open any mines
       in the Amur and Kirin provinces, and in the Long White
       Mountain range in the north of Korea. Article VIII "permits"
       Chinese to engage Russian military officers to reform the
       whole army organization of the three Eastern provinces in
       accordance with the Western system. The next three Articles
       are as follows:

       "IX. Russia has never possessed a seaport in Asia which is
       free from ice and open all the year round. If, therefore,
       there should suddenly arise military operations in this
       continent, it will naturally be difficult for the Russian
       Eastern seas and Pacific fleets to move about freely and at
       pleasure. As China is well aware of this, she is willing to
       lease temporarily to Russia the port of Kiaochou (Chiaochou),
       in the province of Shantung, the period of such lease being
       limited to fifteen years. At the end of this period China
       shall buy all the barracks, godowns, machine shops, and docks
       built there by Russia (during her occupation of the said
       port). But should there be no danger of military operations,
       Russia shall not enter immediately into possession of the said
       port or hold the important points dominating the port in order
       to obviate the chance of exciting the jealousy and suspicions
       of other Powers. With reference to the amount of rent and the
       way it is to be paid, this shall form the subject of
       consideration in a protocol at some future date.

       "X. As the Liaotung ports of Lushunk'ou (Port Arthur) and
       Talienwan and their dependencies are important strategical
       points, it shall be incumbent upon China to properly fortify
       them with all haste and to repair all their fortifications,
       &c., in order to provide against future dangers. Russia shall
       therefore lend all necessary assistance in helping to protect
       these two ports, and shall not permit any foreign Power to
       encroach upon them. China, on her part, also binds herself
       never to cede them to another country; but, if in future the
       exigencies of the case require it, and Russia should find
       herself suddenly involved in a war, China consents to allow
       Russia temporarily to concentrate her land and naval forces
       within the said ports in order the better to enable Russia to
       attack the enemy or to guard her own position.

       "XI. If, however, there be no dangers of military operations
       in which Russia is engaged, China shall have entire control
       over the administration of the said ports of Lushunk'ou and
       Talienwan, nor shall Russia interfere in any way therein. But
       as regards the building of the railways in the three Eastern
       Provinces and the exploitation and opening of the mines
       therein, they shall be permitted to be proceeded with
       immediately after the ratification of this convention and at
       the pleasure of the people concerned therein. With reference
       to the civil and military officers of Russia and Russian
       merchants and traders travelling (in any part of the
       territories herein mentioned), wherever they shall go, they
       shall be given all the privileges of protection and facilities
       within the power of the local authorities, nor shall these
       officials be allowed to put obstructions in the way or delay
       the journeys of the Russian officers and subjects herein
       mentioned."

          Henry Norman,
          Russia and England
          (Contemporary Review, February, 1897).

    CHINA: A. D. 1895 {August).
       Massacre of missionaries at Hua Sang.

       In the fall of 1894 the English and American missionaries at
       Ku Cheng, in the Chinese province of Fu Kien, of which Foochow
       is the capital, began to be threatened by a sect or party
       called the "Vegetarians" (Siah Chai), who were violently
       hostile to foreigners, and said to be revolutionary in their
       aims. The hostile demonstrations were repeated in the
       following April, and the missionary party started upon a
       retreat to Foochow, but were stopped on the way by news that
       the Mandarin at Ku Cheng had pacified the Vegetarians and that
       they might safely return. They did so and were apparently
       secure for some months. In July they retired from the city to
       a mountain sanatorium, named Hua Sang, 12 miles from Ku Cheng,
       and there, on the 1st day of August, without warning, they
       were surrounded by a Vegetarian band of some eighty savage
       men, armed with swords and spears, who performed a rapid work
       of murder, killing eleven persons, including six women and two
       children, and then disappeared. "These men did not belong
       either to Hua Sang or Ku Cheng, but came from some villages at
       a considerable distance. … The city authorities at Ku Cheng
       had no hand in the outrage. It was evidently the work of a
       band of marauders, and the district magistrate seems to have
       done all that could be done under the circumstances."

          D. M. Berry,
          The Sister Martyrs of Ku Cheng.

       The British and American governments joined in sending a
       consular commission to investigate the crime, and with
       difficulty compelled the Chinese government to execute twenty
       of the ringleaders of the attack. At Fatshan, near Canton,
       there had been mob attacks on the missionary station, with
       destruction of buildings, but no murders, during the same
       month in which the massacre at Hua Sang occurred.

    CHINA: A. D. 1896.
       Tour of Li Hung-chang in Europe and America.

       "Li Hung Chang, the Chinese statesman, left Shanghai with a
       numerous suite, March 28, on board a French mail steamer for
       Europe, to represent the Emperor of China at the coronation of
       the Czar of Russia, and afterwards to visit other countries.
       He declared that his object was to see Europe for himself, in
       order to report to the Emperor as to feasible reforms for
       China. A great reception was offered to him at Hong-kong, but
       he refused to land by the advice of the European physician of
       the embassy, who feared lest any member of the suite, by
       catching the plague, would render the party liable to
       quarantine elsewhere. Proceeding to Singapore, via Saigon, he
       visited the Governor of the Straits Settlements. At Colombo he
       was received on landing by a guard of honour. After the
       Russian Coronation he visited Germany, Holland, Belgium and
       France, and arrived in London early in August.
    {80}
       Wherever he went he was lionised, and he lost no opportunity
       of asking questions and informing himself concerning the
       manufactures and armaments of the several countries he
       visited. He returned to China via New York and the Canadian
       Pacific Railway, sailing from Vancouver (September 14) for
       Yokohama and Tien-tsin, where he arrived October 3. Thence he
       proceeded to Peking (October 20), where he was received by the
       Emperor, and appointed a member of the Tsung-li-Yamen. At the
       same time for presuming to enter the precincts of the ruined
       Summer Palace while visiting the Empress Dowager after his
       return home, his enemies took occasion of the slight trespass
       to insult him, and proposed that he should be stripped of all
       his titles and honours, with the exception of the earldom,
       which is confirmed to the Li family for twenty-nine
       generations. The case was referred to the Board of Civil
       Appointments, and the Controller-General, Chang-chih-wan,
       decided that 'according to precedent' the ex-Viceroy should be
       cashiered, but on account of his life-long and distinguished
       services to the imperial dynasty he should be recommended to
       the clemency of the Throne, which took the form of a loss of
       one year's salary. He took over his seals of office in the
       Tsung-li-Yamen on November 1, but none of his colleagues were
       present to welcome him."

          Annual Register, 1896,
          pages 349-50.

    CHINA: A. D. 1897.
       The condition of Manchuria and Mongolia.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1897.
       Foreigners resident in China.
       Ports open to them.

       "In the 'Bulletin de la Société de Géographie Commerciale,'
       Paris, Volume XIX, a report is published from which the
       following extracts are taken: There are over ten thousand
       Europeans and Americans resident in China. The English head
       the list with 4,000; the Americans number 1,325; Germans, 882;
       French, 875; Portuguese, 805; Spaniards, 461; Norwegians, 375;
       Russians, 116; Italians, 108, etc. There are 669 Japanese.
       Twenty-two ports are open to foreign residence, that is to
       say, that Europeans are allowed to acquire conditional title
       to certain lands, on which they live, govern themselves, and
       have special privileges in judicial matters. The ports are
       Mengtz, Lung Chow, Pakhoi, King Chow, Lappa, Canton, Kowlon,
       Swatow, Amoy, Fuchau, Winchow, Ningpo, Shanghai, Chinkiang,
       Wuhu, Kiukiang, Hankow, Ichang, Chungking, Chefoo, Tientsin,
       and Niuchwang. It is to be noted that Peking does not appear
       on this list, although the embassies and legations are
       established there. The Chinese who find themselves under
       foreign jurisdiction appear more than contented with the
       situation, because, although taxes are high, they are fixed.
       Two hundred thousand natives live in the European settlements
       of Shanghai. Besides the foreign residents of China, a large
       number live in ports that have been ceded to other nations.
       For instance, Hongkong comprises in its civil population 4,195
       Europeans and Americans. With the troops and sailors, this
       number is raised to 8,545. Hongkong is the actual capital of
       foreign industry in the far East. More than 3,000 vessels,
       with a tonnage of nearly 4,000,000 touch there annually. The
       same spirit which caused the development of Singapore,
       Colombo, and Hongkong is to be found in the foreign
       settlements of the open ports of China."

          United States Consular Reports,
          October, 1897, page 315.

    CHINA: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
       Cessions and concessions to England and France.

       In May, the Chinese government sanctioned an extension of the
       British settlement at Tien-tsin from 65 acres to about 300. In
       the next month, it satisfied the complaints of Great Britain
       concerning the cession of Kiang-Hung to France (see above: A.
       D. 1894-1895, MARCH-JULY), by ceding to that Power the Shan
       district of Kokang, about 400 square miles in extent, and
       leasing to Great Britain in perpetuity a considerable tract at
       the south of the Namwan River. The same treaty opened new
       routes to trade across the frontier between Burmah and China,
       and admitted British consuls and merchants to two new ports.
       At about the same time France secured mining privileges on the
       Tonquin frontier and rights for the extension of a railway
       into Chinese territory.

    CHINA: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Germany opens the attack of European Powers on the
       integrity of the Chinese Empire.
       Seizure of the port of Kiao-Chau.
       Concessions obtained as reparation for the murder
       of German missionaries.

       "Among the recent events that have attracted especial
       attention to China is the lease to foreign nations of
       important strategic or commercial ports on the coast of the
       Empire. While the Portuguese have controlled the island of
       Macao, near Canton, since 1537, and the English became owners
       of the island of Hongkong, in the same vicinity, by the treaty
       of 1842, no other nation had possessions on or near the coast
       of China until within a comparatively recent date. One result
       of the war between China and Japan was that Japan obtained the
       island of Formosa, lying 90 miles off the coast of central
       China. By this treaty Japan was also to have certain territory
       on the peninsula of Liaotung, which commands from the north
       the entrance to the Gulf of Pechili, the gateway to the
       capital of China; but on the urgent protest of Russia, France,
       and Germany this was abandoned, and the mainland of China up
       to that time thus remained intact. On November 4, 1897,
       however, the German Government seized the port of Kiao-chau,
       on the northeastern coast of China, asserting as the cause of
       its action the desire to obtain satisfaction for the murder of
       [two] German missionaries by Chinese on November 1 of that
       year. This port was held by a German war ship until the
       announcement of a treaty with China by which the port of
       Kiaochau and adjacent territory were leased to Germany for a
       term of ninety-nine years, the German Government being given
       the right to land troops, construct fortifications, and
       establish a coaling and naval station, while German subjects
       were to have the right to construct railways, open mines, and
       transact business in the rich mineral and agricultural
       province of Shantung, in which Kiaochau is located, Chinese
       vessels, however, to have the same privileges in the port of
       Kiaochau that the German Government might decide to give to
       other nations."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary of Commerce and Statistics,
          March, 1899.

    {81}

       The terms of the German acquisition of Kiao-chau, as
       officially communicated to the Reichstag by Herr von Bülow,
       Foreign Secretary of the German Empire, on the 8th of
       February, 1898, were as follows: "The Imperial Chinese
       Government, in fulfilment of the legitimate wish of the German
       Government to possess, in common with other Powers, a point in
       the matters [waters?] of Eastern Asia, where German vessels
       may be fitted out and repaired, where the necessary materials
       can be deposited, and other arrangements made in connection
       with that object, cedes to the German Government in the form
       of a lease, to run, as at present fixed, for a period of
       ninety-nine years, the territory situated on both sides of the
       entrance to the Bay of Kiao-chau, in South Shantung, more
       accurately described below, in such a manner that the German
       Government will be at liberty to erect all necessary
       buildings, &c., within the territory, and take all the
       measures required for their defence. According to the English
       chart of Kiao-chau Bay of 1863, the district leased to the
       German Government consists of the following:

       1. The promontory north of the entrance to the bay, bounded on
       the north-east by a straight line drawn from the extreme
       north-eastern point of Potato Island to the sea-coast in the
       direction of Zoshan.

       2. The promontory south of the entrance to the bay, bounded on
       the south-west by a straight line drawn from the southernmost
       point of the inlet situated to the south-west of Tschiposan,
       in the direction of the Tolosan Islands (Weber chart), to the
       sea-coast.

       3. The Island of Tschiposan and Potato Island, as well as all
       the islands lying at the entrance to the bay, inclusive of
       Tolosan and Seslien. Further, the Chinese Government undertake
       not to frame any Regulations within a zone of 50 kilometers
       round the bay without the consent of the German Government,
       and, in particular, to offer no resistance to any measures
       necessary for regulating the course of the rivers. The Chinese
       Government also grant to German troops the right of passage
       across the zone above described. With the object of avoiding
       every possibility of collision, the Chinese Government will
       exercise no rights of sovereignty within the leased territory
       during the period of the lease, but they cede these rights as
       well as those over the entire water-surface of the Bay of
       Kiao-chau to the German Government. The German Government will
       erect sea-marks on the islands and shallows at the entrance to
       the bay.

       4. In the event of the territory leased not proving to be
       adapted to the requirements of the German Government, the
       Government of China will cede to Germany a more suitable
       district, and will take back the Bay of Kiao-chau, paying
       compensation for any improvements or constructions the Germans
       may have made there.

       5. A more accurate delimitation of the boundaries of the
       district leased will take place in accordance with the local
       conditions, and will be carried out by Commissioners from both
       Governments."

       The Foreign Secretary added the following particulars
       respecting the area, &c., of the territory and the character
       of the lease:

       "The territory leased, the boundaries of which are not yet
       accurately determined, will cover an area of 30 to 50 square
       kilometers. Consequently, it is materially larger than the
       British possession at and opposite Hong Kong. For military
       reasons, the northern boundary had been pushed a little
       further forward than is shown on the map presented to the
       Budget Commission. The number of inhabitants is calculated at
       a few thousand. As regards the size of the bay, accurate
       details are as yet wanting. It runs about 20 geographical
       miles into the mainland. At its narrowest point, the entrance
       to the bay is about 3,000 metres broad. Two-thirds of the bay
       afford harbour accommodation. The rent payable to China, the
       exact amount of which has not yet been determined, is an
       unimportant point, as it possesses a nominal character merely
       representing the continuation in theory of the proprietorship
       of China over the territory ceded. The following stipulations
       have been secured respecting railway and mining
       concessions:—The Chinese Government have consented to hand
       over to a German-Chinese Railway Company, to be formed
       hereafter, the construction of a railway from Kiao-chau, which
       will run first in a northerly and then in a westerly
       direction, to be subsequently connected with the projected
       great railway system of China. The railway will serve the
       coalfields of Weih-sien and Poshan, situated to the north of
       Kiao-chau, which will be exploited by German capital. The
       Chinese Government have further pledged themselves to accord
       to the Railway Company to be thus formed, conditions at least
       as favourable as those granted to any other European Chinese
       Railway Company in China."

       The Foreign Secretary concluded his speech with an exposition
       of the motives which had induced the German Government to
       occupy Kiao-chau in preference to other places. Its proximity
       to the scene of the massacre had been the first consideration.
       Secondly, it was favourably situated from a political point of
       view, being removed from the French and British spheres in
       Southern China and from the Russian base of operations in the
       north. Lastly, the spacious, ice-free harbour, the climate,
       which is probably the best to be met with in China, and the
       existence of coalfields in the vicinity of the coast, offered
       sufficient grounds for the choice of Kiao-chau. Herr von
       Billow might have quoted in this connection a candid remark
       which had been made not long before by the "Kolonial Zeitung:"
    "The principal point is that the Power which possesses Kiao-chau
       will control the coal supply in northern Chinese waters."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1898.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February).
       British diplomacy in China.
       The tone in which foreign demands were made
       on the Tsung-li Yamên.
       Agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region.

       Early in 1898 the Chinese government was in need of money for
       the final payment of indemnity to Japan, and opened
       negotiations with the British government for the guarantee of
       a loan: Her Majesty's Ministers were quite ready to give the
       needed financial aid, for a consideration, requiring, in
       return, that Ta-lien-wan should be opened to trade as a treaty
       port. But Russia was then scheming to secure possession of
       Ta-lien-wan, and interfered with the British negotiation so
       vigorously that the Chinese were frightened into breaking it
       off, even after they had practically accepted the offered
       loan. Not daring, however, to take from Russia the financial
       guarantee which they rejected at British hands, they thought
       to balance themselves between these jealous rivals by
       borrowing without help from either. Both the Powers were thus
       offended, England especially showing stern resentment on
       account of the slight with which she had been treated. The
       following report by Sir Claude MacDonald, the British Minister
       at Peking, of his interviews with the Tsung-li-Yamên on the
       subject, is very interesting, as showing the tone in which the
       European Powers were making demands on the government of China
       at that time. The despatch of Sir Claude MacDonald is dated at
       Peking, February 20, 1898.

    {82}

       "Since the 4th of February," he wrote. "I have had four
       interviews with the Yamên for the purpose of extracting some
       concessions in return for the rejection of the offer of a
       guaranteed loan from Great Britain after it had in principle
       been accepted. At the first of these, on the 5th February, the
       Yamên refused to recognize that we had any claim to
       compensation, declaring that the refusal of a Russian as well
       as a British guarantee left no ground for complaint. I told
       them that this argument might have had some plausibility if
       the two offers had been equally advantageous, or if the
       Chinese Government had not committed themselves to serious
       negotiations with us. The British Government had at China's
       own request reluctantly agreed to do her a very exceptional
       favour, and the Yamên could not suppose that we should accept
       with equanimity a brusque intimation that the Chinese
       Government had changed its mind.

       "The Yamên abounded in protestations of their readiness at
       some future date to give proofs of their gratitude to Great
       Britain in the shape of encouragement to commerce, but they
       insisted that the loan negotiations must first be dismissed,
       and all demands for compensation in connection with them
       dropped. I refused to telegraph such a suggestion to your
       Lordship, and as after long debate they still refused to bind
       themselves by any promises, I reminded them that at an earlier
       interview they had asked me whether the action threatened by
       Great Britain in the event of their accepting a Russian
       guarantee would equally be taken if they borrowed from neither
       Power. I could not at the time answer the question, but I
       could now tell them that Her Majesty's Government had a right
       to feel deeply affronted by what had occurred, and I would not
       be answerable for the consequences if they declined to make to
       Great Britain even such concessions as they had frequently
       admitted to be in China's own interests.

       "The Yamên begged me to smooth matters for them, to which I
       answered that their present attitude made it impossible for me
       to do so. Let them permit me to report that China was ready to
       open inland navigation to steamers; to establish Treaty ports
       at Nanning and Hsiang T'an; and to give reasonable security to
       trade by a pledge against alienation of the Yang-tsze region
       to another Power, and the rejection of our loan might be
       forgiven. All these were matters within the Yamên's power.

       "The Ministers did not deny the feasibility of what I had
       asked (except as regarded the opening of Nanning), but
       objected to these measures being tacked on to the loan, for if
       that were done, Russia would at once demand
       counter-concessions for the rejection of her loan, and China
       would be placed in a very difficult position. On this they
       laid much stress. I said I did not insist on the concessions
       being formally announced as made to England in connection with
       the loan, and should be prepared to move Her Majesty's
       Government to treat them as steps taken spontaneously by
       China, but that I absolutely refused to treat the loan account
       as settled until I had some definite assurance that these
       measures would be carried out within a fixed time. The Yamên
       again attempted to persuade me to leave the carrying out of
       the measures indicated entirely to the Chinese Government, and
       it was only after the usual prolonged argument that they
       consented to open internal waters to steam navigation within
       four months; to let me know at an early date when they would
       open a port in Hunan, and to give me a written guarantee
       against the alienation of the Yang-tsze region to a foreign
       Power."

       After reporting conversation on other matters, the Minister
       recounted his action on the subject of the Yang-tsze region,
       and on that of the opening of inland waterways to steam
       navigation, at an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the
       9th. "I then produced," he said, "a draft of the note I
       intended addressing to them with regard to non-alienation of
       the Yang-tsze region. This was accepted with little demur,
       with the insertion of the words 'now entirely in China's
       possession,' which, as recording an undeniable fact, I agreed
       to put in. Copies of the notes subsequently exchanged are
       inclosed. I have not thought it necessary to narrate the
       arguments by which I supported the demand for this pledge at
       both these interviews. My chief ground was that we could not
       afford to find one morning that by reason of the murder of a
       foreign subject, or the refusal of some demand by a foreign
       Power, some place on the Yang-tsze had been seized and was to
       be retained on a ninety-nine years' lease. I then handed to
       the Ministers the despatch … recording their assurance with
       regard to steam navigation of inland waterways. They read it
       with attention, and accepted it as satisfactory."

       Of the notes thus passed between the British Minister and the
       Tsung-li Yamên, that of the former, dated February 9, was as
       follows: "Your Highnesses and your Excellencies have more than
       once intimated to me that the Chinese Government were aware of
       the great importance that has always been attached by Great
       Britain to the retention in Chinese possession of the
       Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as providing security for
       the free course and development of trade. I shall be glad to
       be in a position to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a
       definite assurance that China will never alienate any
       territory in the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any
       other Power, whether under lease, mortgage, or any other
       designation. Such an assurance is in full harmony with the
       observations made to me by your Highnesses and your
       Excellencies."

       On the 11th, the Yamên returned the following reply: "The
       Yamên have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the
       British Minister's despatch of the 9th February, stating that
       the Yamên had more than once intimated to him that the Chinese
       Government were aware of the great importance that has always
       been attached by Great Britain to the retention in Chinese
       possession of the Yang-tsze region, now entirely hers, as
       providing security for the free course and development of
       trade. The British Minister would be glad to be in a position
       to communicate to Her Majesty's Government a definite
       assurance that China would never alienate (any territory) in
       the provinces adjoining the Yang-tsze to any other Power,
       whether under lease, mortgage, or any other designation.
    {83}
       The Yamên have to observe that the Yang-tsze region is of the
       greatest importance as concerning the whole position (or
       interests) of China, and it is out of the question that
       territory (in it) should be mortgaged, leased, or ceded to
       another Power. Since Her Britannic Majesty's Government has
       expressed its interest (or anxiety), it is the duty of the
       Yamên to address this note to the British Minister for
       communication to his Government."

       The despatch recording the Chinese concession of steam
       navigation on inland waters was in the following terms: "It
       was … with great pleasure that I learnt from your Highnesses
       and your Excellencies at a recent interview that the Chinese
       Government had determined that wherever the use of native
       boats is now by Treaty permitted to foreigners, they shall
       equally be permitted to employ steamers or steam-launches,
       whether Chinese or foreign-owned, or their own boats, and,
       further, that this arrangement would come into effect before
       the end of the 4th Chinese moon. I shall have great pleasure
       in communicating the Chinese Government's decision to my
       Government, for it is an indication that China is prepared to
       take every step open to her to increase the volume of trade,
       and so add to her resources and the wealth of the people."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899, page 13-18.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).
       The "Battle of Concessions," for railway building and mining.

       By summer-time in 1898 the scramble among the Powers for
       footholds of territory on the Chinese coast seemed to be
       giving way to what Lord Salisbury described as "the battle of
       concessions," for the building of railways and the opening of
       mines. This newer battle gave his lordship much anxiety. On
       the 13th of July he cabled to Sir Claude MacDonald: "It does
       not seem that the battle of Concessions is going well for us,
       and that the mass of Chinese railways, if they are ever built,
       will be in foreign hands is a possibility that we must face.
       One evil of this is, that no orders for materials will come to
       this country. That we cannot, help. The other evil is, that by
       differential rates and privileges the Managers of the railways
       may strangle our trade. This we ought to be able to prevent,
       by pressing that proper provisions for equal treatment be
       inserted in every Concession."

       The British Minister at Peking, in reply, dissented warmly
       from Lord Salisbury's opinion. "The battle of Concessions is
       not, in my opinion," he cabled on the 23d of July, "going
       against us. … Up to the present, any concessions granted to
       other nationalities are far out-balanced in financial value by
       the Shansi and Honan mining and railway concession, with its
       possible extensions. I have consistently informed the Chinese
       government that, as to differential rates and privileges, we
       want none ourselves, and cannot admit that other nationalities
       have a claim to them." In due time, as will appear, Sir Claude
       was able to furnish very good evidence in support of his
       contention that the "battle of concessions" was not going
       against Great Britain, by forwarding a list of all the
       concessions granted to clamoring capitalists and promoters of
       the several nationalities. Meantime, he gave close attention
       to the varying fortunes of the battle.

       A concession for the Peking-Hankow Railway was the one which
       interested the English most. Its line would traverse the rich
       and populous provinces of Chi-li, Honan, and Hoa-Pé, and be
       connected by another line, for which the Russo-Chinese Bank
       held concessions, with the valuable coal-mining basin of
       Ping-ting. Early in August, the British found reason to
       believe that the pending agreement with a Belgian syndicate
       for the building of this road was one that would give control
       of it to the Russo-Chinese Bank,—which meant Russian, or
       Russian and French control. He promptly remonstrated to the
       Yamên, and was assured that the agreement had not yet been
       submitted to the throne, and would not be ratified if the
       effect were such as he had described. He cabled this assurance
       to Lord Salisbury on the 6th of August. On the 13th he had a
       very different report to make. "I learnt on the 9th," he says,
       "that the Yamên had, under the influence of Li Hung-chang,
       abandoned this position [that they would not ratify the
       Belgian agreement if its effect was to give control of the
       Peking-Hankow line of railway to the Russo-Chinese Bank], and
       intended to ratify the agreement immediately. In view of the
       urgency of the matter, I addressed a note on the same day to
       the Yamên, in which I asked for an interview on the 10th or
       11th instant, and informed them that the Chinese text of the
       Contract had reached me, warning them at the same time that if
       they did not give me another interview before they ratified
       the Agreement Her Majesty's Government would look upon their
       action as unfriendly, and would probably insist on the same
       rights being given to Great Britain in all the provinces
       adjoining the Yang-tsze.

       "On the evening of the 10th the Yamên answered that they would
       appoint a day for an interview when they had received the
       Contract, which, they said, had not yet reached Peking for
       ratification. On the 11th I replied that I understood from
       this communication that they undertook not to ratify until
       they had seen me. To this they returned an evasive answer to
       the effect that they were all engaged by ceremonies at the
       Palace connected with the Emperor's birthday, which would last
       some days. I should add that I had already, on the 10th, sent
       them a note in which I criticized the Contract in detail,
       stating finally that I should have further objections to bring
       forward at my interview with them. I now hear on good
       authority that the Contract was ratified yesterday, the 12th.
       That the ratification has thus been rushed through is
       undoubtedly due to the influence of Li Hung-chang, combined
       with strong pressure on the part of the Representatives of
       Russia, France, and Belgium, and if heavy payment is not
       exacted from the Chinese Government for their bad faith, Li
       will persuade his colleagues that it is safer to slight
       England than any other Power, and any pressure which we may
       want to bring to bear in other matters will be without weight.
       I therefore think that Her Majesty's Government should insist
       either:—

       "1. On a written assurance from the Yamên that if British
       Syndicates apply for any railway concessions in the Yang-tsze
       provinces, they shall be given on the same terms as those
       which France, under cover of the Belgian Syndicate, has
       received in the Peking-Hankow Contract, and that no mining or
       railway concessions will be granted in those provinces unless
       they have been previously declined by British Syndicates; or

    {84}

       "2. On a written assurance that all railways for which British
       Syndicates are now in Treaty, that is to say—
          (a.) The Shan-hai-Kuan-Niuchwang line;
          (b.) The line from Tien-tsin to Chinkiang (the latter, as I
          understand, in conjunction with Germans and Americans);
          (c.) The line from Shanghae to Nanking with its
          continuations and branches;
          (d.) The lines in Honan and Shansi should be granted
          without any further delay on terms identical with those
          contained in the Contract for the Peking-Hankow line. The
          latter consist, so far as I can learn, in complete control
          over the construction, choice of material, working, and
          personnel of the line, together with an Imperial guarantee
          for the repayment of the loan.

       The second demand seems to me to be preferable on the whole;
       it will be impossible to obtain either demand without bringing
       great pressure to bear, and I consider that the demand should
       be made not as a compensatory concession, but as a punishment
       for bad faith."

       On the 17th the reply of the British Foreign Office was sent
       by Mr. Balfour, as follows:

       "With reference to your telegram of the 13th instant, inform
       Yamên that they must assent to your proposal Number 2 without
       delay, omitting from it the Shankaikuan-Newchwang Railway,
       which we must deal with as a separate question. You are
       authorized to inform them, if you have any reason to apprehend
       that they will delay compliance, that, unless they agree at
       once, we shall regard their breach of faith concerning the
       Peking-Hankow Railway as an act of deliberate hostility
       against this country, and shall act accordingly. After
       consultation with the Admiral, you may give them the number of
       days or hours you think proper within which to send their
       reply. The delay should not be of too long duration. It should
       be noted, on face of your demand, that Chingkiang Concession
       is for Americans and Germans, if they desire a share, as well
       as ourselves. Also make it clear that your ultimatum has
       nothing to do with the line to Newchwang."

       The tone of these demands made them effectual. On the 4th of
       September, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce to his
       superiors, in London: "At an interview which I had with them
       yesterday, the Yamên entered into the following
       undertaking:—Within the next few days they will address a
       despatch to me, apologising for their action, and consenting
       to the construction of the following lines by British
       Syndicates:

       1. A. line from Shanghae to Nanking with a continuation viâ
       Chinkiang to Sui Yang. They said, however, that the latter
       route was that followed by the line from Tien-tsin to
       Chinkiang, for which they said that a Preliminary Agreement
       had been signed between Yung Wing and the Anglo-American
       Syndicate; and the continuation in question must be dependent
       on the cancellation of that Agreement.

       2. A line connecting Hangchow and Soochow with Shanghae, to be
       continued if required to Ningpo.

       3. A line from Canton to Kowloon.

       4. The Peking Syndicate to be entitled to construct a railway
       to convey minerals from their mines to the Yang-tsze. The
       Yamên have also agreed to send me a Confidential note
       embodying a declaration that the terms accorded for the
       construction of these lines will not be inferior to those
       granted for the construction of any railways in China proper.
       The Manchurian lines are excluded from the scope of this
       Agreement. I venture to think that this is a satisfactory
       settlement. I did not give them an ultimatum, confining myself
       to a warning of the grave consequences which would now attend
       any failure on their part to keep their word. The fact that
       the fleet is concentrating is, of course, known to them."

       Before receiving this announcement, Mr. Balfour had cabled, on
       the 24th of August:

       "Negotiations with Yamên may be facilitated if you informed
       them at once that, unless the very moderate terms already
       demanded are immediately complied with, we shall, in addition,
       require the Concession of another line, on same conditions as
       those granted in case of Peking Hankow line of railway, and
       that additional demands will be preferred as the result of
       further delay. If you think it would conduce to the rapid and
       satisfactory termination of the negotiations, you are
       authorized to make a communication to them in this sense."
       Whether this suggestion was acted upon or not does not appear.

       This transaction, connected with the project of a railway from
       Peking to Hankow, appears to illustrate, not unfairly, on the
       whole, the mode in which speculative concessions were being
       wrung from the Chinese government in the busiest year of
       oriental speculation, 1898. The outcome of the grand "battle"
       was communicated by Sir Claude MacDonald to Lord Charles
       Beresford, on the 23d of November, in a full list of the
       concessions then granted to British subjects, compared with
       the grants to other nationalities. "We do not seem," wrote Sir
       Claude, with pardonable complacency, "to have come out second
       best. … Not a single bona fide or approximately practical
       scheme which has been brought to this Legation has failed to
       be put through." The summarized result in railway concessions
       was

       9 British (2,800 miles);
       3 Russian (1,530 miles);
       2 German (720 miles);
       3 French (420 miles);
       1 Belgian (650 miles);
       1 American (300 miles).

       In detail, the railway and mining concessions were described
       in the list as follows:

    CHINA:
       "Railway and other Concessions obtained by British Companies:

       I. Province of Shansi.
       The Peking Syndicate have acquired the 'sole right to open and
       work coal and iron mines throughout the districts of Yu Hsien
       and Ping Ting-chou, and the Prefectures of Lusan Fu, Tsü-chou
       Fu, and Ping Yang Fu, and also petroleum, wherever found.'
       Under their contract, the Syndicate have also the right to
       'construct branch railways to connect with main lines or  with
       water navigation, to facilitate transport of Shansi coal.'
       This has been interpreted officially to include the right of
       connecting the mines with Siang-yang in Hupeh, the nearest
       head of navigation giving access to the Yang-tsze. This means
       a railway of 250 miles. As to the value of this Concession, it
       is not amiss to quote the testimony of Baron von Richthofen,
       the great authority on the geology of China. He says that, 'in
       proportion to its area, Shansi has probably the largest and
       most easily workable coalfield of any region on the globe, and
       the manufacture of iron is capable of almost unlimited
       extension.'

       II. Province of Honan.
       The Peking Syndicate have also acquired rights similar to
       those obtained in Shansi in that part of Honan north of the
       Yellow River.

    {85}

       III. Province of Chihli.
       The Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank are financing and controlling
       the North China railways from Peking to Tien-tsin, and thence
       to Shanhaikuan and Newchwang. The total length of these lines
       is about 500 miles, of which 300 miles are completely open to
       traffic.

       IV. This bank has also acquired a half-interest in the
       coal-mines at Nan P'iao, in the Ch'ao-yang district. According
       to experts, these mines possess the best and richest coal
       seams in North China, and they have the immense advantage of
       being close to a line of railway and the sea.

       V. Provinces of Chihli and Kiangsu.
       The Tsung-li Yamên have undertaken officially that the
       construction of the Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line shall be
       intrusted to an Anglo-German Syndicate. The British portion of
       this Syndicate is represented in China by Messrs. Jardine,
       Matheson, and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank. This
       will be a trunk line of 600 miles, passing through more
       populous country than the Lu-Han Railway (the Belgian line),
       with which it is certain to be able to compete successfully.

       VI. Province of Kiangsu.
       A British Syndicate, represented by Messrs. Jardine, Matheson,
       and Co., and the Hong Kong and Shanghae Bank, has obtained the
       Concession to finance and construct the Shanghae-Nanking
       Railway. There is no more paying district than this for a
       railway in China. The length of line will be 170 or 180 miles.

       VII. Provinces of Kiangsu, Anhui, and Honan.
       The same Syndicate has the right to extend the
       Shanghae-Nanking Railway from P'u-k'ou, opposite Nanking, to
       Hsin Yang, in Honan, a distance of 270 miles.

       VIII. Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang.
       The same Syndicate has the right to construct a line from
       Soochow to Hangchow, with a possible extension to Ningpo. This
       line will run through very populous districts for over 200
       miles. The last three Concessions all lie within the Yang-tsze
       region.

       IX. Province of Chêkiang.
       The Peking Syndicate have also obtained mining Concessions
       similar to the Shansi and Honan in this province.

       X. Province of Kwangtung.
       The Jardine Syndicate has the right to construct a railway
       from Kowloon to Canton. The length of line will be nearly 100
       miles.

       XI. Provinces of Hupei, Kiangsi, and Kwangtung.
       An American Syndicate signed a preliminary Agreement for the
       construction of a railway from Hankow to Canton in May last.
       Negotiations are now in progress for the amalgamation of this
       Concession with Number 10, Kowloon to Canton, and the working
       of the whole line from Hankow to Kowloon by an Anglo-American
       Company. This will be a trunk line of, approximately, 600
       miles long.

       XII. Provinces of Yünnan, Kweichow, and Ssuchuan.
       The right to extend the Burmah system into China as far as the
       Yang-tsze is admitted, and surveys are now in progress. This
       involves a possible railway of 700 miles.

          See Remarks on French Concessions.

    CHINA:
       "Concessions other than British. Russian.

       The Manchurian Railway Concession dates from 1896. As is well
       known, it was obtained as recompense for help given in
       securing the retrocession of Liaotung. From Stretensk on the
       Shilka, where it leaves the main Siberian line, this railway
       will cross the Argun and Hingan Mountains, and reach Kirin viâ
       Petuna. The whole length from Stretensk to Vladivostock is
       estimated at 1,400 miles, of which about 1,000 will pass
       through Chinese territory. The Concession is purely
       strategical. The country traversed, though potentially rich,
       in great part is, and will be for long, sparsely populated,
       and the line cannot, in the near future at any rate, hope to
       pay its working expenses.

       2. The Port Arthur Agreement of March 1898 arranges for the
       conclusion by Russia of a branch from the above line to Port
       Arthur or Talienwan. The length of the railway will be about
       400 miles. Commercially, this branch is more promising than
       the first Concession.

       3. The Russo-Chinese Bank has signed a contract for the
       construction of a branch line from T'ai-yüan Fu to connect
       with the Lu-Han trunk lines near Chêng-tung. Length,
       approximately 130 miles. They have, up to date, been unable to
       raise money for this line. I think it very possible that it
       will eventually be built by an Anglo-Russian Syndicate. I am
       trying to arrange this.

       "French.—The French possess the right to construct three
       lines, but beyond acquiring this right they have done nothing.

       1. From Tonquin up the Red River Valley to Yünnan Fu, say 200
       miles. The impression in French railway circles is that a
       railway through Yünnan will not pay expenses, and if any
       serious attempt is made to carry out the extension of the
       Tonquin system, it will be merely as a stepping-stone to
       Ssü-ch'uan. Yet again, any pretensions that a railway from
       Yünnan to the Yang-tsze may have to rank as a commercial
       project have been pronounced against by every traveller in
       Central China.

       2. Langson-Lungchow-Nanning Railway; length, about 100 miles.
       (There appears to be an alternative open to the French of
       going to Pésé instead of Nanning.) The right to build this
       line has been conceded, but the idea is growing amongst the
       French of Tonquin that, instead of diverting traffic from the
       West River, a line from Langson to Lungchow and Nanning would
       prove an additional feeder of the West River route.

       3. From Pakhoi inland, presumably to Nanning; length, say 120
       miles. The Tonquin press have pointed out that this line will
       benefit English commerce more than French. It will never, in
       my opinion, be built-by the French.

       " German.
       1. Kiao-chau-Yichow-Tsinan line; length, 420 miles. Nothing
       has been done towards the construction of this line, which
       does not promise commercially.

       2. Tien-tsin-Chin-kiang line to be built by an Anglo-German
       Company.

          See Number 5 of the British Concessions.

       "Belgian.
       The Lu-Han or Peking-Hankow Railway. A Franco-Belgian
       Syndicate have secured the Concession for this, a trunk line
       of some 650 or 700 miles, passing north and south through
       Chihli, Honan, and Hupeh. This railway is an old project born
       of Chang-Chih-Tung's objection to building lines near the
       coast, 'lest they should facilitate the access of an enemy.'
       Its prospects as a commercial enterprise are not considered so
       good as those of the rival Tien-tsin-Chinkiang line.

       "American.
       The only railway in which America is at present interested is
       the trunk line projected from Hankow to Canton."

          See British Concessions, Number 11.

    {86}

       On the 18th of December the British Minister announced to Lord
       Salisbury: "An Imperial Decree, stating that no more railway
       proposals will be for the present entertained by the Chinese
       government, has been officially communicated to me by the
       Yamên." To which the response from London was: "You should
       inform the Chinese Government that Her Majesty's Government
       claim, in the event of their revoking their present resolve
       not to entertain any more proposals for railways, priority of
       consideration by the Chinese Government of all British
       applications already made." This notice was given, as
       directed, and the Yamên replied to it (December 31) with some
       dignity: "We have the honour to observe that the development
       of railways in China is the natural right and advantage of the
       Chinese Government. If, hereafter, in addition to the lines
       already sanctioned, which will be proceeded with in order,
       China proposes to construct other railways, she will negotiate
       with the nation which she finds suitable. When the time
       arrives China must use her own discretion as to her course of
       action. The applications of British merchants can, of course,
       be kept on record as material for negotiation at that day, but
       it is not expedient to treat them as having a prior claim over
       all others to a settled agreement."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899, pages 164-69, 190-92, 215-16,
          327, 344-47; and Number 1, 1900, page 22.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March).
       An intelligent Chinese view of the situation of the country.

       How well the situation and the dangers of their country were
       understood at this period by some, at least, of the Chinese
       officials, and how intelligently they considered them, may be
       gathered from some passages in a memorial addressed by Viceroy
       Chang Chih-tung and another high official, Sheng Hsuan-huai,
       Director-General of Railways, to the Emperor, on the subject
       of the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. A
       translation of the document was transmitted to London at the
       end of March. The memorialists say: "The original idea was
       that the construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Southern trunk
       line should be postponed for a time, but now, owing to the
       exigencies of the present situation, this work must not be
       delayed. The powerful foreign nations stand around watching
       for their opportunity, and, making use of trivial pretexts in
       the conduct of international affairs, swiftly dispatch their
       war-ships from one end of the Empire to the other. It is
       impossible to say when our communication by sea may be
       blocked, and the establishment of internal communication by
       railways has become a necessity. Kwungtung is a rich province,
       and the defence of the southern territory and waterways must
       not be neglected, so that the making of the Hankow-Kwangtung
       line should be proceeded with at the same time as the northern
       road. The original intention was to construct a road from
       Kwangtung to Hupeh viâ Chiangsi, but this circuitous route is
       longer than the direct route through Hunan Province, and for
       many reasons it will be a source of greater prosperity and
       strength to the Empire if the latter route is adopted. There
       is, moreover, no doubt that the officials and merchants of the
       three provinces are in favour of this scheme. The most direct
       route will be to proceed viâ Ch'en-chou, Yung-chou, Feng-chou,
       and Ch'ang-sha to Wuch'ang, and so to Hankow. … Now Hankow is
       the central point to which all the waterways of the eighteen
       provinces from north, south, east, and west converge. If
       England is allowed to build the Hankow and Kwangtung road,
       passing through this important point, afterwards when the
       Russian line advances southward, and the English line is
       continued to the north, although we shall be in possession of
       the Hankow-Lü Kou-chiao line, we shall be stilled and our
       profits curtailed, for, being between the other lines, we
       shall not be able to defend our own. It is also greatly to be
       feared that our own line would pass into either English or
       Russian hands. In this case not only is our throat stopped by
       the foreigners being in possession of our ports, but our vital
       parts are injuriously affected. Should we wish to raise and
       drill soldiers, make arms, or obtain funds for the necessities
       of the Empire, it will be impossible, and China not only will
       not make progress, but we fear she will barely be able to
       maintain her independence.

       "Your memorialists are distressed when they consider the
       extreme danger of the situation, but they think that the best
       method of meeting it is to proceed ourselves at once with the
       construction of the Hankow-Kwangtung Railway. Should it be
       made by degrees, starting from Kwangtung through Hunan to
       Hankow, it will be seized forcibly before completion, and we
       fear sufficient funds cannot be raised for hurrying forward
       its construction. Your memorialist, Sheng, had the intention
       of employing American capital for the construction of the Lü
       Kou-chaio-Hankow line, but afterwards when the American,
       Washburn, came to China, his conditions were found to be too
       hard, and consequently negotiations were broken off. Your
       servant was thus constrained to approach Belgium. By acting
       thus our privileges would not be lost, nor would ill
       consequences follow. But Belgium is a small country, and her
       strength is inconsiderable, and often she has pointed out that
       an unfinished railroad is hardly a sufficient guarantee for
       the loan. Consequently she is very undecided, but we have
       hopes that by the adoption of some compromise terms may be
       arrived at, though the question is extremely difficult. Thus
       another scheme must be adopted for raising the capital for the
       southern line. There are grave objections to allowing either
       England, France, or Germany to undertake the work, and your
       memorialists suggest that Wu Ting-fang, the Minister at
       Washington, should be communicated with. He is a Cantonese,
       and will not fail to do his best to find a scheme."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899,pages 87-89.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (March-July).
       Russian acquisition of Port Arthur and Talienwan.
       Ineffectual British opposition.
       Consequent British demand for Wei-hai Wei.
       Its lease by China.

       While the British Minister at Peking was securing these
       assurances from the Tsung-li Yamên, concerning the
       non-alienation of the Yang-tsze region and the opening of
       inland waters to steam navigation, the Russian Minister was
       equally busy, extorting a cession or lease of Port Arthur and
       Talienwan, with privileges of railway construction through
       neighboring territory which gave immense value to those
       acquisitions. The probability of his success was soon known to
       the British authorities, who made no serious objection to the
       leasing of Talienwan, but were strongly opposed to a Russian
       occupation of Port Arthur.
    {87}
       On the 22d of March, 1898, Lord Salisbury wrote to the British
       Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "Her Majesty's Government on
       their part would not regard with any dissatisfaction the lease
       by Russia of an ice-free commercial harbour, connected by
       rail with the trans-Siberian Railway which is now under
       construction. Questions of an entirely different kind are
       opened if Russia obtains control of a military port in the
       neighbourhood of Peking. Port Arthur is useless for commercial
       purposes, its whole importance being derived solely from its
       military strength and strategic position, and its occupation
       would inevitably be considered in the East as a standing
       menace to Peking and the commencement of the partition of
       China."

       On the 28th of March he wrote again: "Port Arthur is not a
       commercial harbour. It is doubtful whether it could be
       converted into one. It is certain that, even if such a project
       were possible, it could never be worth while for the owners or
       lessees of Talienwan to embark upon it. But though not a
       commercial harbour, Port Arthur supplies a naval base, limited
       indeed in extent, but possessing great natural and artificial
       strength. And this, taken in connection with its strategic
       position, gives it an importance in the Gulf of Pechili and
       therefore at Peking, upon which, in their representations to
       Japan at the close of the war with China, the Russian
       Government laid the greatest emphasis. It is from this last
       point of view that the occupation of Port Arthur chiefly
       concerns Her Majesty's Government. It is not because a
       position which can easily be made a naval arsenal of great
       strength has been acquired by Russia that they regret its
       occupation by that Power. It is because the possession, even
       if temporary, of this particular position, is likely to have
       political consequences at Peking of great international
       importance, and because the acquisition of a Chinese harbour
       notoriously useless for commercial purposes by a foreign Power
       will be universally interpreted in the Far East as indicating
       that the partition of China has begun.

       "As regards the second of these reasons nothing further need
       be said, inasmuch as Her Majesty's Government understand from
       Count Mouravieff's communication to you that this result is as
       little desired by the Russian Government as it is by that of
       Her Majesty. As regards the first, it may perhaps be proper to
       observe that a great military Power which is coterminous for
       over 4,000 miles with the land frontier of China, including
       the portion lying nearest to its capital, is never likely to
       be without its due share of influence on the councils of that
       country. Her Majesty's Government regard it as Most
       unfortunate that it has been thought necessary in addition to
       obtain control of a port which, if the rest of the Gulf of
       Pechili remains in hands so helpless as those of the Sovereign
       Power, will command the maritime approaches to its capital,
       and give to Russia the same strategic advantage by sea which
       she already possesses in so ample a measure by land. Her
       Majesty's Government have thought it their duty thus to put on
       record their grave objections to the occupation of Port Arthur
       by Russia."

       Before this despatch was written, Lord Salisbury already knew
       that his remonstrances had failed and that Russia was to
       possess Port Arthur, and he had cabled, March 25, the
       following instructions to Sir Claude MacDonald, the British
       Minister to Peking: "Balance of power in Gulf of Pechili is
       materially altered by surrender of Port Arthur by Yamên to
       Russia. It is therefore necessary to obtain, in the manner you
       think most efficacious and speedy, the refusal of Wei-hai Wei
       on the departure of the Japanese. The terms should be similar
       to those granted to Russia for Port Arthur. British fleet is
       on its way from Hong Kong to Gulf of Pechili." The day
       following, Lord Salisbury advised the British Ambassador at
       Berlin by telegram: "Her Majesty's Government have demanded a
       reversionary lease of Wei-hai Wei, and it is possible that the
       German Government will address you with regard to our
       occupying territory which forms part of the Province of
       Shantung. Should this be the case, you are authorized to
       explain that Wei-hai Wei is not at present, and cannot, we
       believe, be made a commercial port by which access can be
       obtained to any part of the province. We do not wish to
       interfere with the interests of Germany in that region. The
       action, in our opinion very regrettable, of Russia with
       respect to Port Arthur, has compelled us to take the course we
       are now pursuing."

       On the 29th of March the completion of the transaction by
       which China transferred Port Arthur and Talienwan to Russia
       was officially announced at St. Petersburg by the following
       publication in the "Official Messenger": "At Peking on the
       15th (27th) March a special Agreement was signed by the
       Plenipotentiaries of Russia and China, by virtue of which
       Ports Arthur and Talienwan, with the corresponding territory
       and waters, have been ceded to the Imperial Government for
       twenty-five years—which period, by mutual agreement, may be
       still further prolonged—and the construction allowed of
       branches of railways in order to connect these ports with the
       main Great Siberian line. This Agreement is a direct and
       natural outcome of the friendly relations between great
       neighbouring Empires, all of whose endeavours should be
       directed towards the preservation of tranquillity along the
       vast extent of their neighbouring possessions for the common
       benefit of the people of both of them. The peaceful
       occupation, by the diplomatic Agreement of the 15th March, of
       the ports and territory of a friendly nation shows, in the
       best possible way, that the Government of China truly
       appreciates the meaning of the Agreement established between
       us.

       "Securing the inviolability of the sovereign rights of China,
       and satisfying the daily requirements of Russia in her
       capacity of a great and neighbouring naval Power, this
       Agreement can in no way insure [injure?] the interests of any
       other foreign Power; on the contrary, it gives to all nations
       of the world the possibility in the near future of entering
       into communication with this hitherto closed-up country on the
       coast of the Yellow Sea. The opening to the commercial fleets
       of all foreign nations of the port of Talienwan creates in the
       Pacific Ocean a new and extended centre for the commercial and
       trading undertakings of those nations, especially by means of
       the Great Siberian line, henceforth to be taken into account,
       and which, thanks to the friendly Treaty between Russia and
       China, will unite the extreme ends of the Old World. Thus, the
       Agreement signed at Peking has for Russia a deep historical
       signification, and must be joyfully welcomed by all to whom
       happy peace and successes, based on the mutual understandings
       of nations, are dear."

    {88}

       On the 3d of April, Sir Claude MacDonald was able to announce
       by cable to Lord Salisbury: "Yamên agreed yesterday to the
       following arrangement: China will lease Wei-hai Wei to Great
       Britain on the same terms as Port Arthur has been leased to
       Russia, but Great Britain agrees not to take possession of the
       place until it has been given up by Japan. The lease will
       continue until Russia ceases to occupy Liaotung Peninsula.
       Details are left for subsequent adjustment." Negotiations
       relative to the terms of the lease of Wei-hai Wei were
       protracted until the first of July, when the Convention
       determining them was signed at Peking. Its provisions were as
       follows: "The territory leased shall comprise the Island of
       Liu-kung and all islands in the Bay of Wei-hai Wei, and a belt
       of land 10 English miles wide along the entire coast line of the
       Bay of Wei-hai Wei. Within the above-mentioned territory
       leased Great Britain shall have sole jurisdiction. Great
       Britain shall have, in addition, the right to erect
       fortifications, station troops, or take any other measures
       necessary for defensive purposes, at any points on or near the
       coast of the region east of the meridian 121° 40' east of
       Greenwich, and to acquire on equitable compensation with that
       territory such sites as may be necessary for water supply,
       communications, and hospitals. Within that zone Chinese
       administration will not be interfered with, but no troops
       other than Chinese or British shall be allowed therein. It is
       also agreed that within the walled city of Wei-hai Wei,
       Chinese officials shall continue to exercise jurisdiction
       except so far as may be inconsistent with naval and military
       requirements for the defence of the territory leased. It is
       further agreed that Chinese vessels of war, whether neutral or
       otherwise, shall retain the right to use the waters herein
       leased to Great Britain. It is further understood that there
       will be no expropriation or expulsion of the inhabitants of
       the territory herein specified, and that if land is required
       for fortifications, public officers, or any official or public
       purpose, it shall be bought at a fair price."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1898, and Number 1, 1899.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
       Charges of corruption against Li Hung-chang and
       the Tsung-li Yamên.

       "One of the censors of highest rank memorialised the Emperor
       early in April, accusing the whole Tsung-li Yamên of being in
       Russian pay, and alleging that the sum of 10,000,000 taels was
       paid to them. He also stated that Li Hung-chang had secured
       from Russia 1,500,000 taels, and he prayed for a full inquiry
       and for the decapitation of Li Hung-chang if the accusation
       were proved, or if he were found guiltless, he himself should
       be decapitated. Li Hung-chang was dismissed on September 6,
       but afterwards in November was appointed an imperial
       commissioner to report on the inundations of the Yellow River,
       an unwelcome post. … A Black Flag rebellion in the southern
       province of Kwang-si, in which the secret society called The
       Triads was said to be concerned, was giving the Pekin
       Government great anxiety in July. The rebels, numbering about
       40,000, were for a time victorious and seemed determined to
       overthrow the dynasty."

          Annual Register, 1898, pages 333-334.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (April-August).
       France in the field with demands.
       New demands from Great Britain.

       France had now come forward to seize a place in the attacking
       line, preparatory to what seemed to be the impending partition
       of China. On the 12th of April, Sir Claude MacDonald cabled to
       Lord Salisbury the following despatch: "I had an interview
       with the Yamên yesterday, at which they informed me that
       China, had acceded to the following demands on the part of
       France:

       1. Kwangchow Wan [in the Lei-chau peninsula, on the southern
       coast, near Tonquin] to be leased as a coaling-station to
       France.

       2. The right to construct a railway to Yünnan-fu from the
       Tonquin frontier.

       3. The promise not to alienate any territory in the three
       provinces of Kwangtung, Kwangsi, and Yünnan, which border on
       the French frontier.

       4. The Chinese Government agree that if ever they constitute a
       Postal Department independent of the maritime customs, and if
       a European is to be appointed as Director thereof, France
       shall have an equal right with that of other Powers to
       nominate a candidate for the post of Director.

       The Chinese Government are willing—

       1. To lease us as much additional territory on Kowloon
       promontory [opposite Hong Kong], exclusive of Kowloon city, as
       is required for military and naval purposes.

       2. The Yamên state that China is quite willing to allow the
       extension into Yünnan of the Burmah Railway."

       On the 13th, Mr. Balfour, in the absence of Lord Salisbury,
       cabled from London in reply: "Inform Yamên that, although they
       have not followed our advice, we are anxious to maintain, as
       far as possible, integrity of China, and will, therefore, not
       make new territorial demands upon them. It is, however,
       absolutely necessary, if we are to pursue this policy, that
       they, on their side, should first immediately conclude
       negotiations—

       (a) for giving us an the land required for military defences
       of Hong Kong;

       (b) to fulfil their promise to make Nanning a Treaty port;

       (c) to give some railway concession;

       (d) an agreement as to the non-alienation of Kuang'tung and
       Yünnan.

       In connection with condition (d), it is in the interests of
       the integrity of China, and is justified by the proximity of
       Yünnan to Burmah, and by our commercial preponderance in
       Kuang'tung."

       On the same day (13th April) the British Minister at Paris
       telegraphed to the Foreign Office, London: "It is stated in
       to-night's papers that, at the Cabinet Council held this
       morning, M. Hanotaux was able to announce to his colleagues
       that the French demands on China had been satisfactorily met.
       They are stated in the semi-official 'Temps' to be:—

       1. Concession of a lease of a bay on the south coast of China.

       2. Concession of a railway connecting Tonquin with Yünnan-fu
       by the Red River.

       3. Engagement on the part of China never to alienate the
       territories of the provinces contiguous to Tonquin.

       4. Engagement never to cede to any other Power the Island of
       Hainan.

       5. Arrangement in regard to the constitution of the postal
       service."

       Thus, for the time being, France was satisfied, and England
       would be, before she gave rest to the Tsung-li Yamên. Her
       present demands, as above specified by Mr. Balfour, were
       pressed without ceasing by the pertinacious Sir Claude. On the
       9th of June he obtained from the Yamên a lease for the British
       government of about 200 square miles of territory on the
       mainland opposite its island crown colony of Hong Kong, and
       surrounding the Chinese city of Kowloon, the latter, however,
       to remain under Chinese jurisdiction.
    {89}
       The term of the lease was 90 years. With regard to the opening
       of Nanning as a Treaty Port, he received an assurance from the
       Yamên in August that it should be done so soon as the Kwang-si
       rebellion was crushed. On the other points he had equal
       success.

          Great Britain. Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899, pages 12, 19, 98-99, 178.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (May).
       How the murder of a missionary was made the ground of French
       demands for a Railway Concession.

       On the 17th of May, 1898, the British Minister at Peking
       cabled to Lord Salisbury: "Murder of missionary in Kuang-si.
       French demands for compensation. … The Yamên … said they were
       not certain that the murdered missionary was not a Chinaman,
       and that the demands made by the French for compensation
       comprise a Concession for a railway to some point on the
       sea-coast not specified, a chapel to be built, and a pecuniary
       indemnity of 100,000 fr. to be paid. Up to the present they had
       refused all these demands." Later, the following particulars
       of the murder were received from the British Consul at Canton:
       "The occurrence happened about a fortnight ago at
       Yun-gan-chou, in the P'ing-lo Prefecture. While walking
       through the streets the missionary noticed a placard directed
       against the Christian religion. Having discovered the author
       of the placard, the missionary, with two converts, proceeded
       to his house and attempted to arrest him. Out of this a
       disturbance arose in which the passers-by took part, and in
       the end the missionary and the two converts lost their lives."

       On the 21st of May Sir Claude MacDonald reported to Lord
       Salisbury from Peking: "I am very reliably informed that the
       demands made at an interview with the Yamên yesterday by M.
       Pichon, the French Minister, in connection with this case
       were:—

       1. A Concession to construct a railway from Pakhoi to Nanning;

       2. Construction of a chapel at Pakhoi;

       3. A pecuniary indemnity of 100,000 fr.; and

       4. The responsible officials to be punished.

       In response to these demands, the Yamên suggested that the
       Railway Concession should be granted in a document by itself,
       apart from the granting of the other demands, and that the
       chapel should be built at Yungan-chou, the scene of the
       murder, instead of at Pakhoi, and the French Minister
       undertook to refer these modifications to his Government for
       their favourable consideration."

       On the 27th, Sir Claude reported further that he had heard on
       very good authority that all the French demands had been
       granted, and added: "The Yamên have since denied to me that
       they have committed themselves to granting them, but I have
       little doubt that they have practically done so. The reason
       for making the Railway Concession a separate matter is that
       the Chinese are anxious to avoid establishing precedents for
       compensation for attacks on missionaries taking the shape of
       commercial Concessions, and they hope, rather foolishly, to do
       so by nominally closing the missionary case before the other
       matter is taken up. They did this in the case of the German
       Agreement for the lease of Kiao-chau Bay, which begins by
       declaring that the Shantung missionary case has already been
       closed. The French demands are not at all excessive. I have
       already expressed my belief that the proposed railway will not
       injure us commercially, provided, of course, that no
       differential rates are allowed, as to which I shall insist on
       specific assurances from the Yamên."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899, pages 91, 146, 150.

       Alluding to this incident, and to that which the German
       government made its pretext for seizing Kiao Chau (see, above,
       A. D. 1897-November), a German writer has remarked:

       "Never before, perhaps, has so much material value been
       attached to ministers of the Gospel in foreign lands, and the
       manner in which, after their death, they are used to spread
       civilization is somewhat foreign to our older ideas of the
       functions of the bearers of spiritual blessings."

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (June-September).
       Momentary influence of a reform party in the palace.
       Futile attempt of the young emperor to uphold it.

       The decaying state of the Empire had now become so desperately
       plain, and the predatory swarm of governments and speculators
       which gathered to despoil it had grown so greedy and so bold,
       that a party which could see that the only hope for its
       salvation must be sought in some modernizing reforms, of
       education and administration, was able to win a momentary
       footing of influence in the palace at Peking. Its leading
       spirit appears to have been one Kang Yeu Wei, an extremely
       radical reformer who came from Canton. In an article which he
       wrote some months later, and which was published in the
       "Contemporary Review," Kang Yeu Wei gave this account of
       himself, and of the mode in which he was brought into
       relations with the young Emperor:

       "I was always fond of studying Western learning. After the
       French took Foochow in 1885 there was evident danger of
       China's end drawing nigh. Consequently, in 1889, I
       memorialised about the matter in great grief. I feared
       Russia's advance southward, and pointed out the secret
       intentions of Japan and the latent danger in Corea. I thought
       that China had come to such a pass that if she should devote
       these years for the purpose of speedy reform she might become
       strong, but if there was delay nothing could save her. At that
       time the high Ministers of State were all Conservatives, and
       would not present my memorial to the throne. After the loss of
       Formosa, Wêng Tung Ho [the Emperor's tutor] was sorry that he
       had listened to their advice, and was very cordial to me. Then
       I exhorted him to reform, and I wrote a long memorial, signed
       by 1,300 provincial graduates, to urge reform again and again,
       and a Reform Club was formed in Peking, and the newspaper,
       'Chinese Progress,' was started in Shanghai. At this time
       (1895) Wêng Tung Ho strongly urged reform on the Emperor, but
       was checked by the Empress-Dowager, and almost put aside then,
       and the Reform Club was shut up. I then returned to Canton,
       and founded the Ethical Society in Canton province and the
       Sacred Society in Kwang-Si province. My disciples, Liang Chi
       Chao and Tan Tze Tung, formed the Southern Learning Society in
       Hunan province; Liu Shio started the Fookien Learning Society
       in the Fukien province; Yang Tui the Szechuen Learning
       Society, in the province of Szechuen; Yang Shin Sheu and Sung
       Peh Luh opened the Pass Learning Society in the provinces of
       Shansi and Shensi; I and my brother K'ang Kwang In, with King
       Yuen Shen, opened a Chinese girls' school and formed the
       Anti-foot-binding Society in Shanghai; and many newspapers
       were started. Thus newspapers and new schools flourished in
       all the provinces, and all the empire knew of the reform.

    {90}

       "When Kiaochow was taken by the Germans I went to Peking again
       and sent up another memorial strongly urging reform, with the
       same motive as Peter the Great, and on the same political
       lines as have been adopted by the present Emperor of Japan. I
       also presented my books on the history of reform in Japan and
       the history of Peter the Great's reforms, and suggested that
       all the coast of the empire be open to international trade.
       Wêng Tung Ho approved of it, and strongly supported the
       measure at Court. But the crowd of Conservatives opposed, and
       he could not carry it. Then it was proposed to make an
       alliance with England, as was advised in the reform paper of
       Macao. The Government was undecided and feared that a great
       nation like England would not be willing. But when England
       asked that Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan should be open ports I
       hastened to Wêng Tung Ho and said, 'China is saved and will
       not perish. You must grant the request. Since God gives us
       this opportunity, it should on no account be let slip.' But
       the Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang had made up their minds
       to give them to Russia. Again, England promised to lend China
       ten millions at 3 per cent. Russia was forcing China to borrow
       from her at 4 per cent. The Foreign Office was in great fear
       between these two great nations, and undecided. They then
       discussed about borrowing from both, and finally decided not
       to borrow from either. I said, 'You should decline Russia's
       offer and borrow from England. Russia, though she might
       threaten us, will never dare to declare war on this account.'
       The Empress-Dowager favoured Russia and was afraid. In the end
       they did not borrow from either.

       "When Russia was seeking Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan, I
       presented two memorials that they should be refused to Russia
       and both made open ports. The Emperor blamed Prince Kung and
       Li Hung Chang, and asked, 'What is the use of a secret treaty
       with Russia? Not only does Russia not protect us, but she
       herself takes away territory from us.' Both the Prince and Li
       replied: 'It is by giving Port Arthur and Ta Lien Wan to
       Russia that the secret treaty is preserved.' At this the
       Emperor was very angry. When the Empress-Dowager decided to
       give them to Russia, and Wêng Tung Ho found that all my
       prophecies came true, he strongly recommended me to the
       Emperor.  Kao Hsueh Tseng, the Supervising Censor, Chen Pao
       Chen, the Governor of Hunan, Su Chih Ching, of the Hanlin
       College, and Li Twan Fên, President of the Board of Rites,
       also had recommended me from time to time. When the Emperor
       asked the members of the Cabinet, Wêng-Tung Ho recommended me,
       saying, 'His abilities are a hundred times superior to my
       own,' and prayed the Emperor to listen to me in all matters of
       reform. I also presented to the Emperor a record of England,
       France, and Germany, a comparative diagram of all nations, and
       the Reverend Timothy Richard's 'History of the Nineteenth
       Century' and his 'Essays for the Times,' and translations of
       Western books. The Emperor then understood something of the
       cause of the rise and fall of nations, and made up his mind to
       introduce great reforms. Desiring men to help him, he invited
       me, and acted on my former suggestions."

       But the situation at Peking, as Kang Yeu Wei describes it,—the
       weakness of the young Emperor and the strength of the
       Empress-Dowager,—made the undertaking of reform hopeless from
       the beginning. The Empress-Dowager had professed to resign the
       government, but, says Kang Yeu Wei, "she really still held the
       reins in her hands. She read the memorials about appointments.
       All the Ministers of the first and second rank were her
       nominees. The Emperor had no voice. In all matters he had to
       inform her first before acting. The Emperor was only an
       Emperor in name.

       "The Emperor was of a studious disposition. Since the loss of
       Formosa he has been greatly distressed about the decline of
       the Empire. After this his faithful tutor, Wêng Tung Ho, who
       was a learned man, sought foreign books for study, and
       presented them, with atlases, to the Emperor. These the
       Emperor daily studied, discovered the cause of foreign
       prosperity, discovered the reason of China's weakness and
       conservatism, and made up his mind to reform. But this was not
       in accordance with the view of the Empress-Dowager. At the
       beginning of the war with Japan the Emperor and his Ministers
       wanted war. The Empress-Dowager and Li Hung Chang wanted
       peace. The Empress-Dowager was ready to give up Manchuria and
       Formosa. The Emperor could not think of it for a moment
       without crying with distress; he wanted to make an alliance
       with England and to reform, while the Empress-Dowager was
       equally bent on alliance with Russia without reform. Thus
       their views diverged more and more, so that when the Emperor
       wanted to reform in 1895 the Empress hated him; two of his
       favourite Imperial ladies were beaten: the Vice-Presidents,
       Chang Lin, Wang Ming Luan, and Tsz Tui, a brother of one of
       these Imperial ladies, were driven away: and the Imperial
       ladies' tutor, Wên Ting Shih, was stripped of his honours,
       never to be employed any more. This was because all these
       advised the Emperor to keep the power in his own hands.

       "The eunuch Kow Lang Tsai memorialised the Empress-Dowager to
       resign the government into the hands of the Emperor. For this
       he was put to death. The Emperor himself narrowly escaped
       being put aside then. … Chang Lin was a straightforward man in
       whom Prince Kung put great confidence. In a memorial to the
       Emperor he said: 'The relation of the Empress-Dowager to the
       late Emperor Tung Chih was that of his own mother, but her
       relation to you is that of the widowed concubine of a former
       Emperor.' When the Empress-Dowager came to know this she was
       in a great rage. Prince Kung was also in great fear. When the
       Emperor issued an edict, by command of the Empress-Dowager, to
       degrade Chang Lin, Prince Kung was weeping on his knees. When
       asked the reason of it, the Emperor waved his hand and said,
       'Don't ask him.' The Emperor and the Prince wept together, and
       the Prince wept so bitterly that he had no strength to rise
       up. The Emperor commanded the eunuchs to help him up and lead
       him away. Wên Ting Shih begged the Emperor to exercise his
       rights. The Emperor waved his hand, saying, 'Don't speak,' for
       the Emperor knew long ago that when he took the reins of
       government into his own hands the Empress hated him."

    {91}

       Nevertheless, in 1898, the well-meaning but weak young Emperor
       was moved to a spasmodic assertion of his authority, in bold
       strokes of reform. "Rather than lose his empire like those of
       the Chin and the Ming dynasties, and become a by-word of
       disgrace for all future generations, he would risk the dangers
       of reform. If he succeeded, then he would get power into his
       own hands and save his country. If he failed, he would greatly
       open the minds of the people and prepare them for the future,
       and thus, perhaps, preserve a remnant of China. At this time
       the Emperor considered the chief thing was to preserve the
       country from being lost to foreign nations, and looked upon
       his position on the throne as of little consequence in
       comparison—considering the welfare of the people as of
       supreme importance, while his own person was of little
       importance. He had none to consult with, but decided to risk
       all danger and try."

          Kang Yen Wei,
          The Reform of China and the Revolution of 1898
          (Contemporary Review, August, 1899).

       Read with a knowledge of what came of them, the futile decrees
       which the helpless young Emperor issued in June, 1898, seem
       pathetic in the extreme. The following is a translation of the
       first of his reform edicts, which bears the date, "Kuang Hsu,
       24th year, 4th moon, 23d day," corresponding to June 11, 1898:

       "For a long time past the condition of Imperial affairs has
       been a subject of discussion among the officials of the
       Empire, both metropolitan and provincial, with a view to bring
       about changes necessary for improvement. Decrees have been
       frequently issued by the Emperor, for a special system of
       examinations, for doing away with the surplus soldiery, for
       the alteration of the military examinations and for the
       institution of colleges. In spite of the fact that these
       things have so often been carefully thought out, and so many
       plans have been formed, there is no general consensus of
       opinion, and discussion is still rife as to which plans are
       best. There are some among the older officials who affirm that
       the old ways are best and need no alteration, and that the new
       plans are not required. Such babblings are vain and useless.

       "The Emperor puts the question before you thus: In the present
       condition of Imperial affairs, with an untrained army, with
       limited funds, with ignorant 'literati,' and with artisans
       untaught because they have no fit teachers, is there any
       difficulty in deciding, when China is compared with foreign
       nations, who is the strong and who is the weak? It is easy to
       distinguish between the rich and the poor. How can a man armed
       with a wooden stick smite his foe encased in a coat of mail?
       The Emperor sees that the affairs of the Empire are in an
       unsettled condition, and that his various Decrees have availed
       nothing, Diversity of opinion, each unlike another as fire
       differs from water, is responsible for the spread of the
       existing evil. It is the same evil as that which existed in
       the Sung and Ming dynasties (circa A. D. 1000 and 1500). Our
       present system is not of the slightest use. We cannot in these
       modern days adhere to the ways of the five Kings(circa B. C.
       2500); even they did not continue exactly after the manner of
       their respective predecessors. It is like wearing thick
       clothes in summer and thin ones in winter. "Now, therefore,
       the Emperor orders all officials, metropolitan and provincial,
       from prince down to 'literati,' to give their whole minds to a
       real endeavour to improvement. With perseverance, like that of
       the saints of old, do your utmost to discover which foreign
       country has the best system in any branch of learning and
       learn that one. Your great fault is the falseness of your
       present knowledge. Make a special effort and determine to
       learn the best of everything. Do not merely learn the outside
       covers of the books of knowledge, and do not make a loud boast
       of your own attainments. The Emperor's wish is to change what
       is now useless into something useful, so that proficiency may
       be attained and handed on to posterity. The Metropolitan
       College will be the chief one, and must be instituted at once.
       The Emperor orders the Grand Councillors to consult with the
       Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, and to come to a decision as
       soon as possible, and then to memorialize the Throne. Any of
       the compilers and graduates of the Hanlin College, the
       secretaries of the Boards, the officers of the Palace Guards,
       expectant Intendants, Prefects, district Magistrates, and
       subordinate officials, sons and brothers of officials, the
       hereditary officials of the Eight Banners, and the sons of the
       military officials of the Empire, can enter the College who wish
       to do so. By this means knowledge will be handed down from one
       generation to another. It will be strictly forbidden to
       members of the College to be careless or dilatory in their
       studies, or to introduce as students any of their friends
       without regard for the latter's capabilities; for such things
       would frustrate the benefit of this excellent plan of His
       Imperial Majesty."

       A day later he issued the following: "The Tsung-li Yamên have
       reported to the Throne that in obedience to instructions they
       have considered the requests contained in the memorial of the
       Vice-President Jung Hui, for the appointment of special
       Ministers of Commerce, and the sending of members of the
       Imperial family to visit foreign nations. Commercial matters
       are of the highest importance, and the suggestion is one which
       deserves to be acted upon. As the result of a former
       consultation of the Tsung-li Yamên on the subject, commercial
       bureaus have been established at the capitals of the
       provinces, and the officials of each province have ordered the
       leading gentry and merchants to elect from their numbers managers
       of the bureaus, who will then draw up commercial regulations.
       It is to be hoped that strict conformity to these Regulations
       will lead to a daily improvement in trade; and the Emperor
       orders the Viceroys and Governors of the provinces to direct
       the gentry and merchants to strictly obey the official
       instructions, and to consult together for the most speedy and
       satisfactory arrangement of commercial matters; it is to be
       hoped that in this way the officials will be kept in touch
       with the merchants. We must not adhere blindly to our old
       customs. Let the officials of each province memorialize the
       Throne, and inform the Emperor how commercial affairs are
       managed in their respective provinces.
    {92}
       With regard to the suggestion that members of the Imperial
       Family should go abroad, this is a new departure, but is quite
       in accordance with modern custom. The Emperor, therefore,
       orders the Court of the Imperial clan to select from the
       Princes of the first three ranks any who are well versed in
       modern affairs and ideas, and who are on the side of modern
       improvement, and to inform the Emperor of their selection. The
       selected Princes will then await the Emperor's orders with
       regard to their journey."

       On the 15th the following imperial mandate was published:
       "Wêng T'ung-ho, Assistant Grand Secretary and President of the
       Board of Revenue, has of late made many errors in the conduct
       of business, and has forfeited all confidence; on several
       occasions he has been impeached to the Throne. At his private
       audiences of the Emperor he has replied to His Majesty's
       questions with no regard for anything except his own personal
       feeling and opinion, and he has made no attempt to conceal his
       pleasure or displeasure either in his speech or in his
       countenance. It has gradually become clear that his ambition
       and rebellious feeling have led him to arrogate to himself an
       attempt to dictate to the Emperor. It is impossible to permit
       him to remain in the responsible position of a Grand
       Councillor. In former days a strict inquiry would have been
       held, and his crime punished with the utmost rigour of the
       law. Taking into consideration, however, his long service as
       tutor to the Emperor, His Majesty cannot bring himself to mete
       out to him such a severe penalty. Let Wêng T'ung-ho vacate his
       posts, and retire into private life, as a warning that he is
       preserved (from a worse fate)."

       In transmitting this mandate to the British Foreign Office,
       Sir Claude MacDonald explained that Wêng T'ung-ho was a
       "reactionary," whose "influence was invariably against
       innovation and progress," but personally "prepossessing,
       courteous, and scholarly—an excellent type of the Conservative
       Chinese statesman." But that the dismissal of Wêng T'ung-ho
       did not signify the triumph of the reform party was shown the
       same day by a decree commanding special honors to the Empress
       Dowager, who seemed to be losing no time in reasserting
       herself. "In future," said the edict, "whenever officials
       receive favours or gifts from the Empress Dowager, or receive
       promotion to the highest civil or military rank or to the
       Vice-Presidency of a Board, they must (after thanking the
       Emperor) present themselves before the Empress Dowager and
       thank her; and in similar cases all provincial
       Tartar-Generals, Lieutenant-Generals, Viceroys, Governors, and
       Commanders-in-chief must write their thanks to the Empress
       Dowager (as well as to the Emperor)."

       Other radically reforming decrees that were issued by the
       Emperor during June and early in July were described by the
       British Minister in a despatch dated July 9, as follows:

       "To effect a change in the agricultural methods of an ancient
       Eastern nation would seem a very hopeless task, but from a
       Decree published on the 4th instant, it appears that a censor
       has made proposals for the establishment of a school of
       agriculture, on which the Tsung-Ii Yamên were asked to report.
       The Decree founded on their Report states that agriculture is
       the basis of the States' wealth, and that measures for its
       revival are urgently needed. The provincial authorities are,
       therefore, directed to examine all methods of cultivation,
       whether Chinese or foreign, with a view to their adoption by
       the people. … The Decree proceeds to promise rewards for
       successful treatment of agricultural problems, and to direct
       the translation and circulation in provincial Colleges of
       foreign works on the subject.

       "Two Decrees, published on the 27th June and 5th July, have
       reference to reforms in the Chinese army, but they throw no
       light on the nature of them, and merely refer certain
       suggestions to various Departments for examination. The last
       Decree I shall mention, which appeared on the 5th instant,
       contains a very frank admission of the need of reforms. It
       states that in foreign countries commerce and industry thrive
       and progress, while in China, though there is no lack of
       ability, it is fettered in the bonds of ancient custom, and
       cannot free itself. As one means of assisting in its
       liberation it is ordained that any persons producing 'new
       books' (presumably books that show originality of thought), or
       being the first to use new methods, or to produce new
       instruments or appliances suitable for use, are to receive
       rewards from the State in the shape either of official
       employment, if they are fitted for it, or of some other
       distinction. In the case of inventions a certificate will be
       given, and the profits secured to the inventor for a fixed
       term of years—in fact patent rights will be granted. Rewards
       will also be given to those who, with their own resources,
       establish colleges, open up mines, or set up arsenals for the
       manufacture of rifles and cannon. In conclusion, the Tsung-li
       Yamên are directed to draw up Regulations for effecting the
       above objects."

       The zeal of the reforming movement was kept alive and its
       authors held their ground throughout the summer, and nearly to
       the end of September. On the 17th of that month, Sir Claude
       MacDonald wrote to Lord Salisbury: "Imperial Decrees intended
       to launch China on the path of reform continue to appear,
       though there are few signs of any of them taking practical
       effect. The Emperor is evidently learning that it is one thing
       to issue a reform Edict and another to get it obeyed. Not long
       ago a Decree was issued, the object of which was to make the
       Throne more accessible to the subordinate portion of the
       official world. At the beginning of this month a case was
       brought to His Majesty's notice, in which the Board of
       Ceremonies disobeyed this Decree by refusing to transmit a
       Memorial sent in by a Secretary. He was much enraged, and
       forthwith cashiered the six head officials of the Board, that
       is to say, the two Presidents and four Vice-Presidents.

       "On the 12th instant he followed this up by a fresh Decree
       dwelling on the circumstances and reiterating his previous
       instructions. Memorials were to be presented as they came in,
       it being of the highest importance, in the present critical
       state of public affairs, that all such communications should
       be examined as soon as possible. Obstruction and delay were to
       be punished with the utmost rigour, and special commands were
       given that the previous Edicts on reform, all of which were
       enumerated, were to be hung up in a public place in each Yamên
       throughout the Empire, so that no one should be ignorant of
       their contents.
    {93}
       Not satisfied with all this, he issued, also on the 12th
       instant, a long and remarkable Decree calling attention to the
       advantages of Western methods, and inveighing against
       degenerate officials and conservative Ministers, who not only
       could not assist him in adopting their methods, but spread
       reports instead calculated to disturb the minds of the people.
       He wanted his subjects to know that they 'could depend on
       their Prince,' and appealed to them to make China powerful by
       working for reform with 'united minds.' The previous orders
       were amplified, and the privilege of memorializing the Throne,
       which formerly stopped at officers of a high rank, is now
       extended to practically every soul in the Empire.

       "Next day, the 13th September, another Decree repeated the
       terms of the above in clearer detail, and laid down precisely
       the procedure each class was to observe in making itself
       heard. The severest penalties were threatened should there be
       any interference with the free exercise of this privilege by
       the high officers of Government, who were commanded to report
       by telegram the steps they were taking to fulfil the Imperial
       wishes. The series of Decrees above quoted are naturally
       creating a great commotion in the Chinese official world, and
       it will be interesting to note their effect."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899, page 179-279.

       The effect was soon known. It was one which brought the
       reformers to grief and their reforms to an end.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (September).
       Overthrow of the Reformers.
       Subjugation of the Emperor by the Empress-Dowager.
       His countermanding decrees.

       The Imperial reformer announced the downfall of his own
       authority on the 21st of September, in the following
       significant decree:

       "The affairs of the nation are at present in a difficult
       position, and everything awaits reform. I, the Emperor, am
       working day and night with all my powers, and every day
       arrange a multitude of affairs. But, despite my careful toil,
       I constantly fear to be overwhelmed by the press of work. I
       reverently recall that Her Majesty the Empress Dowager has on
       two occasions since the reign of Tung Chih (1861) assumed the
       reins of Government with great success in critical periods. In
       all she did Her Majesty showed perfection. Moved by a deep
       regard for the welfare of the nation, I have repeatedly
       implored Her Majesty to be graciously pleased to advise me in
       government, and have received her assent. This is an assurance
       of prosperity to the whole nation, officials and people. Her
       Majesty will commence to transact business from to-day in the
       side Hall. On the 23rd September, I, the Emperor, will lead my
       princes and high officials to make obeisance in the Ch'in
       Chêng Hall. Let the proper officials reverently and carefully
       prepare the fitting programme of the ceremony."

       On the 25th he announced: "Since the 4th moon, I, the Emperor,
       have been frequently ailing in health, and in spite of
       long-continued treatment there is still no great improvement.
       Should there be any persons, either in the capital or the
       provinces, who are highly skilled in the treatment of disease,
       let the officials at once recommend them to the throne and
       await our orders. Should such men be in the provinces let them
       be sent to the capital without the least delay."

       On the 26th the unfortunate Emperor was made to send forth
       another decree, countermanding the greater part of the orders
       he had been giving, on the pretext that they had been
       misunderstood and badly carried out. The obstructive offices
       which he had abolished were restored; the permission given to
       scholars and people to present memorials was withdrawn. "The
       original purpose," said the decree, "was that we should see
       with the eyes and hear with the ears of everybody, but the
       Court has now opened wide the path of access to the throne,
       and if there are useful proposals for reform made in the
       statements of any of the different classes of officials they
       are bound to be observed at once and set into operation. At
       present, careless documents all alike in character pour in.
       All are full of frivolous statements, some even touch on the
       extravagant, and all are much wanting in order. Hereafter all
       officers whose duty it is to speak shall say what they have to
       say in fitting language. In accordance with the prescribed
       rules, persons or officers who are not competent to
       memorialize the throne are not permitted to submit sealed
       documents. The 'Times,' official newspaper, is of no benefit
       to good government and will vainly disturb men's minds: let it
       be abolished at once. The Imperial colleges will be ground for
       the cultivation of talent. Apart from those which are already
       being gradually established in Peking and the provincial
       capitals, let the local officials in all prefectures and
       districts where it is proposed to establish minor colleges
       consider the local conditions and the convenience of the
       people. Let the temples [which were to have been turned into
       colleges] in the provinces remain as before; there is no need
       to make colleges of them and disturb the feelings of the
       people. Over and above the matters above mentioned, there are
       others which have been duly considered and put into operation,
       and others which are under consideration, such as trade,
       agriculture, reorganization of the army, and the development
       of resources, all of which are of undoubted consequence to the
       State and the people, and must imperatively be introduced
       gradually. Those measures which are of no benefit to the
       present system of government, and are detrimental to the
       Constitution, need not be discussed. Let the six Boards and
       the Tsung-li Yamên make an investigation of these matters,
       consider them with special care, and submit a report to the
       throne so that they may be dealt with."

       The events which attended and followed these decrees were
       reported by Sir Claude MacDonald on September 28, as follows:
       "The Decree [of the 21st] naturally created much excitement in
       Peking, and rumours of impending disaster to the most prominent
       of the advocates of reform were prevalent. Subsequent
       proceedings justified the alarm and assumed the character of a
       coup d'etat. The same day the house of Chang Yin-huan was
       surrounded by the police in search of one K'ang Yu-wei. This
       K'ang Yu-wei is a Chinese scholar of high repute who was,
       until lately, editor of a Chinese newspaper in Shanghae known
       as 'Progress.' He was a strong advocate of reform, and was
       this year recommended to the Emperor, and on his arrival in
       Peking was given a position of Secretary in the Board of
       Works. He is said to have acquired great influence over the
       Emperor, and to have been his adviser in his recent reform
       measures. K'ang Yu-wei could not be found, and it has
       subsequently transpired that he has escaped and left Shanghae
       on the 27th in the English mail for Hong Kong.
    {94}
       So keen was the hunt for him that on the 22nd all traffic was
       stopped on the Tien-tsin Railway line to prevent his passage.
       On the 24th instant orders were issued for the arrest of
       several officials who had been in relation with him, including
       Chang Yin-huan and Hsü Chih-ch'ing. The latter had recommended
       K'ang to the throne, and had been recently appointed President of
       the Board of Rites. Chang Yin-huan went to the Board of
       Punishments and has remained a prisoner since. The precise
       charge against K'ang and his friends has not transpired, but
       it is supposed to be one of conspiracy against the liberty and
       even the life of the Empress Dowager.

       "It was reported on the 25th that Chang was to be executed the
       same evening or early next morning, and I thought it advisable
       to make an appeal on his behalf for at least due consideration
       of any charge brought against him. The report reached me late
       in the afternoon, and it was therefore necessary to take
       prompt measures. It was supposed that Li Hung-chang had been
       consulted by the Empress Dowager in the matter. I accordingly
       addressed a letter to his Excellency pointing out the horror
       with which such sudden executions were regarded by all Western
       nations, and the bad effect the secret and hasty condemnation
       of an official of Chang's rank, who was so well known in
       Europe, would produce, and begged his Excellency to use what
       influence he possessed to prevent such hurried action. I
       concluded my letter by saying that I appealed to him, Li,
       because he was the only Statesman now in Peking who was
       conversant with European methods, and would, therefore,
       thoroughly realize the disastrous impression which such a
       summary execution would produce throughout the Western world.
       It is well known that Li Hung-chang and Chang Yin-huan are
       deadly enemies, and it was generally reported that Chang's
       imprisonment was due to Li. The Grand Secretary replied saying
       that he highly respected my generous and humane motives, and
       he assured me that no summary action would be taken."

       On the 30th Sir Claude reported: "Six of the reformers
       referred to in my despatch of the 28th September were executed
       on the 28th instant. They included a brother of K'ang Yu-wei,
       the chief reformer, and, though subordinates, all were
       graduates and men of standing. Chang Yin-huan has been
       banished to Chinese Turkestan, where he is to be kept under
       rigorous surveillance. No precise crime is charged against
       him. The Edict announcing his punishment accuses him vaguely
       of being treacherous, fickle, and a sycophant. Last night a
       long Decree appeared dealing with the so-called conspiracy.
       K'ang Yu-wei is declared to have taken advantage of the
       Emperor's leaning towards beneficial reforms to plot a
       revolution, which was to be opened by surrounding the Palace
       at Wan Shoushan and seizing the Empress-Dowager and the
       Emperor. The haste in executing K'ang's chief accomplices, for
       it appears that the legal formalities had not been observed,
       is admitted to have been caused by Memorials, whose dominant
       note was fear of a revolution if punishment was delayed."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: China,
          Number 1, 1899, pages 291-294.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (October).
       The Empress-Dowager.
       Her past career.
       Her character.

       The Empress-Dowager, so called, who now recovered her
       ascendancy over the weak young Emperor, which the reformers
       had momentarily overcome, and who became again the real
       Sovereign of the Empire, as she had been for the past thirty
       years, "was never Empress, not even as imperial consort,
       having been but the secondary wife of Hsien-fêng, the Emperor
       who fled from his capital on the approach of the Anglo-French
       forces in 1860 [see, in volume 1, CHINA: A. D. 1856-1860]. But
       she took the title as the mother of that ill-starred monarch's
       heir, in which capacity she was allowed to share with the
       widow proper the regency during the minority of the Emperor
       Tung-Chih (or Che, for there is no agreement as to the
       transliteration of Chinese sounds). … The female duumvirate
       was not what was intended—was in fact an unforeseen result of
       the last will and testament of the Emperor Hsien-fêng, who
       died at his hunting lodge at Jêho, whither he himself had been
       hunted by the victorious invaders. …

       "The fundamental law of the Ta-tsing dynasty is the Salic law.
       No woman and no eunuch can ever reign or rule. Conforming to
       the laws of his house, the Emperor in his will nominated a
       Council of Regency during the minority of his infant son,
       afterwards known as the Emperor Tung-Chih. The Council was
       composed of two imperial princes and the Minister Sun-che. To
       his two wives, the true but childless one and the secondary
       one who was mother of the Prince Imperial, he bequeathed the
       guardianship of the infant. The Emperor placed his real
       confidence in the first, the legal wife; but he was fond of
       the other, the mother of his heir. A serious dilemma thus
       confronted him, which he thought to evade by placing in the
       hands of the Empress a private and personal testament, giving
       her absolute authority over her colleague, only to be
       exercised, however, in certain emergencies. As a matter of
       fact, the power was never called into exercise.

       "The Empress-mother was twenty-seven years old, clever,
       ambitious, and apparently fearless. … She conceived a scheme
       by which the position might be reversed, and confided it to
       her brother-in-law, Prince Kung. … The ambition which the
       Empress-mother confided to Prince Kung was nothing less than
       to suppress the Council of Regency, and set up in its place
       the authority of the two Empresses. Inasmuch, however, as they
       were ignorant of affairs, and women to boot, the Prince
       himself was to be the real executive and de facto ruler of the
       empire. Prince Kung yielded to the seduction, and thus became
       accessory to the violation of the dynastic law. … The Regents
       were returning from the obsequies of the deceased Emperor when
       Prince Kung launched trumped-up charges against them of
       neglect of certain funeral rites, had them arrested on the
       road, and executed. By this summary violence the two Empresses
       were securely established as Regents, with Prince Kung as
       Chancellor of the empire. For a few years things went
       smoothly. … The two Regents seldom met. … From the relative
       position of the buildings in which they had their respective
       apartments, the ladies were known as the Eastern and Western
       Empresses, the former being the title commonly applied to the
       one whom we have termed the true Empress. …

    {95}

       "The 'Eastern Empress' was full of gentleness, meditation, and
       widowhood. … She was, therefore, unequally yoked with her
       sterner sister, and the pair could never have really worked
       together to any practical end. The eclipse of the weaker
       luminary was only a question of time. … The life and death of
       the young Emperor Tung-Chih, the son of Hsien-fêng and the
       present Empress-regnante, seems little more than an episode in
       the career of his imperial—and imperious—mother. He died
       within two years of his full accession, removed by his own
       mother as some would have us believe, but by quite other
       agencies as others no less boldly affirm. … With the
       disappearance of her son, the last plank in the legal platform
       of the Empress-mother disappeared. But her appetite had grown
       by what it fed upon. She had now had fourteen years' schooling
       in statecraft, and she resolved that, 'per fas et nefas,'
       reign who might, she would govern. … The story of her second
       coup d'etat of January, 1875, has been often related,—how the
       Empress so-called caused her own sister's child to be snatched
       out of its warm bed on a bitter night and conveyed into the
       Palace, whence he was proclaimed Emperor at daybreak. By this
       stroke the Regent at once aggrandised her own family, made a
       friend of a younger brother-in-law, the father of the child,
       to replace the elder who had become an enemy, and, to sum up
       all, secured for herself a new lease of power. For she who
       could thus make an emperor could also make a regent."

          The Empress-Regent of China
          (Blackwood's Magazine, November 1898).

    CHINA: A. D. 1898. (October-November).
       Outbreaks of popular hostility to foreigners.
       Guards for the Legations sent to Peking.
       Chinese troops removed.

       The palace revolution which overthrew the reforming party was
       followed quickly by outbreaks of popular hostility to
       foreigners. Two messages were cabled to Lord Salisbury from
       Peking October 1st. One informed him: "A Chinese mob at a
       point between Peking and the railway station yesterday
       afternoon violently assaulted several foreigners who had to
       pass that way from the train. Among those assaulted was Mr.
       Mortimore of this Legation, and an English lady, who were
       severely attacked with mud and stones; a member of the United
       States' Legation had one of his ribs broken. There is a
       decided spirit of disturbance among the Chinese, though the
       fact that many bad characters were about yesterday in
       consequence of the mid-autumn festival may go some way towards
       accounting for these outrages. I have requested Admiral
       Seymour by telegraph to despatch a vessel to Taku, in case a
       guard should be required for the protection of this Legation,
       and I am making strong representations to the Tsung-li Yamên."

       In his second despatch the British Minister announced: "I do
       not anticipate any danger, but a good and reassuring effect
       will be produced, as after the Japanese war, by the presence
       of a guard. The foreign Representatives decided this morning
       to send for a small guard to protect the respective Legations.
       I have asked Admiral Seymour to send me twenty-five marines
       with a machine-gun. The German, Russian, Japanese, and Italian
       Representatives had previously arranged for their guards."

       On the 5th, Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "A meeting of
       foreign Representatives yesterday decided to notify the
       Chinese Government of the proposed departure from Tien-tsin
       for Peking to-morrow of bodies of British, German, and Russian
       marines, and to ask that all facilities, including a special
       train, should be extended to them by the Chinese authorities;
       the French, American, Japanese, and Italian marines to come
       straight on to Peking on their arrival at Tien-tsin. The
       meeting was held in consequence of the refusal of the Viceroy
       of Chihli to permit any foreign soldiers to leave Tien-tsin
       for Peking without special permission from the Tsung-li Yamên.
       It is very likely that the Chinese Government will make a
       protest similar to that of 1895, but it would be very
       ill-advised at the present crisis to give way to their
       protests, and it is absolutely necessary that the decision of
       the foreign Representatives should be put into effect."

       The Chinese government did protest, but without effect. The
       legation guards were insisted upon, and, as speedily as
       possible, they were provided from the war-ships of the several
       powers, and quartered in Peking. Then the Chinese authorities
       brought troops to the capital, and the sense of danger at the
       legations grew. On the 25th of October Minister MacDonald
       cabled to London: "A serious menace to the safety of Europeans
       is the presence of some 10,000 soldiers, who have come from
       the Province of Kansu, and are to be quartered in the hunting
       park, two miles south of Peking. A party of these soldiers
       made a savage assault on four Europeans (including Mr. C. W.
       Campbell, of this Legation), who were last Sunday visiting the
       railway line at Lukou Chiao. The foreign Ministers will meet
       this morning to protest against these outrages. I shall see
       the Yamên to-day, and propose to demand that the force of
       soldiers shall be removed to another province, and that the
       offenders shall be rigorously dealt with."

       On the 29th he telegraphed again: "The Foreign Representatives
       met yesterday, and drafted a note to the Yamên demanding that
       the Kansu troops should be withdrawn at once. The troops in
       question have not been paid for some months, and are in a
       semi-mutinous state. They have declared their intention to
       drive all Europeans out of the north of China, and have cut
       the telegraph wires and destroyed portions of the railway line
       between Lukouchiao and Pao-ting Fu. Some disturbances have
       been caused by them on the railway to Tien-tsin, but the line
       has not been touched, and traffic has not been interrupted. In
       the city here all is quiet. The presence of these troops in
       the immediate vicinity of Peking undoubtedly constitutes a
       serious danger to all Europeans. The Yamên gave me a promise
       that the force should be removed, but have not yet carried it
       into effect."

       On the 6th of November he reported that the Yamên had replied
       to the note of the Diplomatic Body, acknowledging that the
       troops lacked discipline and were a source of danger, and
       again promising their removal, but that nothing had been done.
       He added: "It was decided unanimously to address a note to the
       Yamên, stating that if the troops in question were not
       withdrawn by the 11th instant, our respective Governments
       would adopt such measures as they considered necessary for the
       protection during the winter months of foreigners in Peking and
       Tien-tsin."

    {96}

       After several more exchanges of notes between the Diplomatic
       Body and the Yamên, peremptory on one side, apologetic on the
       other, the troops were removed to Chi-chow, about 80 miles
       east of Peking, beginning their march November 15. A few days
       previously Sir Claude MacDonald had been able to report "That
       two of the ringleaders in the attack on Mr. Campbell and other
       Europeans at Lu Kow-chiao [announced in despatch of October
       25] were brought into Peking and flogged in Mr. Campbell's
       presence at the Yamên of the Governor of the city on the 29th
       October. The men were sentenced to 1,000 blows each, but Mr.
       Campbell, after eighty blows had been inflicted, begged that
       the flogging might cease. It turned out that two other
       soldiers were struck by bullets from a small revolver, which
       was used by one of the railway engineers in self-defence, and,
       chiefly for this reason, I did not press for more floggings.

       "I attached more importance to the punishment of the officer
       in command, who, it appears, had been warned beforehand by the
       railway authorities to keep his men away from the railway
       bridge, but had refused to do so. I consider him the person
       really responsible for what happened, and at an interview on
       the 31st October I told the Yamên that I should not be
       satisfied, and the incident would not be closed, until I saw
       his degradation published in the official Gazette. On the 4th
       November an Imperial Decree was issued ordering this officer,
       a Colonel named Chu Wan-jung, to be handed over to the Board
       of War for punishment. The Ministers inform me that this is
       likely to mean his degradation. I have, however, again warned
       their Excellencies that nothing short of this punishment will
       be satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government."

       Great Britain, Papers by Command:
       China, Number 1, 1899, pages 258-279, and 332.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898 (December).
       Reorganization of Chinese armies.
       Reception by the Empress-Dowager to
       the ladies of the Legations.

       On the 20th of December Sir Claude MacDonald reported: "The
       reorganization of the land forces in the north appears to be
       occupying the serious attention of the Central Government. In
       the early half of this month Edicts were issued by the Empress
       Dowager approving proposals made by Jung Lu, who was appointed
       Generalissimo of northern armies immediately after the K'ang
       Yü-wei conspiracy. The following are the principal features of
       these proposals. The armies under the command of Sung Ch'ing
       and others, that is to say all the brigaded troops in North
       China, are to be organized in four corps—front, rear, right,
       and left—to occupy different strategical points. In addition,
       Jung Lu will raise a centre corps of 10,000 men, to be
       stationed presumably in or about Peking. … The importance of
       bringing the other four corps into an efficient state is dwelt
       upon, and the Edicts are stern in demanding the production of
       sufficient funds for the purpose. The Viceroy of Chihli is
       also instructed to closely scrutinize the condition of the
       Peiyang drilled troops—formerly Li Hung-chang's army—and bring
       them into order. They are to be under the orders of Jung Lu,
       instead of the Viceroy.

       "The Viceroys responsible for the Arsenals of North and Mid
       China are also commanded to see to the immediate construction
       of quick-firing guns and Mauser rifles and other war material,
       and to the preparation of maps of the coast-line for military
       purposes. Jung Lu has done nothing yet towards raising the
       centre corps beyond calling in the assistance of a
       German-educated officer named Yin Ch'ang, who holds a post in
       the Tien-tsin Military Academy. He is reputedly able, and
       probably one of the best Chinese available for the work, but I
       question whether he will be given sufficient powers of
       control. He is now engaged in drawing up a scheme."

       Bearing the same date as the above, we find a despatch from
       Sir Claude MacDonald descriptive of a reception given by the
       Empress-Dowager, on the 13th, to the wives of the foreign
       representatives at Peking, "to accept their congratulations on
       the occasion of Her Imperial Majesty's birthday." "The
       ceremony," said the British Minister, "passed off extremely
       well. The Empress Dowager made a most favourable impression by
       her courtesy and affability. Those who went to the Palace
       under the idea that they would meet a cold and haughty person
       of strong imperious manners were agreeably surprised to find
       Her Imperial Majesty a kind and courteous hostess, who
       displayed both the tact and softness of a womanly
       disposition." "Thus ended," writes Sir Claude, in closing his
       despatch, "the incident which may be considered to mark
       another step in the nearer relations of China and foreign
       nations."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1900, pages 12-15.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Rioting in Shanghai consequent on
       French desecration of a cemetery.
       French demand for extension of settlement ground in Shanghai.
       English and American protests.
       The outcome.

       On the 18th of July, 1898, the following was reported by the
       British Consul-General at Shanghai:

       "Serious rioting took place in the French Settlement on the
       16th und the morning of 17th instant, in the course of which
       some fifteen natives lost their lives. The disturbance was due
       to an attempt of the French authorities to take possession of
       certain temple land known as the Ningpo Joss-house Cemetery.
       The ground is full of graves, and it is also used for
       depositing coffins until a favourable opportunity presents
       itself for removing them to the native districts of the
       deceased. The cemetery is within the limits of the French
       Settlement; originally it was far removed from the inhabited
       portion of the Settlement, but by degrees new streets have
       been laid out, and houses have been built, until the cemetery
       is surrounded by dwellings.

       "Twenty-four years ago the French Municipality attempted to
       make a road through the cemetery, but such serious rioting
       broke out that the French Consul thought it prudent to abandon
       his claim to the ground, and gave the Ningpo Guild to
       understand that they would be left in undisturbed possession.
       As years have gone on, the nuisance of having a cemetery in
       the midst of a crowded Settlement has made itself more and
       more felt, and some months ago the French Municipal Council
       decided to expropriate the owners and to pay them
       compensation. The Ningpo Guild and the Chinese authorities
       were duly apprised of the intention, and they were urged to
       make their own arrangements for removing the coffins to some
       other site.
    {97}
       They would not admit that the French had any right to
       dispossess them, and they refused to vacate the land. The
       French Consuls then gave the Chinese officials notice that the
       Municipal Council would take possession on a certain day; and
       as the day drew near the Taotai became very uneasy, and
       appealed to the Foreign Consuls to interfere in the matter,
       giving hints that serious rioting and loss of life, would
       result if the French Consul persisted in his intentions.

       "On the morning of the 16th, the day appointed for taking
       possession of the cemetery, a detachment from the French
       cruiser 'Éclaireur' and a strong body of police marched to the
       cemetery, and afforded protection to the workmen who were told
       off to make a breach in the cemetery wall by way of taking
       possession. An angry mob watched these operations, and, as
       time went on, the streets filled with crowds of men, who moved
       about making hostile demonstrations, but the French showed great
       self-restraint, and no serious collision took place on that
       day. All night long the crowds filled the streets, and many
       lamps were smashed and lamp-posts uprooted.

       "Early on Sunday morning a determined attack was made by the
       mob on one of the French police-stations, and when the small
       body of men within saw that their lives were in danger, they
       opened fire. About the same time the police and the
       'Éclaireur's' men attacked bands of rioters in other quarters,
       with the result that on Sunday morning, as far as can be
       ascertained, fifteen men were shot dead or bayoneted, and
       about forty were seriously wounded. After that the rioters
       seemed to have become intimidated for a time, and the streets
       were left to the police. Meanwhile many of the shops in both
       Settlements were closed, and orders were sent to all Ningpo
       men—and they form 50 per cent. of the population—to go out on
       strike.

       "Some of the principal Ningpo merchants came forward in the
       afternoon, and through the good offices of a peacemaker came
       to an understanding with the French Consul, under which it was
       agreed that the French should postpone taking possession of the
       cemetery for one month, during which time the Ningpo Guild
       trust to come to some amicable arrangement. The French Consul
       has given them to understand that he will not recede from his
       position; the cemetery must be given up, but he is willing
       that this should be done in any way that will be most pleasing
       to the Ningpo residents."

       On the 23d of August it was announced by telegram from
       Shanghai that "the dispute arising out of the Ningpo Josshouse
       is about to be settled by French withdrawing their claims to
       remove the buildings in consideration for an extension of
       their concession as far as Si-ca Wei, an addition of 20 square
       miles." This raised protests from Great Britain and the United
       States, many of whose citizens owned property within the area
       thus proposed to be placed under French jurisdiction; and the
       distracted Tsung-li Yamên was threatened and pulled about
       between the contending parties for months. The final outcome
       was an extension of the general Foreign Settlement at Shanghai
       (principally British and American) and a limited extension of
       that especially controlled by the French. The adjustment of
       the question was not reached until near the end of 1899.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1899. and Number 1, 1900.

    CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-January).
       Anti-missionary insurrection at Shun-ch'ing,
       in Central Szechuan.

       The following is from a communication addressed by the British
       Minister to the Tsung-li Yamên, August 2, 1898:

       "At Shun-ch'ing Fu the local officials, with a few of the
       gentry, have for years shown themselves determinedly hostile
       to foreigners, and have refused to allow houses to be let to
       missionaries. British missionaries have in consequence been
       forced to quarter themselves in an inn for the last six years,
       but even that was apparently objected to; in 1893 there was a
       riot, and in 1895 another, in which two missionaries were
       treated with brutal violence. In May of this year a house was
       finally rented; the District Magistrate was notified, but
       neither he nor the Pao-ning Taotai issued proclamations or
       gave protection, though requested by the missionaries to do
       so. The Shun-ch'ing Prefect, instead of giving protection,
       connived at the local opposition, and with the usual results.
       On the 15th June three missionaries were attacked and stoned,
       and one severely wounded, while passing through the city, and
       though protection was asked of the Prefect, he gave none, and
       later he and the other officials repeatedly refused to issue a
       Proclamation or to take any measures whatever to avert
       disturbances. On the 20th the Prefect feigned sickness, and
       could not be appealed to, and on the 27th the house leased by
       the missionaries was destroyed, with all the property it
       contained. The Roman Catholic establishment was also gutted.

       "As usual the disturbance did not end at Shun-ch'ing. Later on
       a Roman Catholic Chapel at Yung ch'ang Hsien was attacked and
       looted, two native Christians killed, 10,000 taels of silver
       stolen, and a French priest [Father Fleury] seized and held to
       ransom by a band of rioters. I am also informed that other
       acts of brigandage have occurred, and that the Protestant
       missions at Pao-ning and Shê-Hung are in grave danger. The
       Provincial Government appears to absolutely ignore the recent
       Imperial Decrees for the prevention of missionary troubles.
       All the conditions point to this, or to an utter incapacity on
       the part of those officers to exercise satisfactory control. Her
       Majesty's Consul, indeed, informs me that there is one band of
       brigands, led by an outlaw known as Yü Mau Tzu, which is able
       to terrorise two important districts in the centre of Szechuan
       and even to overawe the Chêngtu authorities. In connection
       with the Shun-ch'ing affair Her Majesty's Consul has made the
       following demands:

       1. Immediate restoration of their house to the missionaries,
       the officers to pay the whole cost of repairs;

       2. Punishment of the ring-leaders;

       3. The local headmen to give security for future good conduct;

       4. Compensation for all property destroyed;

       5. Punishment of officials in fault.

       I shall look to the Yamên and see that these demands are fully
       satisfied and with the least possible delay."

    {98}

       But urgency from both England and France failed to stimulate
       action on the part of the Chinese government, energetic enough
       to stop this anti-missionary movement in Central Szechuan. What
       seems to have been a riot at first became a formidable revolt.
       "The action of the Provincial Government was paralysed by the
       fact that Father Fleury was still in Yü's hands, and would be
       killed if a move was made against the brigands. On the other
       side the Viceroy was informed by M. Haas, the French Consul,
       that if anything happened to the Father the consequences to
       China would be disagreeable. The Taotai was in consequence
       making efforts to secure the release of the prisoners by
       paying blackmail." In September it was reported that "Yü's
       power was increasing, his emissaries were scattered about in
       places beyond his immediate sphere of influence, and were
       attempting to stir up Secret Societies, and he had issued a
       manifesto. A riot took place at Ho Chou, 60 miles north of
       Chungking, on the 14th September, the American mission
       hospital being partially looted and a Roman Catholic
       establishment destroyed by fire. The Provincial Government was
       acting weakly and unprofitably."

       Towards the end of September, "Yü marched with about 2,000
       uniformed men and took up a position on the Ch'êng-tu road;
       thence he moved east to Tung-Liang, pillaging and burning the
       houses of Christians, and levying contributions on the rich.
       The Viceroy, at the request of the Consuls, was said to have
       sent 4,000 troops from Ch'êng-tu, Lu-chou, and Ho-chiang to
       converge on Chungking. Twelve of the rebels, who had been
       seized at a place only 30 miles south of the port, were
       publicly executed with torture in Chungking on the 30th
       September." In October the report was that "fresh troops were
       arriving, and were taking up positions along the Ch'êng-tu
       road, and the passes north of Chungking. Further executions
       had taken place. … The Procureur of the French Mission
       estimated that up to date the total damage done by Yü Mau-tzu
       was twenty persons killed, the houses of 6,000 Christians
       burned and their property stolen, and twelve Missions
       destroyed."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: China,
          Number 1, 1899, page 249, and Number 1, 1900, page 152.

       On the 12th of October the United States Minister, Mr. Conger,
       sent to the State Department at Washington the following
       translation of a decree issued by the Empress Dowager on the
       6th:

       "From the opening of ports to foreign trade to the present
       time, foreigners and Chinese have been as one family, with
       undivided interests, and since missionaries from foreign
       countries are living in the interior, we have decreed, not
       three or four times, but many times, that the local officials
       must protect them; that the gentry and people of all the
       provinces must sympathize with our desire for mutual
       benevolence; that they must treat them truthfully and
       honestly, without dislike or suspicion, with the hope of
       lasting peaceful relations.

       "Recently, there have been disturbances in the provinces which
       it has been impossible to avoid. There have been several cases
       of riot in Szechuan, which have not been settled. The stupid
       and ignorant people who circulate rumors and stir up strife,
       proceeding from light to grave differences, are most truly to
       be detested. On the other hand, the officials, who have not
       been able at convenient seasons to properly instruct the
       people and prevent disturbances, can not be excused from
       censure.

       "We now especially decree again that all high provincial
       officials, wherever there are churches, shall distinctly
       instruct the local officials to most respectfully obey our
       several decrees, to recognize and protect the foreign
       missionaries as they go to and fro, and to treat them with all
       courtesy. If lawsuits arise between Chinese and native
       Christians, they must be conducted with justice and speedily
       concluded. Moreover, they must command and instruct the gentry
       and people to fulfill their duties, that there may be no
       quarrels or disagreements. Wherever there are foreigners
       traveling from place to place, they must surely be protected
       and the extreme limit of our hospitality extended. After the
       issue of this decree, if there is any lack of preparation and
       disturbances should arise, the officials of that locality will
       be severely dealt with; whether they be viceroys or governors
       or others they shall be punished, and it will not avail to say
       we have not informed you."

          United States Consular Reports,
          February, 1899, page 299.

       On the 1st of November the British Consul at Chungking
       announced "an alarming extension of the rebellion. Flourishing
       communities of Christians in four districts were destroyed,
       and heavy contributions were laid on non-Christians. The
       continued inactivity of the Government troops was chiefly
       attributable to orders from the Yamên to the effect that the
       first and foremost consideration was the rescue of Père
       Fleury. Negotiations were being carried on by the Chungking
       Taotai and the Chinese Generals for the Father's release; a
       ransom of 100,000 taels was offered, presents were sent to Yü
       and his mother, and he and his lieutenants were given buttons
       of the third rank." The next month, however, brought on the
       scene a new Viceroy who really wished to suppress the
       insurrection, though he "complained that his hands were tied
       by the Yamên's instructions, which urged him to come to terms
       with Yü." At last this singularly energetic Viceroy got
       permission to fight the rebels. On arriving in front of the
       terrible Yü he "found that the troops who had been stationed
       there previously were quite untrustworthy, and that the
       Generals and local officials were all more or less in league
       with the rebels. However, as soon as it was learnt that the
       Treasurer meant business, a number of the rebels dispersed.
       The main band, under Yü Mau-tzu, about 6,000 in number, was
       then surrounded in Ta Tsu Hsien, after a preliminary encounter
       in which the rebels lost some 100 men. By the 19th January, a
       Maxim was brought to bear on Yü's camp, and the rebels fled
       like rabbits. Yü begged Père Fleury to save his life, and next
       day released the Father, who found his way to the Treasurer,
       after some narrow escapes. Yü then surrendered."

       It was said at the time that the French government was
       demanding an indemnity in this case to the amount of £150,000.
       Later it was understood that the French Minister at Peking
       "had taken advantage of the pending missionary ease to revive
       an old request for a Mining Concession."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 1, 1900.

    {99}

    CHINA: A. D. 1899.
       Anti-missionary outbreaks, increasing piracy, and other
       signs of growing disorder in the country.

       During 1899 there was a notable relaxation of the hard and
       ceaseless pressure upon China which governments, capitalists
       and speculators had been keeping up of late, in demands more
       or less peremptory for harbor leases, settlement grounds,
       railway franchises, mining privileges, and naval, military and
       commercial advantages of every possible sort. But the irritation
       of the country under the bullying and "nagging" of the
       treatment it had received from the European nations revealed
       itself in increasing outbreaks of popular hostility to
       foreigners; and these called out threats and demands, for
       indemnity and punishment, which were made, as a rule, in the
       truculent tone that had become habitual to western diplomacy
       in dealing with the people of the East. It was a tone which
       the Chinese provoked, by the childish evasions and treacherous
       deceptions with which their officials tried to baffle the
       demands made on them; but it gave no less offense, and is no
       less plainly to be counted among the causes of what afterwards
       occurred.

       Throughout most of the year, the British Legation at Peking
       and the Consulate at Chungking were busied in obtaining
       satisfaction for the murder of Mr. Fleming, a missionary in
       the China Inland Mission, stationed at Pang Hai, near
       Kwei-Yang. He had been killed and the mission looted in
       November, 1898. The Chinese authorities claimed that he had
       been killed by a band of rebels. The British Consul
       investigated and became convinced that the missionary had been
       the victim of a deliberate plot, directed by the headman of the
       village of Chung An Chiang, where the murder occurred, and
       connived at by the military official Liu. The Chinese
       government, yielding to this conviction, caused two of the
       murderers to be executed, degraded and exiled all of the local
       officials who were involved in the crime, except the headman,
       and paid an indemnity of $30,000. But the headman escaped, and
       it was claimed by the governor of the province that he could
       not be found. The British authorities found evidence that he
       was being shielded by the governor, and demanded the dismissal
       of the governor, which was persistently refused. Finally, in
       October, 1899, the guilty headman was hunted down.

       On the 18th of February, the British Minister complained
       energetically to the Tsung-li Yamên of the rapid increase of
       piracy on the Canton River. "Since November, 1898," he wrote,
       "that is in three months, no less than forty-seven cases of
       piracy in the Canton waters have been reported in the papers.
       In several of these cases life was taken, and it may almost be
       said that a reign of terror exists on the waterways of the Two
       Kuang. Cargo boats are afraid to travel at night, or to move
       about except in company, and trade is becoming to a certain
       extent paralysed. The Viceroy is always ailing, and it is
       difficult to obtain an interview with him. Her Majesty's
       Consul has repeatedly addressed him on the subject of these
       piracies in the strongest terms, but can only obtain the
       stereotyped reply that stringent instructions have been sent
       to the officials concerned. Admiral Ho, the
       Commander-in-chief, who should properly be the officer to
       inaugurate a vigorous campaign against the pirates, appears
       absolutely supine and incapable of dealing with the evil. The
       complaints of the Hong Kong Government and Her Majesty's
       Consuls show a state of affairs in Canton waters which is
       quite intolerable. There is no security for life or property,
       and as British subjects are closely concerned, it is my duty
       to inform your Highness and your Excellencies that unless
       measures are immediately taken to prevent such outrages, I
       shall have to report, for the consideration of Her Majesty's
       Government, the advisability of taking steps to protect
       British lives and property, either by patrolling the waterways
       or by placing guards on the steamers, the expense of which
       would be the subject of a claim on the Chinese Government."

       On the 28th of February, Herr von Billow, the German Imperial
       Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, announced in the
       Reichstag, at Berlin, the reception of a telegram from
       Tien-tsin, reporting that several Germans had been attacked
       and insulted in that town on the 24th, and had been compelled
       to take refuge in the side streets and narrow alleys. The
       Imperial Government, he said, had been already aware for some
       weeks past that a considerable feeling of irritation had
       manifested itself against foreigners in China, especially in
       the southern portion of the Province of Shantung. The Chinese
       Government were thereupon warned of the necessity of
       maintaining order and securing public safety, and, upon the
       receipt of the telegram above referred to, the German Minister
       at Peking was instructed to impress upon the Chinese
       Government that, if such incidents were permitted to recur, or
       the perpetrators allowed to escape unpunished, the
       consequences for China would be very serious. "We have," Herr
       von Bülow declared, "neither the occasion nor the desire to
       interfere in the internal affairs of China. But it is our duty
       to watch lest the life and property of our fellow subjects,
       whether missionaries or traders, should be made to suffer
       through the internal complications in China."

       In March, however, the state of things at and near Peking was
       so far improved that the Legation guards were being withdrawn.
       Sir Claude MacDonald obtained leave of absence and left Peking
       on the 23d for a visit to England, and the business of the
       Legation was conducted for a time by Mr. Bax-Ironside, the
       Charge d'Affaires.

       In June there was an anti-missionary riot at Kienning, in the
       neighborhood of Foochow, excited by the murder of a boy,
       popular rumor ascribing the murder to foreigners. "In all
       directions," wrote one of the threatened missionaries, who
       gave an account of the occurrence, "murders were said to be
       taking place, though no bodies were ever found; that seemed of
       no consequence to the people, and the story was current, and
       was apparently generally believed, that these murders were
       done by men in our employ, and that we used the eyes and legs
       to make medicine. There were endless stories of people being
       kidnapped, chloroformed in the road by a bottle being held out
       to their nose, and the day I arrived it was said that eyes had
       been found at Tai-lui, a suburb of Kienning, and as I passed a
       crowd was actually on the spot seeking for the said eyes." The
       missionaries succeeded in escaping from the mob; but one
       native convert was killed, and the mission hospital and other
       premises were looted.

       The ideas and the state of feeling out of which this attack on
       the missionaries and their converts grew are revealed in the
       following translation of a placard that was posted in Kienning
       in June:

       "We of this region have hitherto led a worthy life. All the
       four castes (scholars, agriculturists, artizans, traders) have
       kept the laws and done their duty. Of late foreigners have
       suddenly come among us in a disorderly march and preaching
       heretical doctrines. They have had from us indulgent
       treatment, but they have repaid us by endangering our lives.
       This year, in town and country, people have been hewn in two,
       men and women in numbers have fallen upon evil days.
    {100}
       Everywhere the perpetrators have been seized, and everyone of
       them has confessed that it was by the missionary chapels they
       were ordered to go forth and slay men and women; to cut out
       their brains and marrow to make into medicine. The officials
       deliberately refrained from interfering. They garbled the
       evidence and screened the malefactors. The whole country side
       is filled with wrath; the officials then posted Proclamations,
       and arrested spreaders of false reports. The hewing down of
       men is hateful; but they issued no Proclamations forbidding
       that. Now fortunately the people is of one mind in its wrath.
       They have destroyed two chapels. The Ou-ning ruffian has
       issued another Proclamation, holding this to be the work of
       local rowdies. He little knows that our indignation is
       righteous, and that it is a unanimous expression of feeling.
       If the officials authorize the police to effect unjust
       arrests, the people will unite in a body, in every street
       business will be stopped, and the Wu-li missionary chapel will
       be destroyed, while the officials themselves will be turned
       out of the city, and the converts will be slain and
       overthrown. When cutting grass destroy the roots at the same
       time. Do not let dead ashes spring again into flame."

       A settlement of the Kienning case was arranged locally between
       the British Consul at Foochow, Mr. Playfair, and the Viceroy
       of the province. The views of the Consul were expressed in a
       communication to Mr. Bax-Ironside as follows:

       "Since the missionaries established themselves there it is the
       sixth attempt made to drive them out of the region. The common
       people (from what I can gather) have no animus against the
       foreign preacher of the Gospel, and show none. On the
       contrary, whether moved to accept Christianity or not, they
       appear to recognize that missionaries are in any case there
       for benevolent and beneficial objects. Schools and hospitals
       are independent of proselytizing, and, even if the
       missionaries were never to make another convert, they would be
       doing good and useful work in spreading Western knowledge and
       healing the sick. In addition to this, the presence of
       missionaries in out-of-the-way places in China has one
       unquestionable advantage. To use the phrase of Sir Thomas
       Wade, they 'multiply the points of contact,' and familiarize
       the Chinese with the sight of the European. To the missionary,
       either as a preacher of the Gospel or as a dispenser of benefits,
       the populace at Kienning does not seem to have shown any
       aversion; yet six times this populace has risen and tried to
       drive the missionaries from the place. The logical inference
       is that the Kienning peasant, though tolerant by nature, is
       subject to some outside influence. He is moved, not by what he
       sees, but by what he is told exists beyond his range of
       vision; and these things are pointed out to him by such as he
       believes to be his intellectual superiors, and as have,
       therefore, the faculty of perceiving what is hid from himself.
       The history of almost every anti-missionary movement in China
       points to the same process. Why the educated classes of this
       land should be so inveterately hostile to the foreigner is a
       difficult question to answer. It has been suggested that the
       Chinese of this type have an ineradicable conviction that
       every European is at heart a 'land-grabber'; that missionaries
       are the advance agents of their Governments; that the Bible is
       the certain forerunner of the gun-boat; and that where the
       missionary comes as a sojourner he means to stay as a
       proprietor; consequently, that the only hope of integrity for
       China is that her loyal sons should on every occasion destroy
       the baneful germ. Extravagant and (in the instance of
       Kienning) far-fetched as these notions may seem, I am
       convinced that the literati and gentry have been at the root
       not only of the present outbreak, but of the others which have
       preceded it. While, therefore, I have insisted throughout that
       Kienning must be made a place of safe residence for the
       British missionary, I have considered that the only way to
       attain that result will be to shackle the hands of the gentry
       by making any further breach of the peace a sure precursor of
       punishment."

       To this end, Mr. Playfair's exactions included, not only the
       trial and punishment of those guilty of the riot and the
       murder, but the signing of a bond by twenty-four leading
       notables of Kienning, binding them, with penalties, to protect
       the missionaries. His demand was complied with, and, on the
       29th of September, he reported that the required bond had been
       given. He added: "Before accepting it, however, I required the
       authorities to inform me officially that the terms, which to me
       seemed somewhat vague, were understood by the authorities to
       extend the responsibility of the gentry to any outbreak of the
       populace. I received this intimation and I consider that it
       supplements the original wording effectually."

       In November the German government made public the substance of
       an official telegram received from Peking, reporting a serious
       state of disturbance in the German missionary districts of
       Shantung: "It appears from this communication that the
       followers of the sects of the 'Red Fist' and the 'Great Knife'
       are in a state of revolt against the Administration and the
       people in that province, and are engaged in plunder and rapine
       in many places. The native Christians suffer no less than the
       rest of the population by this revolt. Money was usually
       extorted from them, and their dwellings were pillaged or
       destroyed. The Italian Mission, situated in the adjoining
       district, were faring no better, and their chapel had just
       been burned down. Owing, however, to the unremitting
       representations of the German Minister, the Chinese Government
       have caused several of the agitators to be arrested by the local
       authorities, and they are taking further steps in this
       direction, with the result that order is gradually being
       restored. At several places the native Christians, with their
       non-Christian fellow-countrymen, repulsed the rebels by force
       of arms. The Provincial Governor has promised the authorities
       of the Mission a full indemnity for the losses suffered by
       them and by the other Christians, and several payments have
       already been made."

       On the 4th of December, the following despatch was sent to
       London from the British Legation at Peking:

       "During the delimitation of French leased territory at
       Kwang-chou-wan on the 13th November, Chinese villagers seized
       two French officers and decapitated them. The execution of a
       dignitary—the Prefect concerned in the murder—has been
       demanded by the French Minister, as well as the dismissal of
       the Canton Viceroy, who is also implicated. The Chinese
       Commissioner engaged in the delimitation and the gunboat in
       which he travelled are held by the French as hostages."

    {101}

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March).
       The Tsung-li Yamên.
       Its character and position.
       The power of the Empress Dowager.

       The Tsung-li Yamên is a small body of Councillors who form a
       species of Cabinet, with a special obligation to advise the
       Emperor on foreign affairs. "They have no constitutional
       position whatever, they have no powers except those derived
       from the Emperor, and they are very much afraid for
       themselves. He may by mere fiat deprive them of their rank,
       which is high; he may 'squeeze' them of their wealth, which is
       often great; he may banish them from the delights of Pekin to
       very unpleasant places; or he may order them to be quietly
       decapitated or cut slowly into little pieces. At such times
       their preoccupation is neither their country nor their
       immediate business, nor even their own advancement, but to
       avoid offending the irritable earthly deity who holds their
       lives and fortunes in his hands. Such a time it is just now.
       The Empress-Dowager is Emperor in all but name, she has ideas
       and a will, and she is suspicious to the last degree. There is
       no possibility of opposing her, for she has drawn together
       eighty thousand troops round Pekin, who while she pays their
       Generals will execute anybody she pleases; there is no
       possibility of appeal from her, for she represents a
       theocracy; and there is no possibility of overpowering her
       mind, for she is that dreadful phenomenon four or five times
       revealed in history, an Asiatic woman possessed of absolute
       power, and determined to sweep away all who oppose, or whom
       she suspects of opposition, from her path. Under her regime
       the members of the Tsung-li Yamên are powerless nonentities,
       trembling with fear lest, if they make a blunder, they may
       awaken the anger of their all-powerful and implacable
       Sovereign, whose motives they themselves often fail to
       fathom."

          The Spectator (London),
          March 18, 1899.

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
       Agreement between England and Russia concerning
       their railway interests in China.

       On the 28th of April, 1899, the governments of Great Britain
       and Russia exchanged notes, embodying an agreement
       (practically arrived at in the previous month) concerning
       their respective railway interests in China, in the following
       terms:

       "Russia and Great Britain, animated by the sincere desire to
       avoid in China all cause of conflict on questions where their
       interests meet, and taking into consideration the economic and
       geographical gravitation of certain parts of that Empire, have
       agreed as follows:

       1. Russia engages not to seek for her own account, or on
       behalf of Russian subjects or of others, any railway
       concessions in the basin of the Yang-tsze, and not to
       obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for railway
       concessions in that region supported by the British
       Government.

       2. Great Britain, on her part, engages not to seek for her own
       account, or on behalf of British subjects or of others, any
       railway concessions to the north of the Great Wall of China,
       and not to obstruct, directly or indirectly, applications for
       railway concessions in that region supported by the Russian
       Government. The two contracting parties, having nowise in view
       to infringe in any way the sovereign rights of China or of
       existing treaties, will not fail to communicate to the Chinese
       Government the present arrangement, which, by averting all
       cause of complication between them, is of a nature to
       consolidate peace in the far East, and to serve the primordial
       interests of China herself."

       Second Note. "In order to complete the notes exchanged this
       day respecting the partition of spheres for concessions for
       the construction and working of railways in China, it has been
       agreed to record in the present additional note the
       arrangement arrived at with regard to the line
       Shanghaikuan-Newchwang, for the construction of which a loan
       has been already contracted by the Chinese Government with the
       Shanghai-Hongkong Bank, acting on behalf of the British and
       Chinese corporation. The general arrangement established by
       the above-mentioned notes is not to infringe in any way the
       rights acquired under the said loan contract, and the Chinese
       Government may appoint both an English engineer and a European
       accountant to supervise the construction of the line in
       question, and the expenditure of the money appropriated to it.
       But it remains understood that this fact can not be taken as
       constituting a right of property or foreign control, and that
       the line in question is to remain a Chinese line under the
       control of the Chinese Government, and can not be mortgaged or
       alienated to a non-Chinese Company. As regards the branch line
       from Siaoheichan to Sinminting, in addition to the aforesaid
       restrictions, it has been agreed that it is to be constructed
       by China herself, which may permit European—not necessarily
       British—engineers to periodically inspect it, and to verify
       and certify that the work is being properly executed. The
       present special agreement is naturally not to interfere in any
       way with the right of the Russian Government to support, if it
       thinks fit, applications of Russian subjects or establishments
       for concessions for railways, which, starting from the main
       Manchurian line in a southwesterly direction, would traverse
       the region in which the Chinese line terminating at Sinminting
       and Newchwang is to be constructed."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command,
          Treaty Series, Number 11, 1899.

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (April).
       Increasing ascendancy of Manchus in the government.

       On the 17th of April, Mr. Bax-Ironside reported to Lord
       Salisbury: "There has been no change of importance to note in
       the political situation. The tendency to replace Chinese by
       Manchus in the important political posts of the Empire is
       increasing. There are sixty-two Viceroys, Governors,
       Treasurers, and Judges of the eighteen provinces and the New
       Dominion. Twenty-four of these posts are now held by Manchus,
       whereas before the coup d'etat only thirteen of them were so
       occupied. So large a percentage of Manchus in the highest
       positions tends to indicate a retrograde administration, as
       the Manchus are, as a race, very inferior to the Chinese in
       intelligence and capacity, and their appointment to important
       positions is viewed with disfavour by the Chinese themselves.
       The Dowager-Empress has sent special instructions both to
       Moukden and Kirin to raise the present standard of the Manchu
       schools in those towns to that existing in the ordinary
       schools in Peking."-

          Great Britain, Papers by Command,
          China, Number 1, 1900, page 129.

    {102}

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (August).
       Talienwan declared a free port.

       "The Emperor of Russia in a quaintly worded Imperial Order
       issued on Sunday last [August 13] and addressed to the
       Minister of Finance, has declared that after the completion of
       the railway Talienwan shall be a free port during the whole
       duration of the lease from China. In the course of the Order
       the Emperor says: 'Thanks to the wise decision of the Chinese
       Government, we shall through the railway lines in course of
       construction be united with China,—a result which gives to all
       nations the immeasurable gain of easy communication and
       lightens the operations of the world's trade.' The Emperor
       also speaks of 'a rapprochement between the peoples of the
       West and East' (brought about apparently by obtaining an
       outlet for the great Siberian rail way) as 'our historic
       aim.'"

          Spectator (London),
          August 19, 1899.

    CHINA: A. D. 1899 (December).
       Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

       On the 20th of December it was announced that the Viceroy at
       Canton had been ordered to Peking and that Li Hung-chang had
       been appointed Acting Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi—the
       provinces of which Canton is the Viceroyal seat.

    CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).
       Pledges of an "open-door" commercial policy in China obtained
       by the government of the United States from the governments of
       Great Britain, Russia, France, Germany, Italy and Japan.

       On the 6th of September, 1899, the American Secretary of
       State, Mr. John Hay, despatched to the United States
       Ambassador at Berlin the following instructions, copies of
       which were forwarded at the same time to the Ambassadors at
       London and St. Petersburg, to be communicated to the British
       and Russian governments:

       "At the time when the Government of the United States was
       informed by that of Germany that it had leased from His
       Majesty the Emperor of China the port of Kiao-chao and the
       adjacent territory in the province of Shantung, assurances
       were given to the ambassador of the United States at Berlin by
       the Imperial German minister for foreign affairs that the
       rights and privileges insured by treaties with China to
       citizens of the United States would not thereby suffer or be
       in anywise impaired within the area over which Germany had
       thus obtained control. More recently, however, the British
       Government recognized by a formal agreement with Germany the
       exclusive right of the latter country to enjoy in said leased
       area and the contiguous 'sphere of influence or interest'
       certain privileges, more especially those relating to
       railroads and mining enterprises: but, as the exact nature and
       extent of the rights thus recognized have not been clearly
       defined, it is possible that serious conflicts of interest may
       at any time arise, not only between British and German
       subjects within said area, but that the interests of our
       citizens may also be jeopardized thereby. Earnestly desirous
       to remove any cause of irritation and to insure at the same
       time to the commerce of all nations in China the undoubted
       benefits which should accrue from a formal recognition by the
       various powers claiming 'spheres of interest,' that they shall
       enjoy perfect equality of treatment for their commerce and
       navigation within such 'spheres,' the Government of the United
       States would be pleased to see His German Majesty's Government
       give formal assurances and lend its cooperation in securing
       like assurances from the other interested powers that each
       within its respective sphere of whatever influence—

       "First. Will in no way interfere with any treaty port or any
       vested interest within any so-called 'sphere of interest' or
       leased territory it may have in China.

       "Second. That the Chinese treaty tariff of the time being
       shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such
       ports as are within said 'sphere of interest' (unless they be
       'free ports'), no matter to what nationality it may belong,
       and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese
       Government.

       "Third. That it will levy no higher harbor duties on vessels
       of another nationality frequenting any port in such 'sphere'
       than shall be levied on vessels of its own nationality' and no
       higher railroad charges over lines built, controlled, or
       operated within its 'sphere' on merchandise belonging to
       citizens or subjects of other nationalities transported
       through such 'sphere' than shall be levied on similar
       merchandise belonging to its own nationals transported over
       equal distances.

       "The liberal policy pursued by His Imperial German Majesty in
       declaring Kiao-chao a free port and in aiding the Chinese
       Government in the establishment there of a custom-house are so
       clearly in line with the proposition which this Government is
       anxious to see recognized that it entertains the strongest
       hope that Germany will give its acceptance and hearty support.
       The recent ukase of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia declaring
       the port of Ta-lien-wan open during the whole of the lease
       under which it is held from China, to the merchant ships of
       all nations, coupled with the categorical assurances made to
       this Government by His Imperial Majesty's representative at
       this capital at the time, and since repeated to me by the
       present Russian ambassador, seem to insure the support of the
       Emperor to the proposed measure. Our ambassador at the Court
       of St. Petersburg has, in consequence, been instructed to
       submit it to the Russian Government and to request their early
       consideration of it. A copy of my instruction on the subject to
       Mr. Tower is herewith inclosed for your confidential
       information. The commercial interests of Great Britain and
       Japan will be so clearly served by the desired declaration of
       intentions, and the views of the Governments of these
       countries as to the desirability of the adoption of measures
       insuring the benefits of equality of treatment of all foreign
       trade throughout China are so similar to those entertained by
       the United States, that their acceptance of the propositions
       herein outlined and their coöperation in advocating their
       adoption by the other powers can be confidently expected. I
       inclose herewith copy of the instruction which I have sent to
       Mr. Choate on the subject. In view of the present favorable
       conditions, you are instructed to submit the above
       considerations to His Imperial German Majesty's minister for
       foreign affairs, and to request his early consideration of the
       subject. Copy of this instruction is sent to our ambassadors
       at London and at St. Petersburg for their information."
       Subsequently the same proposal was addressed to the
       governments of France, Italy and Japan.

    {103}

       On the 30th of November, Lord Salisbury addressed to
       Ambassador Choate the reply of his government, as follows: "I
       have the honor to state that I have carefully considered, in
       communication with my colleagues, the proposal contained in
       your excellency's note of September 22 that a declaration
       should be made by foreign powers claiming 'spheres of
       interest' in China as to their intentions in regard to the
       treatment of foreign trade and interest therein. I have much
       pleasure in informing your excellency that Her Majesty's
       Government will be prepared to make a declaration in the sense
       desired by your Government in regard to the leased territory
       of Wei-hai Wei and all territory in China which may hereafter
       be acquired by Great Britain by lease or otherwise, and all
       spheres of interest now held or that may hereafter be held by
       her in China, provided that a similar declaration is made by
       other powers concerned."

       Ambassador Porter, at Paris, received a prompt reply, December
       16, from the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, M. Delcassé,
       in the following note:

       "The declarations which I made in the Chamber on the 24th of
       November last, and which I have had occasion to recall to you
       since then, show clearly the sentiments of the Government of
       the Republic. It desires throughout the whole of China and,
       with the quite natural reservation that all the powers
       interested give an assurance of their willingness to act
       likewise, is ready to apply in the territories which are
       leased to it, equal treatment to the citizens and subjects of
       all nations, especially in the matter of customs duties and
       navigation dues, as well as transportation tariffs on rail
       ways."

       Viscount Aoki, Minister for Foreign Affairs, replied for the
       government of Japan, December 26, in the following note to
       Minister Buck: "I have the happy duty of assuring your
       excellency that the Imperial Government will have no
       hesitation to give their assent to so just and fair a proposal
       of the United States, provided that all the other powers
       concerned shall accept the same."

       The reply of the Russian government was addressed to
       Ambassador Tower by Count Mouravieff, on the 30th of December,
       in the following terms:

       "In so far as the territory leased by China to Russia is
       concerned, the Imperial Government has already demonstrated
       its firm intention to follow the policy of 'the open door' by
       creating Dalny (Ta-lien-wan) a free port; and if at some
       future time that port, although remaining free itself, should
       be separated by a customs limit from other portions of the
       territory in question, the customs duties would be levied, in
       the zone subject to the tariff, upon all foreign merchandise
       without distinction as to nationality. As to the ports now
       opened or hereafter to be opened to foreign commerce by the
       Chinese Government, and which lie beyond the territory leased
       to Russia, the settlement of the question of customs duties
       belongs to China herself, and the Imperial Government has no
       intention whatever of claiming any privileges for its own
       subjects to the exclusion of other foreigners. It is to be
       understood, however, that this assurance of the Imperial
       Government is given upon condition that a similar declaration
       shall be made by other Powers having interests in China. With
       the conviction that this reply is such as to satisfy the
       inquiry made in the aforementioned note, the Imperial
       Government is happy to have complied with the wishes of the
       American Government, especially as it attaches the highest
       value to anything that may strengthen and consolidate the
       traditional relations of friendship existing between the two
       countries."

       On the 7th of January the reply of the Italian government was
       addressed to Minister Draper, at Rome, by the Marquis Visconti
       Venosta, as follows: "Supplementary to what you had already
       done me the honor of communicating to me in your note of
       December 9, 1899, your excellency informed me yesterday of the
       telegraphic note received from your Government that all the
       powers consulted by the cabinet of Washington concerning the
       suitability of adopting a line of policy which would insure to
       the trade of the whole world equality of treatment in China
       have given a favorable reply. Referring to your communications
       and to the statements in my note of December 23 last, I take
       pleasure in saying that the Government of the King adheres
       willingly to the proposals set forth in said note of December
       9."

       Finally, on the 19th of February, Count von Bülow wrote to
       Ambassador White, at Berlin:

       "As recognized by the Government of the United States of
       America, according to your excellency's note, … the Imperial
       Government has from the beginning not only asserted but also
       practically carried out to the fullest extent in its Chinese
       possessions absolute equality of treatment of all nations with
       regard to trade, navigation, and commerce. The Imperial
       Government entertains no thought of departing in the future
       from this principle, which at once excludes any prejudicial or
       disadvantageous commercial treatment of the citizens of the
       United States of America, so long as it is not forced to do
       so, on account of considerations of reciprocity, by a
       divergence from it by other governments. If, therefore, the
       other powers interested in the industrial development of the
       Chinese Empire are willing to recognize the same principles,
       this can only be desired by the Imperial Government, which in
       this case upon being requested will gladly be ready to
       participate with the United States of America and the other
       powers in an agreement made upon these lines, by which the
       same rights are reciprocally secured."

       Having, now, the assent of all the Powers which hold leased
       territory or claim "spheres of interest" in China, Secretary
       Hay sent instructions to the Ambassadors and Ministers
       representing the government of the United States at the
       capital of each, in the following form:

       "The —— Government having accepted the declaration suggested
       by the United States concerning foreign trade in China, the
       terms of which I transmitted to you in my instruction Number
       —— of ——, and like action having been taken by all the various
       powers having leased territory or so-called 'spheres of
       interest' in the Chinese Empire, as shown by the notes which I
       herewith transmit to you, you will please inform the
       government to which you are accredited that the condition
       originally attached to its acceptance—that all other powers
       concerned should likewise accept the proposals of the United
       States—having been complied with, this Government will
       therefore consider the assent given to it by —— as final and
       definitive."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 547.

    {104}

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Imperial Decree relative to the succession to the Throne.

       The following is a translation of an Imperial Decree, "by the
       Emperor's own pen," which appeared in the "Peking Gazette,"
       January 24, 1900:

       "When at a tender age we entered into the succession to the
       throne, Her Majesty the Empress-Dowager graciously undertook
       the rule of the country as Regent, taught and guided us with
       diligence, and managed all things, great and small, with
       unremitting care, until we ourself assumed the government.
       Thereafter the times again became critical. We bent all our
       thoughts and energies to the task of ruling rightly, striving
       to requite Her Majesty's loving kindness, that so we might
       fulfil the weighty duties intrusted to us by the late Emperor
       Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung Chih). But since last year we have suffered
       from ill-health, affairs of State have increased in magnitude
       and perplexity, and we have lived in constant dread of going
       wrong. Reflecting on the supreme importance of the worship of
       our ancestors and of the spirits of the land, we therefore
       implored the Empress-Dowager to advise us in the government.
       This was more than a year ago, but we have never been restored
       to health, and we have not the strength to perform in person
       the great sacrifices at the altar of Heaven and in the temples
       of the spirits of the land. And now the times are full of
       difficulties. We see Her Gracious Majesty's anxious toil by
       day and by night, never laid aside for rest or leisure, and
       with troubled mind we examine ourself, taking no comfort in
       sleep or food, but ever dwelling in thought on the labours of
       our ancestors in founding the dynasty, and ever fearful lest
       our strength be not equal to our task.

       "Moreover, we call to mind how, when we first succeeded to the
       throne, we reverently received the Empress-Dowager's Decree
       that as soon as a Prince should be born to us he should become
       the heir by adoption to the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi (T'ung
       Chih). This is known to all the officials and people
       throughout the Empire. But we suffer from an incurable
       disease, and it is impossible for us to beget a son, so that
       the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi has no posterity, and the consequences
       to the lines of succession are of the utmost gravity.
       Sorrowfully thinking on this, and feeling that there is no
       place to hide ourself for shame, how can we look forward to
       recovery from all our ailments? We have therefore humbly
       implored Her Sacred Majesty carefully to select from among the
       near branches of our family a good and worthy member, who
       should found a line of posterity for the Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
       (T'ung Chih), and to whom the Throne should revert hereafter.
       After repeated entreaties, Her Majesty has now deigned to
       grant her consent that P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, Prince Tuan,
       should be adopted as the son of the late Emperor Mu Tsung Yi
       (T'ung Chih). We have received Her Majesty's Decree with
       unspeakable joy, and in reverent obedience to her gracious
       instruction we appoint P'u Chün, son of Tsai Yi, as Prince
       Imperial, to carry on the dynastic succession. Let this Decree
       be made known to all men."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: China, Number 3, 1900, pages 15-16).

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       First accounts of the secret society of "the Boxers"
       and their bloody work.
       The murder of Mr. Brooks, the missionary.
       Prolonged effort of foreign Ministers to procure an Imperial
       Edict for the suppression of the hostile secret societies.
       A naval demonstration recommended.
       Testimony of Sir Robert Hart as to the causes and the
       patriotic inspiration of the Boxer movement.

       The year 1900 opened with news of the murder of Mr. Brooks, of
       the Church of England Mission in northern Shantung, who was
       wounded and captured December 30 and beheaded the day
       following, by a band of marauders belonging to a secret
       organization which soon became notorious under the name of the
       society of "the Boxers." The British Minister at Peking
       reported it to London on the 4th of January, and on the 5th he
       gave the following account of the state of affairs in northern
       Shantung, where the outrage occurred:

       "For several months past the northern part of the Province of
       Shantung has been disturbed by bands of rebels connected with
       various Secret Societies, who have been defying the
       authorities and pillaging the people. An organization known as
       the 'Boxers' has attained special notoriety, and their ravages
       recently spread over a large portion of Southern Chihli, where
       the native Christians appear to have suffered even more than
       the rest of the inhabitants from the lawlessness of these
       marauders. The danger to which, in both provinces, foreign
       missionary establishments have been thus exposed, has been the
       subject of repeated representations to the Chinese Government
       by others of the foreign Representatives—especially the German
       and United States' Ministers—and myself. Early last month the
       Governor of Shantung, Yü Hsien, was ordered to vacate his post
       and come to Peking for audience, and the General Yüan
       Shih-K'ai was appointed Acting Governor in his place. In
       Southern Chihli the task of dealing with the disturbances was
       entrusted to the Viceroy at Tien-tsin. Her Majesty's Consul at
       Tien-tsin has had repeatedly to complain to the latter of the
       inadequacy of the protection afforded to British life and
       property in the districts affected by the rebellion; and in
       consequence of these representations and of my own
       communications to the Tsung-li Yamên, guards of soldiers have
       been stationed for the special protection of the missionary
       premises which were endangered. On the 29th ultimo I took
       occasion to warn the Yamên by letter that if the disorder were
       not vigorously quelled, international complications were
       likely to ensue."

       After narrating an interview with the Tsung-li Yamên on the
       subject of the murder of Mr. Brooks, and repeating the
       assurances he had received of vigorous measures to punish the
       murderers, Minister MacDonald concluded his despatch by
       saying: "In a note which I addressed to the Yamên this morning
       I took occasion to remind the Ministers that there were other
       British missionaries living in the district where Mr. Brooks
       was killed, and to impress upon their Excellencies the
       necessity of securing efficient protection to these. I do not,
       however, entertain serious apprehensions as to their safety,
       because guards of soldiers have been for some time past
       stationed to protect the various missionary residences. The
       unfortunate man who was murdered was seized when he was
       travelling by wheel-barrow, without escort, through the
       country infested by the rebels."

    {105}

       A few days later, Bishop Scott, of the Church of England
       Mission, at Peking, received from Mr. Brown, another
       missionary in Shantung province, the following telegram:
       "Outlook very black; daily marauding; constant danger; Edict
       suppressing published; troops present, but useless; officials
       complete inaction: T'ai An Prefect blocks; secret orders from
       Throne to encourage." On this Sir Claude again called upon the
       Yamên, and "spoke to them," he says, "in terms of the gravest
       warning. While I could not believe it possible, I said, that
       the rumours of secret orders from the Throne were true, the
       mere fact of the currency of such rumours showed the
       impression which the conduct of the Prefect conveyed to the
       public. So much was I impressed by this, that I had come
       to-day especially to protest against the behaviour of the
       Shantung officials. The whole of the present difficulty could
       be traced to the attitude of the late Governor of Shantung, Yü
       Hsien, who secretly encouraged the seditious Society known as
       'the Boxers.' I had again and again pointed out to the
       Ministers that until China dealt with the high authorities in
       such cases these outrages would not cease. I asked the
       Ministers to telegraph to the new Governor Yüan that I had
       called at the Yamên that day to complain of the conduct of the
       Prefect of T'ai An. The Ministers attempted to excuse the
       inertia of the local officials on the plea that their
       difficulties were very great. The primary cause of the trouble
       was the bad feeling existing between the converts and the
       ordinary natives. This had developed until bands of marauders
       had formed, who harassed Christians and other natives alike.
       The local officials had hitherto not had sufficient force to
       cope with so widespread a rising, but now that Yüan and his
       troops had been sent to the province they hoped for the speedy
       restoration of order. I impressed upon the Ministers in the
       most emphatic manner my view of the gravity of the situation.
       The Imperial Edict expressing sorrow for what had occurred and
       enjoining strong measures was satisfactory so far as it went; but
       Her Majesty's Government required something more than mere
       words, and would now await action on the part of the Chinese
       Government in conformity with their promises."

       On the day of this interview (January 11), an Imperial Decree
       was issued by the Chinese government, opening in ambiguous
       terms and decreeing nothing. "Of late," it said, "in all the
       provinces brigandage has become daily more prevalent, and
       missionary cases have recurred with frequency. Most critics
       point to seditious Societies as the cause, and ask for
       rigorous suppression and punishment of these. But reflection
       shows that Societies are of different kinds. When worthless
       vagabonds form themselves into bands and sworn confederacies,
       and relying on their numbers create disturbances, the law can
       show absolutely no leniency to them on the other hand, when
       peaceful and law-abiding people practise their skill in
       mechanical arts for the self-preservation of themselves and
       their families, or when they combine in village communities
       for the mutual protection of the rural population, this is in
       accordance with the public-spirited principle (enjoined by
       Mencius) of 'keeping mutual watch and giving mutual help.'
       Some local authorities, when a case arises, do not regard this
       distinction, but, listening to false and idle rumours, regard
       all alike as seditious Societies, and involve all in one
       indiscriminate slaughter. The result is that no distinction
       being made between the good and the evil, men's minds are
       thrown into fear and doubt. This is, indeed, 'adding fuel to
       stop a fire,' 'driving fish to the deep part of the pool to
       catch them.' It means, not that the people are disorderly, but
       that the administration is bad."

       The foreign ministers at Peking soon learned that this
       ambiguous decree had given encouragement to the "Boxers," and
       the British, American, German, French and Italian
       representatives, by agreement, addressed an "identic note" to
       the Yamên, dated January 27, in which, referring to the state
       of affairs in north Shantung and in the centre and south of
       Chihli, each one said: "This state of affairs, which is a
       disgrace to any civilized country, has been brought about by
       the riotous and lawless behaviour of certain ruffians who have
       banded themselves together into two Societies, termed
       respectively the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
       Sword Society,' and by the apathy, and in some instances
       actual connivance and encouragement of these Societies by the
       local officials. The members of these Societies go about
       pillaging the homes of Christian converts, breaking down their
       chapels, robbing and ill-treating inoffensive women and
       children, and it is a fact, to which I would draw the special
       attention of your Highness and your Excellencies, that on the
       banners which are carried by these riotous and lawless people
       are inscribed the words, 'Exterminate the Foreigners.'

       "On the 11th January an Imperial Decree was issued drawing a
       distinction between good and bad Societies. The wording of
       this Decree has unfortunately given rise to a widespread
       impression that such Associations as the 'Fist of Righteous
       Harmony' and the 'Big Sword Society' are regarded with favour
       by the Chinese Government, and their members have openly
       expressed their gratification and have been encouraged by the
       Decree to continue to carry on their outrages against the
       Christian converts. I cannot for a moment suppose that such
       was the intention of this Decree. These Societies are, as I
       have shown, of a most pernicious and rebellious character.

       "I earnestly beg to draw the serious attention of the Throne
       to the circumstances above described: the disorders have not
       reached such a stage that they cannot be stamped out by prompt
       and energetic action: but if such action be not immediately
       taken, the rioters will be encouraged to think that they have
       the support of the Government and proceed to graver crimes,
       thereby seriously endangering international relations. As a
       preliminary measure, and one to which I attach the greatest
       importance, I have to beg that an Imperial Decree be published
       and promulgated, ordering by name the complete suppression and
       abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and the 'Big
       Sword Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly
       stated in the Decree that to belong to either of these
       Societies, or to harbour any of its members, is a criminal
       offence against the laws of China."

    {106}

       In communicating the above note to Lord Salisbury, Sir Claude
       MacDonald explained: "The name of the Society given in the
       note as 'The Fist of Righteous Harmony' is the same as the
       'Boxers.' The latter name was given in the first instance,
       either by missionaries or newspapers, but does not convey the
       meaning of the Chinese words. The idea underlying the name is
       that the members of the Society will unite to uphold the cause
       of righteousness, if necessary by force."

       On the 21st of February no reply to the identic note had been
       given, and the five foreign Ministers then wrote again. This
       brought an answer so evasive that they asked for an interview
       with the Yamên, and it was appointed for March 2d. On the
       evening of the 1st they received copies of a proclamation
       which the Governor-General of Chihli had been commanded to
       issue. The proclamation embodied an Imperial Decree,
       transmitted to the Governor-General on the 21st of February,
       which said: "Last year the Governor of Shantung telegraphed
       that the Society known as 'the Fist of Righteous Harmony' in
       many of his districts, under the plea of enmity to foreign
       religions, were raising disturbances in all directions, and
       had extended their operations into the southern part of
       Chihli. We have repeatedly ordered the Governor-General of
       Chihli and the Governor of Shantung to send soldiers to keep
       the peace. But it is to be feared that if stern measures of
       suppression of such proceedings as secretly establishing
       societies with names and collecting in numbers to raise
       disturbances be not taken, the ignorant populace will be
       deluded and excited, and as time goes on things will grow
       worse, and when some serious case ensues we shall be compelled
       to employ troops to extirpate the evil. The sufferers would be
       truly many, and the throne cannot bear to slay without
       warning. Let the Governor-General of Chihli and the Governor
       of Shantung issue the most stringent Proclamations admonishing
       the people and strictly prohibiting (the societies) so that
       our people may all know that to secretly establish societies
       is contrary to prohibition and a breach of the law."

       To this the Governor-General of Chihli added, in his own name:
       "I (the Governor-General) find it settled by decided cases
       that those people of no occupation, busybodies who style
       themselves Professors, and practise boxing, and play with
       clubs, and teach people their arts; those also who learn from
       these men, and those who march about and parade the villages
       and marts flourishing tridents, and playing with sticks,
       hood-winking the populace to make a profit for themselves, are
       strictly forbidden to carry on such practices. Should any
       disobey, on arrest the principals will receive 100 blows with
       the heavy bamboo, and be banished to a distance of 1,000
       miles. The pupils will receive the same beating, and be
       banished to another province for three years, and on
       expiration of that period and return to their native place be
       subjected to strict surveillance. Should any inn, temple or
       house harbour these people without report to the officials, or
       should the police and others not search them out and arrest
       them, the delinquents will be sentenced to eighty blows with
       the heavy bamboo for improper conduct in the higher degree.

       "From this it appears that teaching or practising boxing and
       club play, and deluding the people for private gain are
       fundamentally contrary to law. But of late some of the
       ignorant populace have been deluded by ruffians from other
       parts of the Empire who talk of charms and incantations and
       spiritual incarnations which protect from guns and cannon.
       They have dared to secretly establish the Society of the Fist
       of Righteous Harmony and have practised drill with fists and
       clubs. The movement has spread in all directions, and under
       the plea of hatred of foreign religions these people have
       harried the country. When soldiers and runners came to make
       arrests, turbulent ruffians had the audacity to defy them,
       relying on their numbers, thereby exhibiting a still greater
       contempt for the law. …

       "In addition to instructing all the local officials to adopt
       strict measures of prohibition and to punish without fail all
       offenders, I hereby issue this most stringent admonition and
       notify all people in my jurisdiction, gentry and every class
       of the population, that you should clearly understand that the
       establishment and formation of secret societies for the
       practice of boxing and club exercises are contrary to
       prohibition and a breach of the law. The assembly of mobs to
       create disturbances and all violent outrages are acts which
       the law will still less brook. … The converts and the ordinary
       people are all the subjects of the throne, and are regarded by
       the Government with impartial benevolence. No distinction is
       made between them. Should they have lawsuits they must bow to
       the judgments of the officials. The ordinary people must not
       give way to rage, and by violent acts create feuds and
       trouble. The converts on the other hand must not stir up
       strife and oppress the people or incite the missionaries to
       screen them and help them to obtain the upper hand."

       According to appointment, the interview with the Yamên took
       place on the 2d of March: "Mr. Conger, United States'
       Minister, Baron von Ketteler, German Minister, Marquis
       Salvago, Italian Minister, Baron d'Anthoüard, French Charge d'
       Affaires, and myself," writes Sir Claude MacDonald, "were
       received at the Yamên by Prince Ch'ing and nearly all the
       Ministers. On behalf of myself and my colleagues I
       recapitulated the circumstances, as detailed above, which had
       led to the demand which we now made. My colleagues all
       expressed to the Prince and Ministers their entire concurrence
       with the language I used, Mr. Conger reminded the Yamên of the
       incredulity with which they had listened to his
       representations regarding these disturbances over three months
       ago, and the promises they had been making ever since, from
       which nothing had resulted. Baron von Ketteler laid special
       stress on the fact that in the Decree just communicated no
       mention was made of the 'Ta Tao Hui,' or 'Big Knife Society,'
       the denunciation of which, equally with that of the
       'I-Ho-Ch'uan,' or 'Fist of Righteous Harmony,' had been
       demanded. The Prince and Ministers protested emphatically that
       the Throne was earnest in its determination to put a stop to
       the outrages committed by these Societies. They maintained
       that the method adopted for promulgating the Imperial Decree,
       that of sending it to the Governors of the provinces
       concerned, to be embodied in a Proclamation and acted upon,
       was much speedier and more effective than that of publishing a
       Decree in the 'Peking Gazette,' as suggested by us. With regard
       to the omission of the term 'Ta Tao Hui' from the Decree, they
       declared that this Society was now the same as the
       'I-Ho-Ch'uan.'"

    {107}

       At the close of the interview the five Ministers presented
       identic notes to the Yamên, in which each said: "I request
       that an Imperial Decree may be issued and published in the
       'Peking Gazette' ordering by name the complete suppression and
       abolition of the 'Fist of Righteous Harmony' and 'Big Sword
       Societies,' and I request that it may be distinctly stated in
       the Decree that to belong to either of these societies or to
       harbour any of its members is a criminal offence against the
       law of China. Nothing less than this will, I am convinced, put
       an end to the outrages against Christians which have lately
       been so prevalent in Chihli and Shantung. Should the Chinese
       Government refuse this reasonable request I shall be compelled
       to report to my Government their failure to take what may be
       called only an ordinary precaution against a most pernicious
       and anti-foreign organization. The consequences of further
       disorder in the districts concerned cannot fail to be
       extremely serious to the Chinese Government."

       The reply of the Yamên to this "identic note" was a lengthy
       argument to show that publication in the "Peking Gazette" of
       the Imperial Edict against "Boxers" would be contrary to "an
       established rule of public business in China which it is
       impossible to alter"; and that, furthermore, it would be
       useless, because the common people of the provinces would not
       see it. Not satisfied with this reply, the Ministers, on the
       10th of March, addressed another identic note to the Yamên, in
       the following words: "Acknowledging receipt of your Highness'
       and your Excellencies' note of the 7th March, I regret to say
       that it is in no way either an adequate or satisfactory reply
       to my notes or my verbal requests concerning the suppression
       of the two Societies known as the 'Big Sword' and 'Fist of
       Righteous Harmony.' I therefore am obliged to repeat the
       requests, and because of the rapid spread of these Societies,
       proof of which is accumulating every day, and which the
       Imperial Decree of the 11th January greatly encouraged, I
       insist that an absolute prohibitive Decree for all China,
       mentioning these two Societies by name, be forthwith issued
       and published in the 'Peking Gazette,' as was done with the
       Decree of the 11th January. Should I not receive a favourable
       answer without delay, I shall report the matter to my
       Government, and urge strongly the advisability of the adoption
       of other measures for the protection of the lives and property
       of British subjects in China."

       On the same day, each of the Ministers cabled the following
       recommendation to his government:

       "If the Chinese Government should refuse to publish the Decree
       we have required, and should the state of affairs not
       materially improve, I would respectfully recommend that a few
       ships of war of each nationality concerned should make a naval
       demonstration in North Chinese waters. Identic recommendations
       are being telegraphed home by my four colleagues
       above-mentioned."

       On the 16th, Sir Claude wrote: "No reply has yet been received
       from the Tsung-li Yamên to the note of the 10th March, and it
       was with serious misgivings as to the attitude of the Chinese
       Government on this question that I read yesterday the official
       announcement of the appointment of Yü Hsien, lately Governor
       of Shantung, to the post of Governor of Shansi. The growth and
       impunity of the anti-Christian Societies in Shantung has been
       universally ascribed to the sympathy and encouragement
       accorded to them by this high officer, and his conduct has for
       some time past formed the subject of strong representations on
       the part of several of the foreign Representatives."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 3, 1900, pages 3-26.

       "The foundation of the 'Boxers' can be traced to one man, Yü
       Hsien, who, when Prefect of Tsao-chau, in the south-west
       corner of Shan-tung, organized a band of men as local militia
       or trainbands. For them he revived the ancient appellation of
       'I-Ho-Ch'üan,' the Patriotic Harmony Fists. Armed with long
       swords, they were known popularly as the Ta-tao-huei, or Big
       Knife Society. After the occupation of Kiao-chau Bay the
       society grew in force, the professed objects of its members
       being to oppose the exactions of native Catholics and to
       resist further German aggression. They became anti-Christian
       and anti-foreign. They became a religious sect, and underwent
       a fantastic kind of spiritual training of weird incantations
       and grotesque gymnastics, which they professed to believe
       rendered them impervious to the sword and to the bullet of the
       white man. Three deities they specially selected as their
       own—namely, Kwanti, the God of War and patron deity of the
       present dynasty, Kwang Chéng-tze, an incarnation of Laotze,
       and the Joyful Buddha of the Falstaffian Belly. They made
       Taoist and Buddhist temples their headquarters. Everywhere
       they declared that they would drive the foreigner and his
       devilish religion from China. To encourage this society its
       founder, Yü Hsien, was in March, 1899, appointed by the Throne
       Governor of Shan-tung. In four years he had risen from the
       comparatively humble post of Prefect to that of the highest
       official in the province."

          Peking Correspondence London Times,
          October 13, 1900.

       Sir Robert Hart, an English gentleman who had been in the
       service of the Chinese government at Peking for many years,
       administering its maritime customs, is the author of an
       account of the causes and the character of the Boxer movement,
       written since its violent outbreak, from which the following
       passages are taken:

       "For ages China had discountenanced the military spirit and
       was laughed at by us accordingly, and thus, ever since
       intercourse under treaties has gone on, we have been lecturing
       the Government from our superior standpoint, telling it that
       it must grow strong—must create army and navy—must adopt
       foreign drill and foreign weapons—must prepare to hold its own
       against all comers—must remember 'Codlin' is its friend, not
       'Short': our words did not fall on closed ears—effect was
       given to selected bits of advice—and various firms did a very
       remarkable and very remunerative trade in arms. But while the
       Chinese Government made a note of all the advice its generous
       friends placed at its disposal, and adopted some suggestions
       because they either suited it or it seemed polite and harmless
       to do so, it did not forget its own thirty centuries of
       historic teaching, and it looked at affairs abroad through its
       own eyes and the eyes of its representatives at foreign
       Courts, studied their reports and the printed utterances of
       books, magazines, and newspapers, and the teaching thus
       received began gradually to crystallise in the belief that a
       huge standing army on European lines would be wasteful and
       dangerous and that a volunteer association—as suggested by the
       way all China ranged itself on the Government side in the
       Franco-Chinese affair—covering the whole Empire, offering an
       outlet for restless spirits and fostering a united and
       patriotic feeling, would be more reliable and effective, an
       idea which seemed to receive immediate confirmation from
       without in the stand a handful of burghers were making in the
       Transvaal: hence the Boxer Association, patriotic in origin,
       justifiable in its fundamental idea, and in point of fact the
       outcome of either foreign advice or the study of foreign
       methods.

    {108}

       "In the meanwhile the seeds of other growths were being sown
       in the soil of the Chinese mind, private and official, and
       were producing fruit each after its kind: various commercial
       stipulations sanctioned by treaties had not taken into full
       account Chinese conditions, difficulties, methods, and
       requirements, and their enforcement did not make foreign
       commerce more agreeable to the eye of either provincial or
       metropolitan officials,—missionary propagandism was at work
       all over the country, and its fruits, Chinese Christians, did
       not win the esteem or goodwill of their fellows, for, first of
       all, they offended public feeling by deserting Chinese for
       foreign cults, next they irritated their fellow villagers by
       refusing, as Christians, to take part in or share the expenses
       of village festivals, and lastly, as Christians again, they
       shocked the official mind, and popular opinion also, by
       getting their religious teachers, more especially the Roman
       Catholics, to interfere on their behalf in litigation, &c., a
       state of affairs which became specially talked about in
       Shantung, the native province of the Confucius of over 2,000
       years ago and now the sphere of influence of one of the
       Church's most energetic bishops,—the arrangement by which
       missionaries were to ride in green chairs and be recognised as
       the equals of Governors and Viceroys had its special
       signification and underlined missionary aspiration telling
       people and officials in every province what they had to expect
       from it: on the top of this came the Kiao Chow affair and the
       degradation and cashiering of a really able, popular, and
       clean-handed official, the Governor Li Ping Hêng, succeeded by
       the cessions of territory at Port Arthur, Wei-Hai-Wei, Kwang
       Chow Wan, &c., &c., &c., and these doings, followed by the
       successful stand made against the Italian demand for a port on
       the Coast of Chekiang, helped to force the Chinese Government
       to see that concession had gone far enough and that opposition
       to foreign encroachment might now and henceforth be the key-note
       of its policy.

       "Li Ping Hêng had taken up his private residence in the
       southeastern corner of Pecheli, close to the Shantung
       frontier, and the Boxer movement, already started in a
       tentative way in the latter province, now received an immense
       impetus from the occurrences alluded to and was carefully
       nurtured and fostered by that cashiered official—more
       respected than ever by his countrymen. Other high officials
       were known to be in sympathy with the new departure and to
       give it their strongest approval and support, such as Hsü
       Tung, Kang I, and men of the same stamp and standing, and
       their advice to the throne was to try conclusions with
       foreigners and yield no more to their demands. However
       mistaken may have been their reading of foreigners, and
       however wrong their manner of action, these men—eminent in
       their own country for their learning and services—were
       animated by patriotism, were enraged at foreign dictation, and
       had the courage of their convictions: we must do them the
       justice of allowing they were actuated by high motives and
       love of country—but that does not always or necessarily mean
       political ability or highest wisdom. …

       "The Chinese, an intelligent, cultivated race, sober,
       industrious, and on their own lines civilised, homogeneous in
       language, thought, and feeling, which numbers some four
       hundred millions, lives in its own ring fence, and covers a
       country which—made up of fertile land and teeming waters, with
       infinite variety of mountain and plain, hill and dale, and
       every kind of climate and condition—on its surface produces
       all that a people requires and in its bosom hides untold
       virgin wealth that has never yet been disturbed—this race,
       after thousands of years of haughty seclusion and
       exclusiveness, has been pushed by the force of circumstances
       and by the superior strength of assailants into treaty
       relations with the rest of the world, but regards that as a
       humiliation, sees no benefit accruing from it, and is looking
       forward to the day when it in turn will be strong enough to
       revert to its old life again and do away with foreign
       intercourse, interference, and intrusion: it has slept long,
       as we count sleep, but it is awake at last and its every
       member is tingling with Chinese feeling—'China for the
       Chinese and out with the foreigners!'

       "The Boxer movement is doubtless the product of official
       inspiration, but it has taken hold of the popular imagination
       and will spread like wildfire all over the length and breadth
       of the country: it is, in short, a purely patriotic volunteer
       movement, and its object is to strengthen China—and for a
       Chinese programme. Its first experience has not been
       altogether a success as regards the attainment through
       strength of proposed ends,—the rooting up of foreign cults and
       the ejection of foreigners, but it is not a failure in respect of
       the feeler it put out—will volunteering work?—or as an
       experiment that would test ways and means and guide future
       choice: it has proved how to a man the people will respond to
       the call, and it has further demonstrated that the swords and
       spears to which the prudent official mind confined the
       initiated will not suffice, but must be supplemented or
       replaced by Mauser rifles and Krupp guns: the Boxer patriot of
       the future will possess the best weapons money can buy, and
       then the 'Yellow Peril' will be beyond ignoring."

          Robert Hart,
          The Peking Legations
          (Fortnightly Review, November, 1900).

    {109}

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (March-April).
       Proposed joint naval demonstration of the Powers
       in Chinese waters.

       On receipt of the telegram from Peking (March 10) recommending
       a joint naval demonstration in North Chinese waters, the
       British Ambassador at Paris was directed to consult the
       Government of France on the subject, and did so. On the 13th,
       he reported M. Delcassé, the French Minister for Foreign
       Affairs, as saying that "he could not, of course, without
       reflection and without consulting his colleagues, say what the
       decision of the French Government would be as to taking part
       in a naval demonstration, but at first sight it seemed to him
       that it would be difficult to avoid acting upon a suggestion
       which the Representatives of Five Powers, who ought to be good
       judges, considered advisable." On the 16th, he wrote to Lord
       Salisbury: "M. Delcassé informed me the day before yesterday
       that he had telegraphed to Peking for more precise
       information. I told him that I was glad to hear that no
       precipitate action was going to be taken by France, and that I
       believed that he would find that the United States' Government
       would be disinclined to associate themselves with any joint
       naval demonstration. I added that, although I had no
       instructions to say so, I expected that Her Majesty's
       Government would also adhere to their usual policy of
       proceeding with great caution, and would be in no hurry to
       take a step which only urgent necessity would render
       advisable."

       On the 23d of March, Sir Claude MacDonald telegraphed to Lord
       Salisbury: "I learn that the Government of the United States
       have ordered one ship-of-war to go to Taku for the purpose of
       protecting American interests, that the Italian Minister has
       been given the disposal of two ships, and the German Minister
       has the use of the squadron at Kiao-chau for the same purpose.
       With a view to protect British missionary as well as other
       interests, which are far in excess of those of other Powers, I
       would respectfully request that two of Her Majesty's ships be
       sent to Taku."

       On the 3d of April, the Tsung-li Yamên communicated to the
       British Ambassador the following information, as to the
       punishment of the murderers of Mr. Brooks, and of the
       officials responsible for neglect to protect him: "Of several
       arrests that had been made of persons accused of having been
       the perpetrators of the crime or otherwise concerned in its
       committal, two have been brought to justice and, at a trial at
       which a British Consul was present, found guilty and sentenced
       to be decapitated—a sentence which has already been carried
       into effect. Besides this, the Magistrate of Feichen, and some
       of the police authorities of the district, accounted to have
       been guilty of culpable negligence in the protection of Mr.
       Brooks, have been cashiered, or had other punishments awarded
       them of different degrees of severity."

       For some weeks after this the Boxer movement appears to have
       been under constraint. Further outrages were not reported and
       no expressions of anxiety appear in the despatches from
       Peking. The proposal of a joint naval demonstration in the
       waters of Northern China was not pressed.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 3, 1900, pages 6-17.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
       Renewed activity of the "Boxers" and increasing gravity of
       the situation at Peking.
       Return of Legation guards.
       Call upon the fleets at Taku for reinforcement and rescue.

       About the middle of May the activity of the "Boxers" was
       renewed, and a state of disorder far more threatening than
       before was speedily made known. The rapid succession of
       startling events during the next few weeks may be traced in
       the following series of telegrams from the British Minister at
       Peking to his chief:

       "May 17.
       The French Minister called to-day to inform me that the Boxers
       have destroyed three villages and killed 61 Roman Catholic
       Christian converts at a place 90 miles from Peking, near
       Paoting-fu. The French Bishop informs me that in that
       district, and around Tien-tsin and Peking generally, much
       disorder prevails."

       "May 18.
       There was a report yesterday, which has been confirmed to-day,
       that the Boxers have destroyed the London Mission chapel at
       Kung-tsun, and killed the Chinese preacher. Kung-tsun is about
       40 miles south-west of Peking."

       "May 19.
       At the Yamên, yesterday, I reminded the Ministers how I had
       unceasingly warned them during the last six months how
       dangerous it was not to take adequate measures in suppression
       of the Boxer Societies. I said that the result of the apathy
       of the Chinese Government was that now a Mission chapel, a few
       miles distant from the capital, had been destroyed. The
       Ministers admitted that the danger of the Boxer movement had
       not previously appeared to them so urgent, but that now they
       fully saw how serious it was. On the previous day an Imperial
       Decree had been issued, whereby specified metropolitan and
       provincial authorities were directed to adopt stringent
       measures to suppress the Boxers. This, they believed, would
       not fail to have the desired effect."

       "May 21.
       All eleven foreign Representatives attended a meeting of the
       Diplomatic Body held yesterday afternoon, at the instance of
       the French Minister. The doyen was empowered to write, in the
       name of all the foreign Representatives, a note to the Yamên
       to the effect that the Diplomatic Body, basing their demands
       on the Decrees already issued by the Palace denunciatory of
       the Boxers, requested that all persons who should print,
       publish, or disseminate placards which menaced foreigners, all
       individuals aiding and abetting, all owners of houses or
       temples now used as meeting places for Boxers, should be
       arrested. They also demanded that those guilty of arson,
       murder, outrages, &c., together with those affording support
       or direction to Boxers while committing such outrages, should
       be executed. Finally, the publication of a Decree in Peking
       and the Northern Provinces setting forth the above. The
       foreign Representatives decided at their meeting to take
       further measures if the disturbances still continued, or if a
       favorable answer was not received to their note within five
       days. The meeting did not decide what measures should be
       taken, but the Representatives were generally averse to
       bringing guards to Peking, and, what found most favour, was as
       follows:—

       With the exception of Holland, which has no ships in Chinese
       waters, it was proposed that all the Maritime Powers
       represented should make a naval demonstration either at
       Shanhaikuan, or at the new port, Ching-wangtao, while, in case
       of necessity, guards were to be held ready on board ship. My
       colleagues will, I think, send these proposals as they stand
       to their governments. As the Chinese Government themselves
       seem to be sufficiently alarmed, I do not think that the above
       measure will be necessary, but, should the occasion arise, I
       trust that Her Majesty's Government will see fit to support
       it. … I had a private interview with my Russian colleague, who
       came to see me before the matter reached its acute stages. M. de
       Giers said that there were only two countries with serious
       interests in China: England and Russia. He thought that both
       landing guards and naval demonstrations were to be
       discouraged, as they give rise to unknown eventualities.
       However, since the 18th instant, he admits that matters are
       grave, and agreed at once to the joint note."

    {110}

       "May 24.
       Her Majesty's Consul at Tien-tsin reported by telegraph
       yesterday that a Colonel in charge of a party of the Viceroy's
       cavalry was caught, on the 22nd instant, in an ambuscade near
       Lai-shui, which is about 50 miles south-west of Peking. The
       party were destroyed."

       "May 25.
       Tsung-li Yamên have replied to the note sent by the doyen of
       the Corps Diplomatique, reported in my telegram of the 21st
       May. They state that the main lines of the measures already in
       force agree with those required by the foreign
       Representatives, and add that a further Decree, which will
       direct efficacious action, is being asked for. The above does
       not even promise efficacious action, and, in my personal
       opinion, is unsatisfactory."

       "May 27.
       At the meeting of the Corps Diplomatique, which took place
       yesterday evening, we were informed by the French Minister
       that all his information led him to believe that a serious
       outbreak, which would endanger the lives of all European
       residents in Peking, was on the point of breaking out. The
       Italian Minister confirmed the information received by M.
       Pichon. The Russian Minister agreed with his Italian and
       French colleagues in considering the latest reply of the Yamên
       to be unsatisfactory, adding that, in his opinion, the Chinese
       Government was now about to adopt effective measures. That the
       danger was imminent he doubted, but said that it was not
       possible to disregard the evidence adduced by the French
       Minister. We all agreed with this last remark. M. Pichon then
       urged that if the Chinese Government did not at once take
       action guards should at once be brought up by the foreign
       Representatives. Some discussion then ensued, after which it
       was determined that a precise statement should be demanded
       from the Yamên as to the measures they had taken, also that
       the terms of the Edict mentioned by them should be
       communicated to the foreign Representatives. Failing a reply
       from the Yamên of a satisfactory nature by this afternoon, it
       was resolved that guards should be sent for. Baron von
       Ketteler, the German Minister, declared that he considered the
       Chinese Government was crumbling to pieces, and that he did
       not believe that any action based on the assumption of their
       stability could be efficacious. The French Minister is, I am
       certain, genuinely convinced that the danger is real, and
       owing to his means of information he is well qualified to
       judge. … I had an interview with Prince Ch'ing and the Yamên
       Ministers this afternoon. Energetic measures are now being
       taken against the Boxers by the Government, whom the progress
       of the Boxer movement has, at last, thoroughly alarmed. The
       Corps Diplomatique, who met in the course of the day, have
       decided to wait another twenty-four hours for further
       developments."

       "May 29.
       Some stations on the line, among others Yengtai, 6 miles from
       Peking, together with machine sheds and European houses, were
       burnt yesterday by the Boxers. The line has also been torn up
       in places. Trains between this and Tien-tsin have stopped
       running, and traffic has not been resumed yet. The situation
       here is serious, and so far the Imperial troops have done
       nothing. It was unanimously decided, at a meeting of foreign
       Representatives yesterday, to send for guards for the
       Legations, in view of the apathy of the Chinese Government and
       the gravity of the situation. Before the meeting assembled,
       the French Minister had already sent for his."

       "May 30.
       Permission for the guards to come to Peking has been refused
       by the Yamên. I think, however, that they may not persist in
       their refusal. The situation in the meantime is one of extreme
       gravity. The people are very excited, and the soldiers
       mutinous. Without doubt it is now a question of European life
       and property being in danger here. The French and Russians are
       landing 100 men each. French, Russian, and United States'
       Ministers, and myself, were deputed to-day at a meeting of the
       foreign Representatives to declare to the Tsung-li Yamên that
       the foreign Representatives must immediately bring up guards
       for the protection of the lives of Europeans in Peking in view
       of the serious situation and untrustworthiness of the Chinese
       troops. That the number would be small if facilities were
       granted, but it must be augmented should they be refused, and
       serious consequences might result for the Chinese Government
       in the latter event. In reply, the Yamên stated that no
       definite reply could be given until to-morrow afternoon, as
       the Prince was at the Summer Palace. As the Summer Palace is
       within an hour's ride we refused to admit the impossibility of
       prompt communication and decision, and repeated the warning
       already given of the serious consequences which would result
       if the Viceroy at Tien-tsin did not receive instructions this
       evening in order that the guards might be enabled to arrive
       here to-morrow. The danger will be greatest on Friday, which
       is a Chinese festival."

       "May 31.
       Provided that the number does not exceed that of thirty for
       each Legation, as on the last occasion, the Yamên have given
       their consent to the guards coming to Peking. … It was decided
       this morning, at a meeting of the foreign Representatives, to
       at once bring up the guards that are ready. These probably
       include the British, American, Italian, and Japanese."

       "June 1.
       British, American, Italian, Russian, French and Japanese
       guards arrived yesterday. Facilities were given, and there
       were no disturbances. Our detachment consists of three
       officers and seventy-five men, and a machine gun."

       "June 2.
       The city is comparatively quiet, but murders of Christian
       converts and the destruction of missionary property in
       outlying districts occur every day, and the situation still
       remains serious. The situation at the Palace is, I learn from
       a reliable authority, very strained. The Empress-Dowager does
       not dare to put down the Boxers, although wishing to do so, on
       account of the support given them by Prince Tuan, father of
       the hereditary Prince, and other conservative Manchus, and
       also because of their numbers. Thirty Europeans, most of whom
       were Belgians, fled from Paoting-fu via the river to
       Tien-tsin. About 20 miles from Tien-tsin they were attacked by
       Boxers.
    {111}
       A party of Europeans having gone to their rescue from
       Tien-tsin severe fighting ensued, in which a large number of
       Boxers were killed. Nine of the party are still missing,
       including one lady. The rest have been brought into Tien-tsin.
       The Russian Minister, who came to see me to-day, said he
       thought it most imperative that the foreign Representatives
       should be prepared for all eventualities, though he had no
       news confirming the above report. He said he had been
       authorized by his Government to support any Chinese authority
       at Peking which was able and willing to maintain order in case
       the Government collapsed."

       "June 4.
       I am informed by a Chinese courier who arrived to-day from
       Yung-Ching, 40 miles south of Peking, that on the 1st June the
       Church of England Mission at that place was attacked by the
       Boxers. He states that one missionary, Mr. Robinson, was
       murdered, and that he saw his body, and that another, Mr.
       Norman, was carried off by the Boxers. I am insisting on the
       Chinese authorities taking immediate measures to effect his
       rescue. Present situation at Peking is such that we may at any
       time be besieged here with the railway and telegraph lines
       cut. In the event of this occurring, I beg your Lordship will
       cause urgent instructions to be sent to Admiral Seymour to
       consult with the officers commanding the other foreign
       squadrons now at Taku to take concerted measures for our
       relief. The above was agreed to at a meeting held to-day by
       the foreign Representatives, and a similar telegram was sent
       to their respective Governments by the Ministers of Austria,
       Italy, Germany, France, Japan, Russia, and the United States,
       all of whom have ships at Taku and guards here. The telegram
       was proposed by the French Minister and carried unanimously.
       It is difficult to say whether the situation is as grave as
       the latter supposes, but the apathy of the Chinese Government
       makes it very serious."

       "June 5.
       I went this afternoon to the Yamên to inquire of the Ministers
       personally what steps the Chinese Government proposed to take
       to effect the punishment of Mr. Robinson's murderers and the
       release of Mr. Norman. I was informed by the Ministers that
       the Viceroy was the responsible person, that they had
       telegraphed to him to send troops to the spot, and that that
       was all they were able to do in the matter. They did not
       express regret or show the least anxiety to effect the relief
       of the imprisoned man, and they displayed the greatest
       indifference during the interview. I informed them that the
       Chinese Government would be held responsible by Her Majesty's
       Government for the criminal apathy which had brought about
       this disgraceful state of affairs. I then demanded an
       interview with Prince Ching, which is fixed for to-morrow, as
       I found it useless to discuss the matter with the Yamên. This
       afternoon I had an interview with the Prince and Ministers of
       the Yamên. They expressed much regret at the murder of Messrs.
       Robinson and Norman, and their tone was fully satisfactory in
       this respect. … No attempt was made by the Prince to defend
       the Chinese Government, nor to deny what I had said. He could
       say nothing to reassure me as to the safety of the city, and
       admitted that the Government was reluctant to deal harshly
       with the movement, which, owing to its anti-foreign character,
       was popular. He stated that they were bringing 6,000 soldiers
       from near Tien-tsin for the protection of the railway, but it
       was evident that he doubted whether they would be allowed to
       fire on the Boxers except in the defence of Government
       property, or if authorized whether they would obey. He gave me
       to understand, without saying so directly, that he has
       entirely failed to induce the Court to accept his own views as
       to the danger of inaction. It was clear, in fact, that the Yamên
       wished me to understand that the situation was most serious,
       and that, owing to the influence of ignorant advisers with the
       Empress-Dowager, they were powerless to remedy it."

       "June 6.
       Since the interview with the Yamên reported in my preceding
       telegram I have seen several of my colleagues. I find they all
       agree that, owing to the now evident sympathy of the
       Empress-Dowager and the more conservative of her advisers with
       the anti-foreign movement, the situation is rapidly growing
       more serious. Should there be no change in the attitude of the
       Empress, a rising in the city, ending in anarchy, which may
       produce rebellion in the provinces, will be the result,
       'failing an armed occupation of Peking by one or more of the
       Powers.' Our ordinary means of pressure on the Chinese
       Government fail, as the Yamên is, by general consent, and
       their own admission, powerless to persuade the Court to take
       serious measures of repression. Direct representations to the
       Emperor and Dowager-Empress from the Corps Diplomatique at a
       special audience seems to be the only remaining chance of
       impressing the Court."

       "June 7.
       There is a long Decree in the 'Gazette' which ascribes the
       recent trouble to the favour shown to converts in law suits
       and the admission to their ranks of bad characters. It states
       that the Boxers, who are the objects of the Throne's sympathy
       equally with the converts, have made use of the anti-Christian
       feeling aroused by these causes, and that bad characters among
       them have destroyed chapels and railways which are the
       property of the State. Unless the ringleaders among such bad
       characters are now surrendered by the Boxers they will be
       dealt with as disloyal subjects, and will be exterminated.
       Authorization will be given to the Generals to effect arrests,
       exercising discrimination between leaders and their followers.
       It is probable that the above Decree represents a compromise
       between the conflicting opinions which exist at Court. The
       general tone is most unsatisfactory, though the effect may be
       good if severe measures are actually taken. The general
       lenient tone, the absence of reference to the murder of
       missionaries, and the justification of the proceedings of the
       Boxers by the misconduct of Christian converts are all
       dangerous factors in the case."

       "June 8.
       A very bad effect has been produced by the Decree reported in
       my immediately preceding telegram. There is no prohibition of
       the Boxers drilling, which they now openly do in the houses of
       the Manchu nobility and in the temples. This Legation is full
       of British refugees, mostly women and children, and the London
       and Church of England Missions have been abandoned. I trust
       that the instructions requested in my telegrams of the 4th and
       5th instant have been sent to the Admiral. I have received the
       following telegram, dated noon to-day, from Her Majesty's Consul
       at Tien-tsin:

    {112}

       'By now the Boxers must be near Yang-tsun. Last night the
       bridge, which is outside that station, was seen to be on fire.
       General Nieh's forces are being withdrawn to Lutai, and 1,500
       of them have already passed through by railway. There are now
       at Yang-tsun an engine and trucks ready to take 2,000 more
       men.' Lutai lies on the other side of Tien-tsin, and at some
       distance. Should this information be correct, it means that an
       attempt to protect Peking has been abandoned by the only force
       on which the Yamên profess to place any reliance. The 6,000
       men mentioned in my telegram
       of the 5th instant were commanded by General Nieh."

       "Tong-ku, June 10.
       Vice-Admiral Sir E. Seymour to Admiralty.
       Following telegram received from Minister at Peking:

       'Situation extremely grave. Unless arrangements are made for
       immediate advance to Peking it will be too late.'

       "In consequence of above, I am landing at once with all
       available men, and have asked foreign officers' co-operation."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          China, Number 3, 1900, pages 26-45.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 10-26).
       Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.
       Failure of first relief expedition started for Peking.

       The following is from an official report by Rear-Admiral
       Bruce of the British Navy, dated at Taku June 17, 1900:

       "On my arrival here on the 11th inst. I found a large fleet,
       consisting of Russian, German, French, Austrian, Italian,
       Japanese, and British ships. In consequence of an urgent
       telegram from Her Majesty's Minister at Peking, Vice-Admiral
       Sir Edward H. Seymour, K. C. B., Commander-in-Chief, had
       started at 3 o'clock the previous morning (10th June), taking
       with him a force of 1,375 of all ranks, being reinforced by
       men from the allied ships as they arrived, until he commanded
       not less than 2,000 men. At a distance of some 20 to 30 miles
       from Tientsin—but it is very difficult to locate the place, as
       no authentic record has come in—he found the railway destroyed
       and sleepers burned, &c., and every impediment made by
       supposed Boxers to his advance. Then his difficulties began,
       and it is supposed that the Boxers, probably assisted by
       Chinese troops, closed in on his rear, destroyed
       railway-lines, bridges, &c., and nothing since the 13th inst.
       has passed from Commander-in-Chief and his relief force and
       Tientsin, nor vice versa up to this date. …

       "During the night of the 14th inst. news was received that all
       railway-carriages and other rolling stock had been ordered to
       be sent up the line for the purpose of bringing down a Chinese
       army to Tong-ku. On receipt of this serious information a
       council of Admirals was summoned by Vice-Admiral Hiltebrandt,
       Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Squadron, and the German,
       French, United States Admirals, myself, and the Senior
       Officers of Italy, Austria, and Japan attended; and it was
       decided to send immediate orders to the captains of the allied
       vessels in the Peiho River (three Russian, two German, one
       United States, one Japanese, one British—'Algerine') to
       prevent any railway plant being taken away from Tong-ku, or
       the Chinese army reaching that place, which would cut off our
       communication with Tientsin; and in the event of either being
       attempted they were to use force to prevent it, and to destroy
       the Taku Forts. By the evening, and during the night of 15th
       inst., information arrived that the mouth of the Peiho River
       was being protected by electric mines. On receipt of this,
       another council composed of the same naval officers was held
       in the forenoon of 16th June on board the 'Rossia,' and in
       consequence of the gravity of the situation, and information
       having also arrived that the forts were being provisioned and
       reinforced, immediate notice was sent to the Viceroy of Chili
       at Tientsin and the commandant of the forts that, in
       consequence of the danger to our forces up the river, at
       Tientsin, and on the march to Peking by the action of the
       Chinese authorities, we proposed to temporarily occupy the
       Taku Forts, with or without their good will, at 2 a.m. on the
       17th inst." Early on Sunday, 17th June, "the Taku Forts opened
       fire on the allied ships in the Peiho River, which continued
       almost without intermission until 6.30 a.m., when all firing
       had practically ceased and the Taku Forts were stormed and in
       the hands of the Allied Powers, allowing of free communication
       with Tientsin by water, and rail when the latter is repaired."

       The American Admiral took no part in this attack on the forts
       at Taku, "on the ground that we were not at war with China and
       that a hostile demonstration might consolidate the
       anti-foreign elements and strengthen the Boxers to oppose the
       relieving column."

       From the point to which the allied expedition led by Admiral
       Seymour fought its way, and at which it was stopped by the
       increasing numbers that opposed it, it fell back to a position
       near Hsiku, on the right bank of the Peiho. There the allies
       drove the Chinese forces from an imperial armory and took
       possession of the buildings, which gave them a strong
       defensive position, with a large store of rice for food, and
       enabled them to hold their ground until help came to them from
       Tientsin, on the 25th. They were encumbered with no less than 230
       wounded men, which made it impossible for them, in the
       circumstances, to fight their way back without aid; though the
       distance was so short that the return march was accomplished, on
       the 26th, between 3 o'clock and 9 of the same morning. In his
       report made the following day Admiral Seymour says: "The
       number of enemy engaged against us in the march from Yungtsin
       to the Armoury near Hsiku cannot be even estimated; the
       country alongside the river banks is quite flat, and consisted
       of a succession of villages of mud huts, those on the
       out-skirts having enclosures made of dried reeds; outside,
       high reeds were generally growing in patches near the village,
       and although trees are very scarce away from the River,
       alongside it they are very numerous; these with the graves,
       embankments for irrigation and against flood, afforded cover
       to the enemy from which they seldom exposed themselves,
       withdrawing on our near approach. Had their fire not been
       generally high it would have been much more destructive than
       it was. The number of the enemy certainly increased gradually
       until the Armoury near Hsiku was reached, when General Nieh's
       troops and the Boxers both joined in the attack. In the early
       part of the expedition the Boxers were mostly armed with
       swords and spears, and not with many firearms; at the
       engagement at Langfang on 18th, and afterwards, they were
       armed with rifles of late pattern; this together with banners
       captured and uniform worn, shows that they had either the
       active or covert support of the Chinese Government, or some of
       its high officials."

    {113}

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June 11-29).
       Chinese Imperial Edicts.

       "On June 11 Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the Japanese
       Legation, was brutally murdered [in Peking] by the soldiers of
       General Tung-fuh-siang. Two days later the following Imperial
       edict was published in the 'Peking Gazette': 'On June 11 the
       Japanese Chancellor was murdered by brigands outside the
       Yung-ting Mên. On hearing this intelligence we were
       exceedingly grieved. Officials of neighbouring nations
       stationed in Peking ought to be protected in every possible
       way, and now, especially, extra diligence ought to be
       displayed to prevent such occurrences when banditti are as
       numerous as bees. We have repeatedly commanded the local
       officials to ensure the most efficient protection in their
       districts, yet, in spite of our frequent orders, we have this
       case of the murder of the Japanese Chancellor occurring in the
       very capital of the Empire. The civil and military officials
       have assuredly been remiss in not clearing their districts of
       bad characters, or immediately arresting such persons, and we
       hereby order every Yamên concerned to set a limit of time for
       the arrest of the criminals, that they may suffer the extreme
       penalty. Should the time expire without any arrest being
       effected, the severest punishment will assuredly be inflicted
       upon the responsible persons.' It is needless to add that the
       'criminals' were never arrested and the 'responsible persons'
       were never punished. In the same 'Gazette' another decree
       condemns the 'Boxer brigands' who have recently been causing
       trouble in the neighbourhood of the capital, who have been
       committing arson and murder and revenging themselves upon the
       native converts. Soldiers and 'Boxers,' it says, have leagued
       together to commit acts of murder and arson, and have vied
       with one another in disgraceful acts of looting and robbery.
       The 'Boxers' are to disband, desperadoes are to be arrested,
       ringleaders are to be seized, but the followers may be allowed
       to disband.

       "Similar decrees on the 14th and 15th show alarm at the result
       of the 'Boxer' agitation and lawlessness within the city.
       Nothing so strong against the 'Boxers' had previously been
       published. Fires were approaching too Closely to the Imperial
       Palace. No steps had been taken by the Court to prevent the
       massacre and burning of Christians and their property in the
       country, but on the 16th the great Chien Mên gate fronting the
       Palace had been burned and the smoke had swept over the
       Imperial Courts. Yet even in these decrees leniency is shown
       to the 'Boxers,' for they are not to be fired upon, but are,
       if guilty, to be arrested and executed. On June 17th the edict
       expresses the belief of the Throne that:—'All foreign
       Ministers ought to be really protected. If the Ministers and
       their families wish to go for a time to Tien-tsin, they must
       be protected on the way. But the railroad is not now in
       working order. If they go by the cart road it will be
       difficult, and there is fear that perfect protection cannot be
       offered. They would do better, therefore, to abide here in
       peace as heretofore and wait till the railroad is repaired,
       and then act as circumstances render expedient.'

       "Two days later an ultimatum was sent to the Ministers
       ordering them to leave Peking within 24 hours. On the 20th
       Baron von Ketteler was murdered and on June 21 China
       published, having entered upon war against the whole world,
       her Apologia:—

       'Ever since the foundation of the Dynasty, foreigners coming
       to China have been kindly treated. In the reigns Tao Kuang,
       and Hsien Feng, they were allowed to trade and they also asked
       leave to propagate their religion, a request that the Throne
       reluctantly granted. At first they were amenable to Chinese
       control, but for the past 30 years they have taken advantage
       of China's forbearance to encroach on China's territory and
       trample on Chinese people and to demand China's wealth. Every
       concession made by China increased their reliance on violence.
       They oppressed peaceful citizens and insulted the gods and
       holy men, exciting the most burning indignation among the
       people. Hence the burning of chapels and slaughter of converts
       by the patriotic braves. The Throne was anxious to avoid war, and
       issued edicts enjoining the protection of Legations and pity
       to the converts. The decrees declaring 'Boxers' and converts
       to be equally the children of the State were issued in the
       hope of removing the old feud between people and converts.
       Extreme kindness was shown to the strangers from afar. But
       these people knew no gratitude and increased their pressure. A
       despatch was yesterday sent by Du Chaylard, calling us to
       deliver up the Ta-ku Forts into their keeping, otherwise they
       would be taken by force. These threats showed their aggressive
       intention. In all matters relating to international
       intercourse, we have never been wanting in courtesies to them,
       but they, while styling themselves civilized States, have acted
       without regard for right, relying solely on their military
       force. We have now reigned nearly 30 years, and have treated
       the people as our children, the people honouring us as their
       deity, and in the midst of our reign we have been the
       recipients of the gracious favour of the Empress-Dowager.
       Furthermore, our ancestors have come to our aid, and the gods
       have answered our call, and never has there been so universal
       a manifestation of loyalty and patriotism. With tears have we
       announced war in the ancestral shrines. Better to enter on the
       struggle and do our utmost than seek some measures of
       self-preservation involving eternal disgrace. All our
       officials, high and low, are of one mind, and there have
       assembled without official summons several hundred thousand
       patriotic soldiers (I Ping "Boxers"). Even children carrying
       spears in the service of the State. Those others relying on
       crafty schemes, our trust is in Heaven's justice. They depend
       on violence, we on humanity. Not to speak of the righteousness
       of our cause, our provinces number more than 20, our people over
       400,000,000, and it will not be difficult to vindicate the
       dignity of our country.' The decree concludes by promising
       heavy rewards to those who distinguish themselves in battle or
       subscribe funds, and threatening punishment to those who show
       cowardice or act treacherously.

       "In the same 'Gazette' Yü Lu reports acts of war on the part
       of the foreigners, when, after some days' fighting, he was
       victorious. 'Perusal of his memorial has given us great
       comfort,' says the Throne. Warm praise is given to the
       'Boxers,' 'who have done great service without any assistance
       either of men or money from the State. Marked favour will be
       shown them later on, and they must continue to show their
       devotion.' On the 24th presents of rice are sent to the
       'Boxers.' Leaders of the 'Boxers' are appointed by the
       Throne—namely, Prince Chuang, and the Assistant Grand
       Secretary Kang-Yi to be in chief command, and Ying Nien and
       Duke Lan (the brother of Prince Tuan, the father of the Crown
       Prince) to act in cooperation with them, while another high
       post is given to Wen Jui."

           London Times, October 16, 1900
           (Peking Correspondence).

    {114}

       Very different in tone to the imperial decree of June 21,
       quoted above, was one issued a week later (June 29), and sent
       to the diplomatic representatives of the Chinese government in
       Europe and America. As published by Minister Wu Ting-fang, at
       Washington, on the 11th of July, it was in the following
       words:

       "The circumstances which led to the commencement of fighting
       between Chinese and foreigners were of such a complex,
       confusing and unfortunate character as to be entirely
       unexpected. Our diplomatic representatives abroad, owing to
       their distance from the scene of action, have had no means of
       knowing the true state of things, and accordingly cannot lay
       the views of the government before the ministers for foreign
       affairs of the respective Powers to which they are accredited.
       Now we take this opportunity of going fully into the matter
       for the information of our representatives aforesaid.

       "In the first place there arose in the provinces of Chih Li
       and Shantung a kind of rebellious subjects who had been in the
       habit of practicing boxing and fencing in their respective
       villages, and at the same time clothing their doings with
       spiritualistic and strange rites. The local authorities failed
       to take due notice of them at the time. Accordingly the
       infection spread with astonishing rapidity. Within the space
       of a month it seemed to make its appearance everywhere, and
       finally even reached the capital itself. Everyone looked upon
       the movement as supernatural and strange, and many joined it.
       Then there were lawless and treacherous persons who sounded
       the cry of 'Down with Christianity!' About the middle of the
       fifth moon these persons began to create disturbances without
       warning. Churches were burned and converts were killed. The
       whole city was in a ferment. A situation was created which
       could not be brought under control. At first the foreign
       Powers requested that foreign troops be allowed to enter the
       capital for the protection of the legations. The imperial
       government, having in view the comparative urgency of the
       occasion, granted the request as an extraordinary mark of
       courtesy beyond the requirements of international intercourse.
       Over five hundred foreign troops were sent to Pekin. This
       shows clearly how much care China exercised in the maintenance
       of friendly relations with other countries.

       "The legations at the capital never had much to do with the
       people. But from the time foreign troops entered the city the
       guards did not devote themselves exclusively to the protection
       of their respective legations. They sometimes fired their guns
       on top of the city walls and sometimes patrolled the streets
       everywhere. There were repeated reports of persons being hit
       by stray bullets. Moreover they strolled about the city
       without restraint, and even attempted to enter the Tung Hua
       gate (the eastern gate of the palace grounds). They only
       desisted when admittance was positively forbidden. On this
       account, both the soldiers and the people were provoked to
       resentment, and voiced their indignation with one accord.
       Lawless persons then took advantage of the situation to do
       mischief, and became bolder than ever in burning and killing
       Christian converts. The Powers thereupon attempted to
       reinforce the foreign troops in Pekin, but the reinforcements
       encountered resistance and defeat at the hands of the
       insurgents on the way and have not yet been able to proceed.
       The insurgents of the two provinces of Chih Li and Shantung
       had by this time effected a complete union and could not be
       separated. The imperial government was by no means reluctant
       to issue orders for the entire suppression of this insurgent
       element. But as the trouble was so near at hand there was a
       great fear that due protection might not be assured to the
       legations if the anarchists should be driven to extremities,
       thus bringing on a national calamity. There also was a fear
       that uprisings might occur in the provinces of Chih Li and
       Shantung at the same time, with the result that both foreign
       missionaries and Chinese converts in the two provinces might
       fall victims to popular fury. It was therefore absolutely
       necessary to consider the matter from every point of view.

       "As a measure of precaution it was finally decided to request
       the foreign ministers to retire temporarily to Tien-Tsin for
       safety. It was while the discussion of this proposition was in
       progress that the German minister, Baron Von Ketteler, was
       assassinated by a riotous mob one morning while on his way to
       the Tsung-Li-Yamen. On the previous day the German minister
       had written a letter appointing a time for calling at the
       Tsung-Li-Yamen. But the Yamen, fearing he might be molested on
       the way, did not consent to the appointment as suggested by
       the minister. Since this occurrence the anarchists assumed a
       more bold and threatening attitude, and consequently 'it was
       not deemed wise to carry out the project of sending the
       diplomatic corps to Tien-Tsin under an escort. However, orders
       were issued to the troops detailed for the protection of the
       legations to keep stricter watch and take greater precaution
       against any emergency.

       "To our surprise, on the 20th of the fifth moon (June 16th),
       foreign (naval?) officers at Taku called upon Lo Jung Kwang,
       the general commanding, and demanded his surrender of the
       forts, notifying him that failing to receive compliance they
       would at two o'clock the next day take steps to seize the
       forts by force. Lo Jung Kwang, being bound by the duties of
       his office to hold the forts, how could he yield to the
       demand? On the day named they actually first fired upon the
       forts, which responded, and kept up fighting all day and then
       surrendered. Thus the conflict of forces began, but certainly
       the initiative did not come from our side. Even supposing that
       China were not conscious of her true condition, how could she
       take such a step as to engage in war with all the Powers
       simultaneously? and how could she, relying upon the support of
       anarchistic populace, go into war with the Powers?

    {115}

       "Our position in this matter ought to be clearly understood by
       all the Powers. The above is a statement of the wrongs we have
       suffered, and how China was driven to the unfortunate position
       from which she could not escape. Our several ministers will make
       known accurately and in detail the contents of this decree and
       the policy of China to the ministers of foreign affairs in
       their respective countries, and assure them that military
       authorities are still strictly enjoined to afford protection
       to the legations as hitherto to the utmost of their power. As
       for the anarchists they will be as severely dealt with as
       circumstances permit. The several ministers will continue in
       the discharge of the duties of their office as hitherto
       without hesitation or doubt. This telegraphic decree to be
       transmitted for their information. Respect this."

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-July).
       Failure of attempt to entrust Japan with the rescuing of
       the Legations at Peking.

       A British Blue Book, issued on the 18th of February, 1901,
       contains correspondence that took place between the Powers
       late in June and early in July, looking to an arrangement for
       the immediate sending of a large force from Japan to the
       rescue of the beleaguered Legations in Peking. As summarized
       in the "London Times," this correspondence showed that "the
       necessity of asking the help of the only Power that was near
       enough to intervene promptly was strongly pressed by Lord
       Salisbury on the other Powers in the beginning of July. M.
       Delcassé fell in entirely with the scheme and insisted on the
       need of putting aside all jealousies or afterthoughts which
       might hinder unity of action on the spot. The Russian
       Government, however, seems to have misunderstood Lord
       Salisbury's meaning and to have conceived him to wish Japan to
       settle the Chinese crisis by herself and with a view to her
       own interests, a misunderstanding which it required a whole
       series of despatches to clear up completely. The Japanese
       Government itself showed the most commendable readiness to
       act, and on July 11 Mr. Whitehead telegraphed from Tokio, in
       reply to an appeal from Lord Salisbury to the Japanese
       Government, that 'in consequence of the friendly assurances'
       given by Lord Salisbury the Japanese Government had decided to
       send one or two more divisions to China. To this Lord
       Salisbury replied on July 13 that her Majesty's Government
       were willing to assist the Japanese Government up to
       £1,000,000 if they at once mobilized and despatched an
       additional 20,000 men to Peking. But the latter, in the
       absence of any definite scheme of operations on the part of
       the Powers, showed an unwillingness to accede to this
       proposal, which thus fell through."

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-August).
       The siege of the Foreign Legations at Peking.
       The story of two dreadful months as told by one of the besieged.

       The most detailed and altogether best account of the dreadful
       experience which the foreigners besieged in the quarter of the
       Legations at Peking underwent, from the first week in June
       until the 14th day of August, when a rescuing army forced its
       way into the city, is that furnished to the "London Times" by
       its Peking correspondent, who was one of the besieged. His
       narrative, forwarded immediately upon the opening of
       communication with the outer world, was published in "The
       Times" of October 13 and 15. With some abridgment it is given
       here under permission from the Manager of "The Times."

       "Missionaries in Peking began collecting together into the
       larger mission compounds for common protection. Many ladies
       went for safety into the British Legation. Railway
       communication was now severed and the telegraph communication
       threatened. Our isolation was being completed. In the country
       disaffection spread to the districts to the east of Peking,
       and the position of the American missionaries at Tung-chau
       became one of great danger. It was decided to abandon their
       great missionary establishments, and with the native
       Christians that could follow them to come into Peking. They
       asked for an escort, but Mr. Conger felt himself compelled to
       decline one, on the ground that he did not venture to send the
       small body of men that he could spare from the Legation
       through so dangerous a district. Protection must be looked for
       from the Chinese Government. What soldiers could not be sent
       to do one fearless American missionary succeeded in doing.
       Late in the evening of June 7 the Rev. W. S. Ament, of the
       Board Mission, left Peking in a cart, and with 20 other carts
       journeyed 14 miles to Tung-chau through a country palpitating
       with excitement. It was an act of courage and devotion that
       seemed to us who knew the country a deed of heroism. His
       arrival was most opportune. He brought safely back with him to
       Peking the whole missionary body then in Tung-chau—five men,
       including the author of 'Chinese Characteristics,' 11 ladies,
       and seven children, together with their Christian servants. …

       "More troops were sent for to reinforce the Legation guards in
       Peking, but they were sent for too late. Already many miles of
       the railway had been torn up, and it was hopeless to expect an
       early restoration of communication. … The Empress-Dowager and
       the Emperor, who had been for some time past at the Summer
       Palace, returned to Peking, entering the city at the same hour
       by different gates. Large escorts of cavalry and infantry
       accompanied them; Manchu bannermen in large numbers were
       posted on the walls. It was noticeable that the body-guard of
       the Empress was provided by the renegade Mahomedan rabble of
       Tung-fuh-siang, who had long been a menace to foreigners in
       the province. The return of the Court was expected to have a
       tranquillizing effect upon the populace. But this was not the
       case. Students were attacked when riding in the country; our
       race-course, grand stand, and stables were burnt by 'Boxers'
       armed with knives; Europeans could not venture along the
       streets outside the foreign quarter without being insulted.
       People were saying everywhere, 'The foreigners are to be
       ended.' Streets were being patrolled by cavalry, but there was
       every fear that the patrols were in league with the 'Boxers,'
       who were marching through the streets bearing banners
       inscribed 'Fu Ching Mieh Yang.' 'Protect Pure (the Dynasty),
       exterminate the foreigner.'

       "The London Mission and the Society for the Propagation of the
       Gospel handed over their buildings to the Chinese authorities,
       holding them responsible for their safe keeping, and all
       missionaries and their families went to the British Legation.
       The American Board Mission likewise delivered over their
       valuable property to the Government and fell back upon the
       great Methodist Episcopalian Mission near the Hata Mên Gate,
       beyond the foreign quarter. Tung-chau missionaries and their
       families and several hundred Christian converts were already
       gathered there. Steps were at once taken to fortify the
       compound. Under the direction of Mr. F. D. Gamewell deep
       trenches were cut, earthworks thrown up, and barbed-wire
       entanglements laid down.
    {116}
       Watch was kept and sentries posted, provisions laid in, and
       all preparations made to withstand a siege. Twenty marines and
       a captain from the American Legation were sent as a guard, and
       some spare rifles were obtained from the British Legation.
       Converts were armed with pikes and knives, and a determined
       effort was to be made in case of attack. The mission was,
       however, absolutely at the mercy of any force holding the high
       city wall and Hata Mên Gate. Without the power of reply the
       small garrison could have been shot down from the wall, which
       is little more than a stone's throw from the nearest point of
       the compound. Shell-fire such as was subsequently used against
       the Legations would have smashed the buildings into fragments.
       All the Maritime Customs staff and their families living in
       the East City, a mile or more beyond the foreign quarter, the
       professors and teachers of the Tung-wen-Kuan, Dr. Dudgeon, Mr.
       Pethick, the secretary of Li Hung Chang, and others, were
       forced to abandon their homes and come in for protection.
       Preparations for defence went on at all the Legations, for it
       was now inevitable that we should have to fight. A 'conseil de
       guerre' was held, attended by all the military officers, and a
       plan of defence determined. The palace and grounds of Prince
       Su, opposite the British Legation, were to be held for the
       Christian refugees, and an area was to be defended some half a
       mile long by half a mile broad, bounded by the Austrian and
       Italian Legations to the east, the street running over the
       north bridge of the canal to the north, the British, Russian,
       and American Legations to the west, while the southern
       boundary was to be the street running at the foot of the great
       City Wall from the American Legation on the west, past the
       German Legation on the east, to the lane running from the Wall
       north past the French Legation, the buildings of the
       Inspectorate General of Customs, and the Austrian Legation.
       All women and children and non-combatants were to come into
       the British Legation. Each position was to be held as long as
       possible, and the final stand was to be made at the British
       Legation. No question of surrender could ever be entertained,
       for surrender meant massacre.

       "On the 10th it was announced that reinforcements were on the
       way and that they were coming with the approval of the Viceroy
       and of the Chinese Government, an approval more readily
       accorded since it was known to the Viceroy that the troops
       could not come by train. More than one of the Ministers was so
       confident that they were coming that carts were sent to await
       their arrival at Machia-pu, the terminal railway station at
       Peking. … Then Government gave its first public official
       recognition of the 'Boxers' by announcing that the notorious
       chief of the 'Boxers,' Prince Tuan, had been appointed
       President of the Tsung-li-Yamên. Prince Ching was superseded
       but was not removed from the Yamên. One harmless old Chinese,
       Liao Shou-hêng was sent into retirement while four rabidly
       anti-foreign Manchus entirely ignorant of all foreign affairs
       were appointed members. The last hope of any wisdom springing
       from the Yamên disappeared with the supersession of Prince
       Ching by the anti-foreign barbarian who, more than any other
       man in China, was responsible for the outbreak. The following
       morning most of the Europeans rode to Machia-pu to await the
       arrival of the foreign troops. They waited, but no troops
       came, and then rode back past the jeering faces of hordes of
       Chinese soldiers. Our security was not increased by this
       fiasco.

       "Soldiers sent to guard the summer residences of the British
       Legation in the Western Hills left their posts during the
       night. The buildings had been officially placed under the
       protection of the Imperial Government. In the pre-arranged
       absence of the soldiers the buildings were attacked by
       'Boxers' and entirely burnt to the ground; the soldiers
       witnessed if they did not assist in the burning. But worse
       events were to happen that day. In the afternoon news passed
       through Peking that Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the
       Japanese Legation, had been murdered by soldiers. He had been
       sent by his Minister a second time to Machia-pu to await the
       arrival of the troops. Passing unarmed and alone in his cart
       beyond the Yung-ting Mên, the outer gate on the way to the
       station, he was seized by the soldiers of Tung-fuh-siang,
       dragged from his cart, and done to death in the presence of a
       crowd of Chinese who witnessed his struggles with unpitying
       interest and unconcealed satisfaction. …

       "On the 12th a deputation, consisting of Chi Hsiu, a member of
       the Grand Council and newly appointed to the Yamên, Hsu
       Ching-chêng, the ex-Minister, the 'Boxer' leader Chao
       Shu-chiao, and another Manchu, called upon the British
       Minister. Chi Hsiu made a long address, his theme being the
       enduring nature of the friendship between China and England
       and the duty which China has always recognized as a sacred
       obligation to protect the members of the Legations who were
       her guests and the strangers within her walls. Chi Hsiu
       assured the Minister that the movement was at an end, that all
       was now tranquil, and that there was no more reason to fear.
       Yet the very next day Baron von Ketteler himself captured a
       'Boxer' from amid the crowd in Legation-street. He carried the
       consecrated headpiece, and was armed with a sword. Round his
       waist he had a belt containing a talisman of yellow paper
       smeared with mystic red symbols by which he was rendered
       'impermeable to foreign bullets.' And in the afternoon the
       'Boxers' came down in force from the north of the city and the
       burning of foreign buildings began. The cry arose that the
       'Boxers' were coming. Every man ran to his post, a cordon was
       established round the foreign quarter and no one was allowed
       to pass. Guards were on watch at all the Legations, but their
       numbers, spread over so many posts, were very inadequate, and
       they were still further reduced by the guards detached for
       duty at the Pei-tang Cathedral, where, three miles distant
       within the Imperial City, were gathered in the one great
       compound Mgr. Favier, the Bishop, his coadjutor, Mgr. Jarlin,
       the missionaries and lay brothers, the sisters of charity, and
       a vast concourse of Christian refugees, estimated at 2,000,
       who had fled from the massacre in the country. A guard of five
       Austrians was sent to the Belgian Legation. The Austrians with
       their machine gun commanded the Customs-street leading to the
       north: the Italians with a one pounder commanded the
       Legation-street to the east. The British with their
       Nordenfeldt swept the Canal-street to the north and the
       North-bridge, the Russians were on the South-bridge, while the
       Americans with their Colt machine gun had command of
       Legation-street to the west as far as the court facing the
       Imperial Palace. The Russians, having no gun, dropped their
       heavy ammunition down the well.

    {117}

       "As darkness came on the most awful cries were heard in the
       city, most demoniacal and unforgettable, the cries of the
       'Boxers,' 'Sha kweitze'—'Kill the devils'—mingled with the
       shrieks of the victims and the groans of the dying. For
       'Boxers' were sweeping through the city massacring the native
       Christians and burning them alive in their homes. The first
       building to be burned was the chapel of the Methodist Mission
       in the Hata Mên-street. Then flames sprang up in many quarters
       of the city. Amid the most deafening uproar the Tung-tang, or
       East Cathedral, shot flames into the sky. The old Greek Church
       in the north-east of the city, the London Mission buildings,
       the handsome pile of the American Board Mission, and the
       entire foreign buildings belonging to the Imperial Maritime
       Customs in the East City burned throughout the night. It was
       an appalling sight. Late in the night a large party of
       'Boxers' bearing torches were seen moving down Customs-street
       towards the Austrian Legation. The machine gun mounted was in
       waiting for them. They were allowed to come within 150 yards
       in the open street near the great cross road, and then the
       order was given and the gun rained forth death. It was a
       grateful sound. The torches disappeared. They had come within
       a restricted space, and none, we thought, could have escaped.
       Eagerly we went forth to count the dead, expecting to find
       them in heaps. But there was not one dead. The gun had been
       aimed very wide of the mark. Two hundred yards north of the
       'Boxers' there is a place where 30 ft. above the level road
       the telegraph wires crossed to the station. Next morning they
       were found to have been cut by the Austrian fire. The only
       persons who suffered injury were possible wayfarers two miles
       up the street. There can be little doubt that this fiasco
       helped to confirm the Boxers in a belief in their
       invulnerability.

       "The Tung-tang, or East Cathedral, having been burned, it, was
       clear that the Nan-tang, the South Cathedral, was in danger.
       Père Garrigues, the aged priest of the Tung-tang, had refused
       to leave his post and had perished in the flames. But the
       fathers and sisters at the Nan-tang might yet be saved. Their
       lives were in great peril; it was necessary to act quickly. A
       party of French gentlemen, led by M. Fliche of the French
       Legation and accompanied by M. and Mme. Chamot, rode out at
       night, and early the following morning safely escorted to the
       hotel every member of the mission—Père d' Addosio and his two
       colleagues, a French brother, five sisters of charity, and
       some twenty native nuns of the Order of Josephine. They were
       rescued just in time. Scarcely had they reached a place of
       safety when the splendid edifice they had forsaken was in
       flames. … It continued burning all day, the region round it,
       the chief Catholic centre of Peking, being also burnt. Acres
       of houses were destroyed and the Christians in thousands put
       to the sword. …

       "On the 15th rescue parties were sent out by the American and
       Russian Legations in the morning, and by the British and
       German Legations in the afternoon, to save if possible native
       Christians from the burning ruins around the Nan-tang. Awful
       sights were witnessed. Women and children hacked to pieces,
       men trussed like fowls, with noses and ears cut off and eyes
       gouged out. Chinese Christians accompanied the reliefs and ran
       about in the labyrinth of network of streets that formed the
       quarter, calling upon the Christians to come out from their
       hiding-places. All through the night the massacre had
       continued, and 'Boxers' were even now shot redhanded at their
       bloody work. But their work was still incomplete, and many
       hundreds of women and children had escaped. They came out of
       their hiding-places crossing themselves and pleading for
       mercy. It was a most pitiful sight. Thousands of soldiers on
       the wall witnessed the rescue; they had with callous hearts
       witnessed the massacre without ever raising a hand to save.
       During the awful nights of the 13th and 14th Duke Lan, the
       brother of Prince Tuan, and Chao Shu-Chiao, of the
       Tsung-li-Yamên, had followed round in their carts to gloat
       over the spectacle. Yet the Chinese Government were afterwards
       to describe this massacre done under official supervision
       under the very walls of the Imperial Palace as the handiwork
       of local banditti. More than 1,200 of the poor refugees were
       escorted by the 'foreign devils' to a place of safety. Many
       were wounded, many were burnt beyond recognition. All had
       suffered the loss of every thing they possessed in the world.
       They were given quarters in the palace grounds of Prince Su,
       opposite the British Legation. Among them was the aged mother
       and the nephew of Ching Chang, recently Minister to France,
       and now Chinese Commissioner to the Paris Exhibition. The
       nephew was cruelly burnt; nearly every other member of the
       family was murdered. A Catholic family of much distinction—a
       family Catholic for seven generations—was thus almost
       exterminated and its property laid in ashes. It was announced
       this day that only 'Boxers' might enter the Imperial City. The
       Government was rushing headlong to its ruin.

       "On June 16 a party of twenty British, ten Americans, and five
       Japanese, with some Volunteers, and accompanied by
       Lieutenant-Colonel Shiba, the Japanese military attache,
       patrolled the East City, visiting the ruins in the hopes that
       some Christians might yet be in hiding. But to our calls
       everywhere no reply was given. Refugees, however, from the
       East City had managed to escape miraculously and find their
       way, many of them wounded, to the foreign Legations, seeking
       that protection and humanity that was denied them by their own
       people. As the patrol was passing a Taoist temple on the way,
       a noted 'Boxer' meeting place, cries were heard within. The
       temple was forcibly entered. Native Christians were found
       there, their hands tied behind their backs, awaiting execution
       and torture. Some had already been put to death, and their
       bodies were still warm and bleeding. All were shockingly
       mutilated. Their fiendish murderers were at their incantations
       burning incense before their gods, offering Christians in
       sacrifice to their angered deities. They shut themselves
       within the temple, but their defence availed them nothing.
       Everyone of them, 46 in all, was in 'Boxer' uniform armed with
       sword and lance. Retribution was swift; every man was shot to
       death without mercy. In the afternoon a fire broke out in the
       foreign drug store in the native city outside the great gate
       of the Chien Mên.
    {118}
       It was the work of 'Boxers,' done while the soldiers were
       looking on. In order to burn the foreign drug store and do the
       foreigners a few pounds worth of damage, they did not hesitate
       to jeopardize by fire property worth millions of pounds, and that
       is what happened. Adjoining buildings took fire, the flames
       spread to the booksellers' street, and the most interesting
       street in China, filled with priceless scrolls, manuscripts,
       and printed books, was gutted from end to end. Fire licked up
       house after house, and soon the conflagration was the most
       disastrous ever known in China, reducing to ashes the richest
       part of Peking, the pearl and jewel shops, the silk and fur,
       the satin and embroidery stores, the great curio shops, the
       gold and silver shops, the melting houses, and nearly all that
       was of the highest value in the metropolis. Irreparable was
       the damage done. …

       "During the night the Americans, fearing an attack from the
       street at the back of their Legation, kept the street clear
       till daybreak. During one of the volleys four of the
       Tsung-li-Yamên Ministers called upon the American Minister.
       They were blandly assuring him that all was now quiet, that
       there was no need for further alarm, that great was the
       tenderness of the Throne for men from afar, when a rattle of
       musketry was heard which rendered them speechless with fear.
       They hurriedly went away. Assurances of the Throne's
       tenderness did not deceive us. Our barricades were everywhere
       strengthened and defences systematically planned, for rumour
       was quick to reach us that the relief forces had been driven
       back to Tien-tsin, and this did not add to the security of our
       position. Inside the Imperial City wall, within one hundred
       yards of the British picket on the north bridge a large
       Chinese camp was formed. Peking was in a state of panic, all
       the streets near the foreign quarters were empty, and people
       were fleeing from the city. There was a run on the banks, and
       the Ssu-ta-hêng, the four great banks, the leading banks of
       Peking, closed their doors, and paper money was not in
       circulation. The Palace of Prince Su was occupied by the
       refugees, and its defence, the most important of all and a
       vital one to the British Legation, was entrusted to Colonel
       Shiba and Japanese marines and volunteers.

       "The crisis was approaching. On the morning of June 19 Mr.
       Cordes, the Chinese Secretary of the German Legation, was at
       the Yamên, when the secretaries told him that the allied
       fleets had taken the Ta-ku forts on June 17. This was
       remembered when at 4.30 in the afternoon an ultimatum was sent
       to the foreign Ministers. It was a bolt from the blue. They
       were to leave Peking within 24 hours. 'A despatch,' they
       wrote, 'has arrived from the Viceroy Yu Lu, forwarding a note
       which he has received from the doyen of the Consular body in
       Tien-tsin, the French Comte du Chaylard, to say that, unless
       foreign troops are at once permitted to land at Tien-tsin, the
       allied fleets will bombard the Ta-ku forts. As this is
       equivalent to a declaration of war, the Tsung-li-Yamên
       herewith notify the foreign Ministers that they must leave
       Peking within 24 hours, otherwise protection cannot be
       guaranteed to them. They will be given safe conduct and
       transport.' It was quite in accordance with Chinese custom
       that a despatch saying that the seizure of the Ta-ku forts had
       been threatened should be sent after the seizure had been
       effected. What is distasteful to them to say they avoid
       saying. A meeting of the diplomatic body was at once held. It
       was decided to accept the ultimatum. They had been given their
       passports by the Chinese Government; what other course was
       open to them? … Word was passed round that preparation had to
       be made to leave Peking the following day. Mr. Conger, the
       American Minister, asked for 100 carts; and his Legation spent
       most of the night making preparations. No packing was done at
       the British Legation, for it was there considered
       inconceivable that China should insist upon sending the
       Ministers their passports. Only two days before, in the
       'Peking Gazette' of June 17, it had been officially announced
       that the road to Tien-tsin was unsafe. … When the decision of
       the Diplomatic Body became known in Peking the most profound
       indignation was everywhere expressed at so unworthy a decision
       and the most profound astonishment that such a course of
       action should have received the support of M. Pichon, the
       French Minister 'Protecteur des Missions Catholiques en
       Chine,' and of so humane a man as Mr. Conger, the American
       Minister; for to leave Peking meant the immediate abandonment
       to massacre of the thousands of native Christians who had
       trusted the foreigner and believed in his good faith.

       "Early on the morning of the 20th a meeting of the Diplomatic
       Body was held at the French Legation. No reply had been
       received from the Tsung-li-Yamên to the request for an
       audience, and the proposition that all the Ministers should go
       to the Yamên found no seconder. Had it been carried out, there
       would have occurred one of the most appalling massacres on
       record. Two chairs later left for the Yamên. In the first was
       the German Minister, Baron van Ketteler, who had this
       advantage over the other Ministers, that he spoke Chinese
       fluently. In the second was the Chinese Secretary of the
       German Legation, Mr. Cordes. News travels quickly in Peking.
       Not many minutes later my boy burst into my office—'Any man
       speakee have makee kill German Minister!' It was true. The
       German Minister had been assassinated by an Imperial officer.
       The Secretary had been grievously wounded, but, running for
       his life, shot at by a hundred rifles, had escaped as if by a
       miracle. A patrol of 15 men under Count Soden, the commander,
       went out to recover the body. Fired on by Chinese soldiers
       from every side, they were forced to retire. … There was no
       more question about leaving for Tien-tsin. Later in the day
       the Yamên, evidently indifferent to the gravity of the
       position created by the Government, sent an impudent despatch
       to the German Legation to the effect that two Germans had been
       proceeding in chairs along the Hata Mên-street, and at the
       mouth of the street leading to the Tsung-li-Yamên one of them
       had fired upon the crowd. The Chinese had retaliated and he
       had been killed. They wished to know his name. No reply was
       sent, for it was felt to be a mockery. Only too well the Yamên
       knew whom they had murdered. Weeks passed before the body was
       recovered, and it was not until July 18 that any official
       reference was made to the murder. In the course of the morning
       a despatch was sent to the Diplomatic Body in reply to the
       answer they had sent to the ultimatum of yesterday.
    {119}
       The country, it said, between Peking and Tien-tsin was overrun
       with brigands, and it would not be safe for the Ministers to go
       there. They should therefore remain in Peking. It is difficult
       to write with calmness of the treachery with which the Chinese
       were now acting. Four p. m. was the hour given in the ultimatum
       for the Ministers to vacate their Legations, but the ultimatum
       had been rescinded, and the Ministers invited to remain in
       Peking. Thus it was hoped that they would be lulled into a
       false security. Chinese soldiers were secretly stationed under
       cover at every vantage point commanding the outposts. At 4 p.
       m. precisely to the minute, by preconcerted signal, they
       opened fire upon the Austrian and French outposts. A French
       marine fell shot dead through the forehead. An Austrian was
       wounded. The siege had begun.

       "At this time (June 20), at the opening of the siege, the
       total strength of the combined Legation guards consisted of 18
       officers and 389 men, distributed as follows:

       "American.
       Three officers, Captain Myers in command, Captain Hall,
       Surgeon Lippett, and 53 marines from the Newark.

       "Austrian.
       Five officers, Captain Thomann, the Commander of the Zenta,
       Flag-Lieutenant von Winterhalder, Lieutenant Kollar,
       two mid-shipmen, and 30 marines from the Zenta.

       "British.
       Three officers, Captain B. M. Strouts in command,
       Captain Halliday, Captain Wray, and 79 men R. M. L. I.
       -30 from H. M. S. Orlando and 49 from Wei-hai-wei.

       "French.
       Two officers, Captain Darcy and Midshipman Herbert, and
       45 marines from the D'Entrecasteaux and Descartes.

       "German.
       Lieutenant Graf Soden and 51 marines of the
       3rd Battalion Kiao-chau.

       "Italian.
       Lieutenant Paolini and 28 blue-jackets from the Elba.

       "Japanese.
       Lieutenant Hara and 24 marines from the Atago.

       "Russian.
       Two officers, Lieutenant Baron von Rahden and Lieutenant
       von Dehn, and 79 men—72 marines from the Sissoi Veliki and
       Navarin and seven Legation Cossacks.

       "Total,
       18 officers and 389 men.

       "In addition the French sent Lieutenant Henry and 30 men to
       guard the Pei-tang Cathedral, and the Italians detached one
       officer, Lieutenant Cavalieri, and 11 men for the same humane
       mission. To this insignificant force of 18 officers and 389
       men of eight nationalities the entire foreign quarter had to
       trust for its defence. Fortunately several visitors or
       residents had received military training, and they at once
       went on the active list and rendered invaluable service. … A
       volunteer force numbering altogether 75 men, of whom 31 were
       Japanese, was enrolled and armed with all available rifles.
       They added greatly to the strength of the garrison, taking
       watch and watch like the Regulars, fighting behind the
       barricades, and never shrinking from any duty imposed upon
       them. There was also an irregular force of 50 gentlemen of
       many nationalities, who did garrison guard duty in the British
       Legation and were most useful. They were known, from the
       gentleman who enrolled them, as 'Thornhill's Roughs,' and they
       bore themselves as the legitimate successors on foot of
       Roosevelt's Roughriders. Armed with a variety of weapons, from
       an elephant rifle to the 'fusil de chasse' with a picture of
       the Grand Prix, to all of which carving knives had been lashed
       as bayonets, they were known as the 'Carving Knife Brigade.' …
       Such were the effective forces. They were provided with four
       guns, an Italian one-pounder with 120 rounds, an American Colt
       with 25,000 rounds, an Austrian machine gun, and a British
       five-barrel Nordenfelt, pattern 1887. Rifle ammunition was
       very scanty. The Japanese had only 100 rounds apiece, the
       Russians 145, and the Italians 120, while the best provided of
       the other guards had only 300 rounds per man, none too many
       for a siege the duration of which could not be foreseen.

       "Punctually, then, at 4 o'clock Chinese soldiers began firing
       upon us whom they had requested to remain in peace at Peking.
       And immediately after the Austrian Legation was abandoned. No
       sufficient reason has been given for its abandonment, which
       was done so precipitately that not an article was saved. It
       was left to the mercy of the Chinese, and the guard retired to
       the corner of Customs-lane, leading west to the Prince's
       Palace. This involved the sacrifice of Sir Robert Hart's and
       all the Customs buildings, and hastened the advance of the
       Chinese westward. As previously arranged, the American mission
       buildings had been abandoned in the morning, for they were
       quite untenable. All the missionaries, their wives, and
       families crossed over to the British Legation. Converts to the
       number of several hundreds joined the other refugees. The
       captain and 20 American marines returned to the American
       Legation. By an error of judgment on the part of the captain
       the mission was finally left in a panic. Almost nothing was
       saved, and nearly all the stores accumulated for a siege were
       lost. The British Legation was now thronged. Rarely has a more
       cosmopolitan gathering been gathered together within the limits
       of one compound. All the women and children were there, all
       the missionaries, American, British, French, and Russian, all
       the Customs staff, the French, Belgian, Russian, American,
       Spanish, Japanese, and Italian Ministers, and their families,
       the entire unofficial foreign community of Peking, with the
       exception of M. Chamot, who remained in his hotel throughout,
       though it was in the hottest corner of the besieged area. …
       French volunteers bravely stood by their own Legation, and the
       Austrian Charge d'Affaires and Mme. von Rosthorn remained there
       as long as there was a room habitable. Mr. Squiers, the first
       Secretary of the American Legation, with Mr. Cheshire, the
       Chinese Secretary, and Mr. Pethiek, the well-known private
       secretary of Li Hung Chang, stayed by the United States
       Legation, and the staff of the German Legation also kept
       stanchly to their posts. … At the British Legation
       fortification began in real earnest, the refugees working like
       coolies. Sand-bags were made by the thousand, and posts
       mounted round the Legation. A way was knocked through the
       houses to the Russian Legation, so that the Americans, if they
       had to fall back, could pass through to the British Legation.
       During the day every Legation was exposed to a continuous fire
       from surrounding house-tops, and in the case of the British
       Legation from the cover in the Imperial Carriage Park. Chinese
       put flames to the abandoned buildings, and the Belgian
       Legation, the Austrian Legation, the Methodist Mission, and
       some private houses were burned.

    {120}

       "June 22 opened disastrously. The evening before, Captain
       Thomann, the Austrian commander, announced that as the senior
       officer he had taken command in Peking. This morning, hearing
       from an irresponsible American that the American Legation was
       abandoned, he, without taking steps to verify the information,
       ordered the abandonment of all the Legations cast of
       Canal-street, the detachments to fall back upon the British
       Legation. There had been no casualties to speak of, none of
       the Legations had been attacked, and every commander who
       received the order to retreat regarded the action as madness.
       Peremptory orders were sent to the Japanese to abandon the
       Prince's Palace or Fu (as I shall henceforth call it), and
       they retired to their Legation. In the British Legation
       nothing was known of the order when, to the amazement of all,
       the Italians, Austrians, and French came running down
       Legation-street, followed a little later by the Japanese, and
       subsequently by the Germans, who recalled their post on the
       wall and marched without a shot being fired at them down under
       the wall to Canal-street. Americans and Russians, learning
       that all east of Canal-street had been abandoned, saw
       themselves cut off, though their communications had not even
       been menaced, and retreated precipitately into the British
       Legation. It was a veritable stampede—a panic that might have
       been fraught with the gravest disaster. Prompt action was
       taken. Captain Thomann was relieved of his command, and Sir
       Claude MacDonald, at the urgent instance of the French and
       Russian Ministers, subsequently confirmed by all their
       colleagues, assumed the chief command. The French and
       Austrians reoccupied the French Legation, but the barricade in
       Customs-street was lost. One German only was killed and the
       position was saved, but the blunder might have been
       disastrous.

       "It was obvious from the first that the great danger at the
       British Legation was not so much from rifle-fire as from
       incendiarism, for on three sides the compound was surrounded
       by Chinese buildings of a highly inflammable nature. Before
       time could be given to clear an open space round the Legation,
       the buildings to the rear of Mr. Cockburn's house were set on
       fire, and as the wind was blowing strongly towards us it
       seemed as if nothing could prevent the fire from bursting into
       the Legation. Water had to be used sparingly, for the wells
       were lower than they had been for years, yet the flames had to
       be fought. Bullets were whistling through the trees. Private
       Scadding, the first Englishman to fall, was killed while on
       watch on the stables near by. Men and women lined up, and
       water passed along in buckets to a small fire engine that was
       played upon the fire. Walls were broken through, trees hastily
       cut down, and desperate work saved the building. It was the
       first experience of intense excitement. Then the men set to
       with a will, and till late at night were demolishing the
       temple and buildings outside the wall of the Legation. Work
       was continued in the morning, but when it was proposed to pull
       down an unimportant building in 'the Hanlin Academy that abuts
       upon the Legation to the North, the proposition was vetoed.
       Such desecration, it was said, would wound the
       susceptibilities of the Chinese Government. It was 'the most
       sacred building in China.' To lay hands upon it, even to
       safeguard the lives of beleaguered women and children, could
       not be thought of, for fear of wounding the susceptibilities
       of the Chinese Government! So little do the oldest of us
       understand the Chinese.

       "A strong wind was blowing from the Hanlin into the Legation,
       the distance separating the nearest building from the
       Minister's residence being only a few feet. Fire the one and
       the Minister's residence would have been in danger. Suddenly
       there was the alarm of fire. Smoke was rising from the Hanlin.
       The most venerated pile in Peking, the great Imperial Academy,
       centre of all Chinese learning, with its priceless collection of
       books and manuscripts, was in flames. Everyone who was off
       duty rushed to the back of the Legation. The Hanlin had been
       occupied during the night by Imperial soldiers, who did not
       hesitate, in their rage to destroy the foreigners, to set fire
       to the buildings. It was first necessary to clear the temple.
       A breach was made in the wall, Captain Poole headed a force of
       Marines and volunteers who rushed in, divided, searched the
       courts, and returned to the main pavilion with its superb
       pillars and memorial tablets. Chinese were rushing from other
       burning pavilions to the main entrance. They were taken by
       surprise and many were killed, but they had done their evil
       deed. … To save the Legation it was necessary to continue the
       destruction and dismantle the library buildings. With great
       difficulty, with inadequate tools, the buildings were pulled
       down. Trees endangering our position were felled. An attempt
       was made to rescue specimens of the more valuable manuscripts,
       but few were saved for the danger was pressing. Sir Claude
       MacDonald, as soon as the fire was discovered, despatched a
       messenger to the Tsung-li-Yamên, telling them of the fire and
       urging them to send some responsible officials to carry away
       what volumes could be rescued, but no attention was given to
       his courteous communication. The Dutch Legation was burned on
       the 22nd, and next day Chinese soldiers set fire to the
       Russo-Chinese Bank, and a greater part of the buildings were
       destroyed, involving in danger the American Legation. Chinese
       volunteers were called for. They responded readily, worked
       with much courage exposed to fire from the wall, and the
       Legation was saved. All the buildings back from the bank to
       the Chien Mên (the main gate between the Chinese and Tartar
       cities facing the entrance to the Forbidden City) seemed to be
       on fire. Then all the Customs buildings were fired, so that
       flames were on every side, and the smoke was tremendous, while
       the fusillade was incessant. An Italian and a German died of
       their wounds. The first American was killed, shot from the
       wall, then a Russian fell. They were dropping off one by one,
       and already we were well accustomed to the sight of the
       stretcher and the funeral. Wounded were being brought in from
       every Legation to the hospital in the British Legation. …

    {121}

       "Then a new terror was added to the fears of the besieged, for
       the Imperial troops mounted a 3 in. Krupp gun on the Chien Mên,
       the gate opposite to the Forbidden City, and began throwing
       segment shells from a distance of 1,000 yards into the crowded
       Legation. The first shell struck the American Legation, others
       burst over the British compound, while others crashed into the
       upper rooms of the German Legation. It was known that the
       Chinese had ten similar guns in Peking, while we had nothing
       with which to answer their fire, and no one ever knew where
       the next gun might be mounted. Immediately all hands dug
       bomb-proof shelters for the women and children. Rifle fire
       also played on the Americans from the wall quite close to them
       at a distance of a few hundred feet only, whence, safely
       sheltered by the parapet of the wall, men could enfilade the
       barricade which was held by the Americans on the street
       running east and west under the wall. The barricade became
       untenable, and to occupy the wall was a paramount necessity
       which could no longer be delayed. … Down in the besieged area
       the enemy pressed upon every side. Again they attempted to
       fire the British Legation from the Mongol market on the west;
       but a sortie was made by British Marines and Volunteers, and
       the Chinese were driven from house to house out of the market.
       The work was dangerous, and Captain Halliday was dangerously
       wounded, while Captain Strouts had an extraordinary escape,
       the bullet grazing the skin above the carotid artery. The
       sortie was entirely successful; some rifles were captured, and
       ammunition, which was more precious than silver. The buildings
       were then fired by us, the fire being kept under control,
       which cleared a long distance round the west of the Legation.
       Fortification proceeded without intermission and all the
       defences of the besieged area quickly gathered strength. For
       the first time in war, art was a feature in the fortification.
       Sandbags were of every colour under the sun and of every texture.
       Silks and satins, curtains and carpets and embroideries were
       ruthlessly cut up into sandbags. In the Prince's Fu the
       sandbags were made of the richest silks and satins, the
       Imperial gifts and accumulated treasures of one of the eight
       princely families of China. In the Prince's Fu the Chinese
       made a determined attempt to force their way into the Palace
       in their frenzy to slaughter the native Christians. In the
       angle of the wall in the northeastern court of the Palace they
       made a breach in the wall and rushed wildly in. But the
       Japanese were waiting for them and from loopholes they had
       made opposite rolled them over like rabbits, driving them
       helter-skelter back again. Some 20 were killed, and but for
       the unsteadiness of the Italians who were assisting the
       Japanese the execution would have been greater. The Chinese
       were driven back, but the same evening they threw fireballs of
       petroleum over the wall and set fire to the building. Flames
       spread to the splendid main pavilion of the Palace. The
       Japanese in their turn were driven back, and the Christians
       escaping from the burning building overflowed from the Fu into
       all that quarter lying between the Palace grounds and
       Legation-street.

       "On June 25 a truly Oriental method of weakening our defence
       was attempted by the Chinese. Up to 4 o'clock in the afternoon
       the shooting of rifles and field guns had been continuous,
       when suddenly bugles were sounded north, east, south, and
       west, and, as if by magic, the firing ceased. It was under
       perfect control—Imperial control commanded by responsible
       central authority. The silence abruptly following the
       fusillade was striking. Then an official of low rank was seen
       to affix to the parapet of the north bridge near the British
       Legation a board inscribed with 18 Chinese
       characters:—'Imperial command to protect Ministers and stop
       firing. A despatch will be handed at the Imperial Canal
       Bridge.' A placard whereon was written 'Despatch will be
       received' was sent by one of the Chinese clerks employed in
       the Legation, but when he approached the bridge a hundred
       rifles from the Imperial Palace gate were levelled at him. The
       despatch was never received. The artifice deceived no one.
       Treachery was feared, vigilance was redoubled. Sandbags were
       thrown on positions which during fire were untenable. So that
       when at midnight the general attack was made upon us we were
       prepared, and every man was at his post. The surprise had
       failed. As firing had ceased so it began. Horns were sounded,
       and then from every quarter a hail of bullets poured over us,
       sweeping through the trees and striking with sharp impact the
       roofs of the pavilions. No harm was done though the noise was
       terrific. Great steadiness was shown by the men. They lay
       quietly behind the sandbags and not a shot was fired in reply.
       It was suggested as an explanation of this wild firing that
       the shots were to kill the guardian spirits which were known
       to hover over us. Similar fusillades took place at the
       American Legation and at the French Legation, and with the
       same result. During the armistice the Chinese had availed
       themselves of the quiet to throw up earthworks in the Carriage
       Park alongside the British Legation, in the Mongol market
       between the British and Russian Legations, and at both ends of
       Legation-street facing the Americans on the west and facing
       the French Legation corner on the east.

       "Our isolation was now complete, and the enemy's cordon was
       constantly drawing closer. Every wall beyond the lines was
       loopholed. Not only was the besieged area cut off from all
       communication with the world outside Peking, but it was cut
       off from all communication with the Pei-tang. No messenger
       could be induced for love or money to carry a message there.
       Bishop Favier and his guards must have been already hard
       pressed, for they were exposed to the danger not only of rifle
       and cannon, but of fire and starvation. The small garrison
       detached from the guards was known to be inadequately supplied
       with ammunition. It was known, however, that the danger of the
       situation had long been foreseen by Monseigneur Favier, who,
       speaking with unequalled authority, had weeks before the siege
       vainly urged his Minister to bring troops to Peking. When the
       crisis became inevitable and Christian refugees poured into
       the city the Bishop endeavoured to buy arms and ammunition, so
       that there was a hope, though a faint one, that the Chinese
       themselves had assisted in the defence. So with stores. Large
       quantities of grain were stored in the Pei-tang, but whether
       sufficient for a siege for a garrison of 3,000 souls was not
       known. Their condition was a constant source of anxiety to the
       Europeans within the Legations, who were powerless to help
       them. Watch was kept unceasingly for any sign of the disaster
       that seemed inevitable—the massacre and the conflagration.

    {122}

       "Towards evening of the 28th a Krupp gun was mounted in the
       Mongol market, not 300 yards from the British Legation, and
       fire was opened upon a storeyed building occupied by marines
       in the south court of the Legation. Fired at short range, the
       shells crashed through the roof and walls. For an hour the
       bombardment continued, but no one was injured, though a crack
       racing pony in the stables below was killed, and next day
       eaten. It was determined to capture this gun, so in the early
       morning a force consisting of 26 British, ten Germans, ten
       Russians, five French, and five Italians, and about 20
       volunteers made a sortie from the Legation to try and capture
       the gun and burn the houses covering it; but the attempt was a
       fiasco. The men got tangled up in the lanes so that the reserve
       line with the kerosene marched ahead of the firing line; there
       was a Babel of voices, no one knew where to go, the captain
       lost his head and set fire to the houses in the rear and the
       men retreated pell-mell. … The Chinese, however, were alarmed
       and removed the gun. Meanwhile both French and German
       Legations had suffered heavily. …

       "On the 29th the French Legation was hard pressed. One of
       their officers, the midshipman Herbert, was shot.
       Reinforcements were hastily sent from the Fu, and the attack
       was repulsed; but some of the outer buildings of the Legation
       were burned, and the French had to retire further into the
       Legation. In this siege it was striking what a powerful part
       petroleum was made to play. Already the French Legation had
       suffered more severely than any other Legation; of their 45
       men 16 had been killed or wounded. Krupp guns had been mounted
       not 50 yards to the eastward, and the eastern walls of the
       pavilions were being gradually and systematically battered
       into ruins. All day now and until the cessation of hostilities
       shells were pounding into the French Legation, into Chamot's
       hotel, and from the Chien Mên on the wall, promiscuously,
       everywhere. Much property was destroyed, but, though the
       shells burst everywhere and escapes were marvellous, few
       people were hit. Bullets whistled in the Legation compounds.
       Surgeon Lippett was talking to Mr. Conger in the American
       Legation when he was hit by a bullet that smashed the thigh
       bone. Had the bullet not struck the surgeon it would have hit
       the Minister. Mr. Pethick was sitting at a window of the
       American Legation fanning himself when a bullet pierced the
       fan. A civilian was wounded in the British Legation, and a
       marine, Phillips, was killed while walking in the compound.
       A fragment of shell fell on a patient inside the hospital.

       "The cordon was drawing closer. In the Fu nearly one-third of
       the buildings had been abandoned and the Japanese retired to a
       second line of defence. Shells were fired by the hundred. On
       the 29th 70 shells were thrown into the British Legation. The
       difficulty of holding the American and German barricades on
       the city wall was increasing. The positions were very much
       exposed. A Krupp gun was brought close to the American
       barricade. The Russo-Chinese Bank and all the buildings near
       were occupied by Chinese troops, the walls being loopholed and
       lanes barricaded. And all were so close that you could not
       look through a loop-hole without being shot at. Yet the
       American barricade, with its mixed guard of Americans,
       Russians, and British, had to be held at all hazards;
       otherwise the Krupp gun could be brought down the wall and
       play havoc upon the Legations, the furthest of which—the
       British—was at its nearest point not 400 yards distant. Still
       more exposed than the American barricade was the outpost on
       the wall held by the Germans. At first they had been
       reinforced by the French and Austrians, but the needs of the
       French Legation were equally pressing and the guards were
       withdrawn and a small picket of British sent to aid the
       Germans. … In the morning of July 1 the Chinese climbed up the
       ramp and surprised the guard. The order was hastily given to
       retire, and the picket, shaken by its losses of yesterday,
       left the wall. The German non-commissioned officer who gave
       the order was severely blamed for thus abandoning a position
       that he had been ordered to hold. Withdrawal left the
       Americans exposed in the rear. They saw the Germans retire,
       and in a panic fell back to the Legation, rushing pell-mell
       down the ramp. Nothing had occurred at the barricade itself to
       justify the retreat, although two men had fallen within a few
       hours before. Yet the wall was the key of the position and had
       to be maintained. A conference was held at the British
       Legation, and as a result orders were given to return to the
       post. Captain Myers at once took back a strong detachment of
       14 Americans, ten British, and ten Russians, and reoccupied
       the barricade as if nothing had happened. The Chinese,
       ignorant that the post had been evacuated, lost their
       opportunity. Then the guard in the French Legation was driven
       a stage further back and M. Wagner, a volunteer, was killed by
       the bursting of a shell. …

       "It was a day of misfortunes. In the afternoon the most
       disastrous sortie of the siege was attempted. A Krupp gun,
       firing at short range into the Fu (i. e., the Prince's
       Palace), was a serious menace to our communications. Captain
       Paolini, the Italian officer, conceived the idea that he could
       capture the gun if volunteers could be given him and if the
       Japanese could assist. … By this ineffective sortie our small
       garrison was reduced by three men killed, one officer and four
       men and one volunteer wounded. Fortunately it was no worse.
       The gun that was not captured was brought up again next day
       into play and continued battering down the Fu walls. The enemy
       were working their way ever nearer to the refugee Christians.
       Their rage to reach the Christians was appalling. They cursed
       them from over the wall, hurled stones at them, and threw
       shells to explode overhead. Only after the armistice, when we
       received the 'Peking Gazette,' did we find that word to burn
       out and slaughter the converts had come from the highest in
       the land. The Japanese were driven still further back. Already
       they had lost heavily, for upon them had fallen the brunt of a
       defence the gallantry of which surpassed all praise. When the
       siege was raised it was found that of the entire force of
       marines only five men had escaped without wounds; one was
       wounded five times. Colonel Shiba early raised a force of
       'Christian volunteers,' drilled them, instructed them, and
       armed them with rifles captured from the enemy. They made an
       effective addition to the Japanese strength. …

    {123}

       "At daybreak on July 3, the Chinese barricade on the top of
       the wall near the American outpost was successfully stormed by
       a party of British, Americans, and Russians, under the leadership
       of Captain Myers, Captain Vroublevsky, and Mr. Nigel Oliphant.
       … The position was intolerable. It was imperative to rush the
       barricade and drive out the Chinese; nothing else could be
       done. An attack was planned for 3 in the morning, and before
       that hour a strong force of British was sent over from the
       legation. The combined force assembled for the attack
       consisted of 26 British marines under Sergeant Murphy and
       Corporal Gregory, with Mr. Nigel Oliphant as volunteer, 15
       Russians under Captain Vroublevsky, and 15 Americans, all
       being under the command of Captain Myers. When asked if they
       came willingly one American begged to be relieved and was sent
       below. This left the total force at 56, of whom 14 were
       Americans. So close were the Chinese that it was only a couple
       of jumps from our barricade to their fort. There was a rush to
       be first over, the fort was stormed, and dashing round the
       covering wall the 'foreign devils' charged behind the
       barricade. Taken by surprise the Chinese fired in the air,
       fled incontinently, and were shot down as they ran along the
       open surface of the wall. Captain Vroublevsky and his
       detachment acted with especial gallantry, for their duty it
       was to attack the Chinese barricade in the front, while the
       British and Americans took it in the rear. Two banners marked
       'General Ma' were captured. Fifteen Chinese soldiers of
       Tung-fuh-siang were killed outright and many more must have
       been wounded. Some rifles and ammunition were captured. Then
       the allied forces, exposed to a heavy fire, retired within
       what had been the Chinese barricade and employed it against
       the enemy who had built it. Captain Myers was wounded in the
       knee by tripping over a fallen spear, two Americans, Turner
       and Thomas—one having accidentally jumped on the wrong side of
       the barricade—were killed, and Corporal Gregory was wounded in
       the foot. News of the successful sortie gave much pleasure to
       the community. Chinese coolies were sent on the wall, and a
       strongly intrenched redoubt was built there; the camp was made
       safe by traverses. Unfortunately, the wound of Captain Myers
       proved more serious than was at first suspected, and he was
       not again able to return to duty. The services of a brave and
       capable officer were lost to the garrison; his post on the
       wall was taken most ably by Captain Percy Smith and other
       officers in turn.

       "Most of the shelling was now directed against the French and
       German Legations and Chamot's Hotel. The hotel was struck 91
       times and was several times set on fire, but the flame was
       extinguished. Work continued there, however hot the shelling,
       for food had to be prepared there for half the community in
       Peking, Russians, French, Germans, and Austrians. The energy
       of Chamot was marvellous. He fed the troops and a crowd of
       Christian refugees, killed his own mules and horses, ground
       his own wheat, and baked 300 loaves a day. Shelled out of the
       kitchen he baked in the parlour. His courage inspired the
       Chinese, and they followed him under fire with an amazing
       confidence.

       "Then suddenly a new attempt was made to reduce the British
       Legation. Guns firing round shot, eight-pounders and
       four-pounders, were mounted on the Imperial City wall
       overlooking from the north the Hanlin and the British
       Legation. With glasses—the distance was only 350 yards—one
       could clearly see the officers and distinguish their Imperial
       Peacock feathers and Mandarin hats. … Three batteries in all,
       carrying five guns, were mounted on the Imperial City wall
       where the bombardment could be witnessed by the Empress
       Dowager and her counsellors, and day after day round shot were
       thrown from them into the British Legation, into a compound
       crowded with women and children. … On July 5 Mr. David
       Oliphant, of the British Legation, was killed. He was felling
       a tree by the well in the Hanlin when he was shot by a sniper
       concealed in a roof in the Imperial Carriage Park, and died
       within an hour. Only 24 years of age, he was a student of
       exceptional promise and ability. …

       "Day by day the Chinese were pressing us more closely. In the
       Fu they were gradually wedging their way in from the
       north-east so as to cut the communications between the British
       and the Legations to the east. They burned their way from house
       to house. Keeping under cover, they set alight the gables
       within reach by torches of cloth soaked in kerosene held at
       the end of long poles. If the roof were beyond reach they
       threw over fireballs of kerosene, or, if still further, shot
       into them with arrows freighted with burning cloth. In this
       way and with the use of the heavy gun they battered a way
       through the houses and courtyards of the Prince's Palace. A
       daring attempt made by the Japanese to capture the gun
       resulted in failure. Coolies failed them when they were within
       four yards of success, and they were forced to retire. Their
       gallant leader Captain Ando was shot in the throat while
       waving on his men, one marine was seriously wounded, and one
       Christian volunteer killed. … By the 8th the position in the
       Fu was alarming, for the Japanese force had been reduced to 13
       marines and 14 volunteers; yet with decreasing numbers they
       were constantly called upon to defend a longer line.
       Reinforcements were sent them of half-a-dozen Customs and
       student volunteers and of six British marines. Nothing can
       give a better indication of the smallness of our garrison than
       the fact that throughout the siege reinforcements meant five men
       or ten men. Strong reinforcements meant 15 men. Our
       reinforcements were counted by ones, not by companies. With
       this force a line of intrenchments stretching from the outer
       court of the Fu on the east across the grounds to near the
       extreme northwest corner was held till the end. … The position
       was one of constant solicitude, for the loss of the Fu would
       have imperilled the British Legation. A Krupp gun, mounted 50
       yards away, had the range and raked the post with shell and
       shrapnel. To strengthen the breastwork exposure to rifle fire
       was incurred from 20 yards' distance, while to reach the post
       required crossing a zone of fire which was perhaps the hottest
       in the whole of the defences. Many men were wounded there, and
       one Italian had his head blown off. Shell fire finally made it
       impossible to live there. The advanced posts were abandoned,
       and the sentries fell back to the main picket. No sooner was
       the advanced post abandoned than it was occupied by the
       Chinese, and the defences we had made were turned against us.

    {124}

       "Meanwhile, the French and German Legations were being roughly
       handled, and men were falling daily. At the German Legation
       shells burst through the Minister's drawing-room. Most of the
       other buildings conspicuous by their height were
       uninhabitable, but every member of the Legation remained at
       his post. So, too, in the French Legation, where the Austrians
       were, Dr. and Madame von Rosthorn remained by the side of
       their men. The French volunteers and Dr. Matignon stood
       stanchly by their Legation, although it was fast tumbling into
       ruins, their coolness and resolution being in curious contrast
       to the despair of their Minister, who, crying, 'Tout est perdu,'
       melodramatically burned the French archives in a ditch at the
       British Legation. Chinese and French were so close that the
       voices of the Chinese officers could be heard encouraging
       their men. Chinese were within the Legation itself. Their guns
       literally bombarded the Minister's residence 'à bout portant,'
       and the noise of the exploding shells was terrific. Yet the men
       never flinched. … July 11 was a day of many casualties. One
       German was mortally wounded; one Englishman, one Italian, and
       one Japanese were seriously wounded. Mr. Nigel Oliphant, a
       volunteer, received a bullet wound in the leg, while Mr.
       Narahara, the well-known secretary of the Japanese Legation,
       wounded by the bursting of a shell, suffered a compound
       fracture of the leg, which from the first gave cause for
       anxiety. He gradually sank and died on July 24. …

       On the 11th 18 prisoners were captured by the French in a
       temple near the Legation. They were soldiers, and a Chinese
       Christian gave information as to their whereabouts. Everyone
       of them was put to death without mercy in the French Legation,
       bayoneted by a French corporal to save cartridges. Questioned
       before death they gave much information that was obviously
       false. One man, however, declared that a mine was being driven
       under the French Legation. His story had quick corroboration.
       As the afternoon of the 13th was closing a feint attack was
       made on the Japanese intrenchments in the Fu. Then the sound
       of many bugles was heard from the camps round the French
       Legation, to be followed in a few minutes by a terrific
       explosion, and in a moment or two by another; and bricks and
       debris were hurled into the air. It was a dull roar in the
       midst of the devilish cries of hordes of Chinese, shrieking
       like spirits in hell, the rattle of musketry, and the boom of
       heavy guns. The mine of which the prisoner had warned us had
       exploded and burst an entrance into the French Legation. When
       the first mine exploded the French Captain Darcy, the Austrian
       Charge d'Affaires, two French marines, and Mr. Destelan of the
       Customs were standing over the death-trap. Mr. Destelan was
       buried up to the neck, but was rescued unhurt, the two marines
       were engulfed and their bodies were never recovered, Captain
       Darcy and Dr. von Rosthorn escaped miraculously. The latter
       was buried by the first explosion and released unhurt a moment
       or two later by the second. Driven out of the main buildings,
       the small garrison (it consisted only of 17 Austrians with
       three officers, 27 French with two officers, and nine
       volunteers) fell back a few paces to a line of defence, part
       of which had only been completed in the afternoon, and
       securely held the position.

       "Simultaneously with this attack upon the French Legation the
       Chinese made a determined assault upon the German Legation,
       the effective strength of whose garrison numbered only one
       officer and 31 men. They broke into the Club alongside the
       Legation and were on the tennis ground when Count Soden and a
       handful of German soldiers gallantly charged them at the point
       of the bayonet and drove them out headlong. … Uniforms on the
       dead Chinese showed that the attack had been carried out by
       the troops of Yung Lu, reinforced by the savages of
       Tung-fuh-siang. Some of the dead were armed with the latest
       pattern Mauser and the newest German army revolver. Some
       ammunition, of which the guards were in much need, was
       recovered and distributed among the Japanese and Italians.
       Firing continued round the other Legations; every battery
       opened fire; the air hissed with bullets. There was momentary
       darkness, then flames broke out from the large foreign houses
       between the German Legation and Canal-street. It seemed at one
       time as if the whole of the quarter would be burned, but the
       fire did not spread. Heavy rain came on, and the rest of the
       night passed in quiet.

       "On July 14, a messenger, sent out on the 10th, with a letter
       for the troops, returned to the British Legation. He had been
       arrested by the Chinese, cruelly beaten, and taken, he said,
       to the yamên of Yung Lu, and there given the following letter,
       purporting to be written by Prince Ching 'and others,'
       addressed to the British Minister. It was the first
       communication of any kind whatsoever that had reached us from
       outside for nearly one month. 'For the last ten days the
       soldiers and Militia have been fighting, and there has been no
       communication between us, to our great anxiety. Some time ago
       we hung up a board, expressing our intentions, but no answer
       has been received, and contrary to expectation the foreign
       soldiers made renewed attacks, causing alarm and suspicion
       among soldiers and people. Yesterday the troops captured a
       convert named Chin Ssu-hei and learnt from him that all the
       foreign Ministers 'were well, which caused us very great
       satisfaction. But it is the unexpected which happens. The
       reinforcements of foreign troops were long ago stopped and
       turned back by the "Boxers," and if, in accordance with
       previous agreement, we were to guard your Excellencies out of
       the city, there are so many "Boxers" on the road to Tien-tsin
       and Ta-ku that we should be apprehensive of misadventure. We
       now request your Excellencies to first take your families and
       the various members of your staffs, and leave your Legations
       in detachments. We should select trustworthy officers to give
       close and strict protection, and you should temporarily reside
       in the Tsung-li-Yamên, pending future arrangements for your
       return home, in order to preserve friendly relations intact
       from beginning to end. But at the time of leaving the
       Legations there must on no account whatever be taken any
       single armed soldier, in order to prevent doubt and fear on
       the part of the troops and people, leading to untoward
       incidents. If your Excellencies are willing to show this
       confidence, we beg you to communicate with all the foreign
       Ministers in Peking, to-morrow at noon being the limit of
       time, and to let the original messenger deliver the reply in
       order that we may settle the day for leaving the Legations.
       This is the single way of preserving relations which we have
       been able to devise in the face of innumerable difficulties.
       If no reply is received by the time fixed, even our affection
       will not enable us to help you.
       Compliments.
       (Signed) Prince Ching and others.
       July 14, 1900.'

    {125}

       "Following as it did immediately after the attack on the
       French Legation, which reduced it to ruins, the letter did not
       lack for impudence. 'Boxers' had driven back our troops,
       'Militia,' not 'Boxers,' had been attacking us in Peking. The
       letter was read with derision. It was interpreted as a
       guileless attempt to seduce the Ministers away from their
       Legations and massacre them at ease. News we heard
       subsequently had just reached the Chinese of the taking of
       Tien-tsin city. … On the 15th a reply was sent declining on
       the part of the foreign representatives the invitation to
       proceed to the Tsung-li-Yamên, and pointing out that no
       attacks had been made by our troops, who were only defending
       the lives and property of foreigners against the attacks of
       Chinese Government troops. The reply concluded with a
       statement that if the Chinese Government wished to negotiate
       they should send a responsible official with a white flag. …

       "The morning of the 16th opened with a disaster. Captain
       Strouts, the senior British officer, was shot while returning
       from the outposts in the Fu. He was struck in the upper part
       of the left thigh by an expanding bullet, and died an hour
       after being brought into the hospital, to the grief of the
       entire community. … While shells were bursting in the trees,
       and amid the crack of rifle bullets, the brave young fellow to
       whose gallant defence we all owed so much was laid to rest. …
       While the service was proceeding a messenger bearing a flag of
       truce was approaching the gate. … The letter was from 'Prince
       Ching and others.' It explained that the reason for suggesting
       the removal of the Legations to the Tsung-li-Yamên was that
       the Chinese Government could afford more efficient protection
       to the members of the Legations if concentrated than if
       scattered as at present. As the foreign Ministers did not
       agree, however, the Chinese would as in duty bound do their
       utmost to protect the Legations where they were. (While the
       latter sentence was being read the translator had to raise his
       voice in order that it should be heard above the crack of the
       Imperial rifle bullets.) They would bring reinforcements and
       continue their endeavours to prevent the 'Boxers' from firing,
       and they trusted that the foreign Ministers on their part
       would restrain their troops also from firing.

       "By the same messenger a cipher message was brought to Mr.
       Conger, the American Minister. It said:—'Communicate tidings
       bearer.' It was in the State Department cipher and had no date
       or indication by whom it had been sent. Mr. Conger replied in the
       same cipher:—'For one month we have been besieged in British
       Legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.
       Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' When
       forwarding his reply he asked that it should be sent to the
       address from which the other had come, which address had not
       been communicated to him. Next day the Yamên sent him an
       answer saying that his message had been forwarded and
       explaining that the telegram sent to him had been contained in
       a telegram from Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese Minister at
       Washington, dated July 11. This telegram read:—'The United
       States cheerfully aid China, but it is thinking of Mr.
       Minister Conger. The Hon. Secretary of State inquires after
       him by telegram, which I beg to be transmitted to him and get
       his reply.' From this we could well imagine what specious
       assurances had been given to Mr. Hay by Wu Ting Fang's bland
       assurances that there had been a most regrettable outbreak on
       the part of lawless bands in the north of China which the
       Government was vainly struggling to cope with. … From July 17
       there was a cessation of hostilities; not that men were not
       wounded afterwards and Christian coolies fired upon whenever
       they showed themselves, but the organized attacks ceased and
       the Krupp guns were muzzled. Fearing treachery, however, we
       relaxed none of our vigilance. Trenches were cut where mines
       might have been driven. All walls and shelters were so
       strengthened as to be practically shell-proof. Our
       preparations were purely defensive. On their part the Chinese
       also continued work at their barricades. From their barricade
       on the top of the wall near the German Legation they advanced
       westward so that they could fire directly down into the German
       Legation and pick off men going up the steps of the Minister's
       house. They built a wall with loop-holes across
       Legation-street not 20 yards from the Russian barricade. In
       nearly every position the enemy were so close that you could
       shoot into the muzzles of their rifles thrust through the
       loop-holes. The cordon was still drawn tightly round us, and
       we were penned in to prevent our acting in co-operation with
       the troops who were coming to our relief. No provisions were
       permitted to reach us, but a few eggs for the women and
       children were surreptitiously sold us by Chinese soldiers. All
       were on reduced rations, the allowance for the 2,750 native
       Christians whom we had to provide for being barely sufficient
       to save them from starvation. Their sufferings were very
       great, the mortality among the children and the aged pitiful.
       No one could have foreseen that within the restricted limits
       of the besieged area, with the food supply therein obtainable,
       473 civilians (of these 414—namely, 191 men, 147 women, 76
       children—were inside the British Legation), a garrison of 400
       men, 2,750 refugees, and some 400 native servants could have
       sustained a siege of two entire months. Providentially in the
       very centre of Legation-street there was a mill with a large
       quantity of grain which turned out 900 lb. of flour a day
       divided between the hotel and the Legation. One day the
       Tsung-li-Yamên insultingly sent us a present of 1,000 lb. of
       flour and some ice and vegetables, but no one would venture to
       eat the flour, fearing that it might be poisoned.
       Communications now passed almost daily with the Tsung-li-Yamên
       or with the officials whose despatches were signed 'Prince
       Ching and others.' On July 17, Sir Claude MacDonald replied to
       the suggestion that the Ministers would restrain their troops
       from firing upon the Chinese. He said that from the first the
       foreign troops had acted entirely in self-defence, and would
       continue to do so. But the Chinese must understand that
       previous events had led to a want of confidence and that if
       barricades were erected or troops moved in the vicinity of the
       Legations the foreign guards would be obliged to fire. In the
       afternoon the Chinese replied, reviewing the situation and
       ascribing the hostilities to the attacks previously made by
       the Legation guards. They noted with satisfaction that a
       cessation of firing was agreed to on both sides, but suggested
       that as foreign soldiers had been firing from the city wall
       east of the Chien Mên, they should be removed from that
       position.
    {126}
       Next day, Sir Claude MacDonald replied with a review of the
       situation from the foreign point of view. … He hoped that
       mutual confidence would gradually be restored, but meanwhile
       he again pointed out that cessation of hostile preparations as
       well as firing was necessary on the part of the Chinese troops
       to secure that the foreign troops should cease firing. As for
       the suggestion that the foreign troops should leave the city
       wall, it was impossible to accede to it, because a great part
       of the attacks on the Legations had been made from the wall.
       He concluded by suggesting that sellers of fruit and ice
       should be allowed to come in. They were never permitted to
       come in. It was clear, however, that events were happening
       elsewhere to cause alarm in the Imperial Court. On the
       afternoon of the first day of what might be called the
       armistice M Pelliot, a French gentleman from Tongking, entered
       the Chinese lines and to the great anxiety of all was absent five
       hours. He was taken by soldiers to a yamên of one of the big
       generals—he knew not which—was plied with questions which,
       speaking some Chinese, he could answer, and was sent back
       unmolested with an escort of 15 soldiers 'to protect him
       against the Boxers.' This unusual clemency was interpreted
       favourably. It was clear that the Chinese had sustained a
       severe defeat and that relief was coming. Next day direct
       communication was for the first time held with an official of
       the Tsung-li-Yamên. A secretary named Wen Jui came to the
       Legation to see Sir Claude MacDonald and was received by the
       Minister outside the gate, not being permitted to enter. He
       said that the regrettable occurrences were due to 'local
       banditti,' that the Government had great concern to protect
       the foreigners, that Baron von Ketteler's body had been
       recovered from the hands of the 'local banditti' who had
       murdered him and been enclosed in a valuable coffin. He urged
       that the maintenance of foreign troops on the city was
       unnecessary and that they should be withdrawn. It was pointed
       out to him that, as we had been very continuously shelled from
       the city wall both from the Ha-ta Mên and the Chien Mên, it
       would be inadvisable to retire. Asked to send copies of the
       'Peking Gazette,' he hesitated a moment and then stammered
       that he really had not himself seen the 'Peking Gazette' for a
       long time, but he would inquire and see if they could be
       bought. He never came back and never sent a 'Gazette.' His
       name was Wen Jui. When we did obtain copies of the 'Gazette'
       it was interesting to find two items that must have been
       especially unpleasant for him to have us know. On June 24, by
       Imperial decree, leaders were appointed to the 'Boxers,' or
       'patriotic militia.' Among the chiefs was Wen Jui.

       "The visit of Wen Jui was on the 18th. Up to the time of his
       visit, though more than four weeks had passed since the
       assassination, no allusion of any kind whatever had been made
       in any 'Peking Gazette' to the murder of Baron van Ketteler.
       Then the Empress-Dowager, yielding to her fears, published an
       allusion to the murder. Will the German Emperor rest satisfied
       with the tardy official reference to the brutal assassination
       of his Minister by an Imperial officer? 'Last month the
       Chancellor of the Japanese Legation was killed. This was,
       indeed, most unexpected. Before this matter had been settled
       the German Minister was killed. Suddenly meeting this affair
       caused us deep grief. We ought vigorously to seek the murderer
       and punish him.' No more. The date July 18; the murder June
       20!

       "Yet even in this decree there was a complete 'volte-face.'
       Missionaries who were by the decree of July 2 'to be at once
       driven away to their own countries' were by the decree of July
       18 'to be protected in every province,' 'to be protected
       without the least carelessness.' The truculence and
       belligerence of the decrees issued when our troops had been
       driven back had disappeared; the tone now was one of
       justification and conciliation. Only one interpretation was
       possible—that the Chinese had been defeated. Confirmation came
       the same day. A messenger sent out by the Japanese
       successfully passed the enemy's lines and brought us the news
       that we had so long awaited. … By the same messenger a letter
       was received by the French Minister. … The same messenger also
       brought to the Belgian Minister a despatch from his Consul at
       Tien-tsin. … Days followed quietly now, though 'sniping' did
       not cease. Several casualties occurred among the garrison. A
       Russian was killed and an Austrian wounded; an Italian wounded
       and also a Japanese. In the Fu it was still dangerous for the
       Christian refugees to move about, and several were hit and two
       killed. But the Yamên became more and more conciliatory, until
       we could gauge the advance of the reliefs by the degree of
       apology in their despatches. But all supplies were rigorously
       cut off, and the sufferings of the Christians were acute. …

       "On the 22nd Sir Robert Hart received a despatch from the
       Tsung-li-Yamên. They naïvely remarked that it was now one
       month since they had heard from him, and his silence gave them
       concern for his welfare. Moreover, a report had just reached them
       that his house had been burned, but they expressed the hope
       that he and al his staff were well. Another despatch requested
       his advice upon a Customs question that had arisen in
       Shanghai. Sir Robert Hart wrote a dignified reply. For more
       than a month, he said, he had been a refugee in the British
       Legation with all his staff, having had to flee from his house
       without warning; that all Customs records and papers, and
       every paper and letter of value that he had accumulated during
       a lifetime, had been destroyed; that not only his house, but
       some 19 other buildings in the occupation of his staff had
       been burned with all their contents; that the acting postal
       secretary had been killed by a shell, and two other members of
       his staff—Mr. Richardson and Mr. Macoun—had been wounded by
       bullets. …

       "Meanwhile, the armistice continued, if armistice it can be
       called where true armistice there was none. Desultory firing
       continued, and sniping was still the chief pastime at the
       Chinese outposts. Friendly relations were, however, opened
       with some Chinese soldiers in the Fu. A Japanese Volunteer
       established a bureau of intelligence to which the enemy's
       soldiers had access. One soldier was especially communicative,
       and earned high reward for the valuable information that he
       conveyed to us. For a week from July 26 to August 2 daily
       bulletins based upon this information of the advance of the
       relief column were posted on the bell tower of the British
       Legation.
    {127}
       An unbroken series of victories was attending our relief
       forces. … Letters were given to the soldier to take to the
       General of the relief column, and a reward offered if an
       answer should be brought next day, but no answer was ever
       brought. Our informant had brought the armies along too
       quickly. He was compelled to send them back. Accordingly on
       the 31st he made the Chinese recapture Chang-chia-wan, killing
       60 of the foreigners; advancing upon Matou he killed 70
       foreigners more, and drove them back to An-ping. Next day he
       drove the foreigners disastrously back to Tien-tsin with a
       loss of 1,000. The day was equally disastrous to himself. Our
       informant had killed the goose that lay the golden egg. For a
       messenger arrived on that day with letters from Tien-tsin,
       dated July 30, informing us that a large force was on the
       point of leaving for our relief. … Meanwhile, while our
       informant was marching our relief backwards and forwards to
       Tien-tsin, Prince Ching and others were vainly urging the
       Ministers to leave Peking, but whether they left Peking or not
       they were to hand over the Christian refugees now under the
       protection of the Legations to the mercies of the Government,
       which had issued a decree commanding that they be exterminated
       unless they recanted their errors. In other communications
       Prince Ching 'and others' urged that the foreign Ministers
       should telegraph to their Government 'en clair' lying reports
       of the condition of affairs in Peking.

       Two days after the cessation of hostilities Prince Ching 'and
       others' sent a despatch to Sir Claude MacDonald to the effect
       that it was impossible to protect the Ministers in Peking
       because 'Boxers' were gathering from all points of the
       compass, and that nothing would satisfy them (the 'Boxers')
       but the destruction of the Legations, and that the Ministers
       would be given safe conduct to Tien-tsin. Sir Claude, in
       reply, asked why it was that protection could be given to the
       Ministers on the way to Tien-tsin and yet could not be given
       to them while in the Legations in Peking. Prince Ching 'and
       others' replied: 'July 25, 1900. … As to the inquiry what
       difference there is between giving protection in the city or
       on the road, and why it is possible to give it in the latter,
       there is only an apparent discrepancy. For the being in the
       city is permanent, the being on the road is temporary. If all
       the foreign Ministers are willing to temporarily retire we
       should propose the route to Tung-chau and thence by boat down
       stream to Tien-tsin, which could be reached in only two days.
       No matter what difficulties there might be a numerous body of
       troops would be sent, half by water to form a close escort,
       half by road to keep all safe for a long way on both banks.
       Since the time would be short we can guarantee that there
       would be no mishap. It is otherwise with a permanent residence
       in Peking, where it is impossible to foretell when a disaster
       may occur.' … In the envelope which brought this letter were
       two other communications of the same guileless nature. 'On
       July 24,' said the first, 'we received a telegram from Mr.
       Warren, British Consul-General in Shanghai, to the effect that
       while China was protecting the Legations no telegram had been
       received from the British Minister, and asking the Yamên to
       transmit Sir C. M. MacDonald's telegram to Shanghai. As in
       duty bound we communicate the above, and beg you to send a
       telegram "en clair" to the Yamên for transmission.' Tender
       consideration was shown for us in the second letter:—'For the
       past month and more military affairs have been very pressing.
       Your Excellency and other Ministers ought to telegraph home
       that your families are well in order to soothe anxiety, but at
       the present moment peace is not yet restored, and your
       Legation telegrams must be wholly "en clair," stating that all
       is well, without touching on military affairs. Under those
       conditions the Yamên can transmit them. The writers beg that
       your Excellency will communicate this to the other foreign
       Ministers.'

       "Evasive replies were given to these communications. … Our
       position at this time compelled us to temporize. We knew from
       the alteration in tone of the Chinese despatches that they had
       suffered defeats and were growing alarmed, but we did not know
       how much longer international jealousies or difficulties of
       obtaining transport were to delay the departure of the troops
       for Tien-tsin. … Though now nominally under the protection of
       an armistice sniping still continued, especially in the Fu,
       into any exposed portion of the besieged area. … The Chinese
       worked on continuously at their fortifications. … Finding that
       the Ministers declined to telegraph to their Governments 'en
       clair' that all was well with the Legations, the
       Tsung-li-Yamên wrote to Sir Robert Hart asking him to send
       home a telegram in the sense they suggested. Sir Robert
       replied diplomatically, 'If I were to wire the truth about the
       Legations I should not be believed.'

       "A malevolent attempt was next made by the Chinese to obtain
       possession of the refugees who were in our safe keeping. On
       July 27 they wrote to Sir Claude MacDonald saying that 'they
       hear that there are lodged at the Legations a considerable
       number of converts, and that, as 'the space is limited and
       weather hot, they suggest that they must be causing the
       Legations considerable inconvenience. And now that people's
       minds are quieted, these converts can all be sent out and go
       about their ordinary avocations. They need not have doubts or
       fears. If you concur, an estimate should be made of the
       numbers and a date fixed for letting them out. Then all will
       be in harmony.' The reply of the diplomatic body was to the
       effect that while they were considering the two last
       letters—one offering safe conduct to Tien-tsin and the other
       declaring that the converts might leave the Legations in
       perfect security—heavy firing was heard in the direction of
       the Pei-tang, which was evidently being attacked in force;
       that yesterday and last night a barricade was built across the
       North Bridge, from behind which shots are being continuously
       fired into the British Legation. The French and Russian
       Legations are also being fired upon. As all this seems
       inconsistent with the above letters, an explanation is asked
       for before further consideration is given to the offer.
       Promptly the Yamên sent its explanation. The Pei-tang
       refugees, it seemed, who were starving, had made a sortie to
       obtain food. And they had fired upon the people. 'A decree,'
       it went on to say, 'has now been requested to the effect that
       if the converts do not come out to plunder they are to be
       protected and not to be continually attacked, for they also
       are the children of the State. This practice (of continually
       firing upon the converts) will thus be gradually stopped.'
    {128}
       Such a callous reply was read with indignation, and there was
       not the slightest intention on the part of any Minister to
       leave Peking. Yet on the 4th of August a decree was issued
       appointing Yung Lu to conduct the foreign Ministers safely to
       Tien-tsin 'in order once more to show the tenderness of the
       Throne for the men from afar.' …

       "On August 10, Friday, a messenger succeeded in passing the
       enemy's lines, and brought us letters from General Gaselee and
       General Fukushima. A strong relief force was marching to
       Peking, and would arrive here if nothing untoward happened on
       the 13th or 14th. Our danger then was that the enemy would
       make a final effort to rush the Legations before the arrival
       of reinforcements. And the expected happened. …

       "Yesterday [August 13] passed under a continuous fusillade
       which increased during the night. Then at 3 on this morning we
       were all awakened by the booming of guns in the east and by
       the welcome sound of volley firing. Word flew round that 'the
       foreign troops are at the city wall and are shelling the East
       Gate.' At daylight most of us went on to the wall, and
       witnessed the shelling of the Great East Gate. We knew that
       the allies would advance in separate columns, and were on the
       qui vive of excitement, knowing that at any moment now the
       troops might arrive. Luncheon, the hard luncheon of horse
       flesh, came on, and we had just finished when the cry rang
       through the Legation, 'The British are coming,' and there was
       a rush to the entrance and up Canal-street towards the Water
       Gate. The stalwart form of the general and his staff were
       entering by the Water Gate, followed by the 1st Regiment of
       Sikhs and the 7th Rajputs. They passed down Canal-street, and
       amid a scene of indescribable emotion marched to the British
       Legation. The siege has been raised.

       "Peking, August 15. On reading over my narrative of the siege
       I find that in the hurry and confusion of concluding my report
       I have omitted one or two things that I had wished to say. In
       the first place, I find that I have not in any adequate way
       expressed the obligation of all those confined in the British
       Legation to the splendid services done by the Reverend F. D.
       Gamewell, of the American Episcopal Mission [who was educated
       as a civil engineer at Troy and Cornell], to whom was due the
       designing and construction of all our defences, and who
       carried out in the most admirable manner the ideas and
       suggestions of our Minister, Sir Claude MacDonald. To the
       Reverend Frank Norris, of the Society for the Propagation of
       the Gospel, our thanks are also specially due. He
       superintended, often under heavy fire, the construction of
       defences in the Prince's Fu and in other exposed places,
       working always with a courage and energy worthy of admiration.
       He was struck in the neck once by a segment of a shell, but
       escaped marvellously from serious injury. He speaks Chinese
       well, and Chinese worked under him with a fearlessness that
       few men can inspire. In the second place, I noticed that I
       have not sufficiently recorded the valuable services rendered
       by Mr. H. G. Squiers, the First Secretary of the American
       Legation, who on the death of Captain Strouts became Chief of
       the Staff to Sir Claude MacDonald. He had been for 15 years in
       the United States cavalry, and his knowledge and skill and the
       resolution with which he inspired his small body of men will
       not readily be forgotten. …

       "To-day the Pei-tang Cathedral was relieved. Bishops, priests,
       and sisters had survived the siege and, thanks to the
       wonderful foresight of Bishop Favier, the Christians had been
       spared from starvation. Japanese coming down from the north of
       the city relieved the cathedral; French, British, and Russians
       from the south arrived as the siege was raised. Mines had been
       employed with deadly effect. The guards had lost five French
       killed and five Italians. Some 200 of the Christians had
       perished."

          London Times,
    	  October 13 and 15, 1900.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Upright conduct of the Chinese Viceroys in
       the Yang-tsze provinces.

       In his annual message of December 3, 1900, to Congress,
       referring to the occurrences in China, the President of the
       United States remarked with much justice: "It is a relief to
       recall and a pleasure to record the loyal conduct of the
       viceroys and local authorities of the southern and eastern
       provinces. Their efforts were continuously directed to the
       pacific control of the vast populations under their rule and
       to the scrupulous observance of foreign treaty rights. At
       critical moments they did not hesitate to memorialize the
       Throne, urging the protection of the legations, the
       restoration of communication, and the assertion of the
       Imperial authority against the subversive elements. They
       maintained excellent relations with the official
       representatives of foreign powers. To their kindly disposition
       is largely due the success of the consuls in removing many of
       the missionaries from the interior to places of safety." The
       viceroys especially referred to in this are Chang Chih-tung
       and Liu Kun-yi, often referred to as "the Yang-tsze viceroys."

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).
       Speech of German Emperor to troops departing to China,
       commanding no quarter.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July).
       American troops sent to co-operate with those of other Powers.
       Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.
       Death of Colonel Liscum.
       Reported massacre of foreign Ministers and others in Peking.
       The long month of dread suspense.
       Overtures from Earl Li Hung-chang for negotiation.

       "On the 26th of June Major Gen. Adna R Chaffee, U. S. V., was
       appointed to the command of the American forces in China. He
       embarked from San Francisco on the 1st of July, reached
       Nagasaki on the 24th, and Taku, China, on the 28th. … On
       reaching Nagasaki he received the following instructions,
       dated, … July 19: 'Secretary War directs that you proceed at
       once with transport Grant, Sixth Cavalry, and Marines to Taku,
       China, and take command of American land forces, which will be
       an independent command known as the China relief expedition.
       You will find there the Ninth and Fourteenth Infantry, one
       battery of the Fifth Artillery, and one battalion of Marines.
       Sumner sailed from San Francisco July 17 with Second Battalion
       of Fifteenth Infantry and recruits to capacity of vessel.
    {129}
       Reinforcements will follow to make your force in the immediate
       future up to 5,000, and very soon to 10,000. … Reports now
       indicate that American Minister with all the legation have
       been destroyed in Pekin. Chinese representative here, however,
       insists to the contrary, and there is, therefore, a hope which
       you will not lose sight of until certainty is absolute. It is
       the desire of this Government to maintain its relations of
       friendship with the part of Chinese people and Chinese
       officials not concerned in outrages on Americans. Among these
       we consider Li Hung Chang, just appointed viceroy of Chili.
       You will to the extent of your power aid the Government of
       China, or any part thereof, in repressing such outrages and in
       rescuing Americans, and in protecting American citizens and
       interests, and wherever Chinese Government fails to render
       such protection you will do all in your power to supply it.
       Confer freely with commanders of other national forces, act
       concurrently with them, and seek entire harmony of action
       along the lines of similar purpose and interest. There
       should be full and free conference as to operations before
       they are entered upon. You are at liberty to agree with them
       from time to time as to a common official direction of the
       various forces in their combined operations, preserving,
       however, the integrity of your own American division, ready to
       be used as a separate and complete organization. Much must be
       left to your wise discretion and that of the admiral. At all
       times report fully and freely to this Department your wants
       and views. The President has to-day appointed you
       major-general of volunteers.' …

       "In the meantime the Ninth Infantry, from Manila, reached Taku
       on the 6th of July. Two battalions of that regiment, under
       Colonel Liscum, pressed forward to Tientsin, reaching that
       point on the 11th, and on the 13th took part with the British,
       French, and Japanese forces in an attack upon the southwest
       part of the walled city of Tientsin, which had been rendered
       necessary by the persistent shelling of the foreign quarters,
       outside of the walls, on the part of the Chinese troops
       occupying the city. Colonel Liscum's command formed part of a
       brigade under General Dorward, of the British army, and was
       assigned to the duty of protecting the flank of the allied
       forces. In the performance of that duty it maintained a
       position under heavy fire for fifteen hours, with a loss of 18
       killed and 77 wounded. Among the killed was the gallant
       Colonel Liscum, who thus ended an honorable service of nearly
       forty years, commencing in the ranks of the First Vermont
       Infantry at the outbreak of the civil war, and distinguished
       by unvarying courage, fidelity, and high character. The
       regiment was withdrawn from its position on the night of the
       13th, and on the morning of the 14th the native city was
       captured, and the southeast quarter was assigned to the
       American forces for police and protection. …

       "At the time of the capture of Tientsin the most positive and
       circumstantial accounts of the massacre of all the ministers
       and members of the legations in Pekin, coming apparently from
       Chinese sources, had been published, and were almost
       universally believed. The general view taken by the civilized
       world of the duty to be performed in China was not that the
       living representatives of the Western powers in Pekin were to
       be rescued, but that their murder was to be avenged and their
       murderers punished. In the performance of that duty time and
       rapidity of movement were not especially important. The
       resolution of the commanders of the allied forces,
       communicated by Admiral Kempff on the 8th of July, to the
       effect that 80,000 men would be required—20,000 to hold the
       position from Taku to Tientsin and 60,000 to march to Pekin,
       while not more than 40,800 troops were expected to have
       arrived by the middle of August, practically abandoned all
       expectation of rescuing the ministers and members of the
       legations alive, for it proposed that after the middle of
       August any forward movement should be still deferred until
       40,000 more troops had arrived. On the 11th of July, however,
       the American Secretary of State secured, through the Chinese
       minister at Washington, the forwarding of a dispatch in the
       State Department cipher to the American minister at Pekin, and
       on the 20th of July, pursuant to the same arrangement, an
       answer in cipher was received from Minister Conger, as
       follows: 'For one month we have been besieged in British
       legation under continued shot and shell from Chinese troops.
       Quick relief only can prevent general massacre.' This dispatch
       from Mr. Conger was the first communication received by any
       Western power from any representative in Pekin for about a
       month, and although it was at first received in Europe with
       some incredulity, it presented a situation which plainly
       called for the urgency of a relief expedition rather than for
       perfection of preparation. It was made the basis of urgent
       pressure for an immediate movement upon Pekin, without waiting
       for the accumulation of the large force previously proposed."

          United States, Secretary of War,
          Annual Report, November 30, 1900,
          pages 14-16, 19-20.

       As mentioned above, in the instructions of the American
       government to General Chaffee, the veteran Chinese statesman
       and diplomat, Earl Li Hung-chang, well known in Europe and
       America, had now been recalled by the Peking government to the
       viceroyalty of Chili, from which he was removed six years
       before, and had been given the authority of a plenipotentiary
       to negotiate with the allied Powers. He addressed a proposal
       to the latter, to the effect that the Ministers in Peking
       would be delivered, under safe escort, at Tientsin, if the
       allies would refrain from advancing their forces to Peking.
       The reply from all the governments concerned was substantially
       the same as that made by the United States, in the following
       terms: "The government will not enter into any arrangement
       regarding disposition or treatment of legations without first
       having free communication with Minister Conger. Responsibility
       for their protection rests upon Chinese government. Power to
       deliver at Tientsin presupposes power to protect and to open
       communication. This is insisted on." Earl Li then asked
       whether, "if free communication were established, it could be
       arranged that the Powers should not advance pending
       negotiations," and was told in reply: "Free communication with
       our representatives in Peking is demanded as a matter of
       absolute right, and not as a favor. Since the Chinese
       government admits that it possesses the power to give
       communication, it puts itself in an unfriendly attitude by
       denying it. No negotiations seem advisable until the Chinese
       government shall have put the diplomatic representatives of
       the Powers in full and free communication with their
       respective governments, and removed all danger to their lives
       and liberty."

    {130}

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (July-August).
       Boxer attack on the Russians in Manchuria,
       and Russian retaliation.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August).
       Appointment of Count Waldersee to command the allied forces.

       Field-Marshal Count von Waldersee, appointed to command the
       German forces sent to China, being of higher military rank
       than any other of the commanding officers in that country, was
       proposed for the general command of the allied armies, and
       accepted as such. Before his arrival in China, however, many
       of the American, Russian, and some other troops, had been
       withdrawn.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 4-16).
       The advance of the allied forces on Peking and the capture
       of the city.

       The following is from the report of General Chaffee,
       commanding the American forces in the allied movement from
       Tientsin, to rescue the beleaguered Legations at Peking: "On
       my arrival at Tientsin I called on the various generals
       commanding troops, and on August 1 a conference of generals
       was held at the headquarters of Lieutenant-General Linivitch,
       of the Russian army. Present at the conference were the
       commanding general of the Russian army and his chief of staff;
       Lieutenant-General Yamagutchi and his chief of staff;
       Major-General Fukushima, of the Japanese army;
       Lieutenant-General Gaselee, of the British army, and his chief
       of staff, General Barrow; General Frey, of the French army; the
       Germans were also represented by an officer of the German
       navy; myself and Major Jesse M. Lee, Ninth Infantry, and
       Lieutenant Louis M. Little, of the marines, who speaks French.
       The purpose of this conference was to decide whether the
       armies were ready to make a movement for the relief of Pekin.
       It was disclosed in the conference that the Japanese, whose
       forces occupied the right bank of the river in and about
       Tientsin, where also were located the British and American
       forces, had by various patrols determined that the Chinese
       were in considerable force in the vicinity of Pei-tsang, about
       7 miles distance up the river from Tientsin, and that they
       were strengthening their position by earthworks extending from
       the right bank of the river westward something like 3 miles,
       and from the left bank east to the railroad embankment was
       also being strengthened. The forces were variously estimated,
       from reports of Chinese, at from 10,000 to 12,000 men in the
       vicinity of Pei-tsang, with large bodies to the rearward as
       far as Yangtsun, where it was reported their main line of
       defenses would be encountered.

       "The first question submitted for decision was 'whether a
       movement should be made at once,' which was decided in the
       affirmative, two Powers only dissenting, and these not
       seriously, as their doubt seemed to be that the force we could
       put in movement was not sufficiently strong to meet the
       opposition that might be expected. The decision was that the
       attack should be made on Sunday, August 5, and as the
       Japanese, British, and American forces occupied the right bank
       of the river, the Russians the left, the attack should be made
       without change of situation of the troops, the British to send
       four heavy guns to aid the Russian column. The strategy on the
       right bank of the river was left to the determination of the
       British, American, and Japanese generals. The force reported
       to the conference as available for the movement was: Japanese,
       about 8,000; Russian, 4,800; British, about 3,000; American,
       2,100; French, 800. With special effort on the part of
       Captains Byron and Wood, Reilly's battery was gotten to
       Tientsin August 3 and assembled. We were also able to make one
       pack train available on the 4th, just in time to march with
       the column. The marines and Sixth Cavalry were gotten off the
       'Grant' and to Tientsin August 3. The presence of the Sixth
       Cavalry at Tientsin, dismounted, enabled me to take all
       available men of the Ninth and Fourteenth, also all the
       marines except one company 100 strong, left to assist the
       civil government of the city. By arrangement prior to my
       arrival the officers selected to establish a civil government
       for Tientsin were to be allowed a military force, of which the
       United States should furnish 100. I was compelled, of course,
       to leave the Sixth Cavalry, because the horses had not
       arrived. … The troops moved out from the city of Tientsin
       during the afternoon and night of August 4 and bivouacked in
       the vicinity of Si-ku arsenal, the same that was taken by
       Admiral Seymour in his retrograde movement."

       The Chinese were driven from the Arsenal by the Japanese,
       before whom they also fell back from Pei-tsang, and the first
       serious battle was fought at Yang-tsun, on the 6th. Having
       rested at Yang-tsun and cared for its sick and wounded, on the
       7th, the army moved forward on the 8th, encountered slight
       resistance at Shang-shia-wan on the 11th, found Tong-chow
       abandoned, on the 12th, and reached Pekin on the 14th, having
       suffered more from heat, fatigue, and the want of potable
       water on the march, than from "Boxers" or imperial troops.

       Returning now to the report of General Chaffee, we take from
       it his account of the final movement to the walls of Pekin, of
       the forcing of the gates and of the clearing of Chinese troops
       from the city: "The Japanese when taking possession of
       Tong-Chow in the morning [of the 12th] advanced troops toward
       Pekin for a distance of 6½ miles. It was finally agreed that
       the next day, the 13th, should be devoted to reconnaissance;
       the Japanese should reconnoiter on the two roads to the right
       or north of the paved road which is just north of the canal;
       the Russians on the paved road, if at all; the Americans to
       reconnoiter on the road just south of the canal; the British a
       parallel road 1½ miles to the left of the road occupied by the
       Americans. On the 14th the armies should be concentrated on
       the advance line held by the Japanese, and that that evening a
       conference should be held to determine what the method of
       attack on Pekin should be. On the morning of the 13th I
       reconnoitered the road to be occupied by the Americans with
       Troop M, Sixth Cavalry, Reilly's battery, and the Fourteenth
       Infantry up to the point specified in our agreement, or about
       7 miles from Tong-Chow. Finding no opposition, I directed the
       remainder of my force to march out and close in on the advance
       guard. This force arrived at midnight. The British
       reconnoitered their road with some cavalry. The Japanese
       reconnoitered their front and also the front which properly
       belonged to the Russians.

    {131}

       "For reasons unknown to me the Russians left their camp at
       Tong-Chow about the time that my troops were marching to close
       on my advance guard. They followed the road which had been
       assigned to them, and about nine o'clock heavy firing was
       heard in the vicinity of Pekin. It was the next day
       ascertained that they had moved forward during the previous
       evening and had attacked the 'Tong-pien-men Gate,' an east
       gate of the city near where the Chinese wall joins the Tartar
       wall. Very heavy artillery and considerable small-arm firing
       was continued throughout the night. At the time of the
       occurrence I supposed the firing to be the last efforts of the
       Chinese troops to destroy the legations. …

       "The 14th being the day decided upon for the concentration on
       the line 7 miles from Tong-Chow, I made no preparations for
       carrying on any operations beyond a small reconnaissance by a
       troop of cavalry to my front, which duty I assigned to Captain
       Cabell. … My cavalry had been absent not more than an hour,
       when Mr. Lowry, the interpreter who had accompanied it, raced
       back and informed me that Captain Cabell was surrounded by
       Chinese cavalry. I immediately ordered a battalion of the
       Fourteenth Infantry to fall in, and we went forward about a
       mile and a half and found Captain Cabell occupying some
       houses, firing from the roofs on a village in his front. I
       insisted on the French troops giving me the road, which they
       reluctantly did. Having joined Cabell, I continued the
       reconnaissance to my front, wishing to get as near the wall of
       the city as I could, but not expecting to move my whole force,
       which was contrary to the agreement at Tong-Chow on the
       evening of August 12. Without serious opposition we arrived at
       the northeast corner of the Chinese city, having brushed away
       some Chinese troops or 'Boxers' that fired from villages to
       our left and front. About 10 o'clock I saw the advantage of
       holding the ground that I had obtained, and directed all my
       force to move forward, as I had then become aware of Russian
       troops being in action on my right, and could also hear the
       Japanese artillery farther to the right. My left flank at this
       time was uncovered, except by a small force of British
       cavalry. The British troops did not advance from Tong-Chow
       until the 14th, owing to the agreement previously referred to.
       On that day they marched for the line of concentration and
       found my force advancing on Pekin. At noon a British battery
       was at work a mile to my left and rear.

       "At 11 a. m. two companies of the Fourteenth Infantry, under
       the immediate command of Colonel Daggett, had scaled the wall
       of the Chinese city at the northeast corner, and the flag of
       that regiment was the first foreign colors unfurled upon the
       walls surrounding Pekin. The two companies on the wall, with
       the assistance of the troops facing the wall, drove away the
       Chinese defenders from the corner to the east gate of the
       Chinese city, where the British entered without opposition
       later in the day. About noon it was reported to me that the
       Russians had battered open 'Tung-pien-men gate' during the
       night and had effected an entrance there. I arrived at the
       gate soon afterwards and found in the gate some of the
       Fourteenth Infantry, followed by Reilly's battery. The Russian
       artillery and troops were in great confusion in the passage,
       their artillery facing in both directions, and I could see no
       effort being made to extricate themselves and give passage
       into the city. One company of the Fourteenth Infantry deployed
       itself in the buildings to the right of the gate and poured
       effective fire onto the Tartar wall. Captain Reilly got two
       guns through a very narrow passage to his left, tearing down a
       wall to do so, and found a position a few yards to the left of
       the road where he could enfilade the Tartar wall, section by
       section, with shrapnel. The Fourteenth Infantry crossed the
       moat and, taking position paralleling the moat, deployed along
       a street facing the Tartar wall, and with the aid of the
       artillery swept it of Chinese troops. In this way, gradually
       working to the westward, the Tartar wall was cleared of
       opposition to the 'Bait-men gate' and beyond.

       "Orders were sent to the Ninth to follow up the movement of
       the Fourteenth Infantry and Reilly's battery as soon as the
       wall was cleared of Chinese; also to follow the movement to
       the 'Chien-men' gate of the Tartar city. The marines were to
       follow the general movement, but later were ordered to protect
       the train. At about 3 o'clock p. m. our advance had arrived
       opposite the legations, the fire of the Chinese having
       practically ended, and we drew over to the Tartar wall and
       entered the legation grounds with the Fourteenth Infantry by
       the 'water gate or moat,' Reilly's battery passing through the
       'Chien-men' gate, which was opened by the American and Russian
       marines of the besieged force. The Fourteenth Infantry was
       selected on this occasion in recognition of gallantry at
       Yang-tsun and during this day. The British troops entered at
       the 'Shahuo' gate of the Chinese city, and following a road
       through the center of the city to opposite the legations,
       arrived there through the 'water gate or moat' in advance of
       the United States troops. Having communicated with Minister
       Conger, I withdrew the troops from the legation and camped
       just outside near the Tartar wall for the night. My casualties
       during the day were 8 enlisted men wounded in the Fourteenth
       Infantry, 1 enlisted man wounded of Battery F, Fifth
       Artillery, and 1 officer and 2 enlisted men wounded of the
       marines. …

       "I was informed by Mr. Conger that a portion of the imperial
       city directly in front of the Chien-men gate had been used by
       Chinese to fire on the legations, and I determined to force
       the Chinese troops from this position. On the morning of the
       15th I placed four guns of Reilly's battery on the Tartar wall
       at Chien-men gate and swept the walls to the westward to the
       next gate, there being some slight opposition in that
       direction, supported by poor artillery. About 8 o'clock a. m.
       the Chinese opened fire on us at Chien-men gate, from the
       second gate of the imperial city north of Chien-men gate,
       whereupon I directed an attack on the first gate to be made,
       and in a short while Lieutenant Charles P. Summerall, of
       Reilly's battery, had opened the door of this gate. Our troops
       entered, and were met with a severe fire from the next gate,
       about 600 yards distant. Fire was directed upon the second
       gate with the battery and such of the infantry as could be
       elevated on the Tartar wall and side walls of the imperial
       city and act effectively. In the course of half an hour the
       Chinese fire was silenced, and Colonel Daggett led forward his
       regiment to the base of the second gate. Lieutenant Summerall
       was directed to open this gate with artillery, which he did.
       The course just indicated was pursued for four gates, the
       Chinese troops being driven from each gate in succession, the
       fourth gate being near what is known as the 'palace grounds,'
       which is surrounded by the 'imperial guards.'

    {132}

       "At a conference that afternoon it was decided not to occupy
       the imperial city, and I withdrew my troops into the camp
       occupied the night before, maintaining my position on the
       Tartar wall at Chien-men gate. The idea of not occupying the
       imperial city was not concurred in by the ministers in a
       conference held by them the next day. In their opinion the
       imperial city should be occupied. It was later decided by the
       generals to occupy the imperial grounds, and in consequence of
       this decision I reoccupied the grounds we had won on the 15th,
       placing the Ninth Infantry within as guard at the gate where
       our attack ceased.

       "During the 15th and the attack upon the gates referred to our
       losses were 2 enlisted men killed and 4 wounded, Ninth
       Infantry; 3 enlisted men killed and 14 wounded, Fourteenth
       Infantry; 1 enlisted man, Battery F, Fifth Artillery, wounded.
       At 8.50 o'clock a. m. of this date Captain Henry J. Reilly,
       Fifth Artillery, was struck in the mouth and almost instantly
       killed when standing at my left elbow observing the effect of
       a shot from one of his guns by his side.

       "At a conference of the generals on the afternoon of the 16th
       the Chinese and Tartar cities were divided to the various
       forces for police and protection of the inhabitants. The
       United States troops were assigned to the west half of the
       Chinese city and to that section of the Tartar city lying
       between the Chien-men gate and Shun-chin gate of the south
       wall of the Tartar city and north to the east and west street
       through the Tartar city, being bounded upon the east by the
       wall of the imperial city."

          United States, Secretary of War,
          Annual Report, November 30, 1900,
          pages 61-71.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 5-16).
       The horrors of the allied invasion.
       Barbarity of some divisions of the army in the march
       from Tien-tsin to Peking.
       Murder, rape, pillage and destruction.

       Of the conduct of some divisions of the allied army which
       advanced from Tien-tsin, and which represented to "the heathen
       Chinee" the civilized and Christian nations of Europe and the
       Western world, a writer in "Scribner's Magazine," who
       evidently shared the experience and witnessed the scenes of
       the march, gives the following account: "The dreary stretches
       through which the Pei-ho flows, never attractive to the
       Western eye, presented, as the allied armies slowly traversed
       them, a scene of indescribable desolation. … In a region which
       usually contained a population of many millions, scarcely a
       human being, besides those attached to the allied armies, was
       to be seen. Towns and villages were completely deserted. In
       China an ordinary town will have from one to three hundred
       thousand inhabitants, while villages not of sufficient
       importance to be designated on the maps, have populations
       varying from ten to thirty thousand. These villages line the
       banks of the Pei-ho and the main road to Peking by hundreds.
       The troops were never entirely clear of them. … So hurried had
       been the flight of the inhabitants that hundreds of houses
       were left open, such household possessions that could not be
       carried away being tousled about in great disorder. Of all
       that dense population, only a few scattered hundreds of aged,
       decrepit men and women, and some unfortunate cripples and
       abandoned children, remained. A great majority of these were
       ruthlessly slain. The Russians and Japanese shot or bayoneted
       them without compunction. Their prayers for mercy availed not.
       If these miserable unfortunates chanced to fall into the hands
       of American or British troops they had a chance for their
       lives, but even our armies are not free from these wanton
       sacrifices. Every town, every village, every peasant's hut in
       the path of the troops was first looted and then burned. A
       stretch of country fully ten miles in width was thus swept.
       Mounted 'flanks in the air' scoured far and wide, keen on the
       scent of plunder, dark columns of smoke on the horizon
       attesting their labors. In this merry task of chastising the
       heathen Chinese, the Cossacks easily excelled. … Like an
       avenging Juggernaut the Army of Civilization moved. Terror
       strode before it; Death and Desolation sat and brooded in its
       path. Through such scenes as these, day after day, the army
       glided. A spirit of utter callousness took root, and enveloped
       officers and men alike. Pathetic scenes passed without comment or
       even notice. Pathos, involved in a riot of more violent
       emotions, had lost its power to move."

          T. F. Millard,
          A Comparison of the Armies in China
          (Scribner's Magazine, January, 1901).

       Another eye witness, writing in the "Contemporary Review,"
       tells the same sickening and shameful story, with more
       vividness of description and detail: "As a rule," he remarks,
       "the heathen Chinee suffers silently, and dies calmly. He has,
       it is true, a deep-rooted hatred of war, and sometimes a
       paralysing fear of being shot down in battle. But he takes
       beheading, hanging, or death by torture with as much
       resignation as did Seneca, and a great deal less fuss. And he
       bears the loss of those near and dear to him with the same
       serenity, heroism, or heartlessness. But he does not often
       move to pity, and very seldom yearns for sympathy. The dire
       sights which anyone might have witnessed during the months of
       August and September in Northern China afforded admirable
       illustrations of this aspect of the national character. The
       doings of some of the apostles of culture were so heinous that
       even the plea of their having been perpetrated upon wild savages
       would not free them from the nature of crimes. I myself
       remember how profoundly I was impressed when sailing on one
       calm summer's day up to the bar of Taku towards the mouth of
       the river Pei-ho. Dead bodies of Chinamen were floating
       seawards, some with eyes agape and aghast, others with
       brainless skulls and eyeless sockets, and nearly all of them
       wearing their blue blouses, baggy trousers, and black glossy
       pigtails. Many of them looked as if they were merely swimming
       on their backs. …

    {133}

       "The next picture that engraved itself upon my memory had for
       its frame the town of Tong-kew. … On the right bank [of the
       Pei-ho] naked children were amusing themselves in the infected
       water which covered them to the arm-pits, dancing, shouting,
       splashing each other, turning somersaults, and intoxicating
       themselves with the pure joy of living. A few yards behind
       them lay their fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, dead,
       unburied, mouldering away. On the left bank, which was also
       but a few yards off, was the site of Tongkew: a vast expanse
       of smoking rubbish heaps. Not a roof was left standing; hardly
       a wall was without a wide breach; formless mounds of baked
       mud, charred woodwork, and half-buried clothes were burning or
       smouldering still. Here and there a few rootless dwellings
       were left, as if to give an idea of what the town had been
       before the torch of civilisation set it aflame. Everyone of
       these houses, one could see, had been robbed, wrecked, and
       wantonly ruined. All the inhabitants who were in the place
       when the troops swept through had been swiftly sent to their
       last account, but not yet to their final resting-place. Beside
       the demolished huts, under the lengthening shadows of the
       crumbling walls, on the thresholds of houseless doorways, were
       spread out scores, hundreds of mats, pieces of canvas,
       fragments of tarpaulin, and wisps of straw, which bulged
       suspiciously upwards. At first one wondered what they could
       have been put there for. But the clue was soon revealed. In
       places where the soldiers had scamped their work, or prey
       birds had been busy, a pair of fleshless feet or a plaited
       pigtail protruding from the scanty covering satisfied any
       curiosity which the passer-by could have felt after having
       breathed the nauseating air. Near the motionless plumage of
       the tall grass happy children were playing. Hard by an
       uncovered corpse a group of Chinamen were carrying out the
       orders they had received from the invaders. None of the living
       seemed to heed the dead. …

       "Feeling that I never know a man until I have been permitted
       to see somewhat of his hidden springs of action and gauge the
       depth or shallowness of his emotion, I set myself to get a
       glance at what lay behind the mask of propriety which a
       Chinaman habitually wears in Tongkew as in every other town
       and village in the Empire. As soon as the ice seemed broken I
       asked one smiling individual: 'Why do you stay here with the
       slayers of your relatives and friends?' 'To escape their fate,
       if we can,' was the reply. 'We may be killed at any time, but
       while we live we must eat, and for food we have to work.'
       'Were many of your people killed?' I inquired. 'Look there,'
       he answered, pointing to the corpses in the vast over-ground
       churchyard, 'and in the river there are many more. The
       Russians killed every Chinaman they met. Of them we are in
       great fear. They never look whether we have crosses or medals;
       they shoot everyone.' 'You are a Christian, then?' I queried.
       'Yea, a Christian,' he eagerly answered. 'And I,' 'And I,'
       chimed in two others. Ten minutes' further conversation,
       however, brought out the fact that they were Christians not
       for conscience' sake but for safety, and they were sorely
       afraid that they were leaning on a broken reed. The upshot of
       what they had to tell me was that the Europeans, mainly the
       Russians, looked upon them all as legitimate quarry, and
       hounded them down accordingly. They and theirs, they declared,
       had been shot in skirmishes, killed in sport, and bayoneted in
       play.

       "But the ever-recurring refrain of their narrative was the
       massacre in cold blood of the three hundred coolies of Taku. …
       The story has been often told since then, not merely in the
       north but throughout the length and breadth of China. The
       leading facts, as narrated on the spot, are these: Some three
       hundred hard-working coolies eked out a very cheerless
       existence by loading and unloading the steamers of all nations
       which touched at Taku. For the convenience of both sides they
       all cooped themselves up in one boat, which served them as a
       permanent dwelling. When times were slack they were huddled
       together there like herrings in a barrel, and when work was
       brisk they toiled and moiled like galley slaves. Thus they
       managed to get along, doing harm to no man and good to many.
       The attack of the foreign troops upon Taku was the beginning
       of their end. Hearing one day the sharp reports of rifle
       shots, this peaceable and useful community was panic-stricken.
       In order to save their dreary lives they determined to go ashore.
       Strong in their weakness, and trusting in their character of
       working men who abhorred war, they steered their boat
       landwards. In an evil hour they were espied by the Russian
       troops, who at that time had orders, it is said, to slay every
       human being who wore a pigtail. Each of the three hundred
       defenceless coolies at once became a target for Muscovite
       bullets. It must have been a sickening sight when it was all
       done. …

       "The river Pei-ho, could it bear witness in words to the
       dramas of blood enacted on its banks by Europeans, would have
       many a tale to tell as grewsome as that of the slaughter of
       the three hundred coolies. … I lived for twelve or thirteen
       days on that foul river, and never was I more profoundly
       impressed than by what I saw in its waters and on its banks.
       The first day after I had left Tientsin I was towed by
       untiring coolies through a land thickly studded over with what
       had once been human dwellings, but were now high heaps of
       smouldering rubbish. … A wave of death and desolation had
       swept over the land, washing away the vestiges of Chinese
       culture. Men, women, boys, girls, and babes in arms had been
       shot, stabbed, and hewn to bits in this labyrinth of streets,
       and now, on both banks of the river, reigned the peace
       described by Tacitus. …

       "Fire and sword had put their marks upon this entire country.
       The untrampled corn was rotting in the fields, the pastures
       were herdless, rootless the ruins of houses, the hamlets
       devoid of inhabitants. In all the villages we passed the
       desolation was the same. … The streets and houses of
       war-blasted cities were also the scenes of harrowing
       tragedies, calculated to sear and scar the memory even of the
       average man who is not given to 'sickly sentimentality.' In
       war they would have passed unnoticed; in times of peace
       (hostilities were definitely over) they ought to have been
       stopped by drastic measures, if mild means had proved
       ineffectual. I speak as an eye-witness when I say, for
       example, that over and over again the gutters of the city of
       Tungtschau ran red with blood, and I sometimes found it
       impossible to go my way without getting my boots bespattered
       with human gore. There were few shops, private houses and
       courtyards without dead bodies and pools of dark blood. … The
       thirst of blood had made men mad. The pettiest and most
       despicable whipper-snapper who happened to have seen the light
       of day in Europe or Japan had uncontrolled power over the life
       and limbs, the body and soul, of the most highly-cultivated
       Chinaman in the city. From his decision there was no appeal. A
       Chinaman never knew what might betide him an hour hence, if the
       European lost his temper. He might lie down to rest after
       having worked like a beast of burden for twelve or fourteen
       hours only to be suddenly awakened out of his sleep, marched a
       few paces from his hard couch, and shot dead.
    {134}
       He was never told, and probably seldom guessed, the reason
       why. I saw an old man and woman who were thus hurriedly
       hustled out of existence. Their day's work done they were
       walking home, when a fire broke out on a little barge on the
       river. They were the only living beings found out of bed at
       the time, and in the pockets of the woman a candle and some
       matches were stowed away. Nobody, not even the boat-watchman,
       had seen them on or near the boat. They were pounced upon,
       taken to the river's edge, shot and buried. It was the work of
       fifteen minutes or less. …

       "The circumstantial tales told of the dishonouring of wives,
       girls, children, in Tientsin, Tungtschau, Pekin, are such as
       should in normal beings kindle some sparks of indignation
       without the aid of 'sickly sentimentality.' … I knew well a
       man whose wife had been dealt with in this manner, and then
       killed along with her child. He was one of the 'good and loyal
       people' who were on excellent terms with the Christians; but, if
       ever he gets a chance of wreaking vengeance upon the
       foreigners, he will not lightly let it slip. I knew of others
       whose wives and daughters hanged themselves on trees or
       drowned themselves in garden-wells in order to escape a much
       worse lot. Chinese women honestly believed that no more
       terrible fate could overtake them than to fall alive into the
       hands of Europeans and Christians. And it is to be feared that
       they were right. Buddhism and Confucianism have their martyrs
       to chastity, whose heroic feats no martyrology will ever
       record. Some of these obscure, but rightminded, girls and
       women hurled themselves into the river, and, finding only
       three feet of water there, kept their heads under the surface
       until death had set his seal on the sacrifice of their life.
       This suicidal frenzy was catching. … So far as I have been
       able to make out, and I have been at some pains to investigate
       the subject, no officers or soldiers of English or
       German-speaking nationalities have been guilty of these
       abominations against defenceless women."

          E. J. Dillon,
          The Chinese Wolf and the European Lamb
          (Contemporary Review, January, 1901).

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August 15-28).
       Occupation of Peking by the allied forces.
       International jealousies.
       License to some of the soldiery.
       Shameful stories of looting and outrage.
       Formal march through the "Forbidden City."

       "Early on the morning of the 15th [of August]—the day after
       the siege of the Legations was raised—General Chaffee [the
       American commander] advanced his men from the Chien Mên, which
       he had held overnight, and drove the Chinese from gateway to
       gateway back along the wide-paved approach to the far-famed
       'Forbidden City.' From the wall at the Chien Mên the American
       field battery shelled each of the great gateways before the
       infantry advanced, and Captain Reilly, who commanded the
       battery, was killed while directing the operations—a bullet
       striking him full in the face and passing out through the back
       of his head. In him was lost a popular and efficient officer. The
       movements of the Americans were watched with no little anxiety
       by certain of the allies, who evidently feared that General
       Chaffee was about to enter and seize the Forbidden City
       itself. The French, who had only that morning arrived, were
       apparently very keen to establish a claim by joining in the
       attack, for they took their mountain guns to the top of the
       wall opposite the Legations, and began blazing away in the
       direction of the approaches to the Palace. It so happened that
       by this time the Americans had penetrated nearly to the
       gateway of the Palace itself, and this French fire, so
       suddenly opened, was directed upon them, instead of, as the
       French General thought, upon the enemy. General Chaffee rode
       down himself from the Chien Mên to where the guns were placed
       on the wall, and from below conducted a spirited conversation
       with the French General and M. Pichon. 'Stop firing those
       guns,' the General shouted up from 60 ft. below, 'you are
       killing my men.' Not understanding, the French General replied
       to the effect that he was firing for the honour of France, and
       M. Pichon joined in with similar protestations. General
       Chaffee's protests increased in vigour, and the force,
       perhaps, rather than the lucidity of them eventually induced
       the French General to desist from firing upon the Americans
       for the honour and glory of 'la patrie.' The Russians also
       displayed a marked desire to participate in the operations in
       front of the Palace, coming up after the fighting was
       practically finished and attempting to occupy a part of the
       position won by the Americans. Again General Chaffee had to
       speak forcibly to persuade the Russians to retire. General
       Chaffee cleared and occupied the whole length of the
       approaches—a series of noble paved courtyards—from the Chien
       Mên to the south gate of the Palace, before which he set a
       strong guard. His doings were quite evidently being watched
       with suspicion, and in the afternoon a conference was held, at
       which it was solemnly agreed by the representatives of the
       allies that in the meantime, pending the arrangement of some
       concerted plan, the Forbidden City should not be entered. In
       other parts of the city the work of clearing out the enemy was
       meanwhile progressing, the Japanese and Russians operating on the
       east and to the north, and the British to the south in the
       Chinese city.

       "It was thought that an expedition would have been undertaken
       by the French to relieve the besieged in the Pei-tang. Help
       could have been obtained for the asking, and it is difficult
       to understand why no effort was made to reach the unfortunate
       people, who, be it noted, were still being attacked, and whose
       position, for all that was known, might have been desperate to
       the last degree. The story of the long and weary weeks of
       fighting round the stately cathedral pile—alas, now, now
       battered and rent!—must be written by no outsider from
       hearsay, but first hand by a survivor. As heard from the lips
       of Père Favier, it is, indeed, a thrilling narrative in many
       respects, surpassing in wonder even its sister story of the
       defence of the Legations. … The relief was effected the
       following morning by a combined force of French and Russians,
       with whom also were the British Marines under Major Luke, R.
       M. L. I., the whole under the command of the French general.
       When this force arrived it was found that the Japanese had
       already practically raised the siege, having started earlier
       and worked along on the north-west of the Imperial City,
       driving the Chinese before them. However, the Japanese had not
       actually penetrated into the Pei-tang defences, and the French
       had the satisfaction, after all, of being first in to receive a
       joyful welcome from their long-suffering fellow-countrymen.
    {135}
       The raising of the siege was signalized by the slaughter of a
       large number of Chinese who had been rounded up into a cul de
       sac and who were killed to a man, the Chinese Christian
       converts joining in with the French soldiers of the relieving
       force, who lent them bayonets, and abandoning themselves to
       the spirit of revenge. Witnesses describe the scene as a
       sickening sight, but in judging such acts it is necessary to
       remember the provocation, and these people had been sorely
       tried. …

       "The French general had given orders to Major Luke to remain
       with his men to guard a bridge in the rear while the relief of
       the Pei-tang was being effected. Afterwards the main body of
       the relieving force was pushed on through the Imperial City,
       leaving the British contingent behind. After waiting some time
       Major Luke came to the conclusion that he must have been
       forgotten, and, leaving a guard on the bridge, followed on in
       the track of the French troops, to find that they had
       penetrated into the Imperial City along the wall of the Palace
       as far as the Meishan (Coal Hill), from the pagodas on which
       the tri-colour was flying. The Russians had taken up a
       position near the North Gate of the Palace, and he was only
       just in time to secure the temple building at the foot of the
       Meishan, and the camping-ground alongside of it. There was
       great enthusiasm between the Russians and French, who cheered
       each other as their forces appeared, in marked contrast to the
       coolness with which the arrival of Major Luke and his men was
       received. … The Russians are camped round the old place and
       will permit no one in to see over it; in fact, in this part of
       the city French or Russian sentries make it difficult to see most
       of the many objects of art or interest. …

       "Now that the common bond of interest in the success of the
       relief expedition was removed, the points of difference at
       once began to appear, and the underlying jealousy and
       suspicion with which it seems each nation regards almost every
       other manifested itself in various ways, particularly in the
       unseemly race for loot and the game of general grab that now
       started up, the methods of which were indicated above with
       regard to the seizure of the Meishan. The Japanese seized the
       Board of Revenue and must have found a huge amount of money
       there, to judge by the length of the line of pack mules that
       it took to carry it away. Through a mistake, it is said, on
       the part of the Americans, the French got possession of the
       Palace of Prince Li, said to contain treasure to the extent of
       many millions of dollars. The Russians also got some treasure,
       seizing on a large bank.

       "Inside the Forbidden City, the Chinese say, there is fabulous
       wealth in treasure stowed away or buried, and it is
       principally lest this should prove true that so much jealousy
       exists about the privilege of entering. Of course, the
       question is also of great importance politically, and after
       several diplomatic conferences it was eventually decided that,
       on a date still to be arranged, the Ministers and Generals of
       all the Powers should enter at the same time and proceed
       together through the Palace, ascertaining the nature and value
       of its contents and then sealing the whole place up and
       withdrawing to await instructions from the home Governments. …
       As regards the larger game of grab, the Russians succeeded in
       winning the last large prize, the Wan Shen Shan, or new Summer
       Palace, seven miles out near the western hills, racing for it
       against a body of Japanese and coming in a quarter of an hour
       ahead, having had a long start. So the story goes, but it is
       not easy to check such stories, both Japanese and Russians
       being very reticent about their relations with each other. One
       thing only is certain, that the Russians are in jealous
       possession of the Wan Shen Shan. Two British officers who rode
       out there a couple of days ago in uniform were refused
       admission to the grounds.

       "Alongside of this official looting, private looting on the
       part of the foreign soldiers was freely permitted during the
       first few days; in fact, the city was abandoned for the most
       part to the soldiery, and horrible stories of the kind common
       in war, but nevertheless and everlastingly revolting, were
       current—stories of the ravishing of women in circumstances of
       great savagery, particularly by the rough Russian soldiers and
       their following of French. The number of Chinese women who
       committed suicide rather than submit to dishonour was
       considerable. A British officer of standing told me he had
       seen seven hanging from the same beam in the house of
       apparently a well-to-do Chinaman. These stories, and I heard
       of many more, reflect credit upon Chinese womanhood and
       something very different upon the armies of Europe, which are
       supposed to be the forerunners and upholders of civilization
       in this particular campaign. However, this period of licence
       was not of long duration. The soldiers having had their fling,
       the city was divided, by arrangement, into districts, each
       under the control of one of the Powers, proclamations were
       issued reassuring the remaining peaceable citizens and
       encouraging others to return, and gradually the work of
       restoring law and order and confidence is progressing. …

       "Where is the Chinese Government? Fled to Je-hol? No one seems
       to know for certain. It is only certain that on the morning of
       the 14th the Empress-Dowager and her following, and the
       Imperial Court, fled by the west gate of the city and
       disappeared. This flight took place while the Japanese were
       actually engaged in shelling the Tse-kwa Mên and the city
       wall. If they had succeeded in their first attempt on the gate
       in the morning, the flight of the Court might have been
       prevented. The Empress and her advisers had a narrow escape. …

       "August 28. After deliberations occupying a full fortnight the
       question of what was to be done with the Forbidden City has
       been settled, at any rate, for the time being. The main
       problem presented was not new; Lord Elgin had to face it forty
       years ago. Considerations of immediate political expediency
       guided his action then, as they have dictated the course
       adopted now. He spared the Imperial Palace, and burnt instead
       the Yuen Ming Yuen, or Summer Palace, seven miles from Peking.
       As a result the fact that British troops ever entered Peking
       does not appear in Chinese history, indeed the idea is
       ridiculed by Mandarindom. Remembering this, many people here
       thought it would be desirable in the present instance to burn
       the Imperial Palace, after carefully removing the art
       treasures, and thus, if possible, impress upon the whole
       Chinese nation some idea of the enormity of the crime which
       their Government has committed against civilization at large.
    {136}
       On the other hand, it was held that if this were done the
       Imperial Court, through loss of 'face,' could never return to
       Peking, and this contingency appealed strongly to the
       representatives of both Russia and Japan, who conceived that
       the interests of their respective countries demanded the
       retention of Peking as the capital. What the representatives
       of the other Powers thought has not transpired, nor does it
       matter much at present, the overwhelming position of Russia
       and Japan combined making all opposition to their proposals
       futile. Germany may insist upon burning the Palace when he
       forces have all arrived, and those who think it ought to be
       done hope that she will; but in the meantime the conference of
       commanding officers, in consultation with the Ministers,
       decided not to do more than march a small force of foreign
       troops through the 'sacred precincts' from the South Gate to
       the North, after which these were to be again closed, leaving
       the Palace intact. There was to be no looting. Everything was
       to be done to provide against the idea arising that the place
       had been desecrated. The ceremony was merely to be a display
       of military power. …

       "Arrangements were made for certain Chinese officials to be
       present during the ceremony and also for a number of
       attendants to open up the various halls through which the
       troops would require to pass, and to close the doors behind
       the 'barbarians' when they finally withdrew. Yesterday there
       were reports of further friction and possible further
       postponement of the ceremony, but by evening these had died
       away and the programme had assumed at last a definite shape.
       According to it the various troops were to parade this morning
       between 7 and 8 outside the Tien-an Mên, the Inner Gate of the
       Imperial City. There at the time appointed they were drawn up,
       and the interest of a great historic event began. The Imperial
       Palace, or Forbidden City, is an enclosure about two-thirds of
       a mile long from north to south and about half a mile broad
       from east to west. It is surrounded by a high wall. Outside
       this wall on the west, north, and east lies a broad moat. From
       the south it is approached by a series of immense paved
       courtyards divided one from the other by high and massive
       gateways, above which rise imposing pavilions with
       yellow-tiled overhanging roofs, flanked by great towers built
       in the same style and similarly roofed with Imperial yellow.
       This Forbidden City or Imperial Palace enclosure is situated
       within the Imperial City, a larger enclosure, also surrounded
       by a high tile-topped wall. It was outside the Inner Gateway
       to this Imperial City that the troops were drawn up. The
       Russians took up their position on the centre, close to the
       stone bridge in front of the Tien-an Mên; the Japanese were
       opposite the gateway on the left; the British to the right of
       the Russians in a wide paved avenue running east and west
       outside the inner wall of the Imperial City. The remainder of
       the allies were drawn up to the rear of the Russians and
       Japanese in the wide avenue running north and south from the
       Outer Gateway (Ta-ching Mên). As a pageant it was not a
       success. Soldiers on service do not make a fine show. … Inside
       the Tien-an Mên the central stone road continues for about
       half a mile down a broad, flagged avenue running between
       handsome temple buildings on either hand, until the Wu Mên, or
       south gate, of the Forbidden City is reached. It is an
       imposing entrance. The gateway itself is high and massive, and
       the towers on top are particularly fine. Thus far, on the
       morning of the 15th, the American troops fought, driving the
       Chinese before them into the city. The self-denial displayed
       by General Chaffee on that occasion has not, perhaps, received
       proper recognition. There was at that time no agreement to
       hold him back, and he might have pressed on and taken the
       palace and hoisted the Stars and Stripes over it. It would
       have been a fine prize, and the temptation must have been
       great, but General Chaffee, acting, possibly, under the advice
       of Mr. Conger, the United States Minister, refrained—a
       noteworthy act. This gateway has been held by an American
       guard ever since, and American troops have been quartered in
       the approach to it. …

       "After it was over the generals and staff officers and the
       Ministers and other privileged persons returned by the way we
       had come through the Forbidden City. Tea was provided by the
       Chinese officials in the summer-house of the palace garden,
       the quaint beauties of which there was now time to appreciate.
       Beautiful stone carvings and magnificent bronzes claimed
       attention. The march through had occupied about an hour, and
       another was spent sauntering back through the various halls
       and courtyards. As the halls were cleared the Chinese
       attendants hastily closed the doors behind us with evident
       relief at our departure. A few jade ornaments were pocketed by
       quick-fingered persons desirous of possessing souvenirs, but
       on the whole the understanding that there was to be no looting
       was carried out. Arrived at the courtyard where their horses had
       been left, the generals and staff officers mounted and rode
       out of the palace, and the rest of us followed on foot. The
       gates were once more closed and guards were stationed outside
       to prevent anyone from entering. The Forbidden City resumed
       its normal state, inviolate, undesecrated. The honour of the
       civilized world, we were told, had been thus vindicated. But
       had it?"

          London Times,
          Peking Correspondence.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-September).
       The flight of the Imperial Court.

       The following account of the flight of the Court from Peking
       to Tai-yuen-fu was given to a newspaper correspondent, in
       October, by Prince Su, who accompanied the fugitive Emperor
       and Dowager-Empress, and afterwards returned to Peking:

       "The day the Court left Peking they travelled in carts to
       Kuan-shi, 20 miles to the north, escorted by 3,000 soldiers of
       various commands. This composite army pillaged, murdered, and
       outraged along the whole route. At Kuan-shi the Imperial
       cortege was supplied with mule litters. The flight then
       continued at the rate of 20 miles daily to Hsuan-hua-fu, where
       a halt was made for three days. This place is 120 miles from
       Peking. Up to this time the flight had been of a most
       panic-stricken nature. So little authority was exerted that
       the soldiers even stole the meals which had been prepared for
       the Emperor and the Dowager-Empress. Some improvement was
       effected by the execution of several for murder and pillaging,
       and gradually the various constituents of the force were
       brought under control.
    {137}
       Many of the Dowager-Empress's advisers were in favour of
       remaining at Hsuan-hua-fu, on account of the comparatively
       easy means of communication with the capital. The majority,
       however, were in such fear of pursuit by the foreign troops
       that the proposition was overruled. The flight was then
       resumed towards Tai-yuen-fu. Before leaving Hsuan-hua-fu,
       10,000 additional troops under Tung-fuh-siang joined the
       escort. The newcomers, however, only added to the discord
       already prevailing. The Dowager-Empress did little else but
       weep and upbraid those whose advice had brought them into such
       a position. The Emperor reviled everyone irrespective of his
       opinions. The journey to Tai-yuen-fu took 26 days, the longest
       route being taken for fear of pursuit. On arriving there the
       formation of some kind of Government was attempted, but owing
       to the many elements of discord this was found to be next to
       impossible. Though many edicts were issued they could not be
       enforced. Neither party cared for an open rupture, and affairs
       rapidly assumed a state of chaos. Prince Su further said that
       the Emperor did not desire to leave Peking, preferring to
       trust himself to the allies, but his objections were not
       listened to and he was compelled to accompany the flight."

       The final resting-place of the fugitive Imperial Court for
       some months was Si-ngan-fu, or Sin-gan Fu, or Segan Fu, or
       Sian Fu (as it is variously written), a large city, the
       capital of the western province of Shensi.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (August-December).
       Discussions among "the Powers" as to the terms to be made
       with the Chinese Government.
       Opening of negotiations with Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang.

       Immediately upon the capture of Peking, Li Hung-chang
       addressed appeals to the Powers for a cessation of
       hostilities, for the withdrawal of troops from Peking, and for
       the appointment of envoys to negotiate a permanent peace.
       Discussion among the governments followed, the first definite
       outcome of which appeared in the announcement of an intention
       on the part of Russia to withdraw her troops from Peking as
       soon as order had been re-established there, and of a
       disposition on the part of the United States to act with
       Russia in that procedure. This substantial agreement between
       the two governments was made public by the printing of the
       following dispatch, dated August 29, from Mr. Adee, the
       American Acting Secretary of State, to the representatives of
       the United States in London, Paris, Vienna, Berlin, Rome, and
       Tokio:

       "The Russian Charge d'Affaires yesterday afternoon made me an
       oral statement regarding Russia's purposes in China to the
       following effect:—'That, as she has already repeatedly
       declared, Russia has no designs of territorial acquisition in
       China; that, equally with the other Powers now operating
       there, Russia sought the safety of her Legation in Peking and
       to help the Chinese Government to repress the troubles that
       arose; that incidentally to the necessary defensive measures
       on the Russian border, Russia has occupied Niu-chwang for
       military purposes, and as soon as order is re-established she
       will withdraw her troops from the town if the action of the
       other Powers be no obstacle; that the purpose for which the
       various Governments have co-operated for the relief of the
       Legations in Peking has been accomplished; that taking the
       position that as the Chinese Government has left Peking there
       is no need for the Russian representative to remain, Russia
       has directed her Minister to retire with his official
       personnel from China; that the Russian troops will likewise be
       withdrawn, and that when the Government of China shall regain the
       reins of government and can afford an authority with which the
       other Powers can deal, and will express a desire to enter into
       negotiations, the Russian Government will also name its
       representative.' Holding these views and purposes, Russia has
       expressed the hope that the United States will share the same
       opinion.

       "To this declaration our reply has been made by the following
       memorandum:—'The Government of the United States has received
       with much satisfaction the reiterated statement that Russia
       has no designs of territorial acquisition in China and that,
       equally with the other Powers now operating in China, Russia
       has sought the safety of her Legation and to help the Chinese
       Government to repress the existing troubles. The same purposes
       have moved, and will continue to control, the Government of
       the United States, and the frank declarations of Russia in
       this regard are in accord with those made to the United States
       by the other Powers. All the Powers, therefore, having
       disclaimed any purpose to acquire any part of China, and now
       that the adherence thereto has been renewed since relief
       reached Peking, it ought not to be difficult by concurrent
       action through negotiations to reach an amicable settlement
       with China whereby the treaty rights of all the Powers shall
       be secured for the future, the open door assured, the
       interests and property of foreign citizens conserved, and full
       reparation made for the wrongs and injuries suffered by them.

       "So far as we are advised, the greater part of China is at
       peace and earnestly desires to protect the life and property
       of all foreigners, and in several of the provinces active and
       successful efforts to suppress the 'Boxers' have been taken by
       the Viceroys, to whom we have extended encouragement through
       our Consuls and naval officers. This present good relation
       should be promoted for the peace of China. While we agree that
       the immediate object for which the military forces of the
       Powers have been co-operating—the relief of the Ministers in
       Peking—has been accomplished, there still remain other
       purposes which all the Powers have in common, which have been
       referred to in the communication of the Russian Charge d'
       Affaires, and which were specifically enumerated in our Note
       to the Powers.

       "These are:—To afford all possible protection everywhere in
       China to foreign life and property; to guard and protect all
       legitimate foreign interests; to aid in preventing the spread
       of disorders in the other provinces of the Empire and the
       recurrence of such disorders; to seek a solution which may
       bring about permanent safety and peace in China; to preserve
       the Chinese territorial and administrative entity; to protect
       all rights guaranteed by treaty and international law to
       friendly Powers; and to safeguard for the world the principle
       of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese
       Empire. In our opinion, these purposes could best be attained
       by the joint occupation of Peking under a definite
       understanding between the Powers until the Chinese Government
       shall have been re-established and shall be in a position to
       enter into new treaties containing adequate provisions for
       reparation and guarantees for future protection.

    {138}

       "With the establishment and recognition of such authority the
       United States would wish to withdraw its military forces from
       Peking and remit to the processes of peaceful negotiation our
       just demands. We consider, however, that the continued
       occupation of Peking would be ineffective to produce the
       desired result unless all the Powers unite therein with entire
       harmony of purpose. Any Power which determines to withdraw its
       troops from Peking will necessarily proceed thereafter to
       protect its interests in China by its own method, and we think
       this would make a general withdrawal expedient. As to the time
       and manner of withdrawal, we think that, in view of the
       imperfect knowledge of the military situation resulting from
       the interruptions of telegraphic communication, the several
       military commanders in Peking should be instructed to confer
       and to agree together upon the withdrawal as a concerted
       movement, as they agreed upon in advance.

       "The result of these considerations is that, unless there is
       such a general expression by the Powers in favour of the
       continued occupation as to modify the views expressed by the
       Russian Government and lead to a general agreement for
       continued occupation, we shall give instructions to the
       commander of the American forces in China to withdraw our
       troops from Peking after due conference with the other
       commanders as to the time and manner of withdrawal.

       "The Government of the United States is much gratified by the
       assurance given by Russia that the occupation of Niu-chwang is
       for military purposes incidental to the military steps for the
       security of the Russian border provinces menaced by the
       Chinese, and that as soon as order is established Russia will
       withdraw her troops from those places if the action of the
       other Powers is not an obstacle thereto. No obstacle in this
       regard can arise through any action of the United States,
       whose policy is fixed and has been repeatedly proclaimed."

       Even before the communication received from Russia, the
       government of the United States had taken steps to withdraw
       the greater part of its troops. "On the 25th of August," says
       the American Secretary of War, in his annual report, November
       30, 1900, "General Chaffee was directed to hold his forces in
       readiness for instructions to withdraw, and on the 25th of
       September he was instructed to send to Manila all the American
       troops in China with the exception of a legation guard, to
       consist of a regiment of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and
       one light battery."

       The expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of
       an early withdrawal of foreign troops from Peking, and the
       opening of pacific negotiations with the Chinese government,
       were unsatisfactory to several of the concerted Powers, and
       were sharply criticised in the British and German press. The
       German government, especially, was disposed to insist upon
       stern and strenuous measures in dealing with that of China,
       and it addressed the following circular note, on the 18th of
       September, to all the Powers:

       "The Government of the Emperor holds as preliminary to
       entering upon diplomatic relations with the Chinese Government
       that those persons must be delivered up who have been proved
       to be the original and real instigators of the outrages
       against international law which have occurred at Peking. The
       number of those who were merely instruments in carrying out
       the outrages is too great. Wholesale executions would be
       contrary to the civilized conscience, and the circumstances of
       such a group of leaders cannot be completely ascertained. But
       a few whose guilt is notorious should be delivered up and
       punished. The representatives of the powers at Peking are in a
       position to give or bring forward convincing evidence. Less
       importance attaches to the number punished than to their
       character as chief instigators or leaders. The Government
       believes it can count on the unanimity of all the Cabinets in
       regard to this point, insomuch as indifference to the idea of
       just atonement would be equivalent to indifference to a
       repetition of the crime. The Government proposes, therefore,
       that the Cabinets concerned should instruct their
       representatives at Peking to indicate those leading Chinese
       personages from whose guilt in instigating or perpetrating
       outrages all doubt is excluded."

       The British government was understood to be not unwilling to
       support this demand from Germany, but little encouragement
       seems to have been officially given to it from other quarters,
       and the government of the United States was most emphatic in
       declining to approve it. The reply of the latter to the German
       circular note was promptly given, September 21, as follows:
       "The government of the United States has, from the outset,
       proclaimed its purpose to hold to the uttermost accountability
       the responsible authors of any wrongs done in China to
       citizens of the United States and their interests, as was
       stated in the Government's circular communication to the
       Powers of July 3 last. These wrongs have been committed not
       alone in Peking, but in many parts of the Empire, and their
       punishment is believed to be an essential element of any
       effective settlement which shall prevent a recurrence of such
       outrages and bring about permanent safety and peace in China.
       It is thought, however, that no punitive measures can be so
       effective by way of reparation for wrongs suffered and as
       deterrent examples for the future as the degradation and
       punishment of the responsible authors by the supreme Imperial
       authority itself, and it seems only just to China that she
       should be afforded in the first instance an opportunity to do
       this and thus rehabilitate herself before the world.

       "Believing thus, and without abating in anywise its deliberate
       purpose to exact the fullest accountability from the
       responsible authors of the wrongs we have suffered in China,
       the Government of the United States is not disposed, as a
       preliminary condition to entering into diplomatic negotiations
       with the Chinese Government, to join in a demand that said
       Government surrender to the Powers such persons as, according
       to the determination of the Powers themselves, may be held to
       be the first and real perpetrators of those wrongs. On the
       other hand, this Government is disposed to hold that the
       punishment of the high responsible authors of these wrongs,
       not only in Peking, but throughout China, is essentially a
       condition to be embraced and provided for in the negotiations
       for a final settlement.
    {139}
       It is the purpose of this Government, at the earliest
       practicable moment, to name its plenipotentiaries for
       negotiating a settlement with China, and in the mean time to
       authorize its Minister in Peking to enter forthwith into
       conference with the duly authorized representatives of the
       Chinese Government, with a view of bringing about a
       preliminary agreement whereby the full exercise of the
       Imperial power for the preservation of order and the
       protection of foreign life and property throughout China,
       pending final negotiations with the Powers, shall be assured."

       On the same day on which the above note was written the
       American government announced its recognition of Prince Ching
       and Li Hung-chang, as plenipotentiaries appointed to represent
       the Emperor of China, in preliminary negotiations for the
       restoration of the imperial authority at Peking and for a
       settlement with the foreign Powers.

       Differences between the Powers acting together in China, as to
       the preliminary conditions of negotiation with the Chinese
       government, and as to the nature and range of the demands to
       be made upon it, were finally adjusted on the lines of a
       proposal advanced by the French Foreign Office, in a note
       dated October 4, addressed to the several governments, as
       follows:

       "The intention of the Powers in sending their forces to China
       was, above all, to deliver the Legations. Thanks to their
       union and the valour of their troops this object has been
       attained. The question now is to obtain from the Chinese
       Government, which has given Prince Ching and Li Hung-chang
       full powers to negotiate and to treat in its name, suitable
       reparation for the past and serious guarantees for the future.
       Penetrated with the spirit which has evoked the previous
       declarations of the different Governments, the Government of
       the Republic has summarized its own sentiments in the
       following points, which it submits as a basis for the
       forthcoming negotiations after the customary verification of
       powers:

       (1) The punishment of the chief culprits, who will be
       designated by the representatives of the Powers in Peking.

       (2) The maintenance of the embargo on the importation of arms.

       (3) Equitable indemnity for the States and for private
       persons.

       (4) The establishment in Peking of a permanent guard for the
       Legations.

       (5) The dismantling of the Ta-ku forts.

       (6) The military occupation of two or three points on the
       Tien-tsin-Peking route, thus assuring complete liberty of
       access for the Legations should they wish to go to the coast
       and to forces from the sea-board which might have to go up to
       the capital.

       It appears impossible to the Government of the Republic that
       these so legitimate conditions, if collectively presented by
       the representatives of the Powers and supported by the
       presence of the international troops, will not shortly be
       accepted by the Chinese Government."

       On the 17th of October, the French Embassy at Washington
       announced to the American government that "all the interested
       powers have adhered to the essential principles of the French
       note," and added: "The essential thing now is to show the
       Chinese Government, which has declared itself ready to
       negotiate, that the powers are animated by the same spirit;
       that they are decided to respect the integrity of China and
       the independence of its Government, but that they are none the
       less resolved to obtain the satisfaction to which they have a
       right. In this regard it would seem that if the proposition
       which has been accepted as the basis of negotiations were
       communicated to the Chinese plenipotentiaries by the Ministers
       of the powers at Peking, or in their name by their Dean, this
       step would be of a nature to have a happy influence upon the
       determinations of the Emperor of China and of his Government."
       The government of the United States approved of this
       suggestion from France, and announced that it had "instructed
       its Minister in Peking to concur in presenting to the Chinese
       plenipotentiaries the points upon which we are agreed." Other
       governments, however, seem to have given different
       instructions, and some weeks were spent by the foreign
       Ministers at Peking in formulating the joint note in which
       their requirements were to be presented to Prince Ching and
       Earl Li.

       The latter, meantime, had submitted, on their own part, to the
       allied plenipotentiaries, a draft of what they conceived to be
       the just preliminaries of a definitive treaty. They prefaced
       it with a brief review of what had occurred, and some remarks,
       confessing that "the throne now realizes that all these
       calamities have been caused by the fact that Princes and high
       Ministers of State screened the Boxer desperados, and is
       accordingly determined to punish severely the Princes and
       Ministers concerned in accordance with precedent by handing
       them over to their respective Yamêns for the determination of
       a penalty." The "draft clauses" then submitted were as
       follows:

       "The siege of the Legations was a flagrant violation of the
       usages of international law and an utterly unpermissible act.
       China admits the gravity of her error and undertakes that
       there shall be no repetition of the occurrence. China admits
       her liability to pay an indemnity, and leaves it to the Powers
       to appoint officers who shall investigate the details and make
       out a general statement of claims to be dealt with
       accordingly.

       "With regard to the subsequent trade relations between China
       and the foreign Powers, it will be for the latter to make
       their own arrangements as to whether former treaties shall be
       adhered to in their entirety, modified in details, or
       exchanged for new ones. China will take steps to put the
       respective proposals into operation accordingly.

       "Before drawing up a definitive treaty it will be necessary
       for China and the Powers to be agreed as to general
       principles. Upon this agreement being arrived at, the
       Ministers of the Powers will remove the seals which have been
       affixed to the various departments of the Tsung-li-Yamên and
       proceed to the Yamên for the despatch of business in matters
       relating to international questions exactly as before.

       "So soon as a settlement of matters of detail shall have been
       agreed upon between China and the various nations concerned in
       accordance with the requirements of each particular nation,
       and so soon as the question of the payment of an indemnity
       shall have been satisfactorily settled, the Powers will
       respectively withdraw their troops. The despatch of troops to
       China by the Powers was undertaken with the sole object of
       protecting the Ministers, and so soon as peace negotiations
       between China and the Powers shall have been opened there
       shall be a cessation of hostilities.

    {140}

       "The statement that treaties will be made with each of the
       Powers in no way prejudices the fact that with regard to the
       trade conventions mentioned the conditions vary in accordance
       with the respective powers concerned. With regard to the
       headings of a definitive treaty, questions of nomenclature and
       precedence affecting each of the Powers which may arise in
       framing the treaty can be adjusted at personal conferences."
       Great Britain and Germany were now acting in close accord,
       having, apparently, been drawn together by a common distrust
       of the intentions of Russia. On the 16th of October, Lord
       Salisbury and Count Hatzfeldt signed the following agreement,
       which was made known at once to the other governments
       concerned, and its principles assented to by all:

       "Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Imperial German
       Government, being desirous to maintain their interests in
       China and their rights under existing treaties, have agreed to
       observe the following principles in regard to their mutual policy
       in China:—

       "1. It is a matter of joint and permanent international
       interest that the ports on the rivers and littoral of China
       should remain free and open to trade and to every other
       legitimate form of economic activity for the nationals of all
       countries without distinction; and the two Governments agree
       on their part to uphold the same for all Chinese territory as
       far as they can exercise influence.

       "2. The Imperial German Government and her Britannic Majesty's
       Government will not, on their part, make use of the present
       complication to obtain for themselves any territorial
       advantages in Chinese dominions, and will direct their policy
       towards maintaining undiminished the territorial condition of
       the Chinese Empire.

       "3. In case of another Power making use of the complications
       in China in order to obtain under any form whatever such
       territorial advantages, the two Contracting Parties reserve to
       themselves to come to a preliminary understanding as to the
       eventual steps to be taken for the protection of their own
       interests in China.

       "4. The two Governments will communicate this Agreement to the
       other Powers interested, and especially to Austria-Hungary,
       France, Italy, Japan, Russia, and the United States of
       America, and will invite them to accept the principles
       recorded in it."

       The assent of Russia was no less positive than that of the
       other Powers. It was conveyed in the following words: "The
       first point of this Agreement, stipulating that the ports
       situated on the rivers and littoral of China, wherever the two
       Governments exercise their influence, should remain free and
       open to commerce, can be favorably entertained by Russia, as
       this stipulation does not infringe in any way the 'status quo'
       established in China by existing treaties. The second point
       corresponds all the more with the intentions of Russia, seeing
       that, from the commencement of the present complications, she
       was the first to lay down the maintenance of the integrity of
       the Chinese Empire as a fundamental principle of her policy in
       China. As regards the third point relating to the eventuality
       of an infringement of this fundamental principle, the Imperial
       Government, while referring to their Circular of the 12th
       (25th) August, can only renew the declaration that such an
       infringement would oblige Russia to modify her attitude
       according to circumstances."

       On the 13th of November, while the foreign plenipotentiaries
       at Peking were trying to agree in formulating the demands they
       should make, the Chinese imperial government issued a decree
       for the punishment of officials held responsible for the Boxer
       outrages. As given the Press by the Japanese Legation at
       Washington, in translation from the text received there, it
       was as follows;

       "Orders have been already issued for the punishment of the
       officials responsible for opening hostilities upon friendly
       Powers and bringing the country into the present critical
       condition by neglecting to suppress and even by encouraging
       the Boxers. But as Peking and its neighborhood have not yet
       been entirely cleared of the Boxers, the innocent people are
       still suffering terribly through the devastation of their
       fields and the destruction of their houses, a state of affairs
       which cannot fail to fill one with the bitterest feelings
       against these officials. And if they are not severely
       punished, how can the anger of the people be appeased and the
       indignation of the foreign Powers allayed?

       "Accordingly, Prince Tuan is hereby deprived of his title and
       rank, and shall, together with Prince Chwang, who has already
       been deprived of his title, be delivered to the Clan Court to
       be kept in prison until the restoration of peace, when they
       shall be banished to Sheng-King, to be imprisoned for life.
       Princes Yi and Tsai Yung, who have both been already deprived
       of their titles, are also to be delivered to the Clan Court
       for imprisonment, while Prince Tsai Lien, also already
       deprived of title and rank, is to be kept confined in his own
       house, Duke Tsai Lan shall forfeit his ducal salary, but may
       be transferred with the degradation of one rank. Chief Censor
       Ying Nien shall be degraded two ranks and transferred. As to
       Kang Yi, Minister of the Board of Civil Appointment, upon his
       return from the commission on which he had been sent for the
       purpose of making inquiries into the Boxer affair he
       memorialized the Throne in an audience strongly in their
       favor. He should have been severely punished but for his death
       from illness, and all penalties are accordingly remitted. Chao
       Shuy Yao, Minister of the Board of Punishment, who had been
       sent on a mission similar to that of Kang Yi, returned almost
       immediately. Though such conduct was a flagrant neglect of his
       duties, still he did not make a distorted report to the
       Throne, and therefore he shall be deprived of his rank, but
       allowed to retain his present office. Finally, Yu Hsien,
       ex-Governor of Shan-Se, allowed, while in office, the Boxers
       freely to massacre the Christian missionaries and converts.
       For this he deserves the severest punishment, and therefore he
       is to be banished to the furthermost border of the country, and
       there to be kept at hard labor for life.

    {141}

       "We have a full knowledge of the present trouble from the very
       beginning, and therefore, though no impeachment has been brought
       by Chinese officials at home or abroad against Princes Yi,
       Tsai Lien and Tsai Yung, we order them to be punished in the
       same manner as those who have been impeached. All who see this
       edict will thus perceive our justice and impartiality in
       inflicting condign penalties upon these officials," It was not
       until the 20th of December that the joint note of the
       plenipotentiaries of the Powers, after having been submitted
       in November to the several governments represented, and
       amended to remove critical objections, was finally signed and
       delivered to the Chinese plenipotentiaries. The following is a
       precis of the requirements set forth in it:

       "(1) An Imperial Prince is to convey to Berlin the Emperor's
       regret for the assassination of Baron von Ketteler, and a
       monument is to be erected on the site of the murder, with an
       inscription, in Latin, German, and Chinese, expressing the
       regret of the Emperor for the murder.

       "(2) The most severe punishment fitting their crimes is to be
       inflicted on the personages designated in the Imperial decree
       of September 21, whose names—not mentioned—are Princes Tuan
       and Chuang and two other princes, Duke Lan, Chao Shu-chiao,
       Yang-yi, Ying-hien, also others whom the foreign Ministers
       shall hereafter designate. Official examinations are to be
       suspended for five years in those cities where foreigners have
       been assassinated or cruelly treated.

       "(3) Honourable reparation is to be made to Japan for the
       murder of M. Sugiyama.

       "(4) Expiatory monuments are to be erected in all foreign
       cemeteries where tombs have been desecrated.

       "(5) The importation of arms or 'materiel' and their
       manufacture are to be prohibited.

       "(6) An equitable indemnity is to be paid to States,
       societies, and individuals, also to Chinese who have suffered
       injury because of their employment by foreigners. China will
       adopt financial measures acceptable to the Powers to guarantee
       the payment of the indemnity and the service of the loans.

       "(7) Permanent Legation guards are to be maintained, and the
       diplomatic quarter is to be fortified.

       "(8) The Ta-ku forts and those between Peking and the sea are
       to be razed.

       "(9) There is to be a military occupation of points necessary
       to ensure the safety of the communications between Peking and
       the sea.

       "(10) Proclamations are to be posted during two years
       throughout the Empire threatening death to any person joining
       an anti-foreign society and enumerating the punishment
       inflicted by China upon the guilty ringleaders of the recent
       outrages. An Imperial edict is to be promulgated ordering
       Viceroys, Governors, and Provincial officials to be held
       responsible for anti-foreign outbreaks or violations of
       treaties within their jurisdiction, failure to suppress the
       same being visited by the immediate cashiering of the
       officials responsible, who shall never hold office again.

       "(11) China undertakes to negotiate a revision of the
       commercial treaties in order to facilitate commercial
       relations.

       "(12) The Tsung-li-Yamên is to be reformed, and the Court
       ceremonial for the reception of foreign Ministers modified in
       the sense indicated by the Powers.

       "Until the foregoing conditions are complied with ('se
       conformer à') the Powers can hold out no expectation of a
       limit of time for the removal of the foreign troops now
       occupying Peking and the provinces."

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (November).
       Russo-Chinese agreement relating to Manchuria.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian
       province of Fêng-tien.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

    CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (November-February).
       Seizure of grounds at Peking for a large Legation Quarter.
       Extensive plans of fortification.

       In February, 1901, the following from a despatch written in
       the previous November by Mr. Conger, the American Minister at
       Peking, was given to the Press by the State Department at
       Washington: "I have the honor to report that in view of the
       probability of keeping large legation grounds in the future,
       and because of the general desire on the part of all the
       European representatives to have extensive legations, all of
       the Ministers are taking possession of considerable areas
       adjoining their legations—property belonging either to the
       Chinese Government or to private citizens, and having been
       abandoned by the owners during the siege—with the intention to
       claim them as conquest, or possibly credit something for them
       on their account for indemnity. I have as yet not taken formal
       possession of any ground for this purpose, nor shall I without
       instructions, but I shall not for the present permit any of the
       owners or other persons to reoccupy any of the property
       between this legation and the canal to the east of it. While
       this area will be very small in comparison with the other
       legations, yet it will be sufficient to make both the legation
       personnel and the guard very comfortable, and will better
       comport with our traditional simplicity vis-a-vis the usual
       magnificence of other representatives.

       "It is proposed to designate the boundaries of a legation
       quarter, which shall include all the legations, and then
       demand the right to put that in a state of defence when
       necessary, and to prohibit the residence of Chinese there,
       except by permission of the Ministers. If, therefore, these
       ideas as to guards, defence, etc:., are to be carried out, a
       larger legation will be an absolute necessity. In fact, it is
       impossible now to accommodate the legation and staff in our
       present quarters without most inconvenient crowding.

       "There are no public properties inside the legation quarter
       which we could take as a legation. All the proposed property
       to be added, as above mentioned, to our legation, is private
       ground, except a very small temple in the southeast corner,
       and I presume, under our policy, if taken, will be paid for
       either to the Chinese owners or credited upon account against
       the Chinese Government for indemnity, although I suspect most
       of the other Governments will take theirs as a species of
       conquest. The plot of ground adjoining and lying to the cast
       of the legation to which I have made reference is about the
       size of the premises now occupied by us."

       Before its adjournment on the 4th of March, 1901, the Congress
       of the United States made an appropriation for the purchase of
       grounds for its Legation at Peking, and instructions were sent
       to make the purchase.

    {142}

       By telegram from Peking on the 14th of February it was
       announced that a formidable plan of fortification for this
       Legation Quarter had been drawn up by the Military Council of
       the Powers at Peking, and that work upon it was to begin at
       once. The correspondent of the "London Times" described the
       plan and wrote satirically of it, as follows; "From supreme
       contempt for the weakness of China armed we have swayed to
       exaggerated fear of the strength of China disarmed. The
       international military experts have devised a scheme for
       putting the Legation quarter in a state of defence which is
       equivalent to the construction of an International fortress
       alongside the Imperial Palace. The plan requires the breaching
       of the city wall at the Water-gate, the levelling of the Ha-ta
       Mên and Chien Mên towers, the demolition of the ramparts
       giving access to them, the sweeping clear of a space 150 to
       300 yards wide round the entire Legation area, and the
       construction of walls, glacis, moats, barbed wire defences,
       with siege guns, Maxims, and barracks capable of holding 2,000
       troops, with military stores and equipment sufficient to
       withstand a siege of three months. All public buildings,
       boards, and civil offices between the Legations and the
       Imperial walls are to be levelled, while 11,000 foreign troops
       are to hold the communications between Peking and the sea, so
       that no Chinese can travel to Peking from the sea without the
       knowledge of the foreign military authorities.

       "The erection of the defences is to begin at once, before the
       return of the Court to Peking. They are no doubt devised to
       encourage the Court to return to Peking, it being apparently
       the belief of the foreign Ministers that an Imperial Court
       governing an independent empire are eager to place themselves
       under the tutelage of foreign soldiers and within the reach of
       foreign Maxims.

       "Within the large new Legation area all the private property
       of Chinese owners who years before sought the advantages of
       vicinity to the Legations has been seized by the foreign
       Legations. France and Germany, with a view to subsequent
       commercial transactions, have annexed many acres of valuable
       private property for which no compensation is contemplated,
       while the Italian Legation, which boasts a staff of two
       persons, carrying out the scheme of appropriation to a logical
       absurdity, has, in addition to other property, grabbed the
       Imperial Maritime Customs gardens and buildings occupied for
       so many years by Sir Robert Hart and his staff."

    CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
       Famine in Shensi.

       A Press telegram from Peking, late in January, announced a
       fearful famine prevailing in the province of Shensi, where
       thousands of natives were dying. The Chinese government was
       distributing rice, and there was reported to be discrimination
       against native Christians in the distribution. Mr. Conger, Sir
       E. Satow, and M. Pichon protested to Prince Ching and Li
       Hung-chang against such discrimination. A Court edict was
       therefore issued on the 26th instant ordering all relief
       officials and Chinese soldiers to treat Christians in exactly
       the same way as all other Chinese throughout the Empire, under
       penalty of decapitation. Another despatch, early in February,
       stated: "Trustworthy reports received here from Singan-fu [the
       temporary residence of the fugitive Chinese court] all agree
       that the famine in the provinces of Shen-si and Shan-si is one
       of the worst in the history of China. It is estimated that
       two-thirds of the people are without sufficient food or the
       means of obtaining it. They are also suffering from the bitter
       cold. As there is little fuel in either province the woodwork
       of the houses is being used to supply the want. Oxen, horses,
       and dogs have been practically all sacrificed to allay hunger.
       Three years of crop failures in both provinces and more or less
       of famine in previous seasons had brought the people to
       poverty when winter began. This year their condition has
       rapidly grown worse. Prince Ching stated to Mr. Conger, the
       United States Minister, that the people were reduced to eating
       human flesh and to selling their women and children.
       Infanticide is alarmingly common."

    CHINA: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
       Submission to the demands of the Powers
       by the Imperial Government.
       Punishments inflicted and promised.
       A new Reform Edict.

       With no great delay, the Chinese plenipotentiaries at Peking
       were authorized by the Emperor and Empress to agree to the
       demands of the Powers, which they did by formally signing the
       Joint Note. Prince Ching gave his signature on the 12th of
       January, 1901, and Li Hung-chang, who was seriously ill,
       signed on the following day. Discussion of the punishments to
       be inflicted on guilty officials was then opened, and went on
       for some time. On the 5th of February, the foreign Ministers
       submitted the names of twelve leading officials, against whom
       formal indictments were framed, and who were considered to be
       deserving of death. Three of them, however (Kang Yi, Hsu Tung,
       and Li Ping Heng), were found to be already deceased. The
       remaining nine were the following: Prince Chuang,
       commander-in-chief of the Boxers; Prince Tuan, who was held to
       be the principal instigator of the attack on foreigners; Duke
       Lan, the Vice-President of Police, who admitted the Boxers to
       the city; Yu Hsien, who was the governor of Shan-Si Province,
       promoter of the Boxer movement there, and director of the
       massacres in that province; General Tung Fu Siang, who led the
       attacks on the Legations, Ying Nien, Chao Hsu Kiao, Hsu Cheng
       Yu, and Chih Siu, who were variously prominent in the
       murderous work. In the cases of Prince Tuan and Duke Lan, who
       were related to the Imperial family, and in the case of
       General Tung Fu Siang, whose military command gave him power
       to be troublesome, the Chinese court pleaded such difficulties
       in the way of executing a decree of death that the Ministers
       at Peking were persuaded to be satisfied with sentences of
       exile, or degradation in rank, or both. On the 21st of
       February the Ministers received notice that an imperial edict
       had been issued, condemning General Tung Fu Siang to be
       degraded and deprived of his rank; Prince Tuan and Duke Lan to
       be disgraced and exiled; Prince Chuang, Ying Nien and Chao Hsu
       Kiao to commit suicide; Hsu Cheng Yu, Yu Hsien and Chih Siu to
       be beheaded. Hsu Cheng Yu and Chih Siu were then prisoners in
       the hands of the foreign military authorities at Peking, and
       the sentence was executed upon them there, on the 26th of
       February, in the presence of Japanese, French, German and
       American troops. A despatch from Peking reporting the
       execution stated that, while it was being carried out, "the
       ministers held a meeting and determined on the part of the
       majority to draw a curtain over further demands for blood.
       United States Special Commissioner Rockhill sided strongly
       with those favoring humane methods, who are Sir Ernest Satow
       and MM. Komura, De Cologan and De Giers, respectively British,
       Japanese, Spanish and Russian ministers. Others believe that
       China has not been sufficiently punished, and that men should
       be executed in every city, town and village where foreigners
       were injured."

    {143}

       While the subject of punishments was pending, and with a view,
       it was said, of quickening the action of the Chinese
       government, Count von Waldersee, the German Field-Marshal
       commanding the allied forces in China, ordered preparations to
       be made for an extensive military expedition into the
       interior. The government of the United States gave prompt
       directions that its forces at Peking should not take part in
       this movement, and the remonstrances of other Powers more
       pacifically inclined than the Germans caused the project to be
       given up.

       Meantime, three Imperial edicts of importance, if faithfully
       carried out, had been issued. One, on the 5th of February,
       commanded new undertakings of reform, accounting for the
       abandonment of the reform movement of 1898 by declaring that
       it was seditionary and would have resulted in anarchy, and
       that it was entered upon when the Emperor was in bad health;
       for all which reasons he had requested the Empress Dowager to
       resume the reins of government. Now, it was declared, since
       peace negotiations were in progress, the government should be
       formed on a basis for future prosperity. Established good
       methods of foreign countries should be introduced to supply
       China's deficiencies. "China's greatest difficulty," said the
       edict, "is her old customs, which have resulted in the
       insincere dispatch of business and the promoting of private
       gain. Up to the present time those who have followed the
       Western methods have had only superficial knowledge, knowing
       only a little of foreign languages and foreign inventions,
       without knowing the real basis of the strength of foreign
       nations. Such methods are insufficient for real reform."

       In order to obtain a true basis, the Emperor commanded a
       consultation between the ministers of the privy council, the
       six boards, nine officers, the Chinese ministers to foreign
       countries and all the viceroys and governors. Those were
       instructed to recommend reforms in the seven branches of
       government, namely, the central government, ceremonies,
       taxation, schools, civil-service examinations, military
       affairs and public economies. They were also to recommend what
       part of the old system can be used and what part needs changing.
       Two months were given them in which to prepare their report.

       On the following day, two edicts, in fulfilment of demands
       made in the Joint Note of the Powers, were promulgated. The
       first provided, in accordance with article 3 of the Joint
       Note, for the suspension of official examinations for five
       years in places where foreigners are killed. The second edict
       forbade anti-foreign societies, recited the punishment of
       guilty parties and declared that local officials will be held
       responsible for the maintenance of order. If trouble occurs
       the officials would be removed without delay and never again
       allowed to hold office.

    CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).
       The murdered Christian missionaries and native converts.
       Varying statements and estimates of their number.

       To the time of this writing (March, 1901), no complete
       enumeration of the foreign Christian missionaries and members
       of missionary families who were killed during the Boxer
       outbreak of the past year has been made. Varying estimates
       have appeared, from time to time, and it is possible that one
       of the latest among these, communicated from Shanghai on the
       1st of March, may approach to accuracy. It was published in
       the "North China Daily News," and said to be founded on the
       missionary records, according to which, said the "News," "a
       total of 134 adults and 52 children were killed or died of
       injuries in the Boxer rising of 1899 and 1900."

       On the 13th of March, the "Lokal Anzeiger," of Berlin,
       published a statistical report from its Peking correspondent
       of "foreign Christians killed during the troubles, exclusive
       of the Peking siege," which enumerated 118 Englishmen, 79
       Americans, Swedes and Norwegians, 26 Frenchmen, 11 Belgians,
       10 Italians and Swiss, and 1 German. The total of these
       figures is largely in excess of those given by the "North
       China Daily News," but they cover, not missionaries alone, but
       all foreign Christians. It is impossible, however, not to
       doubt the accuracy of both these accounts. Of native
       Christians, the German writer estimated that 30,000 had
       perished. In September, 1900, the United States Consul-General
       at Shanghai, Mr. Goodnow, "after making inquiries from every
       possible source," placed the number of British and American
       missionaries who had probably been killed at 93, taking no
       account of a larger number in Chih-li and Shan-si whose fate
       was entirely unknown. Of those whose deaths he believed to be
       absolutely proved at that time, 34 were British, including 9
       men, 15 women and 10 children, and 22 were American, 8 of
       these being men, 8 women and 6 children.

       In December, 1900, a private letter from the "Association for
       the Propagation of the Faith, St. Mary's Seminary," Baltimore,
       Maryland, stated that up to the end of September 48 Catholic
       missionaries were known to have been murdered. A pastoral
       letter issued in December by Cardinal Vaughan, in London,
       without stating the numbers killed, declared that all work of
       the Catholic church, throughout the most of China, where 942
       European and 445 native priests had been engaged, was
       practically swept away.

       A private letter, written early in January, 1901, by the
       Reverend Dr. Judson Smith, one of the corresponding
       secretaries of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign
       Missions, contains the following statement: "The American
       Board has lost in the recent disturbances in China 13
       missionaries, 6 men and 7 women, and 5 children belonging to
       the families who perished. The number of native converts
       connected with the mission churches of the American Board who
       have suffered death during these troubles cannot be stated
       with accuracy. It undoubtedly exceeds 1,000; it may reach a
       much larger figure; but some facts that have come to light of
       late imply that more of those who were supposed to be lost
       have been in hiding than was known. If we should reckon along
       with native converts members of their families who have
       suffered death, the number would probably be doubled."

       There seems to be absolutely no basis of real information for
       any estimate that has been made of the extent of massacre
       among the native Christian converts. Thousands perished,
       without doubt, but how many thousands is yet to be learned. As
       intimated by Dr. Smith, larger numbers than have been supposed
       may have escaped, and it will probably be long before the true
       facts are gathered from all parts of the country.

    {144}

       In any view, the massacre of missionaries and their families
       was hideous enough; but fictions of horror were shamefully
       added, it seems, in some of the stories which came from the
       East. At Pao-Ting Fu, where women were said to have suffered
       indescribable brutalities before being slain, investigation by
       an American military officer convinced him that "there is no
       evidence of any peculiar atrocities committed upon the persons
       of those who were slain"; and the American Board of
       Commissioners for Foreign Missions has publicly announced:
       "While forced to believe that our missionaries in Shan Si and
       at Pao Ting Fu were put to death by the Chinese, we have never
       credited the published reports concerning atrocities connected
       with their slaughter."

    CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Withdrawal of American troops, excepting a Legation guard.

       The following order was sent by cable from the War Department
       at Washington to General Chaffee, commanding the United States
       forces in China, on the 15th of March: "In reply to your
       telegram Secretary of War directs you complete arrangements
       sail for Manila with your command and staff officers by end
       April, leaving as legation guard infantry company composed of
       150 men having at least one year to serve or those intending
       re-enlist, with full complement of officers, medical officer,
       sufficient hospital corps men and, if you think best, field
       officer especially qualified to command guard. Retain and
       instruct officer quartermaster's department proceed to erect
       necessary buildings for guard according to plan and estimates
       you approve."

    CHINA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
       Discussion of the question of indemnity.
       Uneasiness concerning rumored secret negotiations of
       Russia with the Chinese government relative to Manchuria.

       As we write this (early in April), the reckoning of
       indemnities to be demanded by the several Powers of the
       Concert in China is still under discussion between the
       Ministers at Peking, and is found to be very difficult of
       settlement. There is understood to be wide differences of
       disposition among the governments represented in the
       discussion, some being accused of a greed that would endeavor
       to wring from the Chinese government far more than the country
       can possibly pay; while others are laboring to reduce the
       total of exactions within a more reasonable limit. At the
       latest accounts from Peking, a special committee of the
       Ministers was said to be engaged in a searching investigation
       of the resources of China, in order to ascertain what sum the
       Empire has ability to pay, and in what manner the payment can
       best be secured and best made. It seems to be hoped that when
       those facts are made clear there may be possibilities of an
       agreement as to the division of the total sum between the
       nations whose legations were attacked, whose citizens were
       slain, and who sent troops to crush the Boxer rising.

       Meantime grave anxieties are being caused by rumors of a
       secret treaty concerning Manchuria which Russia is said to be
       attempting to extort from the Chinese government [see, in this
       volume, MANCHURIA], the whispered terms of which would give
       her, in that vast region, a degree of control never likely to
       become less. The most positive remonstrance yet known to have
       been made, against any concession of that nature, was
       addressed, on the 1st of March, by the government of the
       United States, to its representatives at St. Petersburg,
       Berlin, London, Paris, Vienna, Rome, and Tokio, as follows:

       "The following memorandum, which was handed to the Chinese
       Minister on February 19, is transmitted to you for your
       information and communication to the government to which you
       are accredited: "The preservation of the territorial integrity
       of China having been recognized by all the powers now engaged in
       joint negotiation concerning the injuries recently inflicted
       upon their ministers and nationals by certain officials and
       subjects of the Chinese Empire, it is evidently advantageous
       to China to continue the present international understanding
       upon this subject. It would be, therefore, unwise and
       dangerous in the extreme for China to make any arrangement or
       to consider any proposition of a private nature involving the
       surrender of territory or financial obligations by convention
       with any particular power; and the government of the United
       States, aiming solely at the preservation of China from the
       danger indicated and the conservation of the largest and most
       beneficial relations between the empire and other countries,
       in accordance with the principles set forth in its circular
       note of July 3, 1900, and in a purely friendly spirit toward
       the Chinese Empire and all the powers now interested in the
       negotiations, desires to express its sense of the impropriety,
       inexpediency and even extreme danger to the interests of China
       of considering any private territorial or financial
       arrangements, at least without the full knowledge and approval
       of all the powers now engaged in negotiation.
       HAY."

       ----------CHINA: End--------

    CHINESE TAXES.

          See (in this volume)
          LIKIN.

    CHING, Prince:
       Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    CHITRAL: A. D. 1895.
       The defense and relief of.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    CHITRAL:A. D. 1901.
       Included in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    CHOCTAWS, United States agreements with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, The Young People's Society of.

       The nineteenth annual international convention of Young
       People's Societies of Christian Endeavor was held in the
       Alexandra Palace, London, England, from the 13th to the 20th
       of July, 1900, delegates being present from most countries of
       the world. Reports presented to the convention showed a total
       membership of about 3,500,000, in 59,712 societies, 43,262 of
       which were in the United States, 4,000 in Canada, some 7,000
       in Great Britain, 4,000 in Australia, and smaller numbers in
       Germany, India, China, Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere.

    {145}

       The first society, which supplied the germ of organization for
       all succeeding ones, was formed in the Williston
       Congregational Church of Portland, Maine, on the 2d of
       February, 1881, by the Reverend Francis E. Clark, the pastor
       of the church. The object, as indicated by the name of the
       society, was to organize the religious energies of the young
       people of the church for Christian life and work. The idea was
       caught and imitated in other churches—Congregational,
       Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, and others—very rapidly,
       and the organization soon became, not only widely national,
       but international. In 1898, it was reported that Russia then
       remained the only country in the world without a Christian
       Endeavor Society, and the total was 54,191. In the next year's
       report Russia was announced to have entered the list of
       countries represented, and the number of societies had
       advanced to 55,813. In 1900, the numbers had risen to the
       height stated above. The Epworth League is a kindred
       organization of young people in the Methodist Church.

          See (in this volume)
          EPWORTH LEAGUE.

    CHRISTIANS AND MOSLEMS:
       Conflicts in Armenia.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

    CONFLICTS IN CRETE.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    CHUNGKING.

       "Chungking, which lies nearly 2,000 miles inland, is, despite
       its interior position, one of the most important of the more
       recently opened ports of China. Located at practically the
       head of navigation on the Yangtze, it is the chief city of the
       largest, most populous, and perhaps the most productive
       province of China, whose relative position, industries,
       population, and diversified products make it quite similar to
       the great productive valley of the upper Mississippi. The
       province of Szechuan is the largest province of China, having
       an area of 166,800 square miles, and a population of
       67,000,000, or but little less than that of the entire United
       States. Its area and density of population may be more readily
       recognized in the fact that its size is about the same as that
       of the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Kentucky combined,
       but that its population is six times as great as that of those
       States. Its productions include wheat, tobacco, buckwheat,
       hemp, maize, millet, barley, sugar cane, cotton, and silk."

          United States, Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2196.

    CHURCH OF ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
       Papal declaration of the invalidity of its ordinations.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

    CIVIL CODE: Introduction in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

       -------CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: Start-----

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1893-1896.
       Extensions of the Civil-Service rules by President Cleveland.

       "Through the extensions of the Federal classification during
       President Cleveland's second administration, the number of
       positions covered by the civil-service rules was increased
       two-fold. On March 3, 1893, the number classified was 42,928.
       By a series of executive orders ranging from March 20, 1894,
       to June 25. 1895, 10,000 places were added to the list,
       bringing the total, approximately, to 53,000. Meanwhile, the
       Civil Service Commission had recommended to the President a
       general revision that would correct the imperfections of the
       original rules and extend their scope to the full degree
       contemplated by the Pendleton Act. After much correspondence
       and consultation with department officers, and careful work on
       the part of the Commission, the rules of May 6 [1896] were
       promulgated. They added to the classification about 29,000
       more places, and by transferring to the control of the
       Commission the system of Navy Yard employment, established by
       Secretary Tracy, brought the total number in the classified
       service to 87,117. The positions in the Executive branch
       unaffected by these orders included those classes expressly
       excluded by the statute—persons nominated for confirmation by
       the Senate and those employed 'merely as laborers or
       workmen'—together with the fourth-class postmasters, clerks in
       post-offices other than free delivery offices and in Customs
       districts having less than five employees, persons receiving
       less than $300 annual compensation, and about 1,000
       miscellaneous positions of minor character, not classified for
       reasons having to do with the good of the service—91,600 in
       all. Within the classified service, the list of positions
       excepted from competitive examination was confined to the
       private secretaries and clerks of the President and Cabinet
       officers, cashiers in the Customs Service, the Internal
       Revenue Service and the principal post-offices, attorneys who
       prepare cases for trial, principal Customs deputies and all
       assistant postmasters—781 in all. The new rules provided for a
       general system of promotion, based on competitive examinations
       and efficiency records, and gave the Commission somewhat
       larger powers in the matter of removals by providing that no
       officer or employee in the classified service, of whatever
       station, should be removed for political or religious reasons,
       and that in all cases like penalties should be imposed for like
       offenses. They created an admirable system, a system founded
       on the most sensible rules of business administration, and
       likely to work badly only where the Commission might encounter
       the opposition of hostile appointing officers. President
       Cleveland's revised rules were promulgated before the
       Convention of either political party had been held, and before
       the results of the election could be foreshadowed. The
       extensions were practically approved, however, by the
       Republican platform, which was adopted with full knowledge of
       the nature of the changes, and which declared that the law
       should be 'thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended
       wherever practicable.' … Mr. McKinley, in his letter of
       acceptance and in his inaugural address, repeated the pledge
       of the Republican party to uphold the law, and during the two
       months of his administration now past he has consistently done
       so. He has been beset by many thousands of place-seekers, by
       Senators and Representatives and by members of his own
       Cabinet, all urging that he undo the work of his predecessor,
       either wholly or in part, and so break his word of honor to
       the nation, in order that they may profit. … At least five
       bills have been introduced in Congress, providing for the
       repeal of the law. … Finally, the Senate has authorized an
       investigation, by the Committee on Civil Service and
       Retrenchment, with the view of ascertaining whether the law
       should be 'continued, amended or repealed,' and sessions of
       this Committee are now in progress. … Mr. McKinley, by
       maintaining the system against these organized attacks, will
       do as great a thing as Mr. Cleveland did in upbuilding it."

          Report of the Executive Committee of the New York
          Civil Service Reform Association, 1897.

    {146}

       In his annual Message to Congress, December, 1896, President
       Cleveland remarked on the subject:

       "There are now in the competitive classified service upward of
       eighty-four thousand places. More than half of these have been
       included from time to time since March 4, 1893. … If
       fourth-class postmasterships are not included in the
       statement, it may be said that practically all positions
       contemplated by the civil-service law are now classified.
       Abundant reasons exist for including these postmasterships,
       based upon economy, improved service, and the peace and quiet
       of neighborhoods. If, however, obstacles prevent such action
       at present, I earnestly hope that Congress will, without
       increasing post-office appropriations, so adjust them as to
       permit in proper cases a consolidation of these post-offices,
       to the end that through this process the result desired may to
       a limited extent be accomplished. The civil-service rules as
       amended during the last year provide for a sensible and
       uniform method of promotion, basing eligibility to better
       positions upon demonstrated efficiency and faithfulness."

          United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
          1896-1897, page 33.

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.
       Constitutional provision in New York.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Onslaught of the spoils-men at Washington.
       Failure of the Congressional attack.

       "During the four months following the inauguration [of
       President McKinley] the onslaught of place-seekers was almost
       unprecedented. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of them
       discovered that the office or position he desired was
       classified and subject to competitive examination. The tenure
       of the incumbent in each case was virtually at the pleasure of
       the department officers; removals might easily be made; but
       appointments to the places made vacant could be made only from
       the eligible lists, and the lists were fairly well filled. It
       is true that the rules permitted the reinstatement without
       examination of persons who had been separated from the service
       without personal fault within one year, or of veterans who had
       been in the service at any time, and that some removals were made
       to make room for these. But the appointments in such cases
       went but a very little way toward meeting the demand. The
       result was that almost the whole pressure of the
       office-hunting forces and of their members of Congress was
       directed for the while toward one end—the revocation or
       material modification of the civil service rules. President
       McKinley was asked to break his personal pledges, as well as
       those of his party, and to take from the classified service
       more than one half of the 87,000 offices and positions it
       contained. … But the President yielded substantially nothing.
       … The attack of the spoils-seekers was turned at once from the
       President to Congress. It was declared loudly that the desired
       modifications would be secured through legislation, and that
       it might even be difficult to restrain the majority from
       voting an absolute repeal. In the House the new movement was
       led by General Grosvenor of Ohio; in the Senate by Dr.
       Gallinger of New Hampshire. … The first debates of the session
       dealt with civil service reform. The House devoted two weeks to
       the subject in connection with the consideration of the annual
       appropriation for the Civil Service Commission. … The effort
       to defeat the appropriation ended in the usual failure. It was
       explained, however, that all of this had been mere preparation
       for the proposed legislation. A committee was appointed by the
       Republican opponents, under the lead of General Grosvenor, to
       prepare a bill. The bill appeared on January 6, when it was
       introduced by Mr. Evans of Kentucky, and referred to the
       Committee on Reform in the Civil Service. It limited the
       application of the civil service law to clerical employees at
       Washington, letter carriers and mail clerks, and employees in
       principal Post Offices and Customs Houses, proposing thus to
       take from the present classified service about 55,000
       positions. A series of hearings was arranged by the Civil
       Service Committee, at which representatives of this and other
       Associations, and of the Civil Service Commission, were
       present. A sub-committee of seven, composing a majority of the
       full committee, shortly afterward voted unanimously to report
       the bill adversely. About the same time, the Senate Civil
       Service Committee, which had been investigating the operation
       of the law since early summer, presented its report. Of the
       eight members, three recommended a limited number of
       exceptions, amounting in all to probably 11,000; three
       recommended a greatly reduced list of exceptions, and two
       proposed none whatever. All agreed that the President alone
       had authority to act, and that no legislation was needed. …
       The collapse of the movement in Congress has turned the
       attention of the spoilsmen again toward the President. He is
       asked once more to make sweeping exceptions."

          Report of the Executive Committee of the
          New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898.

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES:A. D. 1897-1899.
       Temporary check in New York.
       Governor Black's law.
       Restoration of the merit system under Governor Roosevelt.

       "In June [1897]—after the Court of Appeals … had declared that
       the constitutional amendment was self-executing, and that
       appointments made without competitive examination, where
       competitive examinations were practicable, must be held to be
       illegal—steps were taken to secure a reduction of the exempt
       and non-competitive positions in the State Service. A letter
       was addressed to Governor Morton, by the officers of the
       Association, on June 8, asking that the service be
       reclassified, on a basis competitive as far as practicable.
       The Governor replied that he had already given the subject
       some thought, and that he would be glad to give our
       suggestions careful consideration. On the 4th of August he
       instructed the Civil Service Commission to prepare such a
       revision of the rules and classification as had been proposed.
       On the 11th of November this revision, prepared by
       Commissioner Burt, was adopted by the full Commission, and on
       the 9th of December the new rules were formally promulgated by
       the Governor and placed in immediate operation. … The
       Governor, earlier in the year, had reversed his action in the
       case of inspectors and other employees of the new Excise
       Department, by transferring them from the non-competitive to
       the competitive class. … This marked the beginning of a
       vigorous movement against the competitive system led by
       chairmen of district committees, and other machine
       functionaries.
    {147}
       Governor Morton's sweeping order of December completed the
       discomfiture of these people and strengthened their purpose to
       make a final desperate effort to break the system down. The
       new Governor, of whom little had been known prior to his
       unexpected nomination in September, proved to be in full
       sympathy with their plan. In his message to the legislature,
       Mr. Black, in a paragraph devoted to 'Civil Service,' referred
       to the system built up by his predecessor in contemptuous
       language, and declared that, in his judgment, 'Civil service
       would work better with less starch.' He recommended
       legislation that would render the examinations 'more
       practical,' and that would permit appointing officers to
       select from the whole number on an eligible list and not
       confine them to selections 'from among those graded highest.'
       Such legislation, he promised; would 'meet with prompt
       executive approval.' Each house of the legislature referred
       this part of the message to its Judiciary Committee, with
       instructions to report a bill embodying the Governor's ideas.
       … Within a few days of the close of the legislative session,
       the measure currently described as 'Governor Black's bill was
       Introduced. … The bill provided that in all examinations for
       the State, county or municipal service, not more than 50 per
       cent. might be given for 'merit,' to be determined by the
       Examining Boards, and that the rest of the rating,
       representing 'fitness,' was to be given by the appointing
       officer, or by some person or persons designated by him. All
       existing eligible lists were to be abolished in 30 days, and
       the new scheme was to go into operation at once. … A hearing
       was given by the Senate Committee on the following day, and
       one by the Assembly Committee a few days later. … The bill,
       with some amendments, was passed In the Senate, under
       suspension of the rules, and as a party measure. … It was
       passed in the Assembly also as a caucus measure."

          Report of the Executive Committee of the
          New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1897.

       "Early [in 1898] after time had been allowed for the act to
       prove its capabilities in practice, steps were taken toward
       commencing a suit to test its constitutionality in the courts.
       … Pending the bringing of a test suit, a bill was prepared for
       the Association and introduced in the Legislature on March
       16th, last, one of the features of which was the repeal of the
       unsatisfactory law. … The bill … was passed by the Senate on
       March 29th. On the 31st, the last day of the session, it was
       passed by the Assembly. … On the same date it was signed by
       the Governor and became a law. This act has the effect of
       exempting the cities from the operation of the act of 1897,
       restoring the former competitive system in each of them."

          Report of the Executive Committee of the
          New York Civil Service Reform Association, 1898.

       "As a result of the confusing legislation of [1897 and 1898]
       at least four systems of widely differing character had come
       into existence by the first of [1899]. New York city had its
       charter rules, … the state departments were conducted under
       two adaptations of the Black law, and in the smaller cities
       the plan of the original law of 1883 was followed. In his
       first annual message, Governor Roosevelt directed the
       attention of the Legislature to this anomalous condition and
       strongly urged the passage of an act repealing the Black law
       and establishing a uniform system, for the state and cities
       alike, subject to state control. Such an act was prepared with
       the co-operation of a special committee of the Association. …
       After some discussion it was determined to recast the measure,
       adopting a form amounting to a codification of all previously
       existing statutes, and less strict in certain of its general
       provisions. … The bill was … passed by the Senate by a
       majority of two. … In the Assembly it was passed with slight
       amendments. … On the … 19th of April the act was signed by the
       Governor, and went into immediate effect. … The passage of
       this law will necessitate the complete recasting of the civil
       service system in New York, on radically different lines."

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1899.
       Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.
       Severe criticism of the order by the National Civil
       Service Reform League.

       On the 29th of May, 1899, President McKinley was persuaded to
       issue an order greatly modifying the civil service rules,
       releasing many offices from their operation and permitting
       numerous transfers in the service on a non-competitive
       examination. This presidential order was criticised with
       severity in a statement promptly issued by the Executive
       Committee of the National Civil Service Reform League, which
       says: "The National Civil Service Reform League, after mature
       consideration, regards the order of President McKinley, of May
       29, changing the Civil Service rules, as a backward step of
       the most pronounced character. The order follows a long
       succession of violations, of both the spirit and the literal
       terms of the law and rules, in various branches of the
       service, and must be considered in its relations to these. Its
       immediate effects, which have been understated, may be set
       forth as follows:

       (1) It withdraws from the classified service not merely 3,000
       or 4,000 offices and positions, but, as nearly as can be now
       estimated, 10,109. It removes 3,693 from the class of
       positions filled hitherto either through competitive
       examination or through an orderly practice of promotion, and
       it transfers 6,416 other positions in the War Department,
       filled hitherto through a competitive registration system,
       under the control of the Civil Service Commission, to a system
       to be devised and placed in effect by the present Secretary of
       War.

       (2) It declares regular at least one thousand additional
       appointments made temporarily, without examination—in many
       cases in direct disregard of the law—in branches that are not
       affected by the exceptions, but that remain nominally
       competitive.

       (3) It permits the permanent appointment of persons employed
       without examination, for emergency purposes during the course
       of war with Spain, thus furnishing a standing list of many
       thousands which positions in the War Department may be filled,
       without tests of fitness, for a long time to come.

       (4) It alters the rules to the effect that in future any
       person appointed with or without competitive examination, or
       without any examination, may be placed by transfer in any
       classified position without regard to the character or
       similarity of the employments interchanged, and after
       non-competitive examination only.

    {148}

       (5) It permits the reinstatement, within the discretion of the
       respective department officers, of persons separated from the
       service at any previous time for any stated reason.

       The effect of these changes in the body of the rules will be
       of a more serious nature than that of the absolute exceptions
       made. It will be practicable to fill competitive positions of
       every description either through arbitrary reinstatement—or
       through original appointment to a lower grade, or to an
       excepted position without tests of any sort, or even by
       transfer from the great emergency force of the War Department,
       to be followed in any such case by a mere 'pass' examination.
       As general experience has proven, the 'pass' examinations, in
       the course of time, degenerate almost invariably into farce.
       It will be practicable also to restore to the service at the
       incoming of each new administration those dismissed for any
       cause during the period of any administration preceding. That
       such a practice will lead to wholesale political reprisals,
       and, coupled with the other provisions referred to, to the
       re-establishment on a large scale of the spoils system of
       rotation and favoritism, cannot be doubted."

       In his next succeeding annual Message to Congress the
       President used the following language on the subject: "The
       Executive order [by President Cleveland] of May 6, 1896,
       extending the limits of the classified service, brought within
       the operation of the civil-service law and rules nearly all of
       the executive civil service not previously classified. Some of
       the inclusions were found wholly illogical and unsuited to the
       work of the several Departments. The application of the rules to
       many of the places so included was found to result in friction
       and embarrassment. After long and very careful consideration
       it became evident to the heads of the Departments, responsible
       for their efficiency, that in order to remove these
       difficulties and promote an efficient and harmonious
       administration certain amendments were necessary. These
       amendments were promulgated by me in Executive order dated May
       29, 1899. All of the amendments had for their main object a
       more efficient and satisfactory administration of the system
       of appointments established by the civil-service law. The
       results attained show that under their operation the public
       service has improved and that the civil-service system is
       relieved of many objectionable features which heretofore
       subjected it to just criticism and the administrative officers
       to the charge of unbusinesslike methods in the conduct of
       public affairs. It is believed that the merit system has been
       greatly strengthened and its permanence assured."

          United States, Message and Documents
          (Abridgment), 1890-1900, volume 1.

       At its next annual meeting, December 14, 1900, in New York,
       the National Civil Service Reform League reiterated its
       condemnation of the order of President McKinley, declaring:
       "The year has shown that the step remains as unjustified in
       principle as ever and that it has produced, in practical
       result, just the injuries to the service that were feared, as
       the reports of our committee of various branches of the
       service have proved. The league, therefore, asserts without
       hesitancy that the restoration of very nearly all places in
       every branch of the service exempted from classification by
       this deplorable order is demanded by the public interest and
       that the order itself should be substantially revoked."

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900.
       Civil Service Rules in the Philippine Islands.

       "An Act for the establishment and maintenance of an efficient
       and honest civil service in the Philippine Islands" was
       adopted, on the 19th of September, by the Commission which now
       administers the civil government of those islands. The bill is
       founded on the principles of the American civil service in
       their stricter construction, and its provisions extend to all
       the executive branches of the government. The framing of rules
       and regulations for the service are left to the Civil Service
       Board provided for in the act. A correspondent of the "New
       York Tribune," writing from Manila on the day after the
       enactment, states: "W. Leon Pepperman, who has long been
       connected with the civil service in the United States, and who
       has made a personal study of the systems maintained by Great
       Britain, France, and Holland in their Eastern colonies, will
       be on this board, as will be F. W. Kiggins of the Washington
       Civil Service Commission. The third member probably will be a
       Filipino. President Taft had selected for this post Dr.
       Joaquin Gonzalez, an able man, but that gentleman's untimely
       death on the eve of his appointment has forced President Taft
       to find another native capable of meeting the necessary
       requirements. Mr. Kiggins probably will act as Chief Examiner,
       and Mr. Pepperman as Chairman of the board:" According to the
       same correspondent: " Examinations for admittance to the
       service will be held in Manila, Iloilo, and Cebu, in the
       Philippines, and in the United States under the auspices and
       control of the Federal Civil Service Commission." At the
       annual meeting of the National Civil Service Reform League of
       the United States held in New York, December 13, 1900, the
       above measure was commended highly in the report of a special
       committee appointed to consider the subject of the civil
       service in our new dependencies, as being one by which, "if it
       be persevered in, the merit system will be established in the
       islands of that archipelago, at least as thoroughly and
       consistently as in any department of government, Federal,
       State or municipal, in the Union. This must be, in any case,
       regarded as a gratifying recognition of sound principles of
       administration on the part of the commission and justifies the
       hope that, within the limits of their jurisdiction at least,
       no repetition of the scandals of post-bellum days will be
       tolerated. The ruling of the several departments that the
       provisions of the Federal offices established in the
       dependencies which would be classified if within the United
       States is also a matter to be noted with satisfaction by the
       friends of good government."

    {149}

    CIVIL-SERVICE REFORM IN THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1901.
       The "spoils system" of service in the House of Representatives.

       The "spoils system" maintained by Congressmen among their own
       immediate employees, in the service of the House of
       Representatives, was depicted in a report, submitted February
       28, 1901, by a special committee which had been appointed to
       investigate the pay of the House employees. The report,
       presented by Mr. Moody, of Massachusetts, makes the following
       general statements, with abundance of illustrative instances,
       few of which can be given here: "The four officers elected by
       the House, namely, the Clerk, Sergeant-at-Arms, Doorkeeper,
       and Postmaster, appoint the employees of the House, except the
       clerks and assistant clerks of members and committees, four
       elevator men, the stenographers, and those appointed by House
       resolutions. The appointments, however, are made on the
       recommendation of members of the House, and very largely,
       though not entirely, of members of the dominant party in the
       House. If a member upon whose recommendation an appointment is
       made desires the removal of his appointee and the substitution
       of another person, the removal and substitution are made without
       regard to the capacity of either person. In case a member upon
       whose recommendation an appointment has been made ceases to be
       a member of the House, an employee recommended by him
       ordinarily loses his place. Thus the officers of the House,
       though responsible for the character of the service rendered
       by the employees, have in reality little or no voice in their
       selection, and, as might reasonably be expected, the results
       obtained from the system which we have described are in some
       cases extremely unsatisfactory. This method of appointing
       House employees has existed for many years, during which the
       House has been under the control of each party alternately. We
       believe that candor compels us to state at the outset that
       some of the faults in administration which we have observed
       are attributable to the system and to the persistence of
       members of the House in urging upon the officers the
       appointment of their constituents and friends to subordinate
       places, and that such faults are deeply rooted, of long
       standing, and likely to continue under the administration of
       any political party as long as such a system is maintained."

       The committee found nothing to criticise in  the
       administration of the offices of the House Postmaster or
       Sergeant-at-Arms. With reference to the offices of the Clerk
       and the Doorkeeper they say: "We have found in both
       departments certain abuses, which may be grouped under three
       heads, namely: Transfers of employees from the duties of the
       positions to which they were appointed to other duties,
       unjustifiable payments of compensation to employees while
       absent from their posts of duty, and divisions of salary.

       "First. Transfers of employees from the duties to which they
       were appointed to other duties.—Some part of this evil is
       doubtless attributable to the fact that the annual
       appropriation acts have not properly provided for the
       necessities of the House service. An illustration of this is
       furnished by the case of Guy Underwood, who is carried on the
       rolls as a laborer at $720 per annum, while in point of fact
       he performs the duty of assistant in the Hall Library of the
       House and his compensation is usually increased to $1,800 per
       annum by an appropriation of $1,080 in the general deficiency
       act. Again, a sufficient number of messengers has not been
       provided for the actual necessities of the service, while more
       folders have been provided than are required. As a result of
       this men have been transferred from the duties of a folder to
       those of a messenger, and the compensation of some has been
       increased by appropriation in deficiency acts. But evils of
       another class result from transfers, some examples of which we
       report. They result in part, at least, from an attempt to
       adjust salaries so as to satisfy the members that their
       appointees obtain a just share of the whole appropriation,
       instead of attempting to apportion the compensation to the
       merits of the respective employees and the character of the
       services which they render. …

       "Second. Payments of compensation to employees while
       absent.—The duty of many of the employees of the House ceases
       with the end of a session, or very soon thereafter. Such is
       the case with the reading clerks, messengers, enrolling
       clerks, and many others who might be named. Their absence from
       Washington after a session of Congress closes and their duties
       are finished is as legitimate as the absence of the members
       themselves. But many employees who should be at their posts
       have been from time to time absent without justification, both
       during sessions and between sessions. In the absence of any
       record it is impossible for the committee to ascertain with
       anything like accuracy the amount of absenteeism, but in our
       opinion it is very considerable.

       "Some of those employed in the library service have been
       absent for long periods between the sessions of Congress,
       although the House library is in a condition which demands
       constant attention for years to come in order to bring it up
       to a proper condition of efficiency. The pay roll of the
       librarian, his assistants, and those detailed to the library
       service, including deficiency appropriations, amounts to
       $9,200 per annum. No one of the employees of the library, with
       the exception of a $600 deficiency employee and Guy Underwood,
       who in his freshman year at college was librarian part of one
       session at the Ohio State University, has ever had any library
       experience, although they all appear to be capable,
       intelligent men. The House library is said to consist of
       300,000 volumes, many of which are duplicates, and is
       scattered from the Dome to the basement of the Capitol, in
       some instances, until recently, books being piled in unused
       rooms, like so much wood or coal. The present librarian
       testified as follows:

       'Q. It would be difficult to describe a worse condition than
       existed?'

       'A. It would, for the condition of books. It would be all
       right for a barnyard, but for books it was terrible.' It is
       just to say that under the present administration of the
       library some attempt has been made at improvement, but the
       effect of fifty years' neglect can not be remedied in a day.
       We can not think that any absenteeism, beyond a reasonable
       vacation, on the part of those employed in the library is
       justifiable in view of the foregoing facts.

       "The folders, taking the orders of members rather than those
       of the Doorkeeper, are absent a great deal during the
       vacation, and in some cases persons are employed by resolution
       to do their work. The Doorkeeper testified as follows:

       'I think Mr. Lyon told me where members requested they had
       three months at home during this last Congress.'
       'Q. Drawing their pay in the meantime?'
       'A. Yes, sir; they had three months'.'
       'Q. That is not in the interest of your service, is it?'
       'A. No, sir.'
       'Q. Have you been able to prevent it?'
       'A. No, sir.'
       'Q. Why?'
       'A. They would go to the superintendent of the folding room
       and say to him, "My man has got to go home."'
       'Q. You mean the members would go?'
       'A. Yes, sir. I do not like to criticise members, but that is
       the situation. They go and say, "I have got to have my man
       home, and he must go home; it is absolutely necessary;" and he
       has been permitted to go.'

    {150}

       "We have been unable to inquire as much into specific
       instances of absenteeism as we desired, but it may be said
       generally that absenteeism on the folders' force is very
       general. …

       "Third, division of salaries.—According to the testimony of
       Thomas H. McKee, the Journal clerk, the custom of dividing
       salaries is an old one and has existed for at least twenty
       years. We are satisfied that we are unable to report all the
       instances of divisions of salaries which have occurred: but we
       submit the following facts, which were clearly proved before
       us: On the organization of the House in the Fifty-fourth
       Congress it appears that more places, or places with higher
       salaries, were promised than the officers of the House were
       able to discover under the law. It does not appear by whom
       these promises were made. There began at once a system whereby
       the employees agreed to contribute greater or less portions of
       the salaries they received for the purpose either of paying
       persons not on the roll or of increasing the compensation of
       persons who were on the roll. Of the latter class, the
       increases were not proportioned to the character of the
       services rendered or the merit of the employees, but to the
       supposed rights of the States or Congressional districts from
       which the recipients came. Some of these contributions were
       made voluntarily and cheerfully; others we believe to have
       been made under a species of moral duress."

          Congressional Record,
          February 28, 1901, page 3597.

    CLERICAL PARTY: Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after.

    CLERICAL PARTY: Belgium.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1899-1900.

    CLEVELAND, Grover:
       President of the United States.

          See (in volume 5 and in this volume.)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1893, to 1897.

    CLEVELAND, Grover:
       Extensions of Civil Service Rules.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

    CLEVELAND, Grover:
       Message to Congress on the Boundary Dispute between
       Great Britain and Venezuela.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

    CLEVELAND, Grover:
       On Cuban affairs.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    CLEVELAND, OHIO: A. D. 1896.

       The centennial anniversary of the founding of the city was
       celebrated with appropriate ceremonies on the 22d of July,
       1896, and made memorable by a gift to the city, by Mr. John D.
       Rockefeller, of 276 acres of land for a public park.

    COAL MINERS, Strikes among.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

    COAMO, Engagement at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    COLENSO, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    COLLEGES.

          See (in this volume)
          EDUCATION.

    COLOMBIA: A. D. 1893-1900.
       Resumption of work on the Panama Canal.
       Revolutionary movements.
       Prolonged Civil War.
       Boundary dispute with Costa Rica.
       Panama Canal concession twice extended.

       In 1893 the receiver or liquidator of the affairs of the
       bankrupt Panama Canal Company of De Lesseps (see, in volume 4,
       PANAMA CANAL) obtained from the government of Colombia an
       extension of the terms of the concession under which that
       company had worked, provided that work on the canal should be
       resumed before November 1, 1894. He succeeded in forming in
       France a new company which actually made a beginning of work
       on the canal before the limit of time expired. But this
       attempted revival of the undertaking was quickly harassed,
       like everything else in Colombia, by an outbreak of revolt
       against the clerical control of government under President
       Caro. The revolutionary movement was begun late in 1894,
       receiving aid from exiles and sympathizers in Venezuela,
       Ecuador and Central America. It had no substantial success,
       the revolutionists being generally defeated in the pitched
       battles that were fought; but after a few months they were
       broken into guerilla bands and continued warfare in that
       method throughout most of the year 1895. They were still
       threatening in 1896, but the activity and energy of President
       Caro prevented any serious outbreak. A boundary dispute
       between Colombia and Costa Rica, which became considerably
       embittered in 1896, was finally referred to the President of
       the French Republic, whose decision was announced in
       September, 1900.

       Colombia began a fresh experience of civil war in the autumn
       of 1899, when an obstinate movement for the overthrow of
       President Saclemente (elected in 1898) was begun. General
       Herrera was said, at the outset, to be in the lead, but, as
       the struggle proceeded, General Rafael Uribe-Uribe seems to
       have become its real chief. It went on with fierce fighting,
       especially in the isthmus, and with varying fortunes, until
       near the close of 1900, when the insurgents met with a defeat
       which drove General Uribe-Uribe to flight. He made his escape
       to Venezuela, and thence to the United States, arriving at New
       York early in February, 1901. In conversation with
       representatives of the Press he insisted that there was no
       thought in his party or in his own mind of abandoning the
       revolutionary attempt. The cause of the revolution, he said,
       was due to the oppression of the government, which was in the
       hands of the Conservative party. "They have not governed
       according to the constitution," he said, "and while taxing the
       Liberals, will not allow them to be adequately represented in
       the government. For fifteen years the Liberal party has been
       deprived of all its rights. I have been the only
       representative of the party in Congress. We tried every
       peaceable method to obtain our rights before going to war, but
       could not get anything from the government. The government did
       not want to change anything, because it did not want to lose
       any of its power. I, as the only representative of the Liberal
       party, made up my mind to fight, and will fight to the end."

       By what is said to have been a forced resignation, some time
       in the later part of the year 1900, President Saclemente, a
       very old man, retired from the active duties of the office,
       which were taken in hand by the Vice-President, Dr. Manoquin.

       During the year 1900, the government signed a further
       extension of the concession to the Panama Canal Company,
       prolonging the period within which the canal must be completed
       six years from April, 1904.

    {151}

    COLORADO: A. D. 1897.
       Abolition of the death penalty.

       By an Act of the Legislature of Colorado which became law in
       March, 1897, the death penalty was abolished in that state.

    COLORADOS.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

    COLUMBUS, Christopher:
       Removal of remains from Havana to Seville.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

    COMBINATIONS, Industrial.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS.

    COMMANDO.
       Commandeering.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

    COMMERCIAL CONGRESS, International.

          See (in this volume)
          INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

    COMMERCIAL MUSEUM, Philadelphia.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.

    COMPULSORY INSURANCE:
       The State System in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

    COMPULSORY VOTING.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    CONCERT OF EUROPE.
       Concert of the Powers.

       "We have heard of late so much about 'the Concert' that the
       man in the street talks of it as if it were a fact of nature
       like the Bosphorus or the Nile; and he assumes that he and all
       his neighbours understand exactly what it means. Yet it may be
       doubted whether even persons so omniscient as the politician
       and the journalist could describe it with any approach to
       truth or even to common sense. An energetic newspaper lately
       described the Concert as 'Three Despots, two Vassals, and a
       Coward.' This doubtless was a libel. An Olympian
       Under-Secretary called it 'the Cabinet of Europe.' Lord
       Salisbury himself, impatient of facile caricatures, insisted
       that it was a 'Federation.' It has also, to Sir William
       Harcourt's wrath, been spoken of as an 'Areopagus' having
       'legislative' powers. All these phrases are mere nonsense; and
       yet they have profoundly influenced the action of this country
       and the course of recent history. The patent fact of the hour
       is that six powerful States are pleased to interest themselves
       in the Eastern Question—which is the question of the dissolution
       of Turkey.

          See, in this volume,
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895, and after.

       They base their claim to take exceptional steps in the matter
       on the plea that there is imminent risk of a general European
       war if they do not act. … What is the Concert of Europe? It is
       not a treaty, still less a federation. If it is anything, it
       is a tacit understanding between the 'six Powers' that they
       will take common action, or abstain from 'isolated action,' in
       the Eastern question. Whether it is even that, in any rational
       sense of the word 'understanding,' is more than doubtful. For
       there has been much and very grave 'isolated action,' even in
       pending troubles."

          See, in this volume,
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH); and 1897-1899]

          The Concert of Europe
          (Contemporary Review, May, 1897).

       The joint action of the leading European Powers in dealing
       with Turkish affairs, between 1896 and 1899, which took the
       name of "The Concert of Europe," was imitated in 1900, when
       the more troublesome "Far Eastern Question" was suddenly
       sprung upon the world by the "Boxer" rising in China. The
       United States and Japan were then associated in action with
       the European nations; and the "Concert of Europe" was
       succeeded by a larger "Concert of the Powers."

          See, in this volume,
          CHINA: A. D. 1900, JANUARY-MARCH, and after.

    CONCESSIONS, The battle of, in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    CONDOMINIUM, Anglo-Egyptian, in the Sudan.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    CONFEDERATE DISABILITIES, Removal of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

    CONGER, Edwin H.: United States Minister to China.

          See (in this volume) CHINA.

    CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.
       Mutiny of troops of Baron Dhanis's expedition.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (CONGO FREE STATE).

    CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.
       Results of the King of Belgium's attempt to found
       an African Empire.
       Contradictory representations.

       "The opening in the first few days of July [1898] of the
       railway through the District of the Cataracts, from Matadi to
       Stanley Pool, has turned public attention to Central Africa,
       where the genius and courage of the King of the Belgians have
       created a Black Empire within the short space of twelve years.
       It is the special pride of its founder that the vast state of
       the Congo has been formed without bloodshed, except at the
       cost of the cruel Arab slave-hunters, and of the not less
       cruel cannibals like Msiri or the Batetelas, that a thousand
       treaties have been signed without a gunshot, and that from the
       commencement the highest ideals of modern civilisation have
       been aimed at, and, considering the stupendous difficulties of
       the task, practically attained in the administration. The
       standard of humanity and progress has been firmly planted in
       the midst of a population of thirty millions, the decadence of
       those millions has been arrested, peace exists where there was
       only slaughter and savagery, and prosperity is coming in the
       train of improved communications, and of the development of
       the natural resources of a most promising region. In the
       history of Empires that of the Congo State is unique. …

       "The Berlin Conference  did nothing for the Congo State beyond
       giving it a being and a name.

          See, in volume 1,
          CONGO FREE STATE.

       On the other hand it imposed upon it some onerous conditions.
       There was to be freedom of trade—an excellent principle, but
       not contributory to the State exchequer—it was to employ all
       its strength in the suppression of the slave trade—'a
       gigantic task, undertaken with the resources of pygmies,' as
       some one has said—and the navigation of the Congo was to be
       free to all the world without a single toll. The sufficiently
       ample dimensions marked out for the State in the Conventional
       limits attached to the Berlin General Act had to be defined
       and regulated by subsequent negotiation with the neighbouring
       Powers.
    {152}
       France attenuated the northern possessions of the State at
       every possible opportunity, but at length, in February, 1895,
       she was induced to waive in favour of Belgium the right of
       pre-emption which the Congo Association had given her in
       April, 1884, over its possessions, at the moment when the
       Anglo-Portuguese Convention threatened that enterprise with
       extinction. … Four years after the meeting at Berlin it was
       found necessary to convene another conference of the Powers,
       held on this occasion at Brussels, under the presidency of
       Baron Lambermont, whose share in the success of the earlier
       conference had been very marked and brilliant. The chief
       object set before the new Conference was to devise means for
       the abolition of the Slave Trade in Central Africa. … The
       Conference lasted more than seven months, and it was not until
       July, 1890, that the General Act bearing the signatures of the
       Powers was agreed upon. It increased the obligations resting
       on the State; its decisions, to which the Independent State
       was itself a party, made the task more onerous, but at the
       same time it sanctioned the necessary measures to give the
       State the revenue needed for the execution of its new
       programme. …

       "Fresh from the Brussels Conference the Congo State threw
       itself into the struggle with the Arabs. … Thanks to the skill
       and energy with which the campaign was conducted the triumph
       of the State was complete, and the downfall of the Arabs
       sounded the knell of the slave trade, of which they were the
       principal, and indeed the sole, promoters. The Arab campaign
       did not conclude the military perils that beset the nascent
       State. The Batetela contingent of the Public Force or native
       army of the Congo mutinied in January, 1897, while on the
       march to occupy the Lado district of the Upper Nile, and the
       episode, ushered in in characters of blood by the
       assassination of many Belgian officers, seemed to shake the
       recently-constructed edifice to its base. But if the ordeal
       was severe, the manner in which the authorities have triumphed
       over their adversaries and surmounted their difficulties,
       furnishes clear evidence of the stability of their power. The
       Batetela mutineers have been overthrown in several signal
       encounters, a mere handful of fugitives still survive, and
       each mail brings news of their further dispersal. Even at the
       moment of its occurrence the blow from the Batetela mutiny was
       tempered by the success of the column under Commandant Chaltin in
       overthrowing the Dervishes at Redjaf and in establishing the
       State's authority on the part of the Nile assigned to it by
       the Anglo-Congolese Convention of 1894. The triumphs of the
       Congo State have, however, been those of peace and not of war.
       With the exception of the operations named and the overthrow
       of the despotism of the savage Msiri, the State's record is
       one of unbroken tranquillity. These wars, little in magnitude
       but great in their consequences, were necessary for the
       suppression of the slave trade as well as for the legitimate
       assertion of the authority of the Congo Government. But their
       immediate consequence was the effective carrying out of the
       clauses in the Penal Code making all participation in the
       capture of slaves or in cannibalism a capital offence. That
       was the primary task, the initial step, in the establishment
       of civilisation in Central Africa, and of the credit for this
       the Congo State cannot be deprived. When this was done there
       remained the still more difficult task of saving the black
       races from the evils which civilisation brings in its train
       among an ignorant population incapable of self-control. The
       import of firearms had to be checked in order to prevent an
       untamed race indulging in internecine strife, or turning their
       weapons upon the mere handful of Europeans engaged in the task
       of regenerating the negroes. The necessary measures inspired
       by the double motives of self-preservation and the welfare of
       the blacks have been taken, and the State controls in the most
       complete and effectual manner the importation of all weapons
       and munitions of war. Nor has the success of the
       administration been less clear or decisive in its control of
       the liquor traffic."

          Demetrius C. Boulger,
          Twelve Years' Work on the Congo
          (Fortnightly Review, October, 1898).

       To a considerable extent this favorable view of the work of
       the Belgians in the Congo State is sustained by the report
       which a British Consul, Mr. Pickersgill, made to his
       government in 1898. He wrote admiringly of the energy with
       which the Belgians had overcome enormous difficulties in their
       undertaking, and then asked: "Has this splendid invasion
       justified itself by benefiting the aborigines? Equatorial
       Africa is not a white man's country. He can never prove his
       claim to sole possession of it by surviving as the fittest;
       and without the black man's co-operation it can serve no
       useful purpose to anybody. Has the welfare of the African,
       then, whose prosperous existence is thus indispensable, been
       duly cared for in the Congo State?" By way of answer to these
       questions, his report sets forth, with apparently strict
       fairness, the conditions produced in the country as he
       carefully observed them. He found that much good had been done
       to the natives by restrictions on the liquor trade, by an
       extensive suppression of inter-tribal wars, and by a
       diminution of cannibalism. Then comes a rehearsal of facts
       which have a different look.

       "The yoke of the notorious Arab slave-traders has been broken,
       and traffic in human beings amongst the natives themselves has
       been diminished to a considerable degree. Eulogy here begins
       with a spurt and runs out thin at the end. But there is no
       better way of recording the facts concisely. To hear, amidst
       the story's wild surroundings, how Dhanis and Hinde, and their
       intrepid comrades, threw themselves, time after time, upon the
       strongholds of the banded men-stealers, until the Zone Arabe
       was won in the name of freedom, is to thrill with admiration
       of a gallant crusade. … But it is disappointing to see the
       outcome of this lofty enterprise sink to a mere modification
       of the evil that was so righteously attacked. Like the
       Portuguese in Angola, the Belgians on the Congo have adopted
       the system of requiring the slave to pay for his freedom by
       serving a new master during a fixed term of years for wages
       merely nominal. On this principle is based the 'serviçal'
       system of the first-named possession, and the 'libéré' system
       of the latter; the only difference between the two being that
       the Portuguese Government permits limited re-enslavement for
       the benefit of private individuals, but does not purchase on
       its own account; while the Government of the Independent State
       retains for itself an advantage which it taboos to everybody
       else.

    {153}

       "The State supports this system because labour is more easily
       obtainable thereby than by enforcing corvee amongst the free
       people, and less expensively than by paying wages. The slave
       so acquired, however, is supposed to have undergone a change
       of status, and is baptized officially as a free man. After
       seven years' service under the new name he is entitled to his
       liberty complete. In Angola the limit is five years. The
       natives are being drilled into the habit of regular work. …
       The first Europeans who travelled inland of Matadi had to rely
       entirely on porters from the coast, and it was not until the
       missionaries had gained the confidence of the people, and
       discovered individuals amongst them who could be trusted as
       gangers, that the employment of local carriers became
       feasible. The work was paid for, of course, and it is to the
       credit of the State that the remuneration continued,
       undiminished, after compulsion was applied. But how, it cannot
       fail to be asked, did the necessity for compulsion arise? In
       the same way that it has since arisen in connection with other
       forms of labour: the State wished to get on faster than
       circumstances would permit. Accordingly the Government
       authorities prohibited the missionaries from recruiting where
       porters were most easily obtained, and under the direction of
       their military chief, the late Governor-General Wahis,
       initiated a rigorous system of corvee. In spite of the
       remuneration this was resisted, at first by the men liable to
       serve absenting themselves from home, and afterwards, when the
       State Officers began to seize their women and children as
       hostages, by preparations for war. Deserting their villages,
       the people of the caravan route took to the bush, and efforts
       were made by the chiefs to bring about a general uprising of
       the entire Cataract district. Things were in so critical a
       condition that Colonel Wahis had to leave unpunished the
       destruction of a Government station and the murder of the
       officer in charge. Mainly through the influence of the
       missionaries the general conflagration was prevented, but the
       original outbreak continued to smoulder for months, and
       transport work of all kinds had to be discontinued until means
       were devised of equalising the burden of the corvee, and of
       enlisting the co-operation of the chiefs in its management.
       That was in 1894. Three years later the system appeared to be
       working with remarkable smoothness. … Whatever views may be
       held respecting the influence of the State at the present
       stage of its schoolmaster task, there can be no doubt that the
       condition, a year or two hence, of those sections of the
       population about to be relieved from the transport service,
       will afford conclusive evidence, one way or the other, of the
       Government's civilising ability. … It needs no great knowledge
       of coloured humanity to foresee that such pupils will quickly
       relapse into good-for-nothingness more than aboriginal, unless
       their education be continued. …

       "One of the most obvious duties of an European Government
       standing in 'loco parentis' to savage tribes, and exercising
       'dominatio parentis' with an unspared rod, is to educate the
       juvenile pagan. Since 1892 the Congo State has disbursed,
       according to the published returns, taking one year with
       another, about 6,000l. per annum, on this department of its
       enterprise. It cannot be said, therefore, to have neglected
       the duty entirely. A school for boys has been established at
       Boma, and another at Nouvelle Anvers; while large numbers of
       children of both sexes have been placed with the Roman
       Catholic missionaries, in the same and other districts. Except
       in one direction, however, the movement has not been very
       successful. The young Africans thus blessed with a chance of
       becoming loyal with intelligence are all waifs and strays, who
       have been picked up by exploring parties and military
       expeditions. Their homes are at the points of the compass, and
       their speech is utter bewilderment. …

       "A word must be said as to the employment of what are known as
       'sentries.' A 'sentry' on the Congo is a dare-devil
       aboriginal, chosen, from troops impressed outside the district
       in which he serves, for his loyalty and force of character.
       Armed with a rifle and a pouch of cartridges, he is located in
       a native village to see that the labour for which its
       inhabitants are responsible is duly attended to. If they are
       India rubber collectors, his duty is to send the men into the
       forest and take note of those who do not return with the
       proper quantity. Where food is the tax demanded, his business
       is to make sure that the women prepare and deliver it; and in
       every other matter connected with the Government he is the
       factotum, as far as that village is concerned, of the officer
       of the district, his power being limited only by the amount of
       zeal the latter may show in checking oppression. When
       Governor-General Wahis returned from his tour of inspection he
       seemed disposed to recommend the abolition of this system,
       which is open to much abuse. But steps have not yet been taken
       in that direction."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: No. 459,
          Miscellaneous Series, 1898, pages 7-12).

       From this account of things it would seem that Mr. Boulger, in
       the view quoted above from his article on the work of King
       Leopold in the Congo country, had chosen to look only at what
       is best in the results. On the other hand, the writer of the
       following criticism in the "Spectator" of London may have
       looked at nothing but the blacker side:

       "King Leopold II., who, though he inherits some of the Coburg
       kingcraft, is not a really able man, deceived by confidence in
       his own great wealth and by the incurable Continental idea
       that anybody can make money in the tropics if he is only hard
       enough, undertook an enterprise wholly beyond his resources,
       and by making revenue instead of good government his end,
       spoiled the whole effect of his first successes. The Congo
       Free State, covering a million square miles, that is, as large
       as India, and containing a population supposed to exceed
       forty-two millions, was committed by Europe to his charge in
       absolute sovereignty, and at first there appeared to be no
       resistance. Steamers and telegraphs and stations are trifles
       to a millionaire, and there were any number of Belgian
       engineers and young officers and clerks eager for employment.
       The weak point of the undertaking, inadequate resources, soon,
       however, became patent to the world. The King had the disposal
       of a few white troops, but they were only Belgians, who suffer
       greatly in tropical warfare, and his agents had to form an
       acclimatised army 'on the cheap.' They engaged, therefore, the
       fiercest blacks they could find, most of them cannibals, paid
       them by tolerating license, and then endeavoured to maintain
       their own authority by savage discipline.
    {154}
       The result was that the men, as events have proved, and as the
       King seems in his apologia to admit, were always on the verge
       of mutiny, and that the native tribes, with their advantages
       of position, numbers, and knowledge of the forest and the
       swamps, proved at least as good fighters as most of the forces
       of the Congo State. So great, however, is the intellectual
       superiority of white men, so immeasurable the advantage
       involved in any tincture science, that the Belgians might
       still have prevailed but for the absolute necessity of
       obtaining money. They could not wait for the growth of
       resources under scientific taxation such as will follow Mr.
       Mitchell Innes's financial reforms in Siam, but attempted to
       obtain them from direct taxation and monopolies, especially
       that of rubber. Resistance was punished with a savage cruelty,
       which we are quite ready to believe was not the original
       intention of the Belgians, but which could not be avoided when
       the only mode of punishing a village was to let loose black
       cannibals on it to work their will, and which gradually
       hardened even the Europeans, and the consequence was universal
       disloyalty. The braver tribes fought with desperation, the
       black troops were at once cowed and attracted by their
       opponents, the black porters and agriculturists became secret
       enemies, all were kept in order by terror alone, and we all
       see the result. The Belgians are beaten; their chiefs, Baron
       Dhanis and Major Lothaire, are believed to be prisoners; and
       the vast territories of the far interior, whence alone rubber
       can now be obtained, are already lost. … The administration on
       the spot is tainted by the history of its cruelties and its
       failures, and there are not the means in Brussels of replacing
       it by competent officials, or of supplying them with the
       considerable means required for what must now be a deliberate
       reconquest."

          Spectator (London),
          February 4, 1899.

    CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1900.
       Expiration of the Belgian Convention of 1890.
       King Leopold's will.

       Three days after the close of the year 1900, the Convention of
       1890, which regulated for a period of ten years the relations
       between Belgium and the Congo State, expired by lapse of time,
       but was likely to be renewed. The chief provisions of the
       Convention were

       (1) that Belgium should advance to the Congo State a loan of
       25,000,000f. (£1,000,000), free of interest, of which
       one-fifth was payable at sight and the balance in ten yearly
       instalments of 2,000,000f. each;

       (2) Belgium acquired within six months of the final payment
       the option of annexing the Congo State with all the rights and
       appurtenances of sovereignty attaching thereto; or

       (3) if Belgium did not avail herself of this right the loan
       was only redeemable after a further period of ten years, but
       became subject to interest at the rate of 3, per cent. per
       annum.

       The will of King Leopold, executed in 1889, runs as follows:

       "We bequeath and transmit to Belgium, after our death, all our
       Sovereign rights to the Congo Free State, such as they have been
       recognized by the declarations, conventions, and treaties,
       drawn up since 1884, on the one hand between the International
       Association of the Congo, and on the other hand the Free State,
       as well as all the property, rights, and advantages, accruing
       from such sovereignty. Until such time as the Legislature of
       Belgium shall have stated its intentions as to the acceptation
       of these dispositions, the sovereignty shall be exercised
       collectively by the Council of three administrators of the
       Free State and by the Governor-General."

       ----------CONGO FREE STATE: End--------

    CONGRESS: Of the United States.
       Reapportionment of Representatives.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    CONSTANTINOPLE: A. D. 1896.
       Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the Ottoman Bank,
       and subsequent Turkish massacre of Armenians.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.: Start--------

       The following is the "Act to constitute the Commonwealth of
       Australia," as passed by the Imperial Parliament, July 9, 1900
       (63 & 64 Vict. ch. 12)—see (in this volume) AUSTRALIA: A. D.
       1900. The text is from the official publication of the Act:

       Whereas the people of New South Wales, Victoria, South
       Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, humbly relying on the
       blessing of Almighty God, have agreed to unite in one
       indissoluble Federal Commonwealth under the Crown of the
       United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and under the
       Constitution hereby established: And whereas it is expedient
       to provide for the admission into the Commonwealth of other
       Australasian Colonies and possessions of the Queen: Be it
       therefore enacted by the Queen's most Excellent Majesty, by
       and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and
       Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled,
       and by the authority of the same, as follows:-

       1. This Act may be cited as the Commonwealth of Australia
       Constitution Act.

       2. The provisions of this Act referring to the Queen shall
       extend to Her Majesty's heirs and successors in the
       sovereignty of the United Kingdom.

       3. It shall be lawful for the Queen, with the advice of the
       Privy Council, to declare by proclamation that, on and after a
       day therein appointed, not being later than one year after the
       passing of this Act, the people of New South Wales, Victoria,
       South Australia, Queensland, and Tasmania, and also, if Her
       Majesty is satisfied that the people of Western Australia have
       agreed thereto, of Western Australia, shall be united in a
       Federal Commonwealth under the name of the Commonwealth of
       Australia. But the Queen may, at any time after the
       proclamation, appoint a Governor-General for the Commonwealth.

       4. The Commonwealth shall be established, and the Constitution
       of the Commonwealth shall take effect, on and after the day so
       appointed. But the Parliaments of the several colonies may at
       any time after the passing of this Act make any such laws, to
       come into operation on the day so appointed, as they might
       have made if the Constitution had taken effect at the passing
       of this Act.

    {155}

       5. This Act, and all laws made by the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth under the Constitution, shall be binding on the
       courts, judges, and people of every State and of every part of
       the Commonwealth, notwithstanding anything in the laws of any
       State; and the laws of the Commonwealth shall be in force on
       all British ships, the Queen's ships of war excepted, whose
       first port of clearance and whose port of destination are in
       the Commonwealth.

       6. "The Commonwealth" shall mean the Commonwealth of Australia
       as established under this Act. "The States" shall mean such of
       the colonies of New South Wales, New Zealand, Queensland,
       Tasmania, Victoria, Western Australia, and South Australia,
       including the northern territory of South Australia, as for
       the time being are parts of the Commonwealth, and such
       colonies or territories as may be admitted into or established
       by the Commonwealth as States; and each of such parts of the
       Commonwealth shall be called "a State." "Original States"
       shall mean such States as are parts of the Commonwealth at its
       establishment.

       7. The Federal Council of Australasia Act, 1885, is hereby
       repealed, but so as not to affect any laws passed by the
       Federal Council of Australasia and in force at the
       establishment of the Commonwealth. Any such law may be
       repealed as to any State by the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth, or as to any colony not being a State by the
       Parliament thereof.

       8. After the passing of this Act the Colonial Boundaries Act,
       1895, shall not apply to any colony which becomes a State of
       the Commonwealth; but the Commonwealth shall be taken to be a
       self-governing colony for the purposes of that Act.

       9. The Constitution of the Commonwealth shall be as follows:

       THE CONSTITUTION.
       This Constitution is divided as follows:-

       Chapter I.—The Parliament:
          Part I.—General:
          Part II.—The Senate:
          Part III.—The House of Representatives:
          Part IV.—Both Houses of the Parliament:
          Part V.—Powers of the Parliament:

       Chapter II.—The Executive Government:
       Chapter III.—The Judicature:
       Chapter IV.—Finance and Trade:
       Chapter V.—The States:
       Chapter VI.—New States:
       Chapter VII.—Miscellaneous:
       Chapter VIII.—Alteration of the Constitution.

       The Schedule.

       CHAPTER I. THE PARLIAMENT:
       PART I.—GENERAL.

       1. The legislative power of the Commonwealth shall be vested
       in a Federal Parliament, which shall consist of the Queen, a
       Senate, and a House of Representatives, and which is
       herein-after called "The Parliament," or "The Parliament of
       the Commonwealth."

       2. A Governor-General appointed by the Queen shall be Her
       Majesty's representative in the Commonwealth, and shall have
       and may exercise in the Commonwealth during the Queen's
       pleasure, but subject to this Constitution, such powers and
       functions of the Queen as Her Majesty may be pleased to assign
       to him.

       3. There shall be payable to the Queen out of the Consolidated
       Revenue fund of the Commonwealth, for the salary of the
       Governor-General, an annual sum which, until the Parliament
       otherwise provides, shall be ten thousand pounds. The salary
       of a Governor-General shall not be altered during his
       continuance in office.

       4. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the
       Governor-General extend and apply to the Governor-General for
       the time being, or such person as the Queen may appoint to
       administer the Government of the Commonwealth; but no such
       person shall be entitled to receive any salary from the
       Commonwealth in respect of any other office during his
       administration of the Government of the Commonwealth.

       5. The Governor-General may appoint such times for holding the
       sessions of the Parliament as he thinks fit, and may also from
       time to time, by Proclamation or otherwise, prorogue the
       Parliament, and may in like manner dissolve the House of
       Representatives. After any general election the Parliament
       shall be summoned to meet not later than thirty days after the
       day appointed for the return of the writs. The Parliament
       shall be summoned to meet not later than six months after the
       establishment of the Commonwealth.

       6. There shall be a session of the Parliament once at least in
       every year, so that twelve months shall not intervene between
       the last sitting of the Parliament in one session and its
       first sitting in the next session.

       PART II.—THE SENATE.

       7. The Senate shall be composed of senators for each State,
       directly chosen by the people of the State, voting, until the
       Parliament otherwise provides, as one electorate. But until
       the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise provides, the
       Parliament of the State of Queensland, if that State be an
       Original State, may make laws dividing the State into
       divisions and determining the number of senators to be chosen
       for each division, and in the absence of such provision the
       State shall be one electorate. Until the Parliament otherwise
       provides there shall be six senators for each Original State.
       The Parliament may make laws increasing or diminishing the
       number of senators for each State, but so that equal
       representation of the several Original States shall be
       maintained and that no Original State shall have less than six
       senators. The senators shall be chosen for a term of six
       years, and the names of the senators chosen for each State
       shall be certified by the Governor to the Governor-General.

       8. The qualification of electors of senators shall be in each
       State that which is prescribed by this Constitution, or by the
       Parliament, as the qualification for electors of members of
       the House of Representatives; but in the choosing of senators
       each elector shall vote only once.

       9. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may make laws
       prescribing the method of choosing senators, but so that the
       method shall be uniform for all the States. Subject to any
       such law, the Parliament of each State may make laws
       prescribing the method of choosing the senators for that
       State. The Parliament of a State may make laws for determining
       the times and places of elections of senators for the State.

    {156}

       10. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to
       this Constitution, the laws in force in each State, for the
       time being, relating to elections for the more numerous House
       of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as
       practicable, apply to elections of senators for the State.

       11. The Senate may proceed to the despatch of business,
       notwithstanding the failure of any State to provide for its
       representation in the Senate.

       12. The Governor of any State may cause writs to be issued for
       elections of senators for the State. In case of the
       dissolution of the Senate the writs shall be issued within ten
       days from the proclamation of such dissolution.

       13. As soon as may be after the Senate first meets, and after
       each first meeting of the Senate following a dissolution
       thereof, the Senate shall divide the senators chosen for each
       State into two classes, as nearly equal in number as
       practicable; and the places of the senators of the first class
       shall become vacant at the expiration of the third year, and the
       places of those of the second class at the expiration of the
       sixth year, from the beginning of their term of service; and
       afterwards the places of senators shall become vacant at the
       expiration of six years from the beginning of their term of
       service. The election to fill vacant places shall be made in
       the year at the expiration of which the places are to become
       vacant. For the purposes of this section the term of service
       of a senator shall be taken to begin on the first day of
       January following the day of his election, except in the cases
       of the first election and of the election next after any
       dissolution of the Senate, when it shall be taken to begin on
       the first day of January preceding the day of his election.

       14. Whenever the number of senators for a State is increased
       or diminished, the Parliament of the Commonwealth may make
       such provision for the vacating of the places of senators for
       the State as it deems necessary to maintain regularity in the
       rotation.

       15. If the place of a senator becomes vacant before the
       expiration of his term of service, the Houses of Parliament of
       the State for which he was chosen shall, sitting and voting
       together, choose a person to hold the place until the
       expiration of the term, or until the election of a successor
       as hereinafter provided, whichever first happens. But if the
       Houses of Parliament of the State are not in session at the
       time when the vacancy is notified, the Governor of the State,
       with the advice of the Executive Council thereof, may appoint
       a person to hold the place until the expiration of fourteen
       days after the beginning of the next session of the Parliament
       of the State, or until the election of a successor, whichever
       first happens. At the next general election of members of the
       House of Representatives, or at the next election of senators
       for the State, whichever first happens, a successor shall, if
       the term has not then expired, be chosen to hold the place
       from the date of his election until the expiration of the
       term. The name of any senator so chosen or appointed shall be
       certified by the Governor of the State to the
       Governor-General.

       16. The qualifications of a senator shall be the same as those
       of a member of the House of Representatives.

       17. The Senate shall, before proceeding to the despatch of any
       other business, choose a senator to be the President of the
       Senate; and as often as the office of President becomes vacant
       the Senate shall again choose a senator to be the President.
       The President shall cease to hold his office if he ceases to
       be a senator. He may be removed from office by a vote of the
       Senate, or he may resign his office or his seat by writing
       addressed to the Governor-General.

       18. Before or during any absence of the President, the Senate
       may choose a senator to perform his duties in his absence.

       19. A Senator may, by writing addressed to the President, or
       to the Governor-General if there is no President or if the
       President is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place,
       which thereupon shall become vacant.

       20. The place of a senator shall become vacant if for two
       consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,
       without the permission of the Senate, fails to attend the
       Senate.

       21. Whenever a vacancy happens in the Senate, the President,
       or if there is no President or if the President is absent from
       the Commonwealth the Governor-General, shall notify the same
       to the Governor of the State in the representation of which
       the vacancy has happened.

       22. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of
       at least one-third of the whole number of the senators shall
       be necessary to constitute a meeting of the Senate for the
       exercise of its powers.

       23. Questions arising in the Senate shall be determined by a
       majority of votes, and each senator shall have one vote. The
       President shall in all cases be entitled to a vote; and when
       the votes are equal the question shall pass in the negative.

       PART III.—THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

       24. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members
       directly chosen by the people of the Commonwealth, and the
       number of such members shall be, as nearly as practicable,
       twice the number of the senators. The number of members chosen
       in the several States shall be in proportion to the respective
       numbers of their people, and shall, until the Parliament
       otherwise provides, be determined, whenever necessary, in the
       following manner:—

          (i.) A quota shall be ascertained by dividing the number of
          the people of the Commonwealth, as shown by the latest
          statistics of the Commonwealth, by twice the number of the
          senators.

          (ii.) The number of members to be chosen in each State
          shall be determined by dividing the number of the people of
          the State, as shown by the latest statistics of the
          Commonwealth, by the quota; and if on such division there
          is a remainder greater than one-half of the quota, one more
          member shall be chosen in the State. But notwithstanding
          anything in this section, five members at least shall be
          chosen in each Original State.

       25. For the purposes of the last section, if by the law of any
       State all persons of any race are disqualified from voting at
       elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of the
       State, then, in reckoning the number of the people of the
       State or of the Commonwealth, persons of that race resident in
       that State shall not be counted.

    {157}

       26. Notwithstanding anything in section twenty-four, the
       number of members to be chosen in each State at the first
       election shall be as follows:—

          New South Wales, twenty-three;
          Victoria, twenty;
          Queensland, eight;
          South Australia, six;
          Tasmania, five;

       provided that if Western Australia is an Original State, the
       numbers shall be as follows:—

          New South Wales, twenty-six;
          Victoria, twenty-three;
          Queensland, nine;
          South Australia, seven;
          Western Australia, five;
          Tasmania, five.

       27. Subject to this Constitution, the Parliament may make laws
       for increasing or diminishing the number of the members of the
       House of Representatives.

       28. Every House of Representatives shall continue for three
       years from the first meeting of the House, and no longer, but
       may be sooner dissolved by the Governor-General.

       29. Until the Parliament of the Commonwealth otherwise
       provides, the Parliament of any State may make laws for
       determining the divisions in each State for which members of
       the House of Representatives may be chosen, and the number of
       members to be chosen for each division. A division shall not
       be formed out of parts of different States. In the absence of
       other provision, each State shall be one electorate.

       30. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the qualification
       of electors of members of the House of Representatives shall
       be in each State that which is prescribed by the law of the
       State as the qualification of electors of the more numerous
       House of Parliament of the State; but in the choosing of
       members each elector shall vote only once.

       31. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, but subject to
       this Constitution, the laws in force in each State for the
       time being relating to elections for the more numerous House
       of the Parliament of the State shall, as nearly as
       practicable, apply to elections in the State of members of the
       House of Representatives.

       32. The Governor-General in Council may cause writs to be
       issued for general elections of members of the House of
       Representatives. After the first general election, the writs
       shall be issued within ten days from the expiry of a House of
       Representatives or from the proclamation of a dissolution
       thereof.

       33. Whenever a vacancy happens in the House of
       Representatives, the Speaker shall issue his writ for the
       election of a new member, or if there is no Speaker or if he
       is absent from the Commonwealth the Governor-General in
       Council may issue the writ.

       34. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the
       qualifications of a member of the House of Representatives
       shall be as follows:—

          (i.) He must be of the full age of twenty-one years, and
          must be an elector entitled to vote at the election of
          members of the House of Representatives, or a person
          qualified to become such elector, and must have been for
          three years at the least a resident within the limits of
          the Commonwealth as existing at the time when he is chosen:

          (ii.) He must be a subject of the Queen, either
          natural-born or for at least five years naturalized under a
          law of the United Kingdom, or of a Colony which has become
          or becomes a State, or of the Commonwealth, or of a State.

       35. The House of Representatives shall, before proceeding to
       the despatch of any other business, choose a member to be the
       Speaker of the House, and as often as the office of Speaker
       becomes vacant the House shall again choose a member to be the
       Speaker. The Speaker shall cease to hold his office if he
       ceases to be a member. He may be removed from office by a vote
       of the House, or he may resign his office or his seat by
       writing addressed to the Governor-General.

       36. Before or during any absence of the Speaker, the House of
       Representatives may choose a member to perform his duties in
       his absence.

       37. A member may by writing addressed to the Speaker, or to
       the Governor-General if there is no Speaker or if the Speaker
       is absent from the Commonwealth, resign his place, which
       thereupon shall become vacant.

       38. The place of a member shall become vacant if for two
       consecutive months of any session of the Parliament he,
       without the permission of the House, fails to attend the
       House.

       39. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the presence of
       at least one-third of the whole number of the members of the
       House of Representatives shall be necessary to constitute a
       meeting of the House for the exercise of its powers.

       40. Questions arising in the House of Representatives shall be
       determined by a majority of votes other than that of the
       Speaker. The Speaker shall not vote unless the numbers are
       equal, and then he shall have a casting vote.

       PART IV.—BOTH HOUSES OF THE PARLIAMENT.

       41. No adult person who has or acquires a right to vote at
       elections for the more numerous House of the Parliament of a
       State shall, while the right continues, be prevented by any
       law of the Commonwealth from voting at elections for either
       House of the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

       42. Every senator and every member of the House of
       Representatives shall before taking his seat make and
       subscribe before the Governor-General, or some person
       authorised by him, an oath or affirmation of allegiance in the
       form set forth in the schedule to this Constitution.

       43. A member of either House of the Parliament shall be
       incapable of being chosen or of sitting as a member of the
       other House.

       44. Any person who—

       (i.) Is under any acknowledgment of allegiance, obedience, or
       adherence to a foreign power, or is a subject or a citizen or
       entitled to the rights or privileges of a subject or a citizen
       of a foreign power: or

       (ii.) Is attainted of treason, or has been convicted and is
       under sentence, or subject to be sentenced, for any offence
       punishable under the law of the Commonwealth or of a State by
       imprisonment for one year or longer: or

       (iii.) Is an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent: or

       (iv.) Holds any office of profit under the Crown, or any
       pension payable during the pleasure of the Crown out of any of
       the revenues of the Commonwealth: or

       (v.) Has any direct or indirect pecuniary interest in any
       agreement with the Public Service of the Commonwealth
       otherwise than as a member and in common with the other
       members of an incorporated company consisting of more than
       twenty-five persons: shall be incapable of being chosen or of
       sitting as a senator or a member of the House of
       Representatives. But sub-section iv. does not apply to the
       office of any of the Queen's Ministers of State for the
       Commonwealth, or of any of the Queen's Ministers for a State,
       or to the receipt of pay, half pay, or a pension by any person
       as an officer or member of the Queen's navy or army, or to the
       receipt of pay as an officer or member of the naval or
       military forces of the Commonwealth by any person whose
       services are not wholly employed by the Commonwealth.

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       45. If a senator or member of the House of Representatives—

       (i.) Becomes subject to any of the disabilities mentioned in
       the last preceding section: or

       (ii.) Takes the benefit, whether by assignment, composition,
       or otherwise, of any law relating to bankrupt or insolvent
       debtors: or

       (iii.) Directly or indirectly takes or agrees to take any fee
       or honorarium for services rendered to the Commonwealth, or
       for services rendered in the Parliament to any person or
       State: his place shall thereupon become vacant.

       46. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any person
       declared by this Constitution to be incapable of sitting as a
       senator or as a member of the House of Representatives shall,
       for every day on which he so sits, be liable to pay the sum of
       one hundred pounds to any person who sues for it in any court
       of competent jurisdiction.

       47. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, any question
       respecting the qualification of a senator or of a member of
       the House of Representatives, or respecting a vacancy in
       either House of the Parliament, and any question of a disputed
       election to either House, shall be determined by the House in
       which the question arises.

       48. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, each senator and
       each member of the House of Representatives shall receive an
       allowance of four hundred pounds a year, to be reckoned from
       the day on which he takes his seat.

       49. The powers, privileges, and immunities of the Senate and
       of the House of Representatives, and of the members and the
       committees of each House, shall be such as are declared by the
       Parliament, and until declared shall be those of the Commons
       House of Parliament of the United Kingdom, and of its members
       and committees, at the establishment of the Commonwealth.

       50. Each House of the Parliament may make rules and orders
       with respect to—

       (i.) The mode in which its powers, privileges, and immunities
       may be exercised and upheld:

       (ii.) The order and conduct of its business and proceedings
       either separately or jointly with the other House.

       PART V.—POWERS OF THE PARLIAMENT.

       51. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have
       power to make laws for the peace, order, and good government
       of the Commonwealth with respect to:—

       (i.) Trade and commerce with other countries, and among the
       States;

       (ii.) Taxation; but so as not to discriminate between States
       or parts of States:

       (iii.) Bounties on the production or export of goods, but so
       that such bounties shall be uniform throughout the
       Commonwealth:

       (iv.) Borrowing money on the public credit of the
       Commonwealth:

       (v.) Postal, telegraphic, telephonic, and other like services:

       (vi.) The naval and military defence of the Commonwealth and
       of the several States, and the control of the forces to
       execute and maintain the laws of the Commonwealth:

       (vii.) Lighthouses, lightships, beacons and buoys:

       (viii.) Astronomical and meteorological observations:

       (ix.) Quarantine:

       (x.) Fisheries in Australian waters beyond territorial limits:

       (xi.) Census and statistics:

       (xii.) Currency, coinage, and legal tender:

       (xiii.) Banking, other than State banking; also State banking
       extending beyond the limits of the State concerned, the
       incorporation of banks, and the issue of paper money:

       (xiv.) Insurance, other than State insurance; also State
       insurance extending beyond the limits of the State concerned:

       (xv.) Weights and measures:

       (xvi. ) Bills of exchange and promissory notes:

       (xvii.) Bankruptcy and insolvency:

       (xviii.) Copyrights, patents of inventions and designs, and
       trade marks:

       (xix.) Naturalization and aliens:

       (xx.) Foreign corporations, and trading or financial
       corporations formed within the limits of the Commonwealth:

       (xxi.) Marriage:

       (xxii.) Divorce and matrimonial causes; and in relation
       thereto, parental rights, and the custody and guardianship of
       infants:

       (xxiii.) Invalid and old-age pensions:

       (xxiv.) The service and execution throughout the Commonwealth
       of the civil and criminal process and the judgments of the
       courts of the States:

       (xxv.) The recognition throughout the Commonwealth of the
       laws, the public Acts and records, and the judicial
       proceedings of the States:

       (xxvi.) The people of any race, other than the aboriginal race
       in any State, for whom it is deemed necessary to make special
       laws:

       (xxvii.) Immigration and emigration:

       (xxviii.) The influx of criminals:

       (xxix.) External affairs:

       (xxx.) The relations of the Commonwealth with the islands of
       the Pacific:

       (xxxi.) The acquisition of property on just terms from any
       State or person for any purpose in respect of which the
       Parliament has power to make laws:

       (xxxii.) The control of railways with respect to transport for
       the naval and military purposes of the Commonwealth:

       (xxxiii.) The acquisition, with the consent of a State, of any
       railways of the State on terms arranged between the
       Commonwealth and the State:

       (xxxiv.) Railway construction and extension in any State with
       the consent of that State:

       (xxxv.) Conciliation and arbitration for the prevention and
       settlement of industrial disputes extending beyond the limits
       of any one State:

       (xxxvi.) Matters in respect of which this Constitution makes
       provision until the Parliament otherwise provides:

       (xxxvii.) Matters referred to the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth by the Parliament or Parliaments of any State or
       States, but so that the law shall extend only to States by
       whose Parliaments the matter is referred, or which afterwards
       adopt the law:

       (xxxviii.) The exercise within the Commonwealth, at the
       request or with the concurrence of the Parliaments of all the
       States directly concerned, of any power which can at the
       establishment of this Constitution be exercised only by the
       Parliament of the United Kingdom or by the Federal Council of
       Australasia:

       (xxxix.) Matters incidental to the execution of any power
       vested by this Constitution in the Parliament or in either
       House thereof, or in the Government of the Commonwealth, or in
       the Federal Judicature, or in any department or officer of the
       Commonwealth.

       52. The Parliament shall, subject to this Constitution, have
       exclusive power to make laws for the peace, order, and good
       government of the Commonwealth with respect to—

       (i.) The seat of government of the Commonwealth, and all
       places acquired by the Commonwealth for public purposes:

       (ii.) Matters relating to any department of the public service
       the control of which is by this Constitution transferred to the
       Executive Government of the Commonwealth:

       (iii.) Other matters declared by this Constitution to be
       within the exclusive power of the Parliament.

    {159}

       53. Proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys, or imposing
       taxation, shall not originate in the Senate. But a proposed
       law shall not be taken to appropriate revenue or moneys, or to
       impose taxation, by reason only of its containing provisions for
       the imposition or appropriation of fines or other pecuniary
       penalties, or for the demand or payment or appropriation of
       fees for licences, or fees for services under the proposed
       law. The Senate may not amend proposed laws imposing taxation,
       or proposed laws appropriating revenue or moneys for the
       ordinary annual services of the Government. The Senate may not
       amend any proposed law so as to increase any proposed charge
       or burden on the people. The Senate may at any stage return to
       the House of Representatives any proposed law which the Senate
       may not amend, requesting, by message, the omission or
       amendment of any items or provisions therein. And the House of
       Representatives may, if it thinks fit, make any of such
       omissions or amendments, with or without modifications. Except
       as provided in this section, the Senate shall have equal power
       with the House of Representatives in respect of all proposed
       laws.

       54. The proposed law which appropriates revenue or moneys for
       the ordinary annual services of the Government shall deal only
       with such appropriation.

       55. Laws imposing taxation shall deal only with the imposition
       of taxation, and any provision therein dealing with any other
       matter shall be of no effect. Laws imposing taxation, except
       laws imposing duties of customs or of excise, shall deal with
       one subject of taxation only; but laws imposing duties of
       customs shall deal with duties of customs only, and laws
       imposing duties of excise shall deal with duties of excise
       only.

       56. A vote, resolution, or proposed law for the appropriation
       of revenue or moneys shall not be passed unless the purpose of
       the appropriation has in the same session been recommended by
       message of the Governor-General to the House in which the
       proposal originated.

       57. If the House of Representatives passes any proposed law,
       and the Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
       amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
       agree, and if after an interval of three months the House of
       Representatives, in the same or the next session, again passes
       the proposed law with or without any amendments which have
       been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the
       Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
       amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
       agree, the Governor-General may dissolve the Senate and the
       House of Representatives simultaneously. But such dissolution
       shall not take place within six months before the date of the
       expiry of the House of Representatives by effluxion of time.
       If after such dissolution the House of Representatives again
       passes the proposed law, with or without any amendments which
       have been made, suggested, or agreed to by the Senate, and the
       Senate rejects or fails to pass it, or passes it with
       amendments to which the House of Representatives will not
       agree, the Governor-General may convene a joint sitting of the
       members of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. The
       members present at the joint sitting may deliberate and shall
       vote together upon the proposed law as last proposed by the
       House of Representatives, and upon amendments, if any, which
       have been made therein by one House and not agreed to by the
       other, and any such amendments which are affirmed by an
       absolute majority of the total number of the members of the
       Senate and House of Representatives shall be taken to have
       been carried, and if the proposed law, with the amendments, if
       any, so carried is affirmed by an absolute majority of the
       total number of the members of the Senate and House of
       Representatives, it shall be taken to have been duly passed by
       both Houses of the Parliament, and shall be presented to the
       Governor-General for the Queen's assent.

       58. When a proposed law passed by both Houses of the
       Parliament is presented to the Governor-General for the
       Queen's assent, he shall declare, according to his discretion,
       but subject to this Constitution, that he assents in the
       Queen's name, or that he withholds assent, or that he reserves
       the law for the Queen's pleasure. The Governor-General may
       return to the house in which it originated any proposed law so
       presented to him, and may transmit therewith any amendments
       which he may recommend, and the Houses may deal with the
       recommendation.

       59. The Queen may disallow any law within one year from the
       Governor-General's assent, and such disallowance on being made
       known by the Governor-General by speech or message to each of
       the Houses of the Parliament, or by Proclamation, shall annul
       the law from the day when the disallowance is so made known.

       60. A proposed law reserved for the Queen's pleasure shall not
       have any force unless and until within two years from the day
       on which it was presented to the Governor-General for the
       Queen's assent the Governor-General makes known, by speech or
       message to each of the Houses of the Parliament, or by
       Proclamation, that it has received the Queen's assent.

       CHAPTER II. THE EXECUTIVE GOVERNMENT.

       61. The executive power of the Commonwealth is vested in the
       Queen and is exerciseable by the Governor-General as the
       Queen's representative, and extends to the execution and
       maintenance of this Constitution, and of the laws of the
       Commonwealth.

       62. There shall be a Federal Executive Council to advise the
       Governor-General in the government of the Commonwealth, and
       the members of the Council shall be chosen and summoned by the
       Governor-General and sworn as Executive Councillors, and shall
       hold office during his pleasure.

       63. The provisions of this Constitution referring to the
       Governor-General in Council shall be construed as referring to
       the Governor-General acting with the advice of the Federal
       Executive Council.

       64. The Governor-General may appoint officers to administer
       such departments of State of the Commonwealth as the
       Governor-General in Council may establish. Such officers shall
       hold office during the pleasure of the Governor-General. They
       shall be members of the Federal Executive Council, and shall
       be the Queen's Ministers of State for the Commonwealth. After
       the first general election no Minister of State shall hold
       office for a longer period than three months unless he is or
       becomes a senator or a member of the House of Representatives.

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       65. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the Ministers of
       State shall not exceed seven in number, and shall hold such
       offices as the Parliament prescribes, or, in the absence of
       provision, as the Governor-General directs.

       66. There shall be payable to the Queen, out of the
       Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Commonwealth, for the
       salaries of the Ministers of State, an annual sum which, until
       the Parliament otherwise provides, shall not exceed twelve
       thousand pounds a year.

       67. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the appointment
       and removal of all other officers of the Executive Government
       of the Commonwealth shall be vested in the Governor-General in
       Council, unless the appointment is delegated by the
       Governor-General in Council or by a law of the Commonwealth to
       some other authority.

       68. The command in chief of the naval and military forces of
       the Commonwealth is vested in the Governor-General as the
       Queen's representative.

       69. On a date or dates to be proclaimed by the
       Governor-General after the establishment of the Commonwealth
       the following departments of the public service in each State
       shall become transferred to the Commonwealth:—Posts,
       telegraphs, and telephones: Naval and military defence:
       Lighthouses, lightships, beacons, and buoys: Quarantine. But
       the departments of customs and of excise in each State shall
       become transferred to the Commonwealth on its establishment.

       70. In respect of matters which, under this Constitution, pass
       to the Executive Government of the Commonwealth, all powers
       and functions which at the establishment of the Commonwealth
       are vested in the Governor of a Colony, or in the Governor of
       a Colony with the advice of his Executive Council, or in any
       authority of a Colony, shall vest in the Governor-General, or
       in the Governor-General in Council, or in the authority
       exercising similar powers under the Commonwealth, as the case
       requires.

       CHAPTER III. THE JUDICATURE.

       71. The judicial power of the Commonwealth shall be vested in
       a Federal Supreme Court, to be called the High Court of
       Australia, and in such other federal courts as the Parliament
       creates, and in such other courts as it invests with federal
       jurisdiction. The High Court shall consist of a Chief Justice,
       and so many other Justices, not less than two, as the
       Parliament prescribes.

       72. The Justices of the High Court and of the other courts
       created by the Parliament—

       (i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

       (ii.) Shall not be removed except by the Governor-General in
       Council, on an address from both Houses of the Parliament in
       the same session, praying for such removal on the ground of
       proved misbehaviour or incapacity:

       (iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may
       fix; but the remuneration shall not be diminished during their
       continuance in office.

       73. The High Court shall have jurisdiction, with such
       exceptions and subject to such regulations as the Parliament
       prescribes, to hear and determine appeals from all judgments,
       decrees, orders, and sentences—

       (i.) Of any Justice or Justices exercising the original
       jurisdiction of the High Court:

       (ii.) Of any other federal court, or court exercising federal
       jurisdiction; or of the Supreme Court of any State, or of any
       other court of any State from which at the establishment of
       the Commonwealth an appeal lies to the Queen in Council:

       (iii.) Of the Inter-State Commission, but as to questions of
       law only: and the judgment of the High Court in all such cases
       shall be final and conclusive. But no exception or regulation
       prescribed by the Parliament shall prevent the High Court from
       hearing and determining any appeal from the Supreme Court of a
       State in any matter in which at the establishment of the
       Commonwealth an appeal lies from such Supreme Court to the
       Queen in Council. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the
       conditions of and restrictions on appeals to the Queen in
       Council from the Supreme Courts of the several States shall be
       applicable to appeals from them to the High Court.

       74. No appeal shall be permitted to the Queen in Council from
       a decision of the High Court upon any question, howsoever
       arising, as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional
       powers of the Commonwealth and those of any State or States,
       or as to the limits inter se of the Constitutional powers of
       any two or more States, unless the High Court shall certify
       that the question is one which ought to be determined by Her
       Majesty in Council. The High Court may so certify if satisfied
       that for any special reason the certificate should be granted,
       and thereupon an appeal shall lie to Her Majesty in Council on
       the question without further leave. Except as provided in this
       section, this Constitution shall not impair any right which
       the Queen may be pleased to exercise by virtue of Her Royal
       prerogative to grant special leave of appeal from the High
       Court to Her Majesty in Council. The Parliament may make laws
       limiting the matters in which such leave may be asked, but
       proposed laws containing any such limitation shall be reserved
       by the Governor-General for Her Majesty's pleasure.

       75. In all matters—

       (i.) Arising under any treaty:

       (ii.) Affecting consuls or other representatives of other
       countries:

       (iii.) In which the Commonwealth, or a person suing or being
       sued on behalf of the Commonwealth, is a party:

       (iv.) Between States, or between residents of different
       States, or between a State and a resident of another State:

       (v.) In which a writ of Mandamus or prohibition or an
       injunction is sought against an officer of the Commonwealth:
       the High Court shall have original jurisdiction.

       76. The Parliament may make laws conferring original
       jurisdiction on the High Court in any matter—

       (i.) Arising under this Constitution, or involving its
       interpretation:

       (ii.) Arising under any laws made by the Parliament:

       (iii.) Of Admiralty and maritime jurisdiction:

       (iv.) Relating to the same subject-matter claimed under the
       laws of different States.

       77. With respect to any of the matters mentioned in the last
       two sections the Parliament may make laws—

       (i.) Defining the jurisdiction of any federal court other than
       the High Court:

       (ii.) Defining the extent to which the jurisdiction of any
       federal court shall be exclusive of that which belongs to or
       is invested in the courts of the States:

       (iii.) Investing any court of a State with federal
       jurisdiction.

    {161}

       78. The Parliament may make laws conferring rights to proceed
       against the Commonwealth or a State in respect of matters
       within the limits of the judicial power.

       79. The federal jurisdiction of any court may be exercised by
       such number of judges as the Parliament prescribes.

       80. The trial on indictment of any offence against any law of
       the Commonwealth shall be by jury, and every such trial shall
       be held in the State where the offence was committed, and if
       the offence was not committed within any State the trial shall
       be held at such place or places as the Parliament prescribes.

       CHAPTER IV. FINANCE AND TRADE.

       81. All revenues or moneys raised or received by the Executive
       Government of the Commonwealth shall form one Consolidated
       Revenue Fund, to be appropriated for the purposes of the
       Commonwealth in the manner and subject to the charges and
       liabilities imposed by this Constitution.

       82. The costs, charges, and expenses incident to the
       collection, management, and receipt of the Consolidated
       Revenue Fund shall form the first charge thereon; and the
       revenue of the Commonwealth shall in the first instance be
       applied to the payment of the expenditure of the Commonwealth.

       83. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury of the
       Commonwealth except under appropriation made by law. But until
       the expiration of one month after the first meeting of the
       Parliament the Governor-General in Council may draw from the
       Treasury and expend such moneys as may be necessary for the
       maintenance of any department transferred to the Commonwealth
       and for the holding of the first elections for the Parliament.

       84. When any department of the public service of a State
       becomes transferred to the Commonwealth, all officers of the
       department shall become subject to the control of the
       Executive Government of the Commonwealth. Any such officer who
       is not retained in the service of the Commonwealth shall,
       unless he is appointed to some other' office of equal
       emolument in the public service of the State, be entitled to
       receive from the State any pension, gratuity, or other
       compensation, payable under the law of the State on the
       abolition of his office. Any such officer who is retained in
       the service of the Commonwealth shall preserve all his
       existing and accruing rights, and shall be entitled to retire
       from office at the time, and on the pension or retiring
       allowance, which would be permitted by the law of the State if
       his service with the Commonwealth were a continuation of his
       service with the State. Such pension or retiring allowance
       shall be paid to him by the Commonwealth: but the State shall
       pay to the Commonwealth a part thereof, to be calculated on
       the proportion which his term of service with the State bears
       to his whole term of service, and for the purpose of the
       calculation his salary shall be taken to be that paid to him
       by the State at the time of the transfer. Any officer who is,
       at the establishment of the Commonwealth, in the public
       service of a State, and who is, by consent of the Governor of
       the State with the advice of the Executive Council thereof,
       transferred to the public service of the Commonwealth, shall
       have the same rights as if he had been an officer of a
       department transferred to the Commonwealth and were retained
       in the service of the Commonwealth.

       85. When any department of the public service of a State is
       transferred to the Commonwealth—

       (i.) All property of the State of any kind, used exclusively
       in connexion with the department, shall become vested in the
       Commonwealth; but, in the case of the departments controlling
       customs and excise and bounties, for such time only as the
       Governor-General in Council may declare to be necessary:

       (ii.) The Commonwealth may acquire any property of the State,
       of any kind used, but not exclusively used in connexion with
       the department: the value thereof shall, if no agreement can
       be made, be ascertained in, as nearly as may be, the manner in
       which the value of land, or of an interest in land, taken by
       the State for public purposes is ascertained under the law of
       the State in force at the establishment of the Commonwealth:

       (iii.) The Commonwealth shall compensate the State for the
       value of any property passing to the Commonwealth under this
       section; if no agreement can be made as to the mode of
       compensation, it shall be determined under laws to be made by
       the Parliament:

       (iv.) The Commonwealth shall, at the date of the transfer,
       assume the current obligations of the State in respect of the
       department transferred.

       86. On the establishment of the Commonwealth, the collection
       and control of duties of customs and of excise, and the
       control of the payment of bounties, shall pass to the
       Executive Government of the Commonwealth.

       87. During a period of ten years after the establishment of
       the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
       provides, of the net revenue of the Commonwealth from duties
       of customs and of excise not more than one-fourth shall be
       applied annually by the Commonwealth towards its expenditure.
       The balance shall, in accordance with this Constitution, be
       paid to the several States, or applied towards the payment of
       interest on debts of the several States taken over by the
       Commonwealth.

       88. Uniform duties of customs shall be imposed within two
       years after the establishment of the Commonwealth.

       89. Until the imposition of uniform duties of customs—

       (i.) The Commonwealth shall credit to each State the revenues
       collected therein by the Commonwealth.

       (ii.) The Commonwealth shall debit to each State—

          (a) The expenditure therein of the Commonwealth
          incurred solely for the maintenance or continuance, as at
          the time of transfer, of any department transferred from
          the State to the Commonwealth;

          (b) The proportion of the State, according to the
          number of its people, in the other expenditure of the
          Commonwealth.

       (iii.) The Commonwealth shall pay to each State month by month
       the balance (if any) in favour of the State.

    {162}

       90. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs the power
       of the Parliament to impose duties of customs and of excise,
       and to grant bounties on the production or export of goods,
       shall become exclusive. On the imposition of uniform duties of
       customs all laws of the several States imposing duties of customs
       or of excise, or offering bounties on the production or export
       of goods, shall cease to have effect, but any grant of or
       agreement for any such bounty lawfully made by or under the
       authority of the Government of any State shall be taken to be
       good if made before the thirtieth day of June, one thousand
       eight hundred and ninety-eight, and not otherwise.

       91. Nothing in this Constitution prohibits a State from
       granting any aid to or bounty on mining for gold, silver, or
       other metals, nor from granting, with the consent of both
       Houses of the Parliament of the Commonwealth expressed by
       resolution, any aid to or bounty on the production or export
       of goods.

       92. On the imposition of uniform duties of customs, trade,
       commerce, and intercourse among the States, whether by means
       of internal carriage or ocean navigation, shall be absolutely
       free. But notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, goods
       imported before the imposition of uniform duties of customs
       into any State, or into any Colony which, whilst the goods
       remain therein, becomes a State, shall, on thence passing into
       another State within two years after the imposition of such
       duties, be liable to any duty chargeable on the importation of
       such goods into the Commonwealth, less any duty paid in
       respect of the goods on their importation.

       93. During the first five years after the imposition of
       uniform duties of customs, and thereafter until the Parliament
       otherwise provides—

       (i.) The duties of customs chargeable on goods imported into a
       State and afterwards passing into another State for
       consumption, and the duties of excise paid on goods produced
       or manufactured in a State and afterwards passing into another
       State for consumption, shall be taken to have been collected
       not in the former but in the latter State:

       (ii.) Subject to the last subsection, the Commonwealth shall
       credit revenue, debit expenditure, and pay balances to the
       several States as prescribed for the period preceding the
       imposition of uniform duties of customs.

       94. After five years from the imposition of uniform duties of
       customs, the Parliament may provide, on such basis as it deems
       fair, for the monthly payment to the several States of all
       surplus revenue of the Commonwealth.

       95. Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the
       Parliament of the State of Western Australia, if that State be
       an Original State, may, during the first five years after the
       imposition of uniform duties of customs, impose duties of
       customs on goods passing into that State and not originally
       imported from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth; and such
       duties shall be collected by the Commonwealth. But any duty so
       imposed on any goods shall not exceed during the first of such
       years the duty chargeable on the goods under the law of
       Western Australia in force at the imposition of uniform
       duties, and shall not exceed during the second, third, fourth,
       and fifth of such years respectively, four-fifths, three-fifths,
       two-fifths, and one-fifth of such latter duty, and all duties
       imposed under this section shall cease at the expiration of
       the fifth year after the imposition of uniform duties. If at
       any time during the five years the duty on any goods under
       this section is higher than the duty imposed by the
       Commonwealth on the importation of the like goods, then such
       higher duty shall be collected on the goods when imported into
       Western Australia from beyond the limits of the Commonwealth.

       96. During a period of ten years after the establishment of
       the Commonwealth and thereafter until the Parliament otherwise
       provides, the Parliament may grant financial assistance to any
       State on such terms and conditions as the Parliament thinks
       fit.

       97. Until the Parliament otherwise provides, the laws in force
       in any Colony which has become or becomes a State with respect
       to the receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on
       account of the Government of the Colony, and the review and
       audit of such receipt and expenditure, shall apply to the
       receipt of revenue and the expenditure of money on account of
       the Commonwealth in the State in the same manner as if the
       Commonwealth, or the Government or an officer of the
       Commonwealth, were mentioned whenever the Colony, or the
       Government or an officer of the Colony, is mentioned.

       98. The power of the Parliament to make laws with respect to
       trade and commerce extends to navigation and shipping, and to
       railways the property of any State.

       99. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of
       trade, commerce, or revenue, give preference to one State or
       any part thereof over another State or any part thereof.

       100. The Commonwealth shall not, by any law or regulation of
       trade or commerce, abridge the right of a State or of the
       residents therein to the reasonable use of the waters of
       rivers for conservation or irrigation.

       101. There shall be an Inter-State Commission, with such
       powers of adjudication and administration as the Parliament
       deems necessary for the execution and maintenance, within the
       Commonwealth, of the provisions of this Constitution relating
       to trade and commerce, and of all laws made thereunder.

       102. The Parliament may by any law with respect to trade or
       commerce forbid, as to railways, any preference or
       discrimination by any State, or by any authority constituted
       under a State, if such preference or discrimination is undue
       and unreasonable, or unjust to any State; due regard being had
       to the financial responsibilities incurred by any State in
       connexion with the construction and maintenance of its
       railways. But no preference or discrimination shall, within
       the meaning of this section, be taken to be undue and
       unreasonable, or unjust to any State, unless so adjudged by
       the Inter-State Commission.

       103. The members of the Inter-State Commission—

       (i.) Shall be appointed by the Governor-General in Council:

       (ii.) Shall hold office for seven years, but may be removed
       within that time by the Governor-General in Council, on an
       address from both Houses of the Parliament in the same session
       praying for such removal on the ground of proved misbehaviour
       or incapacity:

       (iii.) Shall receive such remuneration as the Parliament may
       fix; but such remuneration shall not be diminished during
       their continuance in office.

    {163}

       104. Nothing in this Constitution shall render unlawful any
       rate for the carriage of goods upon a railway, the property of
       a State, if the rate is deemed by the Inter-State Commission
       to be necessary for the development of the territory of the
       State, and if the rate applies equally to goods within the
       State and to goods passing into the State from other States.

       105. The Parliament may take over from the States their public
       debts as existing at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or
       a proportion thereof according to the respective numbers of
       their people as shown by the latest statistics of the
       Commonwealth, and may convert, renew, or consolidate such
       debts, or any part thereof; and the States shall indemnify the
       Commonwealth in respect of the debts taken over, and
       thereafter the interest payable in respect of the debts shall
       be deducted and retained from the portions of the surplus
       revenue of the Commonwealth payable to the several States, or
       if such surplus is insufficient, or if there is no surplus,
       then the deficiency or the whole amount shall be paid by the
       several States.

       CHAPTER V. THE STATES.

       106. The Constitution of each State of the Commonwealth shall,
       subject to this Constitution, continue as at the establishment
       of the Commonwealth, or as at the admission or establishment
       of the State, as the case may be, until altered in accordance
       with the Constitution of the State.

       107. Every power of the Parliament of a Colony which has
       become or becomes a State, shall, unless it is by this
       Constitution exclusively vested in the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth or withdrawn from the Parliament of the State,
       continue as at the establishment of the Commonwealth, or as at
       the admission or establishment of the State, as the case may
       be.

       108. Every law in force in a Colony which has become or
       becomes a State, and relating to any matter within the powers
       of the Parliament of the Commonwealth, shall, subject to this
       Constitution, continue in force in the State; and, until
       provision is made in that behalf by the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth, the Parliament of the State shall have such
       powers of alteration and of repeal in respect of any such law
       as the Parliament of the Colony had until the Colony became a
       State.

       109. When a law of a State is inconsistent with a law of the
       Commonwealth, the latter shall prevail, and the former shall,
       to the extent of the inconsistency, be invalid.

       110. The provisions of this Constitution relating to the
       Governor of a State extend and apply to the Governor for the
       time being of the State, or other chief executive officer or
       administrator of the government of the State.

       111. The Parliament of a State may surrender any part of the
       State to the Commonwealth; and upon such surrender, and the
       acceptance thereof by the Commonwealth, such part of the State
       shall become subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the
       Commonwealth.

       112. After uniform duties of customs have been imposed, a
       State may levy on imports or exports, or on goods passing into
       or out of the State, such charges as may be necessary for
       executing the inspection laws of the State; but the net
       produce of all charges so levied shall be for the use of the
       Commonwealth; and any such inspection laws may be annulled by
       the Parliament of the Commonwealth.

       113. All fermented, distilled, or other intoxicating liquids
       passing into any State or remaining therein for use,
       consumption, sale, or storage, shall be subject to the laws of
       the State as if such liquids had been produced in the State.

       114. A State shall not, without the consent of the Parliament
       of the Commonwealth, raise or maintain any naval or military
       force, or impose any tax on property of any kind belonging to
       the Commonwealth, nor shall the Commonwealth impose any tax on
       property of any kind belonging to a State.

       115. A State shall not coin money, nor make anything but gold
       and silver coin a legal tender in payment of debts.

       116. The Commonwealth shall not make any law for establishing
       any religion, or for imposing any religious observance, or for
       prohibiting the free exercise of any religion, and no
       religious test shall be required as a qualification for any
       office or public trust under the Commonwealth.

       117. A subject of the Queen, resident in any State, shall not
       be subject in any other State to any disability or
       discrimination which would not be equally applicable to him if
       he were a subject of the Queen resident in such other State.

       118. Full faith and credit shall be given, throughout the
       Commonwealth to the laws, the public Acts and records, and the
       judicial proceedings of every State.

       119. The Commonwealth shall protect every State against
       invasion and, on the application of the Executive Government
       of the State, against domestic violence.

       120. Every State shall make provision for the detention in its
       prisons of persons accused or convicted of offences against
       the laws of the Commonwealth, and for the punishment of
       persons convicted of such offences, and the Parliament of the
       Commonwealth may make laws to give effect to this provision.

       CHAPTER VI. NEW STATES.

       121. The Parliament may admit to the Commonwealth or establish
       new States, and may upon such admission or establishment make
       or impose such terms and conditions, including the extent of
       representation in either House of the Parliament, as it thinks
       fit.

       122. The Parliament may make laws for the government of any
       territory surrendered by any State to and accepted by the
       Commonwealth, or of any territory placed by the Queen under
       the authority of and accepted by the Commonwealth, or
       otherwise acquired by the Commonwealth, and may allow the
       representation of such territory in either House of the
       Parliament to the extent and on the terms which it thinks fit.

       123. The Parliament of the Commonwealth may, with the consent
       of the Parliament of a State, and the approval of the majority
       of the electors of the State voting upon the question,
       increase, diminish, or otherwise alter the limits of the
       State, upon such terms and conditions as may be agreed on, and
       may, with the like consent, make provision respecting the
       effect and operation of any increase or diminution or
       alteration of territory in relation to any State affected.

       124. A new State may be formed by separation of territory from
       a State, but only with the consent of the Parliament thereof,
       and a new State may be formed by the union of two or more
       States or parts of States, but only with the consent of the
       Parliaments of the States affected.

    {164}

       CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS.

       125. The seat of Government of the Commonwealth shall be
       determined by the Parliament, and shall be within territory
       which shall have been granted to or acquired by the
       Commonwealth, and shall be vested in and belong to the
       Commonwealth, and shall be in the State of New South Wales,
       and be distant not less than one hundred miles from Sydney.
       Such territory shall contain an area of not less than one
       hundred square miles, and such portion thereof as shall
       consist of Crown lands shall be granted to the Commonwealth
       without any payment therefor. The Parliament shall sit at
       Melbourne until it meet at the seat of Government.

       126. The Queen may authorise the Governor-General to appoint
       any person, or any persons jointly or severally, to be his
       deputy or deputies within any part of the Commonwealth, and in
       that capacity to exercise during the pleasure of the
       Governor—General such powers and functions of the
       Governor-General as he thinks fit to assign to such deputy or
       deputies, subject to any limitations expressed or directions
       given by the Queen; but the appointment of such deputy or
       deputies shall not affect the exercise by the Governor-General
       himself of any power or function.

       127. In reckoning the numbers of the people of the
       Commonwealth, or of a State or other part of the Commonwealth,
       aboriginal natives shall not be counted.

       CHAPTER VIII. ALTERATION OF THE CONSTITUTION.

       128. This Constitution shall not be altered except in the
       following manner:—The proposed law for the alteration thereof
       must be passed by an absolute majority of each House of the
       Parliament, and not less than two nor more than six months
       after its passage through both Houses the proposed law shall
       be submitted in each State to the electors qualified to vote
       for the election of members of the House of Representatives.
       But if either House passes any such proposed law by an
       absolute majority, and the other House rejects or fails to
       pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the first
       mentioned House will not agree, and if after an interval of
       three months the first-mentioned House in the same or the next
       session again passes the proposed law by an absolute majority
       with or without any amendment which has been made or agreed to
       by the other House, and such other House rejects or fails to
       pass it or passes it with any amendment to which the
       first-mentioned House will not agree, the Governor-General may
       submit the proposed law as last proposed by the
       first-mentioned House, and either with or without any
       amendments subsequently agreed to by both Houses, to the
       electors in each State qualified to vote for the election of
       the House of Representatives. When a proposed law is submitted
       to the electors the vote shall be taken in such manner as the
       Parliament prescribes. But until the qualification of electors
       of members of the House of Representatives becomes uniform
       throughout the Commonwealth, only one-half the electors voting
       for and against the proposed law shall be counted in any State
       in which adult suffrage prevails. And if in a majority of the
       States a majority of the electors voting approve the proposed
       law, and if a majority of all the electors voting also approve
       the proposed law, it shall be presented to the
       Governor-General for the Queen's assent. No alteration
       diminishing the proportionate representation of any State in
       either House of the Parliament, or the minimum number of
       representatives of a State in the House of Representatives, or
       increasing, diminishing, or otherwise altering the limits of
       the State, or in any manner affecting the provisions of the
       Constitution in relation thereto, shall become law unless the
       majority of the electors voting in that State approve the
       proposed law.

       ----------CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA: End--------

    CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRIA: Parliamentary reform of, 1896.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    CONSTITUTION OF BELGIUM:
       The working of its' electoral provisions.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1899-1900.

    CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:
       The grant of autonomous government by Spain in 1897.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
          and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    CONSTITUTION OF CUBA:
       Outline of the draft reported to the Convention of 1900-1901.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    CONSTITUTION OF DELAWARE, New.

          See (in this volume)
          DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.

    CONSTITUTION OF IDAHO:
       Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

          See (in this volume)
          IDAHO: A. D. 1896.

    CONSTITUTION OF LOUISIANA:
       Its discriminating educational qualification.

          See (in this volume)
          LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.

    CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO: Amendments.

       The text of the constitution of Mexico, as published in 1891,
       will be found in volume 1 [page 558] of this work, under the
       same heading as above. In 1896, the Constitution received two
       amendments promulgated by decrees published in the "Diario
       Official" on the 24th of April and the 1st of May in that
       year. Translations of these decrees were transmitted to the
       State Department at Washington by the United States Minister
       to Mexico and published in U. S. Consular Reports, July, 1896,
       from which source they are copied below. That of April 24 was
       as follows:

       The Congress of the United Mexican States, in the exercise of
       the power which article 127 of the federal constitution
       concedes to it, and with the previous approbation of the
       majority of the legislatures of the States, declares articles
       79, 80, 82, and 83 of the constitution to be amended and an
       addition to article 72 of the same, in the following tenor:

       ARTICLE. 72. Congress has power:

       XXXI. To appoint, both houses of Congress being assembled for
       such purpose, a President of the Republic, either with the
       character of substitute or with that of ad interim, to act in
       the absolute or temporary defaults of the constitutional
       President. Likewise, to replace in the respective cases and in
       equal form the substitute as well as the ad interim, if these
       in their turn should default.

       XXXII. To qualify and to decide upon the petition for leave of
       absence that the President of the Republic may make. It is the
       exclusive faculty of the House of Deputies—II. To qualify and
       decide upon the resignations of the President of the Republic
       and of the magistrates of the supreme court of justice.

    {165}

       ARTICLE 79.

       I. In the absolute defaults of the President, excepting that
       arising from resignation, and in the temporary defaults,
       excepting that proceeding from permission, the Secretary of
       Foreign Relations, and in case there be none or if there
       exists an impediment, the Secretary of Government shall take
       immediate charge of the Executive power.

       II. The Congress of the union shall assemble in an
       extraordinary session the following day, in the Chamber of
       Deputies, more than half of the total number of members of
       both houses being present, the officers of the House of
       Deputies acting. If no session can be had on account of no
       quorum or for other cause, those present shall compel, from
       day unto day, the presence of the absentees, in accordance
       with the law, so as to hold the session as soon as possible.

       III. In this session, the substitute President shall be
       elected by the absolute majority of those present, and in a
       nominal and public vote, without any proposition being
       discussed therein nor anything else done but to take in the
       votes, publish them, and make a close examination and publish
       the name of the one elected.

       IV. If no one of the candidates should have received the
       absolute majority of the votes, the election shall be repeated
       as to the two who had the greater number of votes, and the one
       receiving the majority will be elected. If the competitors
       should have received an equal number of votes, and on a
       repetition of the election an equal result shall be obtained,
       then the drawing of lots shall decide the one who must be
       elected.

       V. If there be an equality of votes for more than two
       candidates, the election as to which of these shall be made,
       but if at tho same time there is another candidate who may
       have obtained a majority of votes, he shall be considered as
       first competitor, and the second shall be chosen by votes out
       of the first mentioned.

       VI. If Congress be not in session, it shall meet, without the
       necessity of a convocation, on the fourteenth day following
       that of the default, under the direction of the board of
       permanent commission which may be in duty, and shall proceed
       as already stated.

       VII. In case of absolute default caused by the renouncement of
       the President, Congress shall convene in the form set forth
       for the appointment of the substitute, and the resignation
       shall not take effect until the appointment of the substitute
       and of the legal protest by him.

       VIII. In relation to temporary defaults, from whatever cause,
       Congress shall appoint an ad interim President, observing for
       this purpose the same procedure as prescribed for the cases of
       absolute default. Should the President ask for leave of absence,
       he will, at the time of so doing, propose the citizen who must
       take his place; the permission being granted, it will not take
       effect until the ad interim (president) shall have protested,
       it being within the President's faculty to make use or not of
       said leave, or to lessen its duration. The ad interim shall
       only exercise the functions during the time of temporary
       default. The petition for permission shall be addressed to the
       House of Deputies, who shall at once deliver it to the proper
       commission for its perusal, at the same time summoning the
       Senate for an extraordinary session of Congress, before which
       the commission shall render its decision. The proposition with
       which the decision may end, if favorable, shall comprise in a
       decree of a sole article the granting of the permission and
       the approval of the proposition, which shall be decided upon
       only by one ballot.

       IX. If, on the day appointed by the constitution, the people's
       President-elect shall not enter into the discharge of his
       office, Congress shall at once appoint an ad interim
       President. If the cause of the impediment be transitory, the
       ad interim shall cease in the Presidential functions when said
       cause ceases and the President-elect enters into the discharge
       of his functions. But, should the cause be of that kind that
       produces absolute impossibility, so that the President-elect
       cannot enter into the exercise of power during the four years,
       Congress, after appointing the ad interim President, shall,
       without delay, convoke the extraordinary elections. The ad
       interim President shall cease in his functions as soon as the
       new President-elect protests, and this shall complete the
       constitutional period. Should the impediment arise from the
       fact that the election be not made or published on the 1st of
       December, a President ad interim shall also be appointed, who
       will discharge the Presidential duties until those requisites
       are complied with and the President-elect takes due protest.

       X. The defaults of the substitute President and those of the
       ad interim shall also be remedied in the manner prescribed,
       except in regard to the second, in the case when the
       constitutional President, who, having temporarily separated
       himself, may again assume the exercise of his duties.

       ARTICLE 80.
       Should the default of the President be absolute, the
       substitute appointed by Congress shall terminate the
       constitutional period.

       ARTICLE 82.
       The President, upon taking possession of his office, shall
       swear before Congress under the following formula:

       "I protest to perform loyally and patriotically the functions
       of President of the United Mexican States; to keep and cause
       to be kept, without any reserve, the constitution of 1857,
       with all its additions and reforms, the laws of reform, and
       all those laws emanating therefrom, watching everything for
       the good and prosperity of the union." The Secretary of
       Department, who may take provisional charge of the Executive
       power, in its case, is exempted from this requisite.

       The decree of May 1, 1896, was as follows:

       The Congress of the Union has decreed the following: The
       General Congress of the United Mexican States, in conformity
       with the provisions of article 127 of the federal
       constitution, and with the previous approbation of the State
       legislatures, declares articles 111 and 124 of said
       constitution amended and an addition made to same in the
       following terms:

       First.
       Section III. of article 111 of the federal constitution is
       amended, and an addition made to the said article in the
       following terms: The States shall not—

       III. Coin money, issue paper money, stamps, or stamped paper.

       IV. Obstruct the transit of persons or goods crossing its
       territory.

       V. Prohibit or molest, either directly or indirectly, the
       entrance or exit, to or from its territory, of national or
       foreign merchandise.

    {166}

       VI. Obstruct the circulation or consumption of national or
       foreign goods by means of imposts or taxes that may be exacted
       through local custom-houses, by requiring the inspection or
       registration of packages, or by requiring the documentation to
       accompany the merchandise.

       VII. Decree or maintain in force laws or fiscal decrees which
       may cause differences of taxes or requisites, by reason of the
       source of national or foreign merchandise, whether these
       differences be established in regard to a like production in
       that locality or on account of like production from different
       sources.

       Second.
       Article 124 of the federal constitution is amended in the
       following terms:

       ARTICLE 124.
       It is the exclusive faculty of the federation to obstruct
       merchandise, imported or exported, or which passes in transit
       through the national territory, likewise to regulate at all
       times, and even to prohibit for reasons of policy and
       security, the circulation within the Republic of all
       merchandise from whatever source; but the said federation
       cannot establish or decree in the district or federal
       territories the taxes and laws expressed in Sections VI. and
       V. of Article 111.

       Transitory article.
       These amendments and additions shall take effect on the 1st of
       July, 1896.

    CONSTITUTION OF MINNESOTA: Amendments.

          See (in this volume)
          MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

    CONSTITUTION OF MISSISSIPPI: Amendment.

          See (in this volume)
          MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.

    CONSTITUTION OF NEW JERSEY: Proposed Amendments.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.

    CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

       The constitution of the State of New York, as revised by the
       Convention of 1894 (see, in volume 4, NEW YORK: A. D. 1894)
       [transcriber's note: volume 3, page 2350], was submitted to
       the people at the election in November that year and adopted.
       The important features of the revision were set forth in an
       address by the Convention to the people, as follows:

       "We seek to separate, in the larger cities, municipal
       elections from State and national elections to the end that
       the business affairs of our great municipal corporations may
       be managed upon their own merits, uncontrolled by national and
       State politics. … We have provided further safeguards against
       abuses in legislative procedure, by requiring that all bills
       shall be printed in their final form at least three days
       before their passage, prohibiting riders on appropriation
       bills, providing for notice to municipal authorities before
       special acts relating to the larger cities can take effect,
       prohibiting the issue of passes by railroad, telegraph and
       telephone companies to public officers, enlarging the express
       constitutional powers of the President of the Senate. … We
       have extended the prohibition against lotteries so as to
       include all pool-selling, book-making and other forms of
       gambling. … We have sought to throw greater safeguards around
       the elective franchise by prescribing a period of ninety
       instead of ten days of citizenship before that right can be
       exercised, so that naturalization may be taken out of the
       hands of campaign committees and removed from the period
       immediately before election. … We have modified the language
       relating to election so that if any mechanical device for
       recording and counting votes is so perfected as to be superior
       to the present system, the Legislature may make trial of it. We
       have established in the Constitution the well-tried and
       satisfactory system of registration of votes, forbidding,
       however, any requirement of personal attendance on the first
       day of registration in the thinly-settled regions outside of
       the cities and large villages, where voters would have long
       distances to travel to the place of registration, and we have
       provided for securing an honest and fair election by requiring
       that on all election boards election officers shall equally
       represent the two principal political parties of the State. We
       have provided for a new appointment of Senate and Assembly
       districts. … Attack has been made upon two rules laid down in
       the proposed measure for the guidance of the Legislature in
       future apportionments. One of these is the rule that no county
       shall have more than three Senators unless it shall have a full
       ratio for each Senator, although smaller counties may receive
       a Senator or an additional Senator on a major fraction of a
       ratio. … The other rule attacked is that no one county shall
       have more than one-third of all the Senators, and that New
       York and Kings county together shall not have more than
       one-half of all the Senators. … We have declared in the
       Constitution the principle of civil service reform, that
       appointments and promotions are to be based upon merit and
       ascertained so far as practicable by competitive examination.
       We have sought by this to secure not merely the advantage
       derived from declaring the principle, but the practical
       benefit of its extension to the State prisons, canals and
       other public works of the State, to which, under the existing
       Constitution, the court of last resort has decided that civil
       service rules cannot be applied. … We have prohibited the
       contract system of convict labor. … We have authorized the
       Legislature to provide for the improvement of the canals,
       without, however, borrowing money for that purpose unless the
       people expressly authorize it. … We have required the
       Legislature to provide for free public schools, in which all
       the children of the State may be educated, and we have
       prohibited absolutely the use of public money in aid of
       sectarian schools. … We have so amended the present
       Constitution as to provide for a naval as well as a land force
       of militia. … In order to allow every voter to exercise a
       choice in voting on some of the important proposed amendments,
       we have provided that the Revised Constitution shall be
       submitted to the people in three parts, viz.:

       1. That making an apportionment of Senators and members of the
       Assembly.

       2. That pertaining to the improvements of the canals.

       3. All the remainder of the proposed amendments as a whole."

          Journal of the Constitutional Convention,
          State of New York, 1894, pages 839-846.

    CONSTITUTION OF NORTH CAROLINA:
       Amendment qualifying the suffrage.

          See (in this volume)
          NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.

    {167}

    --CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: Start--

       The following are the Articles of main importance in the
       Grondwet or Constitution of the South African Republic:

       ARTICLE 1.
       This State shall bear the name of the South African Republic.

       ARTICLE 2.
       The form of government of this State shall be that of a
       republic.

       ARTICLE 3.
       It desires to be recognized and respected by the civilized
       world as an independent and free people.

       ARTICLE 4.
       The people seek for no extension of territory, and desire it
       only in accordance with just principles, when the interest of
       the Republic makes such extension desirable.

       ARTICLE 5.
       The people desire to retain and maintain their territory in
       South Africa unimpaired. The boundaries thereof are fixed by
       proclamation.

       ARTICLE 6.
       Its territory is open for every foreigner who obeys the laws
       of this Republic. All who are within the territory of this
       Republic have equal claims to protection of person and
       property.

       ARTICLE 7.
       The land or farms situate in this territory which have not yet
       been given out, are declared to be the property of the State.

       ARTICLE 8.
       The people claim the utmost social freedom, and expect the
       result from the maintenance of their religious belief, from
       the observance of their obligations, from submission to law,
       order and right, and the maintenance of the same. The people
       permit the spread of the Gospel among the heathen under fixed
       precautions against deceit or misleading.

       ARTICLE 9.
       The people will not allow any equalization of the coloured
       inhabitants with the white.

       ARTICLE 10.
       The people will not suffer any slave trade or slavery in this
       Republic.

       ARTICLE 11.
       The people reserve to themselves the protection and defence of
       the independence and inviolability of the State, subject to
       the laws.

       ARTICLE 12.
       The people entrust the legislation to a Volksraad—the highest
       authority in the land—consisting of representatives or
       deputies of the people, chosen by the enfranchised burghers;
       but with the reservation that a period of three months shall
       be left to the people to enable them if they so wish to
       communicate to the Volksraad their verdict on a proposed law;
       except those laws which can suffer no delay.

       ARTICLE 13.
       The people charge the President with the task of proposing and
       executing the laws; he also brings before the Volksraad the
       appointments of all civil servants for ratification.

       ARTICLE 14.
       The people entrust the maintenance of order to the military
       force, the police, and other persons appointed by the law for
       that purpose.

       ARTICLE 15.
       The people place the judicial power in the hands of a Supreme
       Court, Circuit Court, Landrosts, Juries, and such other
       persons as shall be entrusted with judicial powers, and leave
       all these free to discharge their function according to their
       judgment and consciences, according to the laws of the land.

       ARTICLE 16.
       The people shall receive from the Volksraad an estimate of the
       general income and expenses of the State, and learn therefrom
       how much every man's taxes shall amount to.

       ARTICLE 17.
       Potchefstrom, situated on the Mooi River, shall be the capital
       of the Republic, and Pretoria the seat of Government.

       ARTICLE 18.
       All services rendered on behalf of the public are remunerated
       by the public.

       ARTICLE 19.
       Freedom of the press is granted provided the printer and
       publisher remain responsible for all the documents which
       contain defamation, insult, or attacks against anyone's
       character.

       ARTICLE 20.
       The people shall only appoint as representatives in the
       Volksraad those who are members of a Protestant Church.

       ARTICLE 21.
       The people desire the growth, prosperity, and welfare of the
       State, and with this view provision for suitable school
       teachers.

       ARTICLE 22.
       Providing also that in time of peace precautionary measures
       are taken to enable the State to wage or withstand a war.

       ARTICLE 23.
       In case of a hostile attack from outside, everyone, without
       distinction, shall be held bound to lend his assistance on the
       promulgation of martial law. …

       ARTICLE 26.
       The Volksraad shall be the highest authority of the country,
       and the legislative power.

       ARTICLE 27.
       No civil servants are to be representatives of the people.

       ARTICLE 28.
       The Volksraad shall consist of at least twelve members, who
       must possess the following qualifications:-They must have
       attained the age of thirty years, and be born in the Republic,
       or have for fifteen consecutive years been burghers entitled
       to vote, be members of a Protestant Church, reside, and
       possess immovable property, in the Republic. No persons of
       notoriously bad character, or who have had a dishonouring
       sentence pronounced against them, and no uncertified or
       unrehabilitated insolvents shall be eligible. They may not be
       related to each other in the relationship of father and son or
       stepson. No coloured persons or bastards shall be admitted
       into our Assemblies. In like manner no military officer or
       official of the State, who draws a fixed annual or monthly
       salary, shall be eligible as member of the Volksraad.

       ARTICLE 29.
       The members of the Volksraad are elected by a majority of
       votes from among the electors of each district. No one shall
       be considered as elected who has not obtained at least sixty
       votes. Everyone who is born in the country and has attained
       the age of twenty-one years, or has become naturalized, shall
       be a burgher qualified to vote. The members of the Volksraad
       are elected for the period of four years. … [The above
       provisions of the Constitution, relating to the Volksraad and
       the representation of the people, were modified by the
       following among other provisions of an Act of the Volksraad
       passed in 1891:

       ARTICLE 1.
       The legislative power shall rest with a representation of the
       people, which shall consist of a First Volksraad and a Second
       Volksraad.

    {168}

       ARTICLE 2.
       The First Volksraad shall be the highest authority in the
       State, just as the Volksraad was before this law came into
       operation. The First Volksraad shall be the body named the
       Volksraad until this law came into operation. From the period
       of this law coming into operation, the name of that body shall
       be altered from the Volksraad to the First Volksraad. The
       persons forming that body as members shall, however, remain
       the same, only they shall, from the said period, be named
       members of the First Volksraad instead of members of the
       Volksraad. All laws and resolutions having reference to the
       Volksraad and the members thereof shall remain in force and
       apply to the First Volksraad and the members thereof, except
       in so far as a change is or shall be made by this and later
       laws. …

       ARTICLE 4.
       The number of the members of the Second Volksraad shall be the
       same as of the First Volksraad. This number shall be fixed
       later by the First Volksraad for both Volksraads. …

       ARTICLE 9.
       The members of the First Volksraad are chosen by those
       enfranchised burghers who have obtained the burgher right,
       either before this law came into operation, or thereafter by
       birth, and have reached the age of sixteen years. The
       franchise for the First Volksraad can besides also be obtained
       by those who have during ten years been eligible for the
       Second Volksraad, by resolution of the First Volksraad, and
       according to rules to be fixed later by law.

       ARTICLE 10.
       The members of the Second Volksraad are chosen by all
       enfranchised burghers who have reached the age of sixteen
       years. …

       ARTICLE 27.
       The Second Volksraad shall have the power to pass further
       regulations on the following subjects as is necessary, either
       by law or resolution:
       (1) The department of mines.
       (2) The making and support of wagon and post roads.
       (3) The postal department.
       (4) The department of telegraphs and telephones.
       (5) The protection of inventions, samples and trademarks.
       (6) The protection of the right of the author.
       (7) The exploitation and support of the woods and salt-pans.
       (8) The prevention and coping with contagious diseases.
       (9) The condition, the rights, and obligations of companies.
       (10) Insolvency.
       (11) Civil procedure.
       (12) Criminal procedure.
       (13) Such other subjects as the First Volksraad shall decide
       later by law or resolution, or the First Volksraad shall
       specially refer to the Second Volksraad.

       ARTICLE 28.
       All laws or resolutions accepted by the Second Volksraad are
       as soon as possible, that is to say at the outside within
       forty-eight hours, communicated both to the First Volksraad
       and to the President.

       ARTICLE 29.
       The President has the right, when he has received notice from
       the Second Volksraad of the adoption of a law or a resolution,
       to bring that law or resolution before the First Volksraad for
       consideration within fourteen days after the receipt of such
       notice. The President is in any case bound, after the receipt
       of such a notice, to communicate it to the First Volksraad
       within the said time.

       ARTICLE 30.
       If the President has not brought the law or resolution as
       communicated before the First Volksraad for consideration, and
       the First Volksraad has not on its own part thought it
       necessary to take said law or resolution into consideration,
       the President shall, unless with the advice and consent of the
       Executive Council he thinks it undesirable in the interests of
       the State, be bound to have that law or resolution published
       in the first succeeding Volksraad, unless within the said
       fourteen days the First Volksraad may be adjourned, in which
       case the publication in the "Stasts Courant" shall take place
       after the lapse of eight days from the commencement of the
       first succeeding session of the First Volksraad.

       ARTICLE 31.
       The law or resolution adopted by the Second Volksraad shall
       have no force, unless published by the President in the
       "Staats Courant."

       ARTICLE 43.
       The President shall bring forward for discussion the proposals
       for laws which have come in before the Volksraad, whether the
       latter have been made known to the public three months before
       the commencement of the session, or whether the same have come
       in during the session of the Volksraad.

       ARTICLE 44.
       When the notices of laws and Government notices to the public
       have not been given in time, the President shall examine with
       whom the blame of that delay lies. A Landrost found guilty
       hereof shall have a fine of Rds. 50 inflicted and a
       Field-Cornet or lesser official of Rds. 25. …

       ARTICLE 56.
       The executive power resides in the State President, who is
       responsible to the Volksraad. He is chosen by a majority of
       the burghers entitled to vote, and for the term of five years.
       He is eligible for reelection. He must have attained the age of
       thirty years, and need not be a burgher of the State at the
       time of his nomination, and must be a member of a Protestant
       Church, and have no dishonouring sentence pronounced against
       him. [By a subsequent law the President must be chosen from
       among the burghers.]

       ARTICLE 57.
       The President is the first or highest official of the State.
       All civil servants are subordinate to him; such, however, as
       are charged with exercise of the judicial power are left
       altogether free and independent in its exercise.

       ARTICLE 58.
       As long as the President holds his position as such he shall
       fill no other, nor shall he discharge any ecclesiastical
       office, nor carry on any business. The President cannot go
       outside the boundaries of the State without consent of the
       Volksraad. However, the Executive Council shall have the power
       to grant him leave to go outside the boundaries of the State
       upon private affairs in cases of necessity. …

       ARTICLE 60.
       The President shall be discharged from his post by the
       Volksraad after conviction of misconduct, embezzlement of
       public property, treachery, or other serious crimes, and be
       treated further according to the laws.

       ARTICLE 61.
       If in consequence of transgression of the Constitution or
       other public misdemeanors the Volksraad resolve that the
       President shall be brought to trial, he shall be tried before
       a special court composed of the members of the High Court, the
       President and another member of the Volksraad, while the State
       Attorney acts as Public Prosecutor. The accused shall be
       allowed to secure assistance of a lawyer at his choice.

       ARTICLE 62.
       The President is charged with the proposing of laws to the
       Volksraad, whether his own proposals or others which have come
       in to him from the people; he must make these proposals known
       to the public by means of the "Staats Courant" three months
       before presenting them to the Volksraad, together with all
       such other documents as are judged useful and necessary by
       him.

    {169}

       ARTICLE 63.
       All proposals for a law sent in to the President shall, before
       they are published, be judged by the President and Executive
       Council as to whether publication is necessary or not.

       ARTICLE 64.
       The President submits the proposals for laws to the Volksraad,
       and charges the official to whose department they belong first
       and foremost, with their explanation and defence.

       ARTICLE 65.
       As soon as the President has received the notice of the
       Volksraad that the proposed law is adopted, he shall have that
       law published within two months, and after the lapse of a
       month, to be reckoned from the publication, he shall take
       measures for the execution of the same.

       ARTICLE 66.
       Proclamation of martial law, as intended in Article 23, shall
       only be made by the President with the assent of the members
       of the Executive Council. …

       ARTICLE 67.
       The President, with advice of the Executive Council, declares
       war and peace, with reference to Article 66 of the
       Constitution; the Government having first, if possible,
       summoned the Volksraad before the declaration of war. Treaties
       of peace require the ratification of the Volksraad, which is
       summoned as soon as possible for that purpose. …

       ARTICLE 70.
       The President shall submit, yearly, at the opening of the
       Volksraad, estimates of general outgoings and income, and
       therein indicate how to cover the deficit or apply the
       surplus.

       ARTICLE 71.
       He shall also give a report during that session of that
       Volksraad, of his actions during the past year, of the
       condition of the Republic and everything that concerns its
       general interest. …

       ARTICLE 75.
       The President and one member of the Executive Council shall,
       if possible, visit the towns and villages of the Republic
       where Landrost's officers are, once in the year; he shall
       examine the state of those offices, inquire into the conduct
       of the officials, and on these circuits give the inhabitants
       during their stay an opportunity to bring before him anything
       they are interested in. …

       ARTICLE 82.
       The President exercises his power along with the Executive
       Council. An Executive Council shall be joined to the
       President, consisting of the Commandant-General, two
       enfranchised burghers, a Secretary, and a Notekeeper
       (notulenhouder), who shall have an equal vote, and bear the
       title of members of the Executive Council. The Superintendent
       of Native Affairs and the Notekeeper shall be ex-officio
       members of the Executive Council. The President and members of
       the Executive Council shall have the right to sit, but not to
       vote, in the Volksraad. The President is allowed, when
       important affairs arise, to invite the head official to be
       present in the Executive Council whose department is more
       directly concerned with the subject to be treated of. The said
       head official shall then have a vote in the Executive Council,
       be equally responsible for the resolution taken, and sign it
       along with the others.

       ARTICLE 83.
       According to the intention of Article 82 the following shall
       be considered "Head Officials": The State Attorney, Treasurer,
       Auditor, Superintendent of Education, Orphan-Master, Registrar
       of Deeds, Surveyor-General, Postmaster-General, Head of the
       Mining Department, Chief Director of the Telegraph Service,
       and Chief of Public Works.

       ARTICLE 84.
       The President shall be Chairman of the Executive Council, and
       in case of an equal division of votes have a casting vote. For
       the ratification of sentences of death, or declarations of
       war, the unanimous vote of the Executive Council shall be
       requisite for a decision. …

       ARTICLE 87.
       All resolutions of the Executive Council and official letters
       of the President must, besides being signed by him, also be
       signed by the Secretary of State. The latter is at the same
       time responsible that the contents of the resolution, or the
       letter, is not in conflict with the existing laws.

       ARTICLE 88.
       The two enfranchised burghers or members of the Executive
       Council contemplated by Article 82 are chosen by the Volksraad
       for the period of three years, the Commandant-General for ten
       years; they must be members of a Protestant Church, have had
       no sentence in a criminal court to their discredit, and have
       reached the age of thirty years.

       ARTICLE 89.
       The Secretary of State is chosen also by the Volksraad, but is
       appointed for the period of four years. On resignation or
       expiration of his term he is re-eligible. He must be a member
       of a Protestant Church, have had no sentence in a criminal
       court to his discredit, possess fixed property in the
       Republic, and have reached the age of thirty years. …

       ARTICLE 93.
       The military force consists of all the men of this Republic
       capable of bearing arms, and if necessary of all those of the
       natives within its boundaries whose chiefs are subject to it.

       ARTICLE 94.
       Besides the armed force of burghers to be called up in times
       of disturbance or war, there exists a general police and corps
       of artillery, for which each year a fixed sum is drawn upon
       the estimates.

       ARTICLE 95.
       The men of the white people capable of bearing arms are all
       men between the ages of sixteen and sixty years; and of the
       natives, only those which are capable of being made
       serviceable in the war.

       ARTICLE 96.
       For the subdivision of the military force the territory of
       this Republic is divided into field-cornetcies and districts.
       …

       ARTICLE  97.
       The men are under the orders of the following officers,
       ascending in rank: Assistant Field-Cornets, Field-Cornets,
       Commandants, and a Commandant-General.

          Selected Official Documents of the South African Republic
          and Great Britain (Supplement to the Annals of the
          American Academy of Political and Social Science,
          July, 1900).

    --CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.: End--

    CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH CAROLINA: The revision of 1895-6.
       Disfranchisement provision.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.

    CONSTITUTION OF SOUTH DAKOTA:
       Amendment introducing the Initiative and Referendum.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

    CONSTITUTION OF SWITZERLAND:
       Amendments.

          See (in this volume)
          SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.

    {170}

    CONSTITUTION OF UTAH.

          See (in this volume)
          UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

    CONWAY, Sir W. Martin:
       Explorations of Spitzbergen.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897.

    COOK, or HERVEY ISLANDS:
       Annexation to New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

    COOMASSIE,
    KUMASSI:
       Occupation by the British.
       Siege and relief.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    COPTIC CHURCH:
       Authority of the Pope re-established.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

    COREA.

          See (in this volume)
          KOREA.

    CORNWALL AND YORK, The Duke of.

          See (in this volume)
          WALES, THE PRINCE OF.

    COSTA RICA.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    COTTON-MILL STRIKE, New England.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

    COTTON STATES EXPOSITION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

    COURT OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    CREEKS, United States agreement with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    CRETE:
       Recent archæological explorations.
       Supposed discovery of the Palace of Minos and
       the Cretan Labyrinth.
       Fresh light on the origin of the Alphabet.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    CRETE: A. D. 1896.
       Conflict between Christians and Mussulmans,
       and its preceding causes.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

    CRETE: A. D. 1897.
       Fresh conflicts.
       Reports of the British Consul-General and others.
       Greek interference and demands for annexation to Greece.
       Action of the Great Powers.
       Blockade of the island.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    CRETE: A. D. 1897.
       Withdrawal of Greek troops.
       Acceptance of autonomy by the Greek government.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    CRETE: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Prolonged anarchy, and blockade by the Powers.
       Final departure of Turkish troops and officials.
       Government established under Prince George of Greece.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

    CRETE: A. D. 1901.
       Successful administration of Prince George of Greece.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1901.

    CRISPI, Signor:
       Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    CRISPI, Signor:
       Parliamentary investigation of charges against.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

    CROKER, "Boss."

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895; and 1897.

    CROMER, Viscount:
       Administration in Egypt.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

    CROMWELL, Oliver, Proposed statue of.

       A proposal in the English House of Commons, in 1895, to vote
       £500 for a statue of Cromwell was so violently opposed by the
       Irish members that the government was compelled to withdraw
       the item from the estimates.

    CRONJE, General Piet:
       In the South African war.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
          and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    CROZIER, Captain William:
       American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

       ----------CUBA: Start--------

    Map of Cuba and West Indies.

    CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.
       Ten years of insurrection.
       The United States and Spain.
       The Affair of the Virginius.
       End of Slavery.

       "The abolition of slavery in the southern states left the
       Spanish Antilles in the enjoyment of a monopoly of slave
       labor, which, in the production of sugar, especially, gave
       them advantages which overcame all competition. This led to
       the formation of a strong Spanish party, for whom the cause of
       slavery and that of Spanish dominion were identical. These
       were known as Peninsulars or Spanish immigrants. They were the
       official class, the wealthy planters and slave-owners, and the
       real rulers of Cuba. Their central organization was the Casino
       Espagñol of Havana, which was copied in all the towns of the
       island, and through these clubs they controlled the
       volunteers, who at times numbered 60,000 or 70,000. … These
       volunteers never took the field, but held possession of all
       the cities and towns, and thus were able to defy even the
       captain-general. They were obedient to his orders only so long
       as he was acting in close accord with the wishes of their
       party. On the other hand, there was a party composed of
       Creoles, or native Cubans, whose cry was 'Cuba for the
       Cubans!' and who hoped to effect the complete separation of
       the island from Spain, either through their own efforts or
       through the assistance of the United States. …

       "The Spanish revolution of September, 1868, was the signal for
       an uprising of the native or Creole party in the eastern part
       of the island under the leadership of Cespedes. This movement
       was not at first ostensibly for independence, but for the
       revolution in Spain, the cries being, 'Hurrah for Prim!'
       'Hurrah for the Revolution!' Its real character was, however,
       apparent from the first, and its supporters continued for a
       period of ten years, without regard to the numerous
       vicissitudes through which the Spanish Government passed—the
       provisional government, the regency, the elective monarchy,
       the republic, and the restored Bourbon dynasty—to wage a
       dogged, though desultory warfare against the constituted
       authorities of the island. This struggle was almost
       conterminous with President Grant's Administration of eight
       years."
    {171}
       President Grant made early offers of mediation between Spain
       and the insurgents, but no agreement as to terms could be
       reached. An increasing sympathy with the Cubans raised demands
       in the United States for their recognition as belligerents,
       with belligerent rights, and the President is said to have
       been ready to yield to the demand, but was deterred by the
       influence of his Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, who contended
       that the insurgents had established no government that could
       claim such rights. The Cuban sympathizers in Congress were
       accordingly checked by an opposing message (June 13, 1870),
       and no interference occurred.

       "In February, 1873, when King Amadeus resigned his crown and a
       republic was proclaimed in Spain, the United States made haste to
       give the new government recognition and support, which led to
       friendly relations between the two countries for a time, and
       promised happy results. The Spanish republicans were being
       urged to give the Cubans self-government and end slavery in
       the whole Spanish domain, and they were lending, at least, a
       considerate ear to the advice. But negotiation on that topic
       was soon disturbed. On October 31, 1873, the steamer
       'Virginius,' sailing under American colors and carrying a
       United States registry, was captured on the high seas by the
       'Tornado,' a Spanish war vessel, and on the afternoon of the
       first of November taken into the port of Santiago de Cuba. The
       men and supplies she bore were bound for the insurgents, but
       the capture did not occur in Cuban waters. General Burriel,
       the commandant of the city, summoned a court-martial, and, in
       spite of the protests of the American consul, condemned to
       death—at the first sitting—four of the passengers—General W.
       A. C. Ryan, an Irish patriot, and three Cubans. They were shot
       on the morning of November 4. On the 7th twelve other
       passengers were executed, and on the 8th Captain Fry and his
       entire crew, numbering 36, making the total number of
       executions 53." This barbarous procedure caused hot excitement
       in the United States, and demands for reparation were made so
       sharply that the two countries came near to war. In the end it
       was shown that the "Virginius" was sailing under the American
       flag without right, being owned by Cubans and controlled by
       them. The vessel was surrendered, however, but foundered off
       Cape Fear, while being conveyed to the United States. Her
       surviving passengers were released, and an indemnity was paid
       for all who were put to death. The brutal officer who took
       their lives was never brought to justice, though his
       punishment was promised again and again. On the settlement of
       the Virginius question, the government of the United States
       resumed its efforts to wring concessions to the Cubans from
       Spain, and sought to have its efforts supported by Great
       Britain and other European powers. Cold replies came from all
       the cabinets that were approached. At the same time, the
       Spanish government met the demand from America with promises
       so lavish (April, 1876), going so far in appearance towards
       all that had been asked, that no ground for intervention
       seemed left. The act of Secretary Fish, in proposing
       intervention to foreign powers, was sharply criticised as a
       breach of the Monroe doctrine; but he made no defense.

       "The Cuban struggle continued for two years longer. In
       October, 1877, several leaders surrendered to the Spanish
       authorities and undertook the task of bringing over the few
       remaining ones. Some of these paid for their efforts with
       their lives, being taken and condemned by court-martial, by
       order of the commander of the Cuban forces. Finally, in
       February, 1878, the terms of pacification [under an agreement
       called the Treaty of El Zanjon] were made known. They embraced
       representation in the Spanish Cortes, oblivion of the past as
       regarded political offences committed since the year 1868, and
       the freedom of slaves in the insurgent ranks. In practice,
       however, the Cuban deputies were never truly representative,
       but were men of Spanish birth, designated usually by the
       captain-general. By gradual emancipation, slavery ceased to
       exist in the island in 1885. The powers of the
       captain-general, the most objectionable feature of Spanish
       rule, continued uncurtailed."

          J. H. Latané,
          The Diplomatic Relations of the United States
          and Spanish America,
          chapter 3.

    CUBA: A. D. 1895.
       Insurrection renewed.

       Early in 1895 a new uprising of the oppressed Cubans was
       begun, and on the 7th of December, in that year, T. Estrada
       Palma, writing as their authorized representative, presented
       to the State Department at Washington a statement setting
       forth the causes of the revolt and describing its state of
       organization at that time. The causes, he wrote, "are
       substantially the same as those of the former revolution,
       lasting from 1868 to 1878, and terminating only on the
       representation of the Spanish Government that Cuba would be
       granted such reforms as would remove the grounds of complaint
       on the part of the Cuban people. Unfortunately the hopes thus
       held out have never been realized. The representation which
       was to be given the Cubans has proved to be absolutely without
       character; taxes have been levied anew on everything
       conceivable; the offices in the island have increased, but the
       officers are all Spaniards; the native Cubans have been left
       with no public duties whatsoever to perform, except the
       payment of taxes to the Government and blackmail to the
       officials, without privilege even to move from place to place
       in the island except on the permission of the governmental
       authority. Spain has framed laws so that the natives have
       substantially been deprived of the right of suffrage. The
       taxes levied have been almost entirely devoted to support the
       army and navy in Cuba, to pay interest on the debt that Spain
       has saddled on the island, and to pay the salaries of the vast
       number of Spanish officeholders, devoting only $746,000 for
       internal improvements out of the $26,000,000 collected by tax.
       No public schools are within reach of the masses for their
       education. All the principal industries of the island are
       hampered by excessive imposts. Her commerce with every country
       but Spain has been crippled in every possible manner, as can
       readily be seen by the frequent protests of shipowners and
       merchants. The Cubans have no security of person or property.
       The judiciary are instruments of the military authorities.
       Trial by military tribunals can be ordered at any time at the
       will of the Captain-General. There is, beside, no freedom of
       speech, press, or religion. In point of fact, the causes of
       the Revolution of 1775 in this country were not nearly as
       grave as those that have driven the Cuban people to the
       various insurrections which culminated in the present
       revolution. …

    {172}

       "Years before the outbreak of the present hostilities the
       people within and without the island began to organize, with a
       view of preparing for the inevitable revolution, being
       satisfied, after repeated and patient endeavors, that peaceful
       petition was fruitless. In order that the movement should be
       strong from the beginning, and organized both as to civil and
       military administration, the Cuban Revolutionary party was
       founded, with José Marti at its head. The principal objects
       were by united efforts to obtain the absolute independence of
       Cuba, to promote the sympathy of other countries, to collect
       funds with these objects in view, and to invest them in
       munitions of war. The military organization of this movement
       was completed by the election of Maximo Gomez as commander in
       chief. This election was made by the principal officers who
       fought in the last revolution. The time for the uprising was
       fixed at the solicitation of the people in Cuba, who protested
       that there was no hope of autonomy, and that their deposits of
       arms and ammunition were in danger of being discovered and
       their leaders arrested. A large amount of war material was
       then bought by Marti, and vessels chartered to transport it to
       Cuba, where arrangements were made for its reception in the
       provinces of Santiago, Puerto Principe, and Santa Clara; but
       at Fernandina, Florida, it was seized by the United States
       authorities. Efforts were successfully made for the
       restitution of this material; nevertheless valuable time and
       opportunity was thus lost. The people in Cuba clamored for the
       revolution to proceed immediately, and in consequence the
       uprising was not further postponed. The date fixed for the
       uprising was the 24th of February. The people responded in
       Santiago, Santa Clara, and Matanzas. The provinces of Puerto
       Principe and Pinar del Rio did not respond, owing to lack of
       arms. In Puerto Principe rigorous search had previous to the
       24th been instituted, and all arms and ammunition confiscated
       by the Government. The leaders in the provinces of Matanzas
       and Santa Clara were imprisoned, and so the movement there was
       checked for the time being. … In the province of Santiago the
       revolution rapidly increased in strength under the leadership
       of Bartolome Masso; one of the most influential and respected
       citizens of Manzanillo; Guillermo Moncada, Jesus Rabi, Pedro
       Perez, Jose Miro, and others. It was characterized by the
       Spanish Government as a negro and bandit movement, but many of
       the most distinguished and wealthy white citizens of the
       district flocked to the insurgent camp. …

       On the 1st of April, Generals Antonio and José Maceo, Flor
       Crombet, and Augustin Cebreco, all veteran leaders in the
       former revolt, landed at Duaba, in the province of Santiago,
       and thousands rose to join them. Antonio Maceo then took
       command of the troops in that province, and on the 11th of
       April a detachment received Generals Maximo Gomez, José Marti,
       Francisco Borrerro, and Angel Guerra. Captain-General Calleja
       was, on the 16th of April, succeeded by General Arsenio
       Martinez Campos, the present commander in chief of the Spanish
       forces, who has the reputation of being Spain's greatest living
       general. … The military organization of the Cubans is ample
       and complete. Major General Maximo Gomez is the commander in
       chief, as we have said, of all the forces, a veteran of the
       last revolution, as indeed are all the generals almost without
       exception. Major General Antonio Maceo is second in command of
       the army of liberation, and was, until called upon to
       cooperate with the commander in chief in the late march to the
       western province, in command of Santiago. The army is at
       present divided into five corps—two in Santiago, one in Puerto
       Principe, and two in Santa Clara and Matanzas. …

       "As above indicated, Jose Marti was the head of the
       preliminary civil organization, and he, immediately upon
       landing with Gomez in Cuba, issued a call for the selection of
       representatives of the Cuban people to form a civil
       government. His death [in an engagement at Boca de Dos Rios,
       May 19] postponed for a time the selection of these men, but
       in the beginning of September the call previously issued was
       complied with. Representatives from each of the provinces of
       Santiago, Puerto Principe, Santa Clara, and the western part
       of the island, comprising the provinces of Matanzas and
       Havana, making twenty in all, were elected to the constituent
       assembly, which was to establish a civil government,
       republican in form. … A constitution of the Republic of Cuba
       was adopted on the 16th of September. … On the 18th of
       September … officers of the Government were elected by the
       constituent assembly in accordance with the terms of the
       constitution. …

       "The Spaniards charge, in order to belittle the insurrection,
       that it is a movement of negroes. It should be remembered that
       not more than one-third of the entire population are of the
       colored race. As a matter of fact, less than one-third of the
       army are of the colored race. Take, for instance, the generals
       of corps, divisions, and brigades; there are but three of the
       colored race, namely, Antonio and José Maceo and Augustin
       Cebreco, and these are mulattoes whose deeds and victories
       have placed them far above the generals of those who pretend
       to despise them. None of the members of the constituent
       assembly or of the government are of the colored race. The
       Cubans and the colored race are as friendly in this war as
       they were in times of peace. …

       "The subject … which has caused probably the most discussion
       is the order of General Gomez to prevent the grinding of sugar
       cane and in case of the disobedience of said order the
       destruction of the crop. … The reasons underlying this measure
       are the same which caused this country to destroy the cotton
       crop and the baled cotton in the South during the war of the
       secession. The sugar crop is a source of large income to the
       Spanish Government, directly by tax and export duty, as well
       as indirectly. The action of the insurgents is perfect]y
       justified, because it is simply a blockade, so to speak, on
       land—a prevention of the gathering, and hence the export, of
       the commodity with, naturally, a punishment for the violation
       thereof. …

    {173}

       "In view of the history of this revolution as herein stated,
       in view of the causes which led to it, its rapid growth, its
       successes in arms, the establishment, operation, and resources
       of the Government of the Cuban Republic, the organization,
       number, and discipline of its army, the contrast in the
       treatment of prisoners to that of the enemy, the territory in
       its control and subject to the carrying out of its decrees, of
       the futility of the attempts of the Spanish Government to crush
       the revolution, in spite of the immense increase of its army
       in Cuba and of its blockade and the many millions spent for
       that purpose, the cruelties which on the part of the Spanish
       have especially characterized this sanguinary and fiercely
       conducted war, and the damage to the interests of the citizens
       of this country under the present conditions, I, as the duly
       accredited representative, in the name of the Cuban people in
       arms who have fought singly and alone against the monarchy of
       Spain for nearly a year, in the heart of a continent devoted
       to republican institutions, in the name of justice, in the
       name of humanity, in the name of liberty, petition you, and
       through you the Government of the United States of America, to
       accord the rights of belligerency to a people fighting for
       their absolute independence."

          United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 166.

    CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Captain-General Campos succeeded by General Weyler.
       Weyler's Concentration Order and other edicts.
       Death of Antonio Maceo.
       Weyler succeeded by Blanco.

       In January, 1896, Governor and Captain-General Campos, whose
       policy had been as humane and conciliatory as his Spanish
       surroundings would permit it to be, was recalled, and Don
       Valeriano Weyler y Nicolau, Marquis of Teneriffe, and lately
       Captain-General of Catalonia, was sent to take his place.
       General Weyler arrived at Havana on the 10th of February, and
       six days later, before he could possibly have acquired any
       personal knowledge of the conditions with which he had to
       deal, he issued three military edicts, in which a policy of
       merciless ruin to the island was broadly set forth. The first
       of these edicts or proclamations commanded as follows:

       "Article 1.
       All inhabitants of the district of Sancti Spiritus and the
       provinces of Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba will have to
       concentrate in places which are the headquarters of a
       division, a brigade, a column, or a troop, and will have to be
       provided with documentary proof of identity, within eight days
       of the publication of this proclamation in the municipalities.

       "Article 2.
       To travel in the country in the radius covered by the columns
       in operation, it is absolutely indispensable to have a pass
       from the mayor, military commandants, or chiefs of
       detachments. Anyone lacking this will be detained and sent to
       headquarters of divisions or brigades, and thence to Havana,
       at my disposition, by the first possible means. Even if a pass
       is exhibited, which is suspected to be not authentic or granted
       by authority to person with known sympathy toward the
       rebellion, or who show favor thereto, rigorous measures will
       result to those responsible.

       "Article 3.
       All owners of commercial establishments in the country
       districts will vacate them, and the chiefs of columns will
       take such measures as the success of their operations dictates
       regarding such places which, while useless for the country's
       wealth, serve the enemy as hiding places in the woods and in
       the interior.

       "Article 4.
       All passes hitherto issued hereby become null and void."

       The order of "concentration" contained in the first article of
       this decree was slowly executed, but ultimately it produced
       horrors of suffering and death which words could hardly
       describe. The second of Weyler's edicts delegated his own
       unlimited "judicial attributes," for the enforcement of the
       "military code of justice," to certain subordinate commanders,
       and gave sharp directions for their exercise. The third
       specified a large number of offenses as being "subject to
       military law," including in the category every use of tongue
       or pen that could be construed as "favorable to the
       rebellion," or as injurious to the "prestige" of the Spanish
       army, or "the volunteers, or firemen, or any other force that
       co-operates with the army." It is said to have been nearly a
       year before the Weyler policy of "concentration" was generally
       carried out; but even before that occurred the misery of the
       country had become very great. Both parties in the war were
       recklessly laying waste the land. The insurgent leaders had
       published orders for a total destruction of sugar factories
       and plantations, because the product supplied revenues to
       Spain; and now the Spanish governor struck all traffic and
       industry down in the rural districts, by driving the
       inhabitants from their homes and fields, to concentrate and
       pen them up in certain prescribed places, with practically no
       provision for employment, or shelter or food. At the close of
       the year 1896 the state of suffering in the island was not yet
       at its worst; but already it was riveting the attention of the
       neighboring people of the United States, exciting a hot
       feeling against Spain and a growing desire for measures on the
       part of the American government to bring it to an end.
       Repeated attempts had already been made by frothy politicians
       in Congress to force the country into an attitude toward Spain
       that would challenge war; but the Executive, supported by a
       congressional majority, and by the better opinion of the
       American public, adhered with firmness to a policy which aimed
       at the exhausting of pacific influences in favor of the Cuban
       cause. In his annual message to Congress at the opening of the
       session in December, 1896, President Cleveland set forth the
       situation in the following words:

       "It is difficult to perceive that any progress has thus far
       been made towards the pacification of the island. … If Spain
       still holds Havana and the seaports and all the considerable
       towns, the insurgents still roam at will over at least
       two-thirds of the inland country. If the determination of
       Spain to put down the insurrection seems but to strengthen
       with the lapse of time, and is evinced by her unhesitating
       devotion of largely increased military and naval forces to the
       task, there is much reason to believe that the insurgents have
       gained in point of numbers, and character, and resources, and
       are none the less inflexible in their resolve not to succumb,
       without practically securing the great objects for which they
       took up arms. If Spain has not yet re-established her
       authority, neither have the insurgents yet made good their
       title to be regarded as an independent state. Indeed, as the
       contest has gone on, the pretense that civil government exists
       on the island, except so far as Spain is able to maintain it,
       has been practically abandoned. Spain does keep on foot such a
       government, more or less imperfectly, in the large towns and
       their immediate suburbs. But, that exception being made, the
       entire country is either given over to anarchy or is subject
       to the military occupation of one or the other party. … In
       pursuance of general orders, Spanish garrisons are now being
       withdrawn from plantations and the rural population required
       to concentrate itself in the towns. The sure result would seem
       to be that the industrial value of the island is fast
       diminishing, and that unless there is a speedy and radical
       change in existing conditions, it will soon disappear
       altogether. …

    {174}

       "The spectacle of the utter ruin of an adjoining country, by
       nature one of the most fertile and charming on the globe,
       would engage the serious attention of the Government and
       people of the United States in any circumstances. In point of
       fact, they have a concern with it which is by no means of a
       wholly sentimental or philanthropic character. It lies so near
       to us as to be hardly separated from our territory. Our actual
       pecuniary interest in it is second only to that of the people
       and Government of Spain. It is reasonably estimated that at
       least from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000 of American capital are
       invested in plantations and in railroad, mining, and other
       business enterprises on the island. The volume of trade
       between the United States and Cuba, which in 1889 amounted to
       about $64,000,000, rose in 1893 to about $103,000,000, and in
       1894, the year before the present insurrection broke out,
       amounted to nearly $96,000,000. Besides this large pecuniary
       stake in the fortunes of Cuba, the United States finds itself
       inextricably involved in the present contest in other ways
       both vexatious and costly. … These inevitable entanglements of
       the United States with the rebellion in Cuba, the large
       American property interests affected, and considerations of
       philanthropy and humanity in general, have led to a vehement
       demand in various quarters, for some sort of positive
       intervention on the part of the United States. …

       "It would seem that if Spain should offer to Cuba genuine
       autonomy—a measure of home rule which, while preserving the
       sovereignty of Spain, would satisfy all rational requirements
       of her Spanish subjects—there should be no just reason why the
       pacification of the island might not be effected on that
       basis. Such a result would appear to be in the true interest
       of all concerned. … It has been objected on the one side that
       Spain should not promise autonomy until her insurgent subjects
       lay down their arms; on the other side, that promised
       autonomy, however liberal, is insufficient, because without
       assurance of the promise being fulfilled. … Realizing that
       suspicions and precautions on the part of the weaker of two
       combatants are always natural and not always
       unjustifiable—being sincerely desirous in the interest of both
       as well as on its own account that the Cuban problem should be
       solved with the least possible delay—it was intimated by this
       Government to the Government of Spain some months ago that, if
       a satisfactory measure of home rule were tendered the Cuban
       insurgents, and would be accepted by them upon a guaranty of
       its execution, the United States would endeavor to find a way
       not objectionable to Spain of furnishing such guaranty. While
       no definite response to this intimation has yet been received
       from the Spanish Government, it is believed to be not
       altogether unwelcome, while, as already suggested, no reason
       is perceived why it should not be approved by the insurgents. …

       "It should be added that it can not be reasonably assumed that
       the hitherto expectant attitude of the United States will be
       indefinitely maintained. While we are anxious to accord all
       due respect to the sovereignty of Spain, we can not view the
       pending conflict in all its features, and properly apprehend
       our inevitably close relations to it, and its possible
       results, without considering that by the course of events we
       may be drawn into such an unusual and unprecedented condition,
       as will fix a limit to our patient waiting for Spain to end
       the contest, either alone and in her own way, or with our
       friendly co-operation."

          President Cleveland's Message to Congress,
          December 7, 1896.

       Just at this time (December 7, 1896) the Cuban insurgents
       suffered a serious calamity, in the death of Antonio Maceo,
       the heroic mulatto, who seems to have been the most soldierly
       and inspiring of their leaders. He had broken through the
       "trocha," or fortified line across the island, by which the
       Spaniards were endeavoring to hold its western part, and had
       been troubling them in the province of Pinar del Rio for some
       months. At length he was killed in an unimportant skirmish,
       and much of the vigor of the insurrection appears to have gone
       out of it when he died. The obstinacy of spirit remained,
       nevertheless, and all the merciless energy of Weyler only
       spread death and misery, without opening any prospect of an
       end to the state of war. Spain was being utterly exhausted by
       the immense cost of the struggle; Cuba was being ruined and
       depopulated; yet neither would yield. The oppressors would not
       set their victims free; the oppressed would not submit. But,
       politically, the situation continued for another year as it
       had been when described by President Cleveland at the close of
       1896. The only visible authority was that which the Spaniards
       maintained here and there. The revolutionists established no
       government that could reasonably be given the name, and their
       "Republic of Cuba," which foolish people in the United States
       were clamoring to have recognized, existed on paper alone. To
       concede "belligerent rights" to the scattered bands of
       insurgents would only bring them under crippling rules of
       international law, and do no good to their cause. President
       McKinley, who succeeded President Cleveland in March, 1897,
       made no change in the policy which the latter had pursued. He
       continued the insistent pressure by which it was sought to
       persuade the Spanish government to give a satisfying measure
       of free government to its great dependency. After some months
       there appeared to be a fair promise of success. The Liberal
       party had come into power at Madrid, with Sagasta at its head.
       In October, Weyler was recalled, General Blanco took his place,
       and a new constitution for Cuba was announced, giving the
       colony what seemed to be a fairly autonomous government, under
       a parliament of its own. In his message to Congress the
       following December, President McKinley was able to meet the
       continued clamor for more violent measures of interference by
       saying: "It is honestly due to Spain, and to our friendly
       relations with Spain, that she should be given a reasonable
       chance to realize her expectations, and to prove the asserted
       efficacy of the new order of things to which she stands
       irrevocably committed. She has recalled the commander whose
       brutal orders inflamed the American mind and shocked the
       civilized world. She has modified the horrible order of
       concentration, and has undertaken to care for the helpless and
       permit those who desire to resume the cultivation of their
       fields to do so, and assures them the protection of the
       Spanish Government in their lawful occupations."
    {175}
       But the awful tragedy of suffering among the
       "reconcontrados" had excited lookers-on to such a pitch that
       the conduct of Spain in any new line of policy could no longer
       be fairly judged. There had been attempts on the part of the
       Spanish authorities to give some relief to the starved and
       perishing multitude, and help to that end had been accepted
       from the United States. The American Red Cross Society, with
       Miss Clara Barton at its head, entered the island in December,
       with vast stores of food and hospital supplies, and a strong
       force of generous workers; but the need was far beyond their
       means. The tale of death and misery in the stricken country
       seemed to grow more sickening every day.

    CUBA: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Constitution establishing self-government in the islands of
       Cuba and Porto Rico, promulgated by Royal Decree.

       The following is a translation of the text of the Constitution
       establishing self-government in the islands of Cuba and Porto
       Rico which was promulgated by royal decree at Madrid on the
       25th of November, 1897:

       Upon the proposition of my Prime Minister, and with the
       concurrence of the Council of Ministers in the name of my
       august son, King Alfonso XIII, and as Queen Regent of the
       Kingdom, I hereby decree as follows:

    [Footnote Start]
       EXPLANATORY NOTE.
       To facilitate the understanding of this decree and to avoid
       confusion as to the legal value of the terms employed therein
       the following definitions are to be observed:

       Central Executive Power: The King with his Council of Ministers.
       The Spanish Parliament: The Cortes with the King.
       The Spanish Chambers: The Congress and the Senate.
       The Central Government: The Council of Ministers of the Kingdom.
       The Colonial Parliament: The two Chambers with
       the Governor-General.
       The Colonial Chambers: The Council of Administration
       and the Chamber of Representatives.
       Colonial Legislative Assemblies: The Council of Administration
       and the Chamber of Representatives.
       Governor-General in Council: The Governor-General
       with the Secretaries of his Cabinet.
       Instructions of the Governor-General: Those which he may have
       received when named for his office.
       Statute: Colonial measure of a legislative character.
       Colonial Statutes: Colonial Legislation.
       Legislation or General Laws: Legislation or laws of the Kingdom.
    [Footnote End]

       TITLE I.
       GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL ADMINISTRATION IN THE ISLANDS
       OF CUBA AND PORTO RICO.

       ARTICLE 1.
       The system of government and civil administration in the
       islands of Cuba and Porto Rico shall hereafter be carried on
       in conformity with the following provisions:

       ARTICLE 2.
       Each island shall be governed by an insular parliament,
       consisting of two chambers, and by the Governor-General,
       representing the mother country, who shall exercise supreme
       authority.

       TITLE II.
       THE INSULAR CHAMBERS.

       ARTICLE 3.
       The legislative power as to colonial matters in the shape and
       manner prescribed by law, shall be vested in the insular
       chambers conjointly with the Governor-General.

       ARTICLE 4.
       Insular representation shall consist of two bodies of equal
       powers, which shall be known as chamber of representatives and
       council of administration.

       TITLE III.
       COUNCIL OF ADMINISTRATION.

       ARTICLE 5.
       The council shall be composed of thirty-five members, of whom
       eighteen shall be elected in the manner directed by the
       electoral law and seventeen shall be appointed by the
       Governor-General acting for the Crown, from among such persons
       as have the qualifications specified in the following
       articles:

       ARTICLE 6.
       To be entitled to sit in the council of administration it is
       necessary to be a Spanish subject; to have attained the age of
       thirty-five years; to have been born in the island, or to have
       had four years' constant residence therein; not to be subject
       to any pending criminal prosecution; to be in the full
       enjoyment of his political rights; to have his property free
       from attachment; to have had for two or more years previous an
       annual income of four thousand dollars; to have no interest in
       any contract with either the insular or the home government.
       The shareholders of a stock company shall not be considered as
       government contractors, even if the company has a contract
       with the government.

       ARTICLE 7.
       Persons are also qualified to serve as councilors who, besides
       the above-stated requirements, have any of the following
       qualifications:

       1. To be or to have been a senator of the Kingdom, or to
       possess the requirements for being a senator, in conformity
       with Article III of the constitution.

       2. To have held for a period of two years any of the following
       offices: President, or prosecuting attorney of the pretorian
       court of Havana; rector of the University of Havana; councilor
       of administration in the council formerly thus designated;
       president of the Havana Chamber of Commerce; president of the
       Economic Society of Friends of the Country; president of the
       Sugar Planters' Association; president of the Tobacco
       Manufacturers' Union; president of the Merchants, Tradesmen's,
       and Agriculturalists' League; dean of the bar of Havana; mayor
       of Havana; president of the provincial assembly of Havana
       during two terms or of any provincial assembly during three
       terms; dean of either of the chapters of the two cathedrals.
       3. Likewise may be elected or appointed as councilor any
       property owner from among the fifty taxpayers paying the
       highest taxes, either on real estate or on industries,
       commerce, arts, and the professions.

       ARTICLE 8.
       The councilors appointed by the Crown shall be appointed by
       special decrees, stating the qualification entitling the
       appointee to serve as councilor. Councilors thus appointed
       shall hold office for life. One-half the number of elective
       councilors shall be elected every five years, and the whole
       number shall be elected whenever the council of administration
       shall be dissolved by the Governor-General.

       ARTICLE 9.
       The qualifications required in order to be appointed or
       elected councilor of administration may be changed by a
       national law, at the request or upon the proposition of the
       insular chambers.

       ARTICLE 10.
       No councilor shall, during the session of the council, accept
       any civil office, promotion (unless it be strictly by
       seniority), title, or decoration; but any councilor may be
       appointed by either the local or the home government to any
       commission within his own profession or category, whenever the
       public service shall require it. The secretaries of the
       insular government shall be excepted from the foregoing rule.

    {176}

       TITLE IV.
       THE CHAMBER OF REPRESENTATIVES.

       ARTICLE 11.
       The chamber of representatives shall be composed of members
       named by the electoral boards in the manner prescribed by law
       and in the proportion of one for every twenty-five thousand
       inhabitants.

       ARTICLE 12.
       To be elected as representative the candidate must have the
       following requirements: To be a Spanish citizen, to be a
       layman, to have attained his majority, to be in full enjoyment
       of civil rights, to have been born in the island or to have
       had four years' constant residence therein, and not to be
       subject to any pending criminal prosecution.

       ARTICLE 13.
       Representatives shall be elected every five years, and any
       representative may be re-elected any number of times. The
       insular chamber shall determine what classes of offices are
       incompatible with the office of representative, as well as the
       cases governing re-election.

       ARTICLE 14.
       Any representative upon whom either the local or home
       government shall confer a pension, or any employment,
       promotion (unless it be by strict seniority), paid commission,
       title, or decoration, shall cease to be such without necessity
       of any declaration to that effect, unless he shall within fifteen
       days of his appointment notify the chamber of his having
       declined the favor. The provisions of the preceding paragraph
       shall not include the representatives who shall be appointed
       members of the cabinet.

       TITLE V.
       PROCEEDINGS OF THE INSULAR CHAMBERS AND THEIR RELATIONS
       TO EACH OTHER.

       ARTICLE 15.
       The chambers will meet every year. The King, the
       Governor-General acting in his name, shall convene, suspend,
       and adjourn the sessions and dissolve the chamber of
       representatives and the council of administration, either
       separately or simultaneously, under the obligation to call
       them together again or renew them within three months.

       ARTICLE 16.
       Each of the two legislative bodies shall determine the rules
       of their proceedings and shall be the judges of the
       qualifications of their respective members and the legality of
       their election. Until the chamber and the council shall pass
       their own rules, they shall be governed by the rules of the
       national house of representatives and of the senate,
       respectively.

       ARTICLE 17.
       Each chamber shall choose its president, vice-president and
       secretaries.

       ARTICLE 18.
       Neither chamber shall sit unless the other be sitting also,
       except when the council exercises judicial functions.

       ARTICLE 19.
       The two insular chambers shall not deliberate together nor in
       the presence of the Governor-General. The sessions shall be
       public, but either chamber may hold secret sessions whenever
       business of a private nature shall require it.

       ARTICLE 20.
       To the Governor-General, through his secretaries, as well as
       to either of the two chambers, belongs the power to initiate
       and propose colonial statutes.

       ARTICLE 21.
       All colonial statutes in regard to taxes and the public credit
       shall originate in the chamber of representatives.

       ARTICLE 22.
       Resolutions may be passed by either chamber by a plurality of
       votes; but in order to pass a measure of a legislative
       character a majority of all the members constituting the body
       must be present. Nevertheless, one-third of the members shall
       constitute a quorum for deliberation.

       ARTICLE 23.
       No resolution or law shall be considered passed by the insular
       parliament unless it has had the concurrence of the chamber of
       representatives and the council of administration.

       ARTICLE 24.
       Every colonial statute, as soon as it has been approved in the
       form prescribed in the preceding article, shall be presented
       to the Governor-General by the officers of both chambers for
       his sanction and proclamation of the same.

       ARTICLE 25.
       Members of the council and the chamber of representatives
       shall have immunity for any speech or vote in either chamber.

       ARTICLE 26.
       No councilor of administration shall be indicted or arrested
       without a previous resolution of the council, unless he shall
       be found "in flagranti" or the council shall not be in
       session, but in every case notice shall be given to that body
       as soon as possible, that it may determine what should be
       done. Nor shall the representatives be indicted or arrested
       during the sessions without the permission of the chamber
       unless they are found "in flagranti," but in this last case,
       or in case of indictment or arrest when the chamber is not
       sitting, notice shall be given as soon us possible to the
       chamber of representatives for its information and action. All
       proceedings against councilors and representatives shall be
       brought before the pretorian court at Havana in the cases and
       manner that shall be prescribed by colonial statutes.

       ARTICLE 27.
       The guarantees established in the foregoing section shall not
       apply to a councilor or representative who shall himself admit
       that he is the author of any article, book, pamphlet, or
       printed matter wherein military sedition is incited or
       invoked, or the Governor-General is insulted and maligned, or
       national sovereignty is assailed.

       ARTICLE 28.
       The relations between the two chambers shall be governed,
       until otherwise provided, by the act of July 19, 1837,
       regulating the relations between the two legislative houses of
       the Cortes.

       ARTICLE 29.
       Besides the power of enacting laws for the colony the insular
       chambers shall have power:

       1. To receive the oath of the Governor-General to preserve the
       constitution and the laws which guarantee the autonomy of the
       colony.

       2. To enforce the responsibility of the secretaries of the
       executive, who shall be tried by the council, whenever
       impeached by the chamber of representatives.

       3. To address the home government through the
       Governor-General, proposing the abrogation or modification of
       existing laws of the Kingdom; to invite the home government to
       present bills as to particular matters, or to ask a decision
       of an executive character on matters which interest the
       colony.

       ARTICLE 30.
       The Governor-General shall communicate to the home government
       before presenting to the insular parliament any bill
       originating in the executive government of the island
       whenever, in his judgment, said bill may affect national
       interests. Should any such bill originate in the insular
       parliament, the government of the island shall ask for a
       postponement of the debate until the home government shall
       have given its opinion. In either case the correspondence
       passing between the two governments shall be laid before the
       chambers and published in the official Gazette.

    {177}

       ARTICLE 31.
       All differences of jurisdiction between the several municipal,
       provincial, and insular assemblies, or between any of them and
       the executive, which by their nature may not be referred to
       the home government, shall be submitted to the courts of
       justice in accordance with the rules herein prescribed.

       TITLE VI.
       POWERS VESTED IN THE INSULAR PARLIAMENT.

       ARTICLE 32.
       The insular chambers shall have power to pass upon all matters
       not specially and expressly reserved to the Cortes of the
       Kingdom or to the central government as herein provided, or as
       may be provided hereafter, in accordance with the prescription
       set forth in additional Article 2. In this manner, and without
       implying that the following enumeration presupposes any
       limitation of their power to legislate on other subjects, they
       shall have power to legislate on all matters and subjects
       concerning the departments of justice, interior, treasury,
       public works, education, and agriculture.

       They shall likewise have exclusive cognizance of all matters
       of a purely local nature which may principally affect the
       colonial territory; and to this end they shall have power to
       legislate on civil administration; on provincial, municipal,
       or judicial apportionment; on public health, by land or sea,
       and on public credit, banks, and the monetary system. This
       power, however, shall not impair the powers vested in the
       colonial executive according to the laws in connection with
       the matters above mentioned.

       ARTICLE 33.
       It shall be incumbent upon the colonial parliament to make
       regulations under such national laws as may be passed by the
       Cortes and expressly intrusted to it. Especially among such
       measures parliament shall legislate, and may do so at the
       first sitting, for the purpose of regulating the elections,
       the taking of the electoral census, qualifying electors, and
       exercising the right of suffrage; but in no event shall these
       dispositions affect the rights of the citizens, as established
       by the electoral laws.

       ARTICLE 34.
       Notwithstanding that the laws governing the judiciary and the
       administration of justice are of a national character, and
       therefore obligatory for the colony, the insular parliament
       may, within the provisions of said laws, make rules or propose
       to the home government such measures as shall render easier
       the admission, continuance, or promotion in the local courts
       of lawyers, natives of the island, or practicing therein.

       The Governor-General in council shall have, as far as the
       island of Cuba is concerned, the same power that has been
       vested heretofore in the minister for the colonies for the
       appointment of the functionaries and subordinate and auxiliary
       officers of the judicial order and as to the other matters
       connected with the administration of justice.

       ARTICLE 35.
       The insular parliament shall have exclusive power to frame the
       local budget of expenditures and revenues, including the
       revenue corresponding to the island as her quota of the
       national budget. To this end the Governor-General shall
       present to the chambers every year before the month of January
       the budget for the next fiscal year, divided in two parts, as
       follows: The first part shall state the revenues needed to
       defray the expenses of sovereignty, and the second part shall
       state the revenues and expenditures estimated for the
       maintenance of the colonial administration. Neither chamber
       shall take up the budget of the colonial government without
       having finally voted the part for the maintenance of
       sovereignty.

       ARTICLE 36.
       The Cortes of the Kingdom shall determine what expenditures
       are to be considered by reason of their nature as obligatory
       expenses inherent to sovereignty, and shall fix the amount
       every three years and the revenue needed to defray the same,
       the Cortes reserving the right to alter this rule.

       ARTICLE 37.
       All treaties of commerce affecting the island of Cuba, be they
       suggested by the insular or by the home government, shall be
       made by the latter with the co-operation of special delegates
       duly authorized by the colonial government, whose concurrence
       shall be acknowledged upon submitting the treaties to the
       Cortes. Said treaties, when approved by the Cortes, shall be
       proclaimed as laws of the Kingdom and as such shall obtain in
       the colony.

       ARTICLE 38.
       Notice shall be given to the insular government of any
       commercial treaties made without its participation as soon as
       said treaties shall become laws, to the end that, within a
       period of three months, it may declare its acceptance or
       nonacceptance of their stipulations. In case of acceptance the
       Governor-General shall cause the treaty to be published in the
       Gazette as a colonial statute.

       ARTICLE 39.
       The insular parliament shall also have power to frame the
       tariff and fix the duties to be paid on merchandise as well
       for its importation into the territory of the island as for
       the exportation thereof.

       ARTICLE 40.
       As a transition from the old regime to the new constitution,
       and until the home and insular governments may otherwise
       conjointly determine hereafter, the commercial relations
       between the island and the metropolis shall be governed by the
       following rules:

       1. No differential duty, whether fiscal or otherwise, either
       on imports or exports, shall be imposed to the detriment of
       either insular or peninsular production.

       2. The two governments shall make a schedule of articles of
       direct national origin to which shall be allowed by common
       consent preferential duty over similar foreign products. In
       another schedule made in like manner shall be determined such
       articles of direct insular production as shall be entitled to
       privileged treatment on their importation into the peninsula
       and the amount of preferential duties thereon. In neither case
       shall the preferential duty exceed 35 per cent. Should the
       home and the colonial government agree upon the schedules and
       the preferential duties, they shall be considered final and
       shall be enforced at once. In case of disagreement the point
       in dispute shall be submitted to a committee of
       representatives of the Cortes, consisting of an equal number
       of Cubans and Peninsulars. The committee shall appoint its
       chairman, and in case of disagreement the eldest member shall
       preside. The chairman shall have the casting vote.

       3. The valuation tables concerning the articles in the
       schedules above mentioned shall be fixed by mutual agreement,
       and shall be revised after discussion every two years. The
       modifications which may thereupon become necessary in the
       tariff duties shall be carried out at once by the respective
       governments.

    {178}

       TITLE VII.
       THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL.

       ARTICLE 41.
       The supreme authority of the colony shall be vested in a
       Governor-General, appointed by the King on the nomination of
       the council of ministers. In his capacity he shall have as
       vice-royal patron the power inherent in the patronate of the
       Indies; he shall have command of all military and naval forces
       in the island; he shall act as delegate of the departments of
       state, war, navy, and the colonies; all other authorities in
       the island shall be subordinate to his, and he shall be
       responsible for the preservation of order and the safety of
       the colony. The Governor-General shall, before taking
       possession of his office, take an oath in the presence of the
       King to discharge his duties faithfully and loyally.

       ARTICLE 42.
       The Governor-General, representing the nation, will discharge
       by himself and with the aid of his secretaries all the
       functions indicated in the preceding articles and such others
       as may devolve upon him as direct delegate of the King in
       matters of a national character. It shall be incumbent upon
       the Governor-General as representing the home government:

       1. To appoint without restriction the secretaries of his
       cabinet.

       2. To proclaim, execute, and cause to be executed in the
       island all laws, decrees, treaties, international covenants,
       and all other acts emanating from the legislative branch of
       the government, as well as all decrees, royal commands, and
       other measures emanating from the executive which shall be
       communicated to him by the departments of which he acts as
       delegate. Whenever in his judgment and in that of his
       secretaries he considers the resolutions of the home
       government as liable to injure the general interests of the
       nation or the special interests of the island, he shall have
       power to suspend the publication and execution thereof, and
       shall so notify the respective department, stating the reasons
       for his action.

       3. To grant pardons in the name of the King, within the
       limitations specially prescribed to him in his instructions
       from the government, and to stay the execution of a death
       sentence whenever the gravity of the circumstances shall so
       demand or the urgency of the case shall allow of no time to
       solicit and obtain His Majesty's pardon; but in either case he
       shall hear the counsel of his secretaries.

       4. To suspend the guarantees set forth in articles 3, 5, 6,
       and 9, and in the first, second, and third paragraphs of
       article 13 of the constitution; to enforce legislation in
       regard to public order, and to take all measures which he may
       deem necessary to preserve the peace within and the safety
       without for the territory entrusted to him after hearing the
       counsel of his cabinet.

       5. To take care that in the colony justice be promptly and
       fully administered, and that it shall always be administered
       in the name of the King.

       6. To hold direct communication on foreign affairs with the
       ministers, diplomatic agents, and counsels of Spain throughout
       America. A full copy of such correspondence shall be
       simultaneously forwarded to the home Department of State.

       ARTICLE 43.
       It behooves the Governor-General, as the superior authority in
       the colony and head of its administration:

       1. To take care that the rights, powers, and privileges now
       vested or that may henceforth be vested in the colonial
       administration be respected and protected.

       2. To sanction and proclaim the acts of the insular
       parliament, which shall be submitted to him by the president
       and secretaries of the respective chambers. Whenever, in the
       judgment of the Governor-General, an act of the insular
       parliament goes beyond its powers or impairs the rights of the
       citizens as set forth in Article I of the constitution, or
       curtails the guarantees prescribed by law for the exercise of
       said rights, or jeopards the interest of the colony or of the
       nation, he shall forward the act to the council of ministers
       of the Kingdom, which, within a period that shall not exceed
       two months, shall either assent to it or return it to the
       Governor-General with the objections to its sanction and
       proclamation. The insular parliament may, in view of the
       objections, reconsider or modify the act, if it deems fit,
       without a special proposition. If two months shall elapse
       without the central government giving any opinion as to a
       measure agreed upon by the chambers which has been transmitted
       to it by the Governor-General, the latter shall sanction and
       proclaim the same.

       3. To appoint, suspend, and discharge the employees of the
       colonial administration, upon the suggestion of the
       secretaries of the departments and in accordance with the
       laws.

       4. To appoint and remove, without restriction, the secretaries
       of his cabinet.

       ARTICLE 44.
       No executive order of the Governor-General, acting as
       representative and chief of the colony, shall take effect
       unless countersigned by a secretary of the cabinet, who by
       this act alone shall make himself responsible for the same.

       ARTICLE 45.
       There shall be five secretaries of department, to wit:
       Grace and justice and interior;
       finance;
       public education, public works and posts and telegraphs;
       agriculture, industry, and commerce.

       The Governor-General shall appoint the president of the
       cabinet from among the secretaries, and shall also have power
       to appoint a president without a secretaryship. The power to
       increase or diminish the number of secretaries composing the
       colonial cabinet, and to determine the scope of each
       department, is vested in the insular parliament.

       ARTICLE 46.
       The secretaries of the cabinet may be members of either the
       chamber of representatives or the council of administration
       and take part in the debates of either chamber, but a
       secretary shall only vote in the chamber of which he is a
       member.

       ARTICLE 47.
       The secretaries of the cabinet shall be responsible to the
       insular parliament.

       ARTICLE 48.
       The Governor-General shall not modify or abrogate his own
       orders after they are assented to by the home government, or
       when they shall declare some rights, or when a sentence by a
       judicial court or administrative tribunal shall have been
       based upon said orders, or when they shall deal with his own
       competency.

       ARTICLE 49.
       The Governor-General shall not turn over his office when
       leaving the island except by special command from the home
       government. In case of absence from the seat of government
       which prevents his discharging the duties of his office or of
       disability to perform such duties, he can appoint one or more
       persons to take his place, provided the home government has
       not previously done so or the method of substitution shall not
       be stated in his instructions.

    {179}

       ARTICLE 50.
       The supreme court shall have the sole power to try the
       Governor-General when impeached for his responsibilities as
       defined by the Penal Code. The council of ministers shall take
       cognizance of his other responsibilities.

       ARTICLE 51.
       The Governor-General shall have the power, in spite of the
       provisions of the different articles of this decree, to act
       upon his own responsibility, without consulting his
       secretaries, in the following cases:

       1. When forwarding to the home government a bill passed by the
       insular parliament, especially when, in his opinion, it shall
       abridge the rights set forth in Article 1 of the constitution
       of the monarchy or the guarantees for the exercise thereof
       vouchsafed by the laws.

       2. When it shall be necessary to enforce the law or public
       order, especially if there be no time or possibility to
       consult the home government.

       3. When enforcing the national laws that shall have been
       approved by the Crown and made applicable to all of the
       Spanish or to the colony under his government. The proceedings
       and means of action which the Governor-General shall employ in
       the above cases shall be determined by a special law.

       TITLE VIII.
       MUNICIPAL AND PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT.

       ARTICLE. 52.
       Municipal organization shall be compulsory for every group of
       population of more than one thousand inhabitants. Groups of
       less number of inhabitants may organize the service of their
       community by special covenants. Every legally constituted
       municipality shall have power to frame its own laws regarding
       public education; highways by land, river, and sea; public
       health; municipal finances, as well as to freely appoint and
       remove its own employees.

       ARTICLE 53.
       At the head of each province there shall be an assembly, which
       shall be elected in the manner provided for by the colonial
       statutes, and shall be composed of a number of members in
       proportion to the population.

       ARTICLE 54.
       The provincial assembly shall be autonomous as regards the
       creation and maintenance of public schools and colleges;
       charitable institutions and provincial roads and ways by land,
       river, or sea; also as regards their own budgets and the
       appointment and removal of their respective employees.

       ARTICLE 55.
       The municipalities, as well as the provincial assemblies,
       shall have power to freely raise the necessary revenue to
       cover their expenditures, with no other limitation than to
       make the means adopted compatible with the general system of
       taxation which shall obtain in the island. The resources for
       provincial appropriations shall be independent of municipal
       resources.

       ARTICLE 56.
       The mayors and presidents of boards of aldermen shall be
       chosen by their respective boards from among their members.

       ARTICLE 57.
       The mayors shall discharge without limitation the active
       duties of the municipal administration, as executors of the
       resolutions of the board of aldermen or their representatives.

       ARTICLE 58.
       The aldermen and the provincial assemblymen shall be civilly
       responsible for the damages caused by their acts. Their
       responsibility shall be exacted before the ordinary courts of
       justice.

       ARTICLE 59.
       The provincial assemblies shall freely choose their respective
       presidents.

       ARTICLE 60.
       The elections of aldermen and assemblymen shall be conducted
       in such manner as to allow for a legitimate representation of
       the minorities.

       ARTICLE 61.
       The provincial and municipal laws now obtaining in the island
       shall continue in vogue, wherever not in conflict with the
       provisions of this decree, until the insular parliament shall
       legislate upon the matter.

       ARTICLE 62.
       No colonial statute shall abridge the powers vested by the
       preceding articles in the municipalities and the provincial
       assemblies.

       TITLE IX.
       AS TO THE GUARANTEES FOR THE FULFILLMENT OF
       THE COLONIAL CONSTITUTION.

       ARTICLE 63.
       Whenever a citizen shall consider that his rights have been
       violated or his interests injured by the action of a
       municipality or a provincial assembly he shall have the right
       to apply to the courts of justice for redress. The department
       of justice shall, if so required by the agents of the
       executive government of the colony, prosecute before the
       courts the boards of aldermen or provincial assemblies charged
       with breaking the laws or abusing their power.

       ARTICLE 64.
       In the cases referred to in the preceding article, the
       following courts shall have jurisdiction: The territorial
       audiencia shall try all claims against municipalities; and the
       pretorian court of Havana shall try all claims against
       provincial assemblies. Said courts, when the charges against
       any of the above-mentioned corporations shall be for abuse of
       power, shall render their decisions by a full bench. From the
       decision of the Territorial audiencia an appeal shall be
       allowed to the pretorian court of Havana, and from the
       decisions of the latter an appeal shall be allowed to the
       supreme court of the Kingdom.

       ARTICLE 65.
       The redress of grievances which Article 62 grants to any
       citizen can also be had collectively by means of public
       action, by appointing an attorney or representative claimant.

       ARTICLE 66.
       Without in any way impairing the powers vested in the
       Governor-General by Title V of the present decree, he may,
       whenever he deems fit, appear before the pretorian court of
       Havana in his capacity as chief of the executive government of
       the colony, to the end that said court shall finally decide
       any conflict of jurisdiction between the executive power and
       the legislative chambers of the colony.

       ARTICLE 67.
       Should any question of jurisdiction be raised between the
       insular parliament and the Governor-General in his capacity as
       representative of the home government, which shall not have
       been submitted to the council of ministers of the Kingdom by
       petition of the insular parliament, either party shall have
       power to bring the matter before the supreme court of the
       Kingdom, which shall render its decision by a full bench and
       in the first instance.

       ARTICLE 68.
       The decisions rendered in all cases provided for in the
       preceding articles shall be published in the collection of
       colonial statutes and shall form part of the insular
       legislation.

       ARTICLE 69.
       Every municipal measure for the purpose of contracting a loan
       or a municipal debt shall be without effect, unless it be
       assented to by a majority of the townspeople whenever
       one-third of the number of aldermen shall so demand. The
       amount of the loan or debt which, according to the number of
       inhabitants of a township, shall make the referendum
       proceeding necessary, shall be determined by special statute.

    {180}

       ARTICLE 70.
       All legislative acts originating in the insular parliament or
       the Cortes shall be compiled under the title of colonial
       statutes in a legislative collection, the formation and
       publication of which shall be entrusted to the
       Governor-General as chief of the colonial executive.

       ADDITIONAL ARTICLES.

       ARTICLE 1.
       Until the colonial statutes shall be published in due form,
       the laws of the Kingdom shall be deemed applicable to all
       matters reserved to the jurisdiction of the insular
       government.

       ARTICLE 2.
       When the present constitution shall be once approved by the
       Cortes of the Kingdom for the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico,
       it shall not be amended except by virtue of a special law and
       upon the petition of the insular parliament.

       ARTICLE 3.
       The provisions of the present decree shall obtain in their
       entirety in the island of Porto Rico; they shall, however, be
       ordained by special decree in order to conform them to the
       population and nomenclature of said island.

       ARTICLE 4.
       Pending contracts for public services affecting in common the
       Antilles and the Peninsula shall continue in their present
       shape until termination, and shall be entirely governed by the
       conditions and stipulations therein made. As regards other
       contracts already entered into, but not yet in operation, the
       Governor-General shall consult the home government, or the
       colonial chambers, as the case may be, and the two governments
       shall by mutual accord decide as between themselves the final
       form of such contract.

       TRANSITORY PROVISIONS.

       ARTICLE 1.
       With a view to carry out the transition from the present
       regime to the system hereby established with the greatest
       possible dispatch and the least interruption of the public
       business, the Governor-General shall, whenever he deems it
       timely and after consulting the home government, appoint the
       secretaries of the executive office as per Article 45 of this
       decree, and with their aid he shall conduct the local
       government of the island until the insular chambers shall have
       been constituted. The secretaries thus appointed shall vacate
       their offices as soon as the Governor-General shall take his
       oath of office before the insular chambers, and the
       Governor-General shall immediately appoint as their successors
       the members of parliament who, in his judgment, most fully
       represent the majorities in the chamber of representatives and
       the council of administration.

       ARTICLE 2.
       The manner of meeting the expenditures occasioned by the debt
       now weighing upon the Spanish and Cuban treasuries, and the
       debt that may be contracted until the termination of the war,
       shall be determined by a law fixing the share that shall be
       borne by each treasury, and the special ways and means for the
       payment of the interest, and the sinking fund, and for
       refunding the principal in due time. Until the Cortes of the
       Kingdom shall decide this point no changes shall be made in
       the conditions under which said debts were contracted, nor in
       the payment of the interest, nor provisions for a sinking
       fund, nor in the guarantees which they enjoy, nor in the
       actual terms of payment. When the Cortes shall have
       apportioned the shares, each of the two treasuries shall take
       upon itself the payment of the share allotted. In no event
       shall the obligations contracted towards the lenders on the
       faith of the Spanish nation cease to be scrupulously
       respected.
       Issued in the Palace,
       Madrid, November 25, 1897.
       MARIA CHRISTINA.
       The President of the Council of Ministers,
       PRÁXEDES MATEO SAGASTA.

    CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (November-February).
       The experiment of autonomy or home rule.

       It cannot be said that the Constitution of 1897 was given a
       fair trial. In the circumstances, one may doubt whether a fair
       trial of its working was possible. It came too late for
       advantageous testing or unprejudiced judging of its
       practicability. The autonomist party, which might once have
       been able to make Cuba a constitutional dependency, like
       Canada, had been discouraged and broken up. Weyler's policy
       had excited a feeling in the United States which was too
       impatient to wait for new experiments in Spanish dealing with
       Cuba to be worked out, or to estimate reasonably the chances
       of their success. The first showing of results from the scheme
       of autonomy was unpromising, as it could hardly have failed to
       be, and that was readily taken as conclusive in condemnation
       of it. The judgment of General Fitzhugh Lee, Consul-General of
       the United States at Havana, had great influence in America,
       and he saw nothing to expect from the Constitution. In an
       article contributed subsequently to the "Fortnightly Review,"
       June, 1898, he wrote:

       "It [the Constitution) was an elaborate system of 'Home Rule'
       with a string to every sentence; so that I soon became
       satisfied that, if the insurrection against the Spanish throne
       on the island ceased, the condition of the Cubans would
       speedily be the same as it was at the commencement of the war.
       I gave the reasons therefor in a paper now on file in the
       State Department which clearly proved that the Spaniards could
       easily control one of the legislative chambers, and that
       behind any joint action on the part of both was the veto of
       the Governor-General, whose appointment was made from the
       throne in Madrid.

       "This system of autonomy, however, was gravely proceeded with.
       An Autonomistic Cabinet was seriously formed, composed in part
       of Cubans who, though at one time in favour of a government of
       the island free from Spanish control, had given satisfactory
       intimations that, if they were appointed to cabinet offices,
       their former opinions could be modified to suit existing
       circumstances. Blanco's Autonomistic Government was doomed to
       failure from its inception. The Spanish soldiers and officers
       scorned it, because they did not desire Cuban rule, which such
       autonomy, if genuine, would insure. The Spanish merchants and
       citizens were opposed to it, because they too were hostile to
       the Cubans having control of the island, and if the question
       could be narrowed down to Cuban control or annexation to the
       United States, they were all annexationists, believing that
       they could get a better government and one that would protect,
       in a greater measure, life and property under the United States
       flag than under the Cuban banner. On the other hand, the
       Cubans in arms would not touch it, because they were fighting
       for Free Cuba; and the Cuban citizens and sympathizers, or the
       non-arm-bearing population, were distinctly opposed to it also;
       while those in favour of it seemed to consist of the
       Autonomistic Cabinet, General Blanco, his Secretary-General
       and Staff, and a few followers elsewhere."

    {181}

          Fitzhugh Lee,
          Cuba and her Struggle for Freedom
          (Fortnightly Review, June, 1898).

    CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).
       Condition of the Reconcentrados.

       On the 14th of December, 1897, General Fitzhugh Lee,
       Consul-General of the United States at Havana, reported to the
       Department of State as follows:

       "I have the honor to report that I have received information
       that in the Province of Havana reports show that there have
       been 101,000 'Reconcentrados,' and that out of that 52,000
       have died. Of the said 101,000, 32,000 were children. This
       excludes the city of Havana and seven other towns from which
       reports have not yet been made up. It is thought that the
       total number of 'Reconcentrados' in Havana Province will
       amount to 150,000, nearly all women and children, and that the
       death rate among their whole number from starvation alone will be
       over 50 per cent. For the above number of 'Reconcentrados'
       $12,500, Spanish silver, was set aside out of the $100,000
       appropriated for the purpose of relieving all the
       'Reconcentrados' on the island. Seventy-five thousand of the
       150,000 may be still living, so if every dollar appropriated
       of the $12,500 reaches them the distribution will average
       about 17 cents to a person, which, of course, will be rapidly
       exhausted, and, as I can hear of no further succor being
       afforded, it is easy to perceive what little practical relief
       has taken place in the condition of these poor people."

       On the 8th of January, 1898, General Lee made another report
       on the same subject as follows:

       "I have the honor to state, as a matter of public interest,
       that the 'reconcentrado order' of General Weyler, formerly
       Governor-General of this island, transformed about 400,000
       self-supporting people, principally women and children, into a
       multitude to be sustained by the contributions of others or die
       of starvation or of fevers resulting from a low physical
       condition and being massed in large bodies without change of
       clothing and without food. Their houses were burned, their
       fields and plant beds destroyed, and their live stock driven
       away or killed. I estimate that probably 200,000 of the rural
       population in the Provinces of Pinar del Rio, Havana,
       Matanzas, and Santa Clara have died of starvation, or from
       resultant causes, and the deaths of whole families almost
       simultaneously, or within a few days of each other, and of
       mothers praying for their children to be relieved of their
       horrible sufferings by death, are not the least of the many
       pitiable scenes which were ever present. In the Provinces of
       Puerto Principe and Santiago de Cuba, where the 'reconcentrado
       order' could not be enforced, the great mass of the people are
       self-sustaining. A daily average of ten cents' worth of food
       to 200,000 people would be an expenditure of $20,000 per day,
       and of course the most humane efforts upon the part of our
       citizens can not hope to accomplish such a gigantic relief,
       and a great portion of these people will have to be abandoned
       to their fate."

       A little later, Senator Proctor, of Vermont, visited Cuba, for
       personal observation of the condition of things in the island,
       and, on his return, made a statement of what he had seen and
       learned, in a speech to the Senate, which made an impression
       on the country much deeper than any previous testimony on the
       subject that had reached the public eye or ear. The following
       is a part of the account that he gave:

       "My observations were confined to the four western provinces,
       which constitute about one-half of the island. The two eastern
       ones are practically in the hands of the insurgents, except
       the few fortified towns. These two large provinces are spoken
       of to-day as 'Cuba Libre.' Outside Habana all is changed. It
       is not peace nor is it war. It is desolation and distress,
       misery and starvation. Every town and village is surrounded by
       a 'trocha' (trench), a sort of rifle pit, but constructed on a
       plan new to me, the dirt being thrown up on the inside and a
       barbed-wire fence on the outer side of the trench. These
       trochas have at every corner and at frequent intervals along
       the sides what are there called forts, but which are really
       small blockhouses, many of them more like large sentry boxes,
       loopholed for musketry, and with a guard of from two to ten
       soldiers in each.

       "The purpose of these trochas is to keep the Reconcentrados in
       as well as to keep the insurgents out. From all the
       surrounding country the people have been driven in to these
       fortified towns and held there to subsist as they can. They
       are virtually prison yards, and not unlike one in general
       appearance, except that the walls are not so high and strong;
       but they suffice, where every point is in range of a soldier's
       rifle, to keep in the poor reconcentrado women and children.
       Every railroad station is within one of these trochas and has
       an armed guard. Every train has an armored freight car,
       loopholed for musketry and filled with soldiers, and with, as
       I observed usually, and was informed is always the case, a
       pilot engine a mile or so in advance. There are frequent
       blockhouses inclosed by a trocha and with a guard along the
       railroad track. With this exception there is no human life or
       habitation between these fortified towns and villages, and
       throughout the whole of the four western provinces, except to
       a very limited extent among the hills where the Spaniards have
       not been able to go and drive the people to the towns and burn
       their dwellings. I saw no house or hut in the 400 miles of
       railroad rides from Pinar del Rio Province in the west across
       the full width of Habana and Matanzas provinces, and to Sagua
       La Grande on the north shore, and to Cienfuegos on the south
       shore of Santa Clara, except within the Spanish trochas.

       "There are no domestic animals or crops on the rich fields and
       pastures except such as are under guard in the immediate
       vicinity of the towns. In other words, the Spaniards hold in
       these four western provinces just what their army sits on.
       Every man, woman, and child, and every domestic animal,
       wherever their columns have reached, is under guard and within
       their so-called fortifications. To describe one place is to
       describe all. To repeat, it is neither peace nor war. It is
       concentration and desolation. This is the 'pacified' condition
       of the four western provinces. West of Habana is mainly the
       rich tobacco country; east, so far as I went, a sugar region.
       Nearly all the sugar mills are destroyed between Habana and
       Sagua. Two or three were standing in the vicinity of Sagua,
       and in part running, surrounded, as are the villages, by
       trochas and 'forts' or palisades of the royal palm, and fully
       guarded. Toward and near Cienfuegos there were more mills
       running, but all with the same protection.
    {182}
       … All the country people in the four western provinces, about
       400,000 in number, remaining outside the fortified towns when
       Weyler's order was made were driven into these towns, and
       these are the Reconcentrados. They were the peasantry, many of
       them farmers, some landowners, others renting lands and owning
       more or less stock, others working on estates and cultivating
       small patches; and even a small patch in that fruitful clime
       will support a family. It is but fair to say that the normal
       condition of these people was very different from what
       prevails in this country. Their standard of comfort and
       prosperity was not high, measured by ours. But according to
       their standards and requirements their conditions of life were
       satisfactory. They lived mostly in cabins made of palms or in
       wooden houses. Some of them had houses of stone, the blackened
       walls of which are all that remain to show the country was
       ever inhabited.

       "The first clause of Weyler's order [renewing that of February
       16, 1896] reads as follows: 'I Order and Command. First. All
       the inhabitants of the country or outside of the line of
       fortifications of the town shall, within the period of eight
       days, concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the
       troops. Any individual who, after the expiration of this
       period, is found in the uninhabited parts will be considered a
       rebel and tried as such.' … Many, doubtless, did not learn of
       this order. Others failed to grasp its terrible meaning. Its
       execution was left largely to the guerrillas to drive in all
       that had not obeyed, and I was informed that in many cases the
       torch was applied to their homes with no notice, and the
       inmates fled with such clothing as they might have on, their
       stock and other belongings being appropriated by the
       guerrillas. When they reached the towns, they were allowed to
       build huts of palm leaves in the suburbs and vacant places
       within the trochas, and left to live, if they could.

       "Torn from their homes, with foul earth, foul air, foul water,
       and foul food or none, what wonder that one-half have died and
       that one-quarter of the living are so diseased that they
       cannot be saved? … Deaths in the streets have not been
       uncommon. I was told by one of our consuls that they have been
       found dead about the markets in the morning, where they had
       crawled, hoping to get some stray bits of food from the early
       hucksters, and that there had been cases where they had
       dropped dead inside the market surrounded by food. These
       people were independent and self-supporting before Weyler's
       order. … I went to Cuba with a strong conviction that the
       picture had been overdrawn; that a few cases of starvation and
       suffering had inspired and stimulated the press
       correspondents, and that they had given free play to a strong,
       natural, and highly cultivated imagination. … I could not
       believe that, out of a population of 1,600,000, 200,000 had
       died within these Spanish forts, practically prison walls,
       within a few months past from actual starvation and diseases
       caused by insufficient and improper food. My inquiries were
       entirely outside of sensational sources. They were made of our
       medical officers, of our consuls, of city alcaldes (mayors),
       of relief committees, of leading merchants and bankers,
       physicians, and lawyers. Several of my informants were Spanish
       born, but every time the answer was that the case had not been
       overstated. What I saw I cannot tell so that others can see it.
       It must be seen with one's own eyes to be realized. …

       "The dividing lines between parties are the most straight and
       clear cut that have ever come to my knowledge. The division in
       our war was by no means so clearly defined. It is Cuban
       against Spaniard. It is practically the entire Cuban
       population on one side and the Spanish army and Spanish
       citizens on the other. I do not count the autonomists in this
       division, as they are so far too inconsiderable in numbers to
       be worth counting. General Blanco filled the civil offices
       with men who had been autonomists and were still classed as
       such. But the march of events had satisfied most of them that
       the chance for autonomy came too late. … There is no doubt
       that General Blanco is acting in entire good faith; that he
       desires to give the Cubans a fair measure of autonomy, as
       Campos did at the close of the ten-year war. He has, of
       course, a few personal followers, but the army and the Spanish
       citizens do not want genuine autonomy, for that means
       government by the Cuban people. And it is not strange that the
       Cubans say it comes too late."

          Congressional Record,
          March 17, 1898.

    CUBA: A. D. 1898 (February).
       Destruction of the United States Battleship Maine in Havana harbor.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    CUBA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
       Discussion of Cuban affairs between Spain and the United States.
       Message of the President to Congress asking for authority
       to intervene.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

    CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Demand of the United States Government for the withdrawal of
       Spain from the island, and its result in a state of war.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

    CUBA: A. D. 1898 (April-December).
       Operations of war between the United States and Spain.
       Suspension of hostilities.
       Negotiation of treaty of peace.
       Relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL) to 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    CUBA: A. D. 1898 (December).
       Removal of the remains of Columbus to Spain.

       The remains of Columbus were taken from the Cathedral in
       Havana, on the 12th of December, for transfer to the cathedral
       at Seville, in Spain.

    CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-October).
       Organization of military government under
       United States authority.
       Report of the military governor, on conditions prevailing,
       measures adopted, and results obtained.

       On the 13th of December, 1898, the following General Order was
       issued by the Secretary of War:

       "By direction of the President, a division to be known as the
       Division of Cuba, consisting of the geographical departments
       and provinces of the island of Cuba, with headquarters in the
       city of Habana, is hereby created, under command of Major
       General John R. Brooke, U. S. A., who, in addition to command
       of the troops in the division, will exercise the authority of
       military governor of the island. Major General Fitzhugh Lee,
       U. S. V., commanding the Seventh Army Corps, is assigned to
       the immediate command of all the troops in the province of
       Habana. Major General William Ludlow, U. S. V., is designated
       as the military governor of the city of Habana, and will
       report direct to the division commander. He is charged with
       all that relates to collection and disbursement of revenues of
       the port and city, and its police, sanitation, and general
       government, under such regulations as may be prescribed by the
       President."

    {183}

       General Brooke arrived at Havana on the 28th of December and
       assumed the command of the troops and the military
       governorship of the island. In his subsequent report (October
       1, 1899) of conditions then existing, proceedings taken,
       events occurring and results attained, he wrote: "It was found
       that considerable confusion incident to the withdrawal of the
       Spanish troops and replacing them with the United States
       troops existed, but no untoward event occurred, however, as
       every precaution was taken to maintain order. The gradual
       withdrawal of the Spanish troops and the advance of the United
       States troops continued, until the morning of the 1st of
       January, 1899, found but few Spanish troops in the city, and
       these went on board transports, which movement was completed
       about 12.30 p. m. Outside of the principal towns the retiring
       Spanish army was closely followed by the Cuban army, which
       took charge of the towns and country, maintaining order, and,
       generally, performing police duty. This state of affairs
       continued, substantially, until the final disbandment of that
       army. The disbandment of the Cuban army was commenced in
       November, 1898, but only such as could procure work, or were
       anxious to resume their former vocations, seem to have taken
       advantage of the 'licencia' (furlough) which was given to
       many. A large part of the army was held together on various
       pretexts until the distribution of the $3,000,000 [allotted
       for distribution to the Cuban army, to enable the soldiers to
       return to their homes], and the giving up of their arms
       effected a final disbandment. During the time the army was
       held together as an organized body the police duties performed
       seemed to be well done and order was preserved. The spectacle
       of an army of, according to the rolls, 48,000 men being
       peacefully dispersed among the people has for its prototype
       the disappearance of the great volunteer army of the United
       States in 1865. In neither case has there been any great
       disturbance, as was feared in both cases, and particularly so
       as regards the Cuban army. The small attempts at brigandage
       were quickly suppressed, the lawbreakers placed in prison, and
       the courts are now hearing their cases.

       "On January 1, 1899, a division of the Seventh Army Corps,
       under the command of General Fitzhugh Lee, General Keifer's
       division, was brought to the city, and, with the regiments on
       duty in Habana under the command of General William Ludlow,
       were so placed as to insure good order during the ceremonies
       of the relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain, which occurred
       in the Governor-General's palace at 12 o'clock noon, where
       were assembled the Captain-General and his staff, the United
       States commission with its officers, the American military
       governor with his staff, Major General Fitzhugh Lee, Major
       General William Ludlow, Major General J. Warren Keifer, and
       their staffs, and nine Cuban generals as his guests. This
       ceremony was simple in its character, though very impressive,
       consisting of a formal speech by the Spanish Governor-General,
       which was replied to by General Wade, the chairman of the
       United States evacuation commission, who, in concluding his
       remarks, turned to the military governor and transferred the
       island of Cuba to him, who, thereupon, entered upon the full
       exercise of his duty as the military governor of Cuba. Of
       course, the gathering into his hands of all the duties of his
       office took time. The desire of a large body of the Cuban army
       to take part on the 1st of January in the ceremonies of the
       relinquishment of sovereignty by Spain was reported verbally,
       by General Ludlow, and he was informed that the danger to life
       and property was too great, and that the celebration must be
       postponed to a time when the excitement had cooled off and the
       passions of the people could be under control. This
       celebration afterwards took place on the arrival in the city
       of General Maximo Gomez, Commander in Chief of the Cuban
       forces, on February 24. General Ludlow was directed to meet
       General Gomez at the city limits and show him every courtesy
       possible. The Quinta de los Molinos, the summer residence of
       the Governor-General, was placed at his disposal, and for
       several months he, with his staff and escort, occupied the
       houses and grounds as the guests of this Government. The civil
       bureaus of the Governor-Generalcy were taken over by officers
       of the military governor's staff, and held by them until the
       proper civil officials could be selected and appointed. …

       "In reaching this stage on the highway of progress toward the
       establishment of government through civil channels, many
       obstacles have been overcome, the most serious being the very
       natural distrust of the people, which was born and nurtured
       under the system of the preceding government, and was
       particularly the effect of the wars which these people waged
       in their effort to improve their condition. It is believed
       that this distrust has given way to confidence in the minds of
       a majority of the people, and that they are generally
       beginning to see that the government, as administered by the
       United States, is for them and for their benefit. It is proper
       at this time to speak of the condition of the people and the
       country as it existed at the time of the relinquishment of
       sovereignty by Spain. A large number of the people were found
       to be actually starving. Efforts were immediately made to
       supply food, which the War Department sent, all told,
       5,493,500 Cuban rations, in addition to the 1,000,000 rations
       distributed by Mr. Gould, and these were sent into the country
       and distributed under the direction of the commanding generals
       of departments, through such agencies as they established;
       while in the cities the distribution was generally conducted
       by an officer of the Army. The result of this action was the
       immediate lowering of the death rate, the restoration to
       health of the sick, and a general change for the better was
       soon apparent. Medicines were also supplied for the sick with
       most beneficial results. Employment was given to those who
       could work, and they were paid weekly, so that they might have
       money to buy food. In fact, no effort was spared to relieve the
       terrible condition in which so many thousand people were
       found. …

    {184}

       "Turning to the present conditions, we have in view such a
       change that the progress seems incredible. A great part of the
       improvement dates from the month of May, when the muster out
       of the Cuban army removed a great source of distrust. The
       extent to which have been carried the cultivation of the
       fields, the reconstruction of homes, the re-establishment of
       order and public service, especially in the matter of hygiene
       in the towns, is something wonderful. … The question of
       finance, as relates to the restoration of crippled and
       destroyed agricultural industries, is one which has occupied a
       great deal of attention on the part of this government. It is
       evident that assistance in the way of repairing the roads and
       bridges, as well as to municipalities in their present
       impoverished conditions, is a necessity, and the most pressing
       wants in this direction have been met by granting money from
       the revenues of the island. There is every reason to hope that
       the municipal revenues will meet all requirements as soon as
       agriculture is again on its feet, and there will, doubtless,
       be some changes in the present tax law made. In this
       connection, it is well to know that planters and small farmers
       in the tobacco growing districts are rapidly recovering from
       their forlorn condition. The quick growing crop and the
       remunerative prices have enabled them to restore, in a
       measure, the lost cattle, mules, and implements necessary to
       the farmers. There is, also, a desire to use labor-saving
       devices, which are now being slowly introduced. …

       "The quiet severance of church and state has been effected by
       the fact of the Government of the United States being in
       control. Certain changes have already been made in the laws,
       and others will follow in due course; this without violating
       the legal rights of the Roman Catholic Church, which was the
       only religious denomination tolerated in the island, except a
       small body of Baptists. The important subject of schools is
       now approaching a solution. The present system will be
       improved upon, but it will require time to develop fully a
       good school system throughout the island. There are no
       school-houses, and under present conditions there can be none
       built for some time to come. It is hoped that a manual
       training school will be opened as soon as certain repairs and
       changes can be made in the Spanish barracks at Santiago de las
       Vegas, a short distance south of Habana, in which about 600 of
       both sexes can receive instruction at one time. This form of
       instruction is more important, under the conditions found to
       exist, than the ordinary instruction given in the other
       schools. As conditions improve, an opportunity can be given to
       increase the number of these schools, and by their means
       introduce modern methods more rapidly than by other systems."

          General John R. Brooke,
          Civil Report, October 1, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1266-1276).

       General Fitzhugh Lee reported, September 19, 1899, on the
       state of things in the province of Havana, as follows: "I
       assumed command of the department of the province of Habana
       January 1, 1899, and of the province of Pinar del Rio April
       19, 1899. The deplorable condition of the island after it was
       evacuated by the Spanish is well known. Business of all sorts
       was suspended. Agricultural operations had ceased; large sugar
       estates, with their enormous and expensive machinery, were
       destroyed; houses burned: stock driven off for consumption by
       the Spanish troops, or killed. There was scarcely an ox left
       to pull a plow, had there been a plow left. Not a pig had been
       left in the pen, nor a hen to lay an egg for the poor,
       destitute people who still held on to life, most of them sick,
       weary, and weak. Miles and miles of country uninhabited either
       by the human race or domestic animals was visible to the eye
       on every side. The great fertile island of Cuba in some places
       resembled an ash pile; in others, the dreary desert. The
       'reconcentrado' order of the former Captain-General Weyler, it
       will be remembered, drove from their houses and lands all the
       old men, women, and children who had remained at their homes
       because they were not physically able to bear the burdens of
       war. The wheels of the former government had ceased to
       revolve. Chaos, confusion, doubt, and uncertainty filled with
       apprehension the minds of the Cubans, who, for the first time,
       had been relieved of the cruel care of those who for centuries
       controlled their country and their destiny. … The railroads on
       the island were in bad order, having been used to the extent
       of their endurance conveying Spanish troops and Spanish
       supplies over them, while the great calzadas or turnpikes were
       filled with holes, for the war prevented repairs to either
       railroads or roads. Municipalities were all greatly in debt.
       None of the civil officers had been paid, and school-teachers
       had large amounts of back salary due. Judicial officers were
       discharging their duties as far as they could—for there was
       really no law in the island except the mandate of the
       Captain-General—without pay, and many months of back pay was
       due to the professors in the colleges of the largest cities.
       The whole framework of the government had to be rebuilt, and
       its machinery carefully and gradually reconstructed. Important
       government problems had to be promptly solved, which involved
       social, economic, commercial, agricultural, public
       instruction, support of eleemosynary institutions of all
       kinds, means of communications, reorganization of
       municipalities, with the necessary town and city police,
       including a mounted force to patrol the adjoining rural
       districts within the limits, and subject to the authorities of
       the mayors and council of their respective municipalities; the
       appointment of new alcaldes and other officers to replace
       those left in authority by the Spanish Government, and who
       would be more in accord with the inhabitants whose local
       affairs they directed. Many trying and troublesome questions
       arose, and many difficulties environed on either side of the
       situation.

       "Of the Cuban rural population, less than 20 per cent of them
       were able to read and write, resembling children awaking the
       first time to the realities of life. They were in the main
       obedient, docile, quiet, and inoffensive, and anxious to adapt
       themselves as soon as possible to the new conditions which
       confronted them. The Cuban soldiers, black and white, who had
       been in the fields and woods for four years defying the
       Spanish banner, still kept their guns, and were massing around
       the cities and towns, producing more or less unrest in the
       public mind with the fear that many of them, unaccustomed to
       work so long, would be transformed into brigands, and not
       become peaceful, law-abiding citizens.
    {185}
       In eight months wonderful progress has been made. The arms of
       the Cuban soldiers have been stacked, and they have quietly
       resumed peaceful vocations. Brigandage, which partially
       flourished for a time, has been stamped out, tillage
       everywhere has greatly increased, many houses rebuilt, many
       huts constructed, fences are being built, and more and more
       farming lands are gradually being taken up, and municipalities
       reorganized with new officers representing the wishes of the
       majority of the inhabitants. Municipal police have been
       appointed who are uniformed and under the charge of, in most
       cases, efficient officers."

          General Fitzhugh Lee,
          Report, September 19, 1899.

       General Leonard Wood, commanding in the province of Santiago,
       reported at the same time as follows: "On the assumption of
       control by the American Government, July 17, 1899, of that
       portion of the province of Santiago included in the
       surrendered territory, industries were practically at a
       standstill. In the rural districts all industries were at an
       end. The estates, almost without exception, have been
       destroyed, and no work is being done. … In the towns the
       effect of reconcentration was shown by large crowds of women
       and children and old men who were practically starving. They
       were thin, pale, and barely able to drag themselves about. The
       merchants and a few planters were the only prosperous people
       in the province. … A feeling of bitter hostility existed
       between the Cubans and Spaniards, and also a very ugly feeling
       between the Cubans who had acted in harmony with the
       autonomists in the latter days of the Spanish occupation and
       those who had been in the Cuban army. At first there was a
       good deal of talk of a threatening character in regard to what
       the Cubans would do to the Spaniards, now that they were in a
       position to avenge themselves for some of the many injuries
       received in the past. This, however, soon passed over, and
       much more friendly and sensible ideas prevailed. There were no
       schools and no material for establishing them. All officers of
       the civil government had resigned and left their posts, with
       the exception of one judge of the first instance and several
       municipal judges and certain police officers. The prisons were
       full of prisoners, both Spanish and Cuban, many of them being
       Spanish military and political prisoners. The administration
       of justice was at a standstill. The towns all presented an
       appearance of greatest neglect, and showed everywhere entire
       disregard of every sanitary law. The amount of clothing in the
       possession of the people was very limited, and in many of the
       interior villages women were compelled to keep out of sight
       when strangers appeared, as they had only skirts and waists
       made of bagging and other coarse material. Many of the
       children were absolutely without clothing. Evidences of great
       suffering were found on every hand. A very large proportion of
       the population was sick in the country districts from malaria
       and in the seaboard towns from lack of food and water. …

       "The first two and a half months after the surrender were
       devoted almost entirely to the distribution of food and to
       supplying hospitals and charities with such limited quantities
       of necessary material as we were able to obtain. Commanding
       officers in all parts of the island were busily engaged in
       cleaning up towns and carrying out all possible sanitary and
       administrative reforms. Schools were established, some 60 in
       the city of Santiago and over 200 in the province as a whole.
       Affairs have continued to improve slowly but surely, until at
       the present time we find the towns, generally speaking, clean,
       the death rate lower than the people have known before, some
       public improvements under way in all the large towns, the
       amount of work done being limited only by the amount of money
       received. … Industries of all kinds are springing up. New
       sugar plantations are being projected; hospitals and
       charitable institutions are being regularly supplied, and all
       are fairly well equipped with necessary articles. The death
       rate among the native population is very much lower than in
       former years. The people in the towns are quiet and orderly,
       with the exception of a few editorial writers, who manage to
       keep up a certain small amount of excitement, just enough to
       give the papers in question a fair sale. The people are all
       anxious to work. The present currency is American currency. A
       condition of good order exists in the rural districts. The
       small planters are all out on their farms and a condition of
       security and good order prevails. The issue of rations has
       been practically stopped and we have few or almost no
       applications for food."

          General Leonard Wood;
          Report, September 20, 1899.

    CUBA: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Census of the Island.
       Statistics of population, nativity, illiteracy, etc.

       "The total population of Cuba on October 16, 1899, determined
       by the census taken [under the direction of the War Department
       of the United States] as of that date, was 1,572,797. This was
       distributed as follows among the six provinces:

       Habana,          424,804;
       Matanzas,        202,444;
       Pinar del Rio,   173,064;
       Puerto Principe,  88,234;
       Santa Clara,     356,536;
       Santiago,        327,715.

       The latest census taken under Spanish authority was in 1887.
       The total population as returned by that census was 1,631,687,
       and the population by provinces was as follows:

       Habana,          451,928;
       Matanzas,        259,578;
       Pinar del Rio,   225,891;
       Puerto Principe,  67,789;
       Santa Clara,     354,122;
       Santiago,        272,379.

       Whether that census was correct may be a matter of discussion,
       but if incorrect, the number of inhabitants was certainly not
       overstated. Comparing the total population at these two
       censuses, it is seen, that the loss in the 12 years amounted
       to 58,890, or 3.6 per cent of the population in 1887. This
       loss is attributable to the recent civil war and the
       reconcentration policy accompanying it, but the figures
       express only a part of the loss from this cause. Judging from
       the earlier history of the island and the excess of births
       over deaths, as shown by the registration records, however
       imperfect they may be, the population probably increased from
       1887 up to the beginning of the war and at the latter epoch
       reached a total of little less than 1,800,000. It is probable,
       therefore, that the direct and indirect losses by the war and
       the reconcentration policy, including a decrease of births and
       of immigration and an increase of deaths and of emigration
       reached a total of approximately 200,000. …

       "The area of Cuba is approximately 44,000 square miles, and
       the average number of inhabitants per square mile 35.7, about
       the same as the State of Iowa. … Habana, with the densest
       population, is as thickly populated as the State of
       Connecticut, and Puerto Principe, the most sparsely populated,
       is in this respect comparable with the State of Texas. …

    {186}

       "The total number of males of voting age in Cuba was 417,993,
       or 26 per cent of the total population. This is a little less
       than the proportion, in 1890, in the United States, where it
       was 27 per cent. … Classifying the potential voters of Cuba by
       birthplace and race, it is seen that 44.9 per cent were
       whites, born in Cuba; that 30.5 per cent were colored, and as
       nearly all the colored were born in the island it is seen that
       fully seven-tenths of the potential voters of Cuba were native
       born, 23 per cent were born in Spain, and 1.6 per cent in
       other countries. Classifying the whole number of potential
       voters by citizenship it is seen that 70 per cent were Cuban
       citizens, 2 per cent were Spanish citizens, 18 per cent were
       holding their citizenship in suspense, and 10 per cent were
       citizens of other countries, or their citizenship was unknown.
       …

       "The Cuban citizens, numbering 290,905, were composed almost
       entirely of persons born in Cuba, there being among them but
       220 white persons, and probably not more colored, of alien
       birth. The white Cuban citizens, who were natives of the
       island, numbered 184,471, and of these 94,301, or 51 per cent,
       were unable to read. The colored Cuban citizens numbered
       106,214, of which not less than 78,279, or 74 per cent, were
       unable to read. The people of Cuba who claimed Spanish
       citizenship numbered 9,500, and of these nearly all were born
       in Spain, there being but 159 born elsewhere. Those whose
       citizenship was in suspense numbered 76,669. These also were
       nearly all of Spanish birth, the number born elsewhere being
       but 1,420. The number of persons of other or unknown
       citizenship was 40,919. Of these fully one-half were colored,
       most of them being Chinese, and much the larger proportion of
       the remaining half were of Spanish birth.

       "Summing up the situation, it appears that the total number of
       males of voting age who could read was 200,631, a little less
       than half the total number of males of voting age. Of these
       22,629 were of Spanish or other foreign citizenship or unknown
       citizenship. The number whose citizenship was in suspense was
       59,724, and the number of Cuban citizens able to read was
       118,278, or 59 per cent of all Cuban citizens of voting age."

          Census of Cuba,
          Bulletins Numbers I and III.

    CUBA: A. D. 1899 (December).
       Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the
       military command and Governorship.

       On the 6th of December General Leonard Wood was commissioned
       major-general of volunteers, and was assigned to command of
       the Division of Cuba, relieving General Brooke as division
       commander and military governor of Cuba. On the 30th, Governor
       Wood announced the appointment of the following Cuban
       ministers to form his cabinet:

       Secretary of State and Government, Diego Tamayo;
       Secretary of Justice, Luis Estevoz;
       Secretary of Education, Juan Bautista Hernandez;
       Secretary of Finance, Enrique Varona;
       Secretary of Public Works, Jose Ramon Villalon;
       Secretary of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce, Rius Rivera.

    CUBA: A. D. 1900.
       Organization of a school system.
       Teachers at Harvard Summer School.

       "Especial attention has been given by the military government
       to the development of primary education. The enrollment of the
       public schools of Cuba immediately before the last war shows
       36,306 scholars, but an examination of the reports containing
       these figures indicates that probably less than half the names
       enrolled represented actual attendance. There were practically
       no separate school buildings, but the scholars were collected
       in the residences of the teachers. There were few books, and
       practically no maps, blackboards, desks or other school
       apparatus. … Even these poor apologies for public schools
       were, to a great extent, broken up by the war, and in
       December, 1899, the entire public-school enrollment of the
       island numbered 21,435. The following table shows the advance
       in school facilities during the half year ending June 30 last:

                      School rooms.   Enrollment.

       January, 1900       635          37,995
       February, 1900    1,338          69,476
       March, 1900       3,126         127,881
       April, 1900       3,126         127,426
       May, 1900         3,313         139,616
       June, 1900        3,500         143,120

       "This great development was accomplished under the Cuban
       secretary of public instruction and the Cuban commissioner of
       public schools, with the able and experienced assistance of
       Mr. Alexis E. Frye as superintendent. It is governed by a
       school law modeled largely upon the law of Ohio. … The schools
       are subject to constant and effective inspection and the
       attendance is practically identical with the enrollment.

       "The schools are separated from the residences of the
       teachers, and each schoolroom has its separate teacher. The
       courses and methods of instruction are those most approved in
       this country. The text-books are translations into Spanish of
       American text-books. For the supply of material $150,000 were,
       in the first instance, appropriated from the insular treasury,
       and afterwards, upon a single order, 100,000 full sets of
       desks, text-books, scholars' supplies, etc., were purchased
       upon public advertisement in this country at an expense of
       about three-quarters of a million dollars. All over the island
       the old Spanish barracks, and barracks occupied by the
       American troops which have been withdrawn, are being turned
       into schoolrooms after thorough renovation. The pressure for
       education is earnest and universal. The appropriations of this
       year from the insular treasury for that purpose will amount to
       about four and a half million dollars; but great as the
       development has been it will be impossible, with the resources
       of the island for a long time yet to come, to fully meet the
       demand for the learning so long withheld. The provincial
       institutions and high schools and the University of Habana
       have been reorganized.

       "During the past summer, through the generosity of Harvard
       University and its friends, who raised a fund of $70,000 for
       that purpose, 1,281 Cuban teachers were enabled to attend a
       summer school of instruction at Cambridge, designed to fit
       them for their duties. They were drawn from every municipality
       and almost every town in the island. They were collected from
       the different ports of the island by five United States
       transports, which carried them to Boston, and, at the
       expiration of their visit, took them to New York and thence to
       Habana and to their homes. They were lodged and boarded in and
       about the University at Cambridge, and visited the libraries
       and museums and the educational institutions and manufacturing
       establishments in the neighborhood of Boston. Through the
       energy of Mr. Frye money was raised to enable them to visit
       New York and Washington. They were returned to their homes
       without a single accident or loss, full of new ideas and of
       zeal for the educational work in which they had found so much
       sympathy and encouragement."

          United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,
          November 30, 1900, pages. 32-33.

    {187}

    CUBA: A. D. 1900 (June-November).
       Municipal elections and election
       of a Constitutional Convention.
       Meeting of the Convention.
       Statement of the Military Governor.

       "The census having been completed and the period given for
       Spanish residents to make their election as to citizenship
       having expired on the 11th of April, 1900, steps were
       immediately taken for the election of municipal governments by
       the people. In view of the fact that 66 per cent of the people
       could not read and write, it was not deemed advisable that
       absolutely unrestricted suffrage should be established, and,
       after very full conference with leading Cubans, including all
       the heads of the great departments of state, a general
       agreement was reached upon a basis of suffrage, which provided
       that every native male Cuban or Spaniard who had elected to
       take Cuban citizenship, of full age, might vote if he either
       could read and write, or owned real estate or personal
       property to the value of $250, or had served in and been
       honorably discharged from the Cuban army; thus according a
       voice in the government of the country to everyone who had the
       intelligence to acquire the rudiments of learning, the thrift
       to accumulate property, or the patriotism to fight for his
       country. On the 18th of April an election law, which aims to
       apply the best examples of our American election statutes to
       the existing conditions of Cuba, was promulgated for the
       guidance of the proposed election. On the 16th of June an
       election was held throughout the island in which the people of
       Cuba in all the municipalities, which include the entire
       island, elected all their municipal officers. The boards of
       registration and election were composed of Cubans selected by
       the Cubans themselves. No United States soldier or officer was
       present at or in the neighborhood of any polling place. There
       was no disturbance. After the newly elected municipal officers
       had been installed and commenced the performance of their
       duties an order was made enlarging the powers of the municipal
       governments and putting into their hands as much of the
       government of the people as was practicable.

       "As soon as the new municipal governments were fairly
       established the following call for a constitutional convention
       was issued:

       'Habana, July 25, 1900.
       The military governor of Cuba directs the publication of the
       following instructions:

       Whereas the Congress of the United States by its joint
       resolution of April 20, 1898, declared That the people of the
       island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and
       independent; That the United States hereby disclaims any
       disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,
       jurisdiction, or control over said island except for the
       pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that
       is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the
       island to its people; And whereas the people of Cuba have
       established municipal governments, deriving their authority
       from the suffrages of the people given under just and equal
       laws, and are now ready, in like manner, to proceed to the
       establishment of a general government which shall assume and
       exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, and control over the
       island: Therefore

       "'It is ordered,
       That a general election be held in the island of Cuba on the
       third Saturday of September, in the year nineteen hundred, to
       elect delegates to a convention to meet in the city of Habana,
       at twelve o'clock noon on the first Monday of November, in the
       year nineteen hundred, to frame and adopt a constitution for
       the people of Cuba, and, as a part thereof, to provide for and
       agree with the Government of the United States upon the
       relations to exist between that Government and the Government
       of Cuba, and to provide for the election by the people of
       officers under such constitution and the transfer of
       government to the officers so elected.

       "'The election will be held in the several voting precincts of
       the island under and pursuant to the provisions of the
       electoral law of April 18, 1900, and the amendments thereof.
       The people of the several provinces will elect delegates in
       number proportionate to their populations as determined by the
       census, viz: The people of the province of Pinar del Rio will
       elect three (3) delegates. The people of the province of
       Habana will elect eight (8) delegates. The people of the
       province of Matanzas will elect four (4) delegates. The people
       of the province of Santa Clara will elect seven (7) delegates.
       The people of the province of Puerto Principe will elect two
       (2) delegates. The people of the province of Santiago de Cuba
       will elect seven (7) delegates.'

       "Under this call a second election was held on the 15th of
       September, under the same law, with some slight amendments,
       and under the same conditions as the municipal elections. The
       election was wholly under the charge of Cubans, and without
       any participation or interference whatever by officers or
       troops of the United States. The thirty-one members of the
       constitutional convention were elected, and they convened at
       Habana at the appointed time. The sessions of the convention
       were opened in the city of Habana on the 5th of November by
       the military governor, with the following statement: 'To the
       delegates of the Constitutional Convention of Cuba. Gentlemen:
       As military governor of the island, representing the President
       of the United States, I call this convention to order. It will
       be your duty, first, to frame and adopt a constitution for
       Cuba, and, when that has been done, to formulate what, in your
       opinion, ought to be the relations between Cuba and the United
       States. The constitution must be adequate to secure a stable,
       orderly, and free government.

       "'When you have formulated the relations which, in your
       opinion, ought to exist between Cuba and the United States,
       the Government of the United States will doubtless take such
       action on its part as shall lead to a final and authoritative
       agreement between the people of the two countries for the
       promotion of their common interests.

    {188}

       "'All friends of Cuba will follow your deliberations with the
       deepest interest, earnestly desiring that you shall reach just
       conclusions, and that, by the dignity, individual self-restraint,
       and wise conservatism which shall characterize your
       proceedings, the capacity of the Cuban people for
       representative government may be signally illustrated. The
       fundamental distinction between true representative government
       and dictatorship is that in the former every representative of
       the people, in whatever office, confines himself strictly
       within the limits of his defined powers. Without such
       restraint there can be no free constitutional government.
       Under the order pursuant to which you have been elected and
       convened you have no duty and no authority to take part in the
       present government of the island. Your powers are strictly
       limited by the terms of that order.'"

          United States, Secretary of War,
          Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 24-32.

    CUBA: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Measures for the destruction of the mosquito,
       as a carrier of yellow fever.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Frauds by American officials in the Havana post office.
       Question cf the extradition of C. F. W. Neely.
       Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States as to the
       independent status of Cuba in its relations
       to the United States.

       In the spring of 1900 a discovery was made of extensive frauds
       committed by American officials who had been placed, by U. S.
       military authority, in the post office at Havana. One of the
       persons accused, named C. F. W. Neely, having returned to the
       United States, his extradition, for trial in Cuba, was
       demanded, and a question thereon arose as to the status of the
       island of Cuba in its relations to the United States. The case
       (Neely vs. Henkel) was taken on appeal to the Supreme Court of
       the United States, and Neely was subjected to extradition by the
       decision of that tribunal, rendered in January, 1901. The
       status of Cuba, as an independent foreign territory, was thus
       defined in the opinion of the Court:

       "The legislative and executive branches of the Government, by
       the joint resolution of April 20, 1898, expressly disclaimed
       any purpose to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
       over Cuba, 'except for the pacification thereof,' and asserted
       the determination of the United States, that object being
       accomplished, to leave the government and control of Cuba to
       its own people. All that has been done in relation to Cuba has
       had that end in view, and so far as the court is informed by the
       public history of the relations of this country with that
       island, nothing has been done inconsistent with the declared
       object of the war with Spain. Cuba is none the less foreign
       territory, within the meaning of the act of Congress, because
       it is under a military governor appointed by and representing
       the President in the work of assisting the inhabitants of that
       island to establish a government of their own, under which, as
       a free and independent people, they may control their own
       affairs without interference by other nations. The occupancy
       of the island by troops of the United States was the necessary
       result of the war. That result could not have been avoided by
       the United States consistently with the principles of
       international law or with its obligations to the people of
       Cuba. It is true that as between Spain and the United
       States—indeed, as between the United States and all foreign
       nations—Cuba, upon the cessation of hostilities with Spain and
       after the treaty of Paris, was to be treated as if it were
       conquered territory. But—as between the United States and
       Cuba, that island is territory held in trust for the
       inhabitants of Cuba, to whom it rightfully belongs and to
       whose exclusive control it will be surrendered when a stable
       government shall have been established by their voluntary
       action."

    CUBA: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Draft of Constitution reported to the Convention
       by its Central Committee.

       Public sessions of the Constitutional Convention were not
       opened until the middle of January, 1901, when the draft of a
       Constitution was reported by its Central Committee, and the
       text given to the Press. By subsequent action of the
       Convention, various amendments were made, and the instrument,
       at this writing (early in April), still awaits finish and
       adoption. The amendments have been reported imperfectly and
       the text of the Constitution, even in its present state,
       cannot be authentically given. It is probable, however, that
       the structure of government provided for in the draft reported
       to the Convention stands now and will remain substantially
       unchanged. An outline of its features is the most that we will
       venture to give in this place.

       The preamble is in these words:

       "We, the delegates of the Cuban people, having met in assembly
       for the purpose of agreeing upon the adoption of a fundamental
       law, which, at the same time that it provides for the
       constitution into a sovereign and independent nation of the
       people of Cuba, establishes a solid and permanent form of
       government, capable of complying with its international
       obligations, insuring domestic tranquillity, establishing
       justice, promoting the general welfare, and securing the
       blessings of liberty to the inhabitants, we do agree upon and
       adopt the following constitution, in pursuance of the said
       purpose, invoking the protection of the Almighty, and prompted
       by the dictates of our conscience."

       The form of government is declared to be republican. The
       guarantees of the Constitution, defined with precision and at
       length, include "equal rights under the law," protection from
       arbitrary arrest and imprisonment, freedom of thought, speech,
       writing and publication, freedom of worship, freedom of
       association and meeting, freedom of teaching, freedom of
       travel, inviolability of private dwellings and private papers,
       "except by order of a competent authority and with the
       formalities prescribed by the laws."

       Legislative powers are to be exercised by two elective bodies,
       to be named House of Representatives and Senate, and
       conjointly known as Congress. The Senate to be composed of six
       senators elected from each of the six departments of the
       republic; the boundaries and names of the departments to be
       those of the present provinces "as long as not modified by the
       laws."

    {189}

       The terms of the senators to be six years, one third of their
       number to be elected every two years. The House of
       Representatives to be composed of "one representative for
       every 25,000 inhabitants or fraction of more than 12,000,
       elected for a period of four years, by direct vote, and in the
       manner prescribed by law "; one half to be elected every two
       years. Representatives and Senators not to be held responsible
       for opinions expressed in the exercise of their duties, and not
       to be arrested nor tried without the consent of the body to
       which they belong, "except in case of being discovered in the
       act of committing some crime." Congress to meet in regular
       session every year on the first Monday in November, and to
       remain in session for at least ninety consecutive days,
       excepting holidays and Sundays. Its powers to be substantially
       the same as those exercised by the Congress of the United
       States.

       The executive power to be exercised by the President of the
       republic, who "shall be elected by direct votes, and an
       absolute majority thereof, cast on one single day, in
       accordance with the provisions of the law." The term of the
       President to be four years, and none to be elected for three
       consecutive terms. A Vice-President to be elected "in the same
       manner as the President, conjointly with the latter and for a
       like term."

       The judicial power to be "exercised by the Supreme Court of
       Justice and such other courts as may be established by law."
       The Supreme Court, like that of the United States, "to decide
       as to the constitutionality of legislative acts that may have
       been objected to as unconstitutional," and to have an
       appellant jurisdiction corresponding to that of the Supreme
       Court of the United States.

       Over each of the six departments or provinces it is provided
       that there shall be a governor, "elected by a direct vote for
       a period of three years," and a Departmental Assembly, "to
       consist of not less than eight or more than twenty, elected by
       direct vote for a like period of three years." The
       Departmental Assemblies to "have the right of independent
       action in all things not antagonistic to the constitution, to
       the general laws nor to international treaties, nor to that
       which pertains to the inherent rights of the municipalities,
       which may concern the department, such as the establishment
       and maintenance of institutions of public education, public
       charities, public departmental roads, means of communication
       by water or sea, the preparation of their budgets, and the
       appointment and removal of their employés."

       The "municipal terminos" are to be governed by
       "Ayuntamientos," composed of Councilmen elected by a direct
       vote in the manner prescribed by law, and by a Mayor, elected
       in like manner. The Ayuntamientos to be self-governing, free
       to "take action on all matters that solely and exclusively
       concern their municipal termino, such as appointment and
       removal of employés, preparation of their budgets, freely
       establishing the means of income to meet them without any
       other limitation than that of making them compatible with the
       general system of taxation of the republic."

       The provision for amendment of the Constitution is as follows:

       "The constitution cannot be changed in whole or part except by
       two-thirds vote of both legislative bodies. Six months after
       deciding on the reform, a Constitutional Assembly shall be
       elected, which shall confine itself to the approval or
       disapproval of the reform voted by the legislative bodies.
       These will continue in their functions independently of the
       Constitutional Assembly. The members in this Assembly shall be
       equal to the number of the members in the two legislative
       bodies together."

    CUBA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
       Conditions on which the government of the island will
       be yielded to its people prescribed by the Congress
       of the United States.

       In the call for a Constitutional Convention issued by the
       military governor on the 25th of July, 1900 (see above), it
       was set forth that the duty of the Convention would be "to
       frame and adopt a constitution for the people of Cuba, and, as
       a part thereof, to provide for and agree with the government
       of the United States upon the relations to exist between that
       government and the government of Cuba." This intimated an
       intention on the part of the government of the United States
       to attach conditions to its recognition of the independent
       government for which the Convention was expected to provide.
       The intimation was conveyed still more plainly to the
       Constitutional Convention by Military Governor Wood, at the
       opening of its sessions, when he said: "When you have
       formulated the relations which, in your opinion, ought to
       exist between Cuba and the United States, the government of
       the United States will doubtless take such action on its part
       as shall lead to a final and authoritative agreement between
       the two countries for the promotion of their common
       interests." The Convention, however, gave no sign of a
       disposition to act as desired by the government of the United
       States, and seemed likely to finish its work, either without
       touching the subject of relations between the Cuban and
       American Republics, or else offering proposals that would not
       meet the wishes of the latter. Those wishes were made known to
       the Convention in flat terms, at length, by the military
       governor, and its prompt action was urged, in order that the
       judgment of the Congress of the United States might be
       pronounced on what it did. But the day on which the session of
       Congress would expire drew near, and still nothing came from
       the Cubans, who seem to have understood that they were
       exempted from such dictation by the resolution which Congress
       adopted on the 18th of April, 1898, when it took up the Cuban
       cause [see (in this volume)) UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D.
       1998 (APRIL)], declaring that "the United States hereby
       disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise
       sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control over said island [of
       Cuba], except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its
       determination when that is accomplished to leave the
       government and control of the island to its people."

       Unwilling to be left to deal, alone, with the question thus
       arising between the Cubans and their liberators, President
       McKinley caused it to be understood that he should call an
       extra session of Congress, if no Congressional expression on
       the subject of Cuban relations was found practicable before
       the 4th of March. This stimulated action in the expiring
       Congress, and the Army Appropriation Bill, then pending in the
       Senate, was made the vehicle of legislation on the subject, by
       the hasty insertion therein of the following amendment,
       offered by Senator Platt, of Connecticut:

    {190}

       "In fulfillment of the declaration contained in the joint
       resolution approved April 20, 1898, entitled 'For the
       recognition of the independence of the people of Cuba,
       demanding that the Government of Spain relinquish its
       authority and government in the island of Cuba, and to
       withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters,
       and directing the President of the United States to use the land
       and naval forces of the United States to carry these
       resolutions into effect,' the President is hereby authorized
       to 'leave the government and control of the island of Cuba to
       its people,' so soon as a government shall have been
       established in said island under a constitution which, either
       as a part thereof or in an ordinance appended thereto, shall
       define the future relations of the United States with Cuba,
       substantially as follows;

       I.
       "That the government of Cuba shall never enter into any treaty
       or other compact with any foreign power or powers which will
       impair or tend to impair the independence of Cuba, nor in any
       manner authorize or permit any foreign power or powers to
       obtain by colonization or for military or naval purposes or
       otherwise, lodgment in or control over any portion of said
       island.

       II.
       "That said government shall not assume or contract any public
       debt, to pay the interest upon which, and to make reasonable
       sinking fund provision for the ultimate discharge of which,
       the ordinary revenues of the island, after defraying the
       current expenses of government, shall be inadequate.

       III.
       "That the government of Cuba consents that the United States
       may exercise the right to intervene for the preservation of
       Cuban independence, the maintenance of a government adequate
       for the protection of life, property, and individual liberty,
       and for discharging the obligations with respect to Cuba
       imposed by the treaty of Paris on the United States, now to be
       assumed and undertaken by the government of Cuba.

       IV.
       "That all acts of the United States in Cuba during its
       military occupancy thereof are ratified and validated, and all
       lawful rights acquired thereunder shall be maintained and
       protected.

       V.
       "That the government of Cuba will execute, and as far as
       necessary extend, the plans already devised or other plans to
       be mutually agreed upon, for the sanitation of the cities of
       the island, to the end that a recurrence of epidemic and
       infectious diseases may be prevented, thereby assuring
       protection to the people and commerce of Cuba, as well as to
       the commerce of the Southern ports of the United States and
       the people residing therein.

       VI.

       "That the Isle of Pines shall be omitted from the proposed
       constitutional boundaries of Cuba, the title thereto being
       left to future adjustment by treaty.

       VII.

       "That to enable the United States to maintain the independence
       of Cuba, and to protect the people thereof, as well as for its
       own defence, the government of Cuba will sell or lease to the
       United States lands necessary for coaling or naval stations at
       certain specified points, to be agreed upon with the President
       of the United States.

       VIII.

       "That by way of further assurance the government of Cuba will
       embody the foregoing provisions in a permanent treaty with the
       United States."

       The Platt Amendment, as it is known, was adopted by the Senate
       on the 27th of February (yeas 43, nays 20, not, voting 25),
       and concurred in by the House on the 1st of March (yeas 161,
       nays 136, not voting 56). The opponents of the amendment were
       weakened by their dread of an extra session of Congress, and
       by their knowledge that the party of the administration would
       be still stronger in the new Congress than in that which
       expired on the 4th of March. Otherwise, no vote on the measure
       could have been reached before that date.

       At the time of this writing, the effect in Cuba of the
       declarations of the Congress of the United States remains in
       doubt. The Constitutional Convention has taken no action upon
       them.

       ----------CUBA: End--------

    CULEBRA.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

    CUMULATIVE VOTING.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    CURTIS ACT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    CURZON, George N., Baron:
       Appointed Viceroy of India.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

    CZECH PARTIES.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    D.

    DAHOMEY: A. D. 1895.
       Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

    DAHOMEY: A. D. 1897.
       Settlement of Tongaland boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGALAND).

    DAMASCUS, Railway to.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1899.

    DARGAI, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    "DARKEST ENGLAND" SCHEME, Results from General Booth's.

          See (in this volume)
          SALVATION ARMY.

    DAVIS, General George W.:
       Military Governor of Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

    DAVIS, General George W.:
       Report on the Civil Government of Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

    DAWES COMMISSION, The work of the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    {191}

    DE BEERS CONSOLIDATED MINING COMPANY:
       Complicity in the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    DECLARATION AGAINST TRANSUBSTANTIATION, The English King's.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    DELAGOA BAY, and the railway to Pretoria.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

       "On December 11th, 1875, Portugal concluded a treaty with the
       Transvaal Government under which the latter Government bound
       itself to continue the line of railway—which the Portuguese
       Government proposed to build from Lourenço-Marques to the
       Transvaal frontier—'up to a centre of production and
       consumption which should insure the traffic of the line and
       the development of international commerce.' The Portuguese
       Government then began to look about for a concessionaire and
       contractor for this line, and after some research, eventually
       came to terms with one Colonel Edward McMurdo, a citizen of
       the United States of America, who undertook to build the line
       without any Government subvention,—a matter of some importance
       to the Portuguese Government,—but upon certain conditions, of
       which the most important was that the concessionaire should
       have the right to fix the tariffs without any State
       interference. A contract … was drawn up and executed in Lisbon
       on December 14th, 1883." The government bound itself to grant
       no concession for a rival railway from the coast to the
       Transvaal boundary, and gave the contractor certain valuable
       mining rights and grants of land. On his part he was to
       complete the road within three years. He formed a Portuguese
       company for the purpose, and seems to have been prepared for
       success in his undertaking, when rumors began to circulate
       that the Transvaal government had secured from that of
       Portugal the right to build a steam tramway from the eastern
       terminus of its own line to the coast. These rumors were
       contradicted by the Portuguese government: but are said to
       have been eventually confirmed. Five months after the signing
       of the contract with Colonel McMurdo, the Portuguese
       authorities, it seems, had actually violated it in the manner
       described. Henceforth the contractor appears to have had every
       possible embarrassment thrown in his way by combined action of
       the Portuguese and Boer governments. His Portuguese company
       was broken down, but he organized another in England, which
       struggled on with the enterprise until 1880, when a decree
       from Lisbon rescinded the concession, declared the railway
       forfeited, and ordered military possession of it to be taken.
       The sufferers in the matter, being British and American
       citizens, appealed then to their respective governments, and
       both intervened in their behalf. The result was a reference of
       the matter to the arbitration of Switzerland. So much was
       settled in June, 1891; but it was not until March, 1900, that
       the judgment of the arbitrators was pronounced. They awarded
       to the Delagoa Bay Company, as its due on the railway,
       13,980,000 francs. "To this is added a sum of fr. 2,000,000 as
       an indemnity for the land grant, which brings the total award
       (less £28,000 paid by Portugal on account in 1890) to fr.
       15,314,000 (or about £612,560), with interest at 5 per cent.
       from June 25th, 1889, to the date of payment. The amount of
       this award came as a considerable shock to the claimants, as
       well it might. It was insufficient to pay even the bonds in
       full (including interest at 7 per cent.), and left nothing
       whatever for the shareholders, while even the expenses are to
       be borne by each party equally."

          M. McIlwraith,
          The Delagoa Bay Arbitration
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1900).

    DELAWARE: A. D. 1897.
       A new Constitution.

       A new constitution for the State of Delaware, which went into
       effect June 10, 1897, provides that after January 1, 1900, no
       citizen shall vote who cannot write his name and read the
       constitution in the English language. It also provides a
       registration fee of one dollar as a qualification to vote.

    DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY; THE TREND.

    DEMOCRACY: In the Nineteenth Century.
       Pope Leo's Encyclical concerning.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

    DEMOCRATIC EXPERIMENTS, New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

    DEMOCRATIC PARTY, and the Silver Question in the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    DENMARK: A. D. 1899.
       Complaints from Danish Sleswick of German treatment.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

    DENMARK: A. D. 1899.
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    DÉROULÈDE, Paul:
       Trial and conviction for treasonable conspiracy.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1890 (FEBRUARY-JUNE);
          and 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

    DERVISHES, of the Sudan, The.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

    DEVIL'S ISLAND.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

    DEWEY, Admiral George:
       Destruction of Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    DIAMOND JUBILEE, Queen Victoria's.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND; A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

    DIAZ, Porfirio:
       The results of twenty years of his Presidency in Mexico.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    DINGLEY TARIFF, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and 1899-1901.

    DIPHTHERIA: Discovery of antitoxine treatment of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    DIR: Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    {192}

    DISCOVERIES, Scientific:
       Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY; COMPARISON.

    DISFRANCHISEMENT OF THE NEGRO.

          See (in this volume)
          MISSISSIPPI; LOUISIANA; NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;
          SOUTH CAROLINA; A. D. 1896;
          MARYLAND;
          and UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    DISPENSARY LAWS.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
          NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
          SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899;
          and ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

    DIVINE RIGHT, Kingship by:
       German revival of the doctrine.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

    DOMINICA: Condition and relief measures.

          See (in this volume))
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.
       Assassination of President Heureaux.
       Revolution.
       Election of President Jiminez.

       General D. Ulises Heureaux, President of the Republic, was
       shot through the heart by an assassin and instantly killed, on
       the 26th of July. "He was in his fourth consecutive term as
       president, and had occupied that position for fifteen years,
       although still a young man. San Domingo had been more free
       from revolution, more prosperous, better inclined toward
       outside capital and enterprise, and more disposed toward the
       ways of modern civilization under Heureaux, than at any
       previous time for many decades. Although nominally a republic,
       San Domingo was ruled by this iron-willed and resolute negro
       with a stern despotism hardly matched by any other
       contemporary government on earth. He was superior to all law.
       He constantly made use of the practice of executing officials,
       generals, and well-known public men with his own hand whenever
       dissatisfied with them. Still more frequently, when the
       objects of his disapproval were not within easy traveling
       distance, he gave orders to some officer or subordinate,
       dependent upon his favor, to undertake an assassination.
       Failure to comply promptly and successfully with such a
       mandate meant death to the men who failed. These statements
       convey no exaggerated impression of the way in which Heureaux
       has ruled San Domingo, nipped insurrection in the bud, and
       kept himself in power. … He always excused his ruthlessness on
       the ground of public necessity. Of course, it was inevitable
       that such a man should sooner or later be assassinated
       himself."

          American Review of Reviews,
          September, 1899.

       According to the provisions of the constitution, the
       Vice-President, General Figuereo, succeeded to the presidency;
       but an insurrection against his government was so rapidly
       successful that he resigned his office on the 31st of August,
       and a provisional government was created, pending arrangements
       for an election. The recognized leader of the revolutionary
       movement was Juan Isidro Jiminez, who had been compelled, some
       years before, to quit San Domingo, on account of his
       opposition to Heureaux, leaving a large property behind. Since
       that time he had been a successful and well-known merchant in
       New York. Latterly, Jiminez had established himself in Cuba,
       whence he attempted to assist as well as direct the revolution
       in the neighboring island; but the United States authorities
       objected to such use being made of neutral territory, and he
       was placed for a time under arrest. When released, however, he
       was permitted to proceed to San Domingo, without men or arms,
       and there he was elected President, assuming the office on the
       14th of November.

    DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1900.
       Commercial Convention with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

    DOMOKO, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    DONGOLA, Expedition to.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    DREYFUS AFFAIR, The.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

    DREYFUS AFFAIR, The
       Closed by the Amnesty Bill.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    DRIEFONTEIN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

    DRIFTS, Closing of the Vaal River.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    DUM-DUM BULLET, The.

       The dum-dum bullet, about which there was much discussion at
       The Hague Peace Conference, is constructed to spread slightly
       at the point. All modern rifle bullets have an outer jacket of
       hard metal, to take the grooving of the gun-barrel.
       "Originally the jacket was thickest at the point, and so
       strong that, while penetration was enormous, stopping power
       was wanting; in other words, one bullet might easily go
       through half a dozen men, yet, unless it happened to hit a
       vital spot or a bone, they need not be disabled, and might
       therefore continue to fight. This was amply illustrated in the
       Chitral campaign, during which our soldiers began to lose
       confidence in their weapon, while the enemy, quick to
       recognize the different effect of volleys, were inclined to
       attack British infantry armed with the Lee-Metford rather than
       native infantry armed with the Martini-Henry. The Indian
       military authorities at once set about designing a bullet
       which, while maintaining range, should have the required
       stopping power. The result was the dum-dum bullet—so named
       after the place near Calcutta where it is made—of which much
       has been heard. The difference in appearance between it and
       the original pattern is comparatively slight. The shape is
       exactly the same, but the jacket is differently arranged;
       instead of having its greatest strength at the point, it is
       weakest there—indeed, at the apex a small part of the core is
       uncovered, but does not project."

          Quarterly Review, July, 1899.

    {193}

    DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.
       Revolt in Lombok.

       A rising in the island of Lombok, one of the Lesser Sunda
       group, which began in August, proved a troublesome affair.
       "The cause of the rebellion was the concession made to the
       Sassaks, to be henceforth governed by their own chiefs,
       instead of by the Balinian chiefs, who had hitherto been
       all-powerful. During the continuance of the hostilities, the
       Sassaks remained constantly faithful to the Dutch, and fought
       against the Balinians, who, although far inferior in numbers,
       had, nevertheless, oppressed their fellow-islanders for many
       years; but the courage, energy and audacity of the Balinians
       were well known, and as early as 1868 the Dutch troops had
       been in serious conflict with them. The news of this disaster
       aroused in Holland great excitement, and public opinion was
       unanimous in its demand for speedy and energetic reprisals.
       Several severe and bloody encounters took place, but finally
       the Dutch troops, under the orders of General Vetter,
       succeeded in making the Rajah of Lombok prisoner, his immense
       wealth falling at the same time into the hands of the
       victors."

          Annual Register,
          1894, page 308.

    DYNAMITE MONOPOLY, The Boer.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER).

    E.

    EAGAN, General Charles P.: The case of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    EAST AFRICA, German: Trade, etc.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE, British.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

    EAST INDIES, Dutch.

          See (in this volume)
          DUTCH EAST INDIES.

    ECCLESIASTICAL LAWS, The Hungarian.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    ECUADOR: A. D. 1894-1899.
       Successful Revolution.
       Government measures against the Church.

       In the fall of 1894 the government of Chile sold ostensibly to
       that of Ecuador a war vessel, which the latter at once
       transferred to Japan, then at war with China. The round about
       transaction was regarded with suspicion, the Ecuadorian
       government being accused of a corrupt agency in it, to cover
       the Chilian breach of neutrality. Much feeling on the subject
       was excited in the country, and this gave to the Radical party
       an opportunity to stir up revolt. They improved it with
       success. After an obstinate civil war of more than six months
       the government of President Cordero was overthrown, and
       General Aloy Alfaro, the revolutionist leader, was inaugurated
       Executive Chief of the Republic on the 4th of November, 1895.
       The defeated Conservatives, stimulated by the clergy, were
       quickly in arms again, in the summer of 1896, but again they
       were overcome, and the government of Alfaro began to deal
       severely with the religious orders and the Church. Much of the
       Church property was confiscated, and the inmates of religious
       houses are said to have fled in considerable numbers to other
       countries. In October, 1896, a National Convention was held
       and the constitution revised. Among other changes, it imposed
       limitations on the former power of the Church, and extended
       religious freedom to other sects. In 1897 the Indians who had
       supported Alfaro two years before were admitted to
       citizenship. A renewed attempt at revolution, that year,
       organized and armed in Colombia, was suppressed with the help
       of the Colombian government. The same fate attended another
       undertaking of rebellion in January, 1899; but it was overcome
       only after a hard fought battle.

    ECUADOR: A. D. 1900.
       Commercial Convention with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

    ECUMENICAL CONFERENCE ON MISSIONS.

          See (in this volume)
          MISSIONS.

    EDUCATION: Australia and New Zealand.
       Progress of educational work.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

    EDUCATION:
       Birth of educational systems in the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE TREND.

    EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1890-1896.
       The Manitoba School Question.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896.

    EDUCATION: Canada: A. D. 1898.
       Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the
       Manitoba School Question.

       See (in this volume)
       CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

    EDUCATION: Belgium: A. D. 1895.
       Religious teaching restored.

       A new school law was carried in Belgium, against fierce
       opposition from the Liberals and Socialists, which restores
       obligatory religious teaching in both public and private
       schools. Parents are permitted, however, to withhold their
       children from the instruction that is given during school
       hours by Catholic priests, on attesting in writing that it is
       their wish to do so.

    EDUCATION: Congo State:
       The Belgian provision of schools.

          See (in this volume)
          CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

    EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1898.
       As left by the Spaniards.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    EDUCATION: Cuba: A. D. 1900.
       Organization of public schools.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1900.

    EDUCATION: Egypt:
       Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

    EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1896-1897.
       "The Voluntary Schools Act" and "The Elementary Education Act."

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

    EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1899.
       Creation of a Board of Education.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

    EDUCATION: England: A. D. 1900.
       Age at which children may leave school
       raised from eleven to twelve years.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY).

    EDUCATION: Hawaii:
       Progress of educational work.

          See (in this volume)
          HAWAII: A. D. 1900.

    EDUCATION: Japan: 1897.
       Restriction of religious teaching.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

    EDUCATION: Japan: A. D. 1899.
       A Japanese injunction to students concerning
       behavior to foreigners.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

    EDUCATION: Mexico:
       Progress of educational work.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    {194}

    EDUCATION: Philippine Islands: A. D. 1898.
       Schools and colleges under the Spanish regime.

       "The only educational advantages attainable by the common
       people of the archipelago are those afforded by the primary
       schools. The Spanish regulations provided that there should be
       one male and one female primary school teacher for each 5,000
       inhabitants, instruction being given separately to the two
       sexes. This wretchedly inadequate provision was, as a matter
       of fact, never carried out. … From [a table showing the
       relation between number of primary school teachers and
       population in the several provinces, etc.] it appears that the
       number of teachers of each sex required by law for a
       population of 6,709,810 is 1,342, making a total of 2,684
       teachers, whereas there are in reality but 991 male teachers
       and 923 female teachers, giving a total of 1,914. Disregarding
       the question of sex, we see that while there should be one
       teacher for each 2,500 inhabitants, there is in reality but
       one to each 3,500, even if we include only that portion of the
       population sufficiently civilized to be taken account of in
       the above enumeration. Taking the entire population at
       8,000,000, we find that there is but one teacher to each 4,179
       individuals. Examination of the … table further shows that in
       many instances the lack of teachers is greater in those
       provinces which are most thickly populated and whose people
       are most highly civilized. …

       "While most of the small towns have one teacher of each sex,
       in the larger towns and cities no adequate provision is made
       for the increased teaching force necessary; so that places of
       30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants are often no better off as
       regards number of teachers than are other places in the same
       province of but 1,500 or 2,000 souls. The hardship thus
       involved for children desiring a primary education will be
       better understood if one stops to consider the nature of the
       Philippine 'pueblo,' which is really a township, often
       containing within its limits a considerable number of distinct
       and important villages or towns, from the most important of
       which the township takes its name. The others, under distinct
       names, are known as 'barrios,' or wards. It is often quite
       impossible for small children to attend school at the
       particular town which gives its name to the township on
       account of their distance from it. …

       "The character and amount of the instruction which has
       heretofore been furnished is also worthy of careful
       consideration. The regulations for primary schools were as
       follows: 'Instruction in schools for natives shall for the
       present be reduced to elementary primary instruction and shall
       consist of—

       1. Christian doctrine and principles of morality and sacred
       history suitable for children.

       2. Reading.

       3. Writing.

       4. Practical instruction in Spanish, including grammar
       and orthography.

       5. Principles of arithmetic, comprising the four rules for
       figures, common fractions, decimal fractions, and instruction
       in the metric system with its equivalents in ordinary weights
       and measures.

       6. Instruction in general geography and Spanish history.

       7. Instruction in practical agriculture as applied to the
       products of the country.

       8. Rules of deportment.

       9. Vocal music.'

       "It will be noted that education in Christian doctrine is
       placed before reading and writing, and, if the natives are to
       be believed, in many of the more remote districts instruction
       began and ended with this subject and was imparted in the
       local native dialect at that. It is further and persistently
       charged that the instruction in Spanish was in very many cases
       purely imaginary, because the local friars, who were formerly
       'ex officio' school inspectors, not only prohibited it, but
       took active measures to enforce their dictum. … Ability to
       read and write a little of the local native language was
       comparatively common. Instruction in geography was extremely
       superficial. As a rule no maps or charts were available, and
       such information as was imparted orally was left to the memory
       of the pupil, unaided by any graphic method of presentation.
       The only history ever taught was that of Spain, and that under
       conventional censorship. The history of other nations was a
       closed volume to the average Filipino. … The course as above
       outlined was that prescribed for boys. Girls were not given
       instruction in geography, history, or agriculture, but in
       place of these subjects were supposed to receive instruction
       'in employments suitable to their sex.'

       "It should be understood that the criticisms which have been
       here made apply to the provincial schools. The primary
       instruction given at the Ateneo Municipal at Manila, under the
       direction of the Jesuits, fulfilled the requirements of the
       law, and in some particulars exceeded them. … The only
       official institution for secondary education in the
       Philippines was the College of San Juan de Letran, which was
       in charge of the Dominican Friars and was under the control of
       the university authorities. Secondary education was also given in
       the Ateneo Municipal of Manila, by the Jesuit Fathers, and
       this institution was better and more modern in its methods
       than any other in the archipelago. But although the Jesuits
       provided the instruction, the Dominicans held the
       examinations. … There are two normal schools in Manila, one
       for the education of male and the other for the education of
       female teachers. … The only institutions for higher education
       in the Philippines have been the Royal and Pontifical
       University of Santo Tomas, and the Royal College of San José,
       which has for the past twenty-five years been under the
       direction of the university authorities."

          Report of the Philippine Commission,
          January 1, 1900, volume 1, part 3.

    EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1898.
       Spanish schools and teachers.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

    EDUCATION: Porto Rico: A. D. 1900.
       First steps in the creation of a public school system.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    EDUCATION: Russia:
       Student troubles in the universities.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE); 1900; and 1901.

    EDUCATION: Tunis:
       Schools under the French Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

    EDUCATION: United States:
       Indian schools.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

    EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1896.
       Princeton University.

       The one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the founding of
       the institution at Princeton, New Jersey, which had borne the
       name of "The College of New Jersey," was celebrated on the
       20th, 21st, and 22d of October, 1896, with ceremonies in which
       many representatives from famous seats of learning in Europe
       and America took part. The proceedings included a formal
       change of name, to Princeton University.

    {195}

    EDUCATION: United States: A. D. 1900.
       Women as students and as teachers.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

    EDWARD VII., King of England.
       Accession.
       English estimate of his character.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

       Opening of his first Parliament.
       The Royal Test Oath.

    EDWARD VII., King of England.
          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

       ----------EGYPT: Start--------

    EGYPT:
       Recent Archæological Explorations and their result.
       Discovery of prehistoric remains.
       Light on the first dynasties.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.
       Abandonment of the Egyptian Sudan to the Dervishes.
       Death of the Mahdi and reign of the Khalifa.
       Beginning of a new Anglo-Egyptian movement for
       the recovery of the Sudan.
       The expedition to Dongola.

       After the failure to rescue General Gordon from the Mahdists
       at Khartoum (see, in volume 1, EGYPT: A. D. 1884-1885), the
       British government, embarrassed in other quarters, felt
       compelled to evacuate the Sudan. Before it did so the Mahdi
       had finished his career, having died of smallpox in June,
       1885, and one of his three chief commanders, styled khalifas,
       had acquired authority over the Dervish army and reigned in
       his place. This was the Khalifa Abdullah, a chieftain of the
       Baggara tribe. Khartoum had been destroyed, and Omdurman, on
       the opposite side of the river, became his capital. The rule
       of the Khalifa was soon made so cruelly despotic, and so much
       in the interest of his own tribe, that incessant rebellions in
       many parts of his dominions restrained him from any vigorous
       undertaking of the conquest of Egypt, which was the great
       object of Dervish desire. But his able and energetic
       lieutenant in the Eastern Sudan, Osman Digna, was a serious
       menace to the Egyptian forces holding Suakin, where Major
       Watson, at first, and afterwards Colonel Kitchener, were
       holding command, under General Grenfell, who was then the
       Egyptian Sirdar, or military chief. Osman Digna, however, was
       defeated in all his attempts. At the same time the Khalifa was
       desperately at war with the Negus. John, of Abyssinia, who
       fell in a great battle at Galabat (March, 1889), and whose
       death at the crisis of the battle threw his army into
       confusion and caused its defeat. Menelek, king of the
       feudatory state of Shoa, acquired the Abyssinian crown, and
       war with the Dervishes was stopped. Then they began an advance
       down the Nile, and suffered a great defeat from the British
       and Egyptian troops, at Toski, on the 17th of August, 1889.
       From that time, for several years, "there was no real menace
       to Egypt," and little was heard of the Khalifa. "His
       territories were threatened on all sides: on the north by the
       British in Egypt; on the south by the British in Uganda: on
       the west by the Belgians in the Congo Free State, and by the
       French in the Western Soudan; whilst the Italians held Kassala
       on the east; so that the Khalifa preferred to husband his
       resources until the inevitable day should arrive when he would
       have to fight for his position."

       A crisis in the situation came in 1896. The Egyptian army,
       organized and commanded by British officers, had become a
       strong fighting force, on which its leaders could depend. Its
       Sirdar was now Major-General Sir Herbert Kitchener, who
       succeeded General Grenfell in 1892. Suddenly there came news,
       early in March, 1896, of the serious reverse which the
       Italians had suffered at Adowa, in their war with the
       Abyssinians (see, (in this volume) ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896).
       "The consternation felt in England and Egypt at this disaster
       deepened when it became known that Kassala, which was held by
       the Italian forces, was hemmed in, and seriously threatened by
       10,000 Dervishes, and that Osman Digna was marching there with
       reinforcements. If Kassala fell into the hands of the
       Dervishes, the latter would be let loose to overrun the Nile
       valley on the frontier of Egypt, and threaten that country
       itself. As if in anticipation of these reinforcements, the
       Dervishes suddenly assumed an offensive attitude, and it was
       rumoured that a large body of Dervishes were contemplating an
       immediate advance on Egypt. … A totally new situation was now
       created, and immediate action was rendered imperative.
       Everything was ripe for an expedition up the Nile. Whilst
       creating a diversion in favour of the Italians besieged at
       Kassala, it afforded an opportunity of creating a stronger
       barrier than the Wady Halfa boundary between Egypt and the
       Dervishes, and it would moreover be an important step towards
       the long-wished-for recovery of the Soudan. The announcement
       of the contemplated expedition was made in the House of
       Commons on the 17th of March, 1896, by Mr. Curzon,
       Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs. It came as a great
       surprise to the whole country, which, having heard so little
       of the Dervishes of late years, was not prepared for a
       recrudescence of the Soudan question. [But a vote of censure
       on the Egyptian policy of the government, moved by Mr. John
       Morley in the House of Commons, was rejected by 288 to 145.] …

       "An unexpected difficulty arose in connection with the
       financing of the expedition. This is explained very plainly
       and concisely in the 'Annual Register,' 1896, which we quote
       at length:—

       'In order to defray the cost of the undertaking, it being
       obviously desirable to impose as little strain as possible on
       the slowly recovering finances of Egypt, it was determined by
       the Egyptian Government to apply for an advance of £500,000
       from the General Reserve Fund of the Caisse de la Dette, and
       the authorities of the Caisse obligingly handed over the
       money. … However, the French and Russian members of the Caisse
       de la Dette protested against the loan which the Caisse had
       made. … In December (1896) the International Court of Appeal
       required the Egyptian Government to refund to the Caisse the
       £500,000 which they had secured. The very next day Lord Cromer
       offered an English loan to make good the advance. The Egyptian
       Government accepted his offer, and repaid immediately the
       £500,000 to the Caisse, and the result of this somewhat absurd
       transaction is that England has thus strengthened her hold in
       another small point on the Government of Egypt.'"

          H. S. L. Alford, and W. D. Sword,
          The Egyptian Soudan, its Loss and Recovery,
          chapter 4 (London: Macmillan & Company).

    {196}

       On the 21st of March, the Sirdar left Cairo for Assouan and
       Wady Halfa, and various Egyptian battalions were hurried up
       the river. Meantime, the forces already on the frontier had
       moved forward and taken the advanced post of the Dervishes, at
       Akasheh. From that point the Sirdar was ready to begin his
       advance early in June, and did so with two columns, a River
       Column and a Desert Column, the latter including a camel corps
       and a squadron of infantry mounted on camels, besides cavalry,
       horse artillery and Maxim guns. Ferket, on the east bank of
       the Nile, 16 miles from Akasheh, was taken after hard fighting
       on the 7th of June, many of the Dervishes refusing quarter and
       resisting to the death. They lost, it was estimated, 1,000
       killed and wounded, and 500 were taken prisoners. The Egyptian
       loss was slight. The Dervishes fell back some fifty miles, and
       the Sirdar halted at Suarda during three months, while the
       railroad was pushed forward, steamers dragged up the cataracts
       and stores concentrated, the army suffering greatly, meantime,
       from an alarming epidemic of cholera and from exhausting
       labors in a season of terrific heat. In the middle of
       September the advance was resumed, and, on the 23d, Dongola
       was reached. Seeing themselves outnumbered, the enemy there
       retreated, and the town, or its ruins, was taken with only a
       few shots from the steamers on the river. "As a consequence of
       the fall of Dongola every Dervish fled for his life from the
       province. The mounted men made off across the desert direct to
       Omdurman, and the foot soldiers took the Nile route to Berber,
       always being careful to keep out of range of the gunboats,
       which were prevented by the Fourth Cataract from pursuing them
       beyond Merawi."

          C. Hoyle,
          The Egyptian Campaigns, new and revised edition,
          to December, 1899, chapter 70-71.

       The Emir who commanded at Dongola was a comparatively young
       man, Mohammed Wad el Bishara, who seems to have been possessed
       by a very genuinely religious spirit, as shown in the
       following letter, which he had written to the Dervish
       commander at Ferket, just before the battle there, and which
       was found by the British officers when they entered that
       place:

       "You are, thank God, of good understanding, and are thoroughly
       acquainted with those rules of religion which enjoin love and
       unison. Thanks be to God that I hear but good reports of you.
       But you are now close to the enemy of God, and have with you,
       with the help of God, a sufficient number of men. I therefore
       request you to unite together, to have the heart of a single
       man founded on love and unity. Consult with one another, and
       thus you will insure good results, which will strengthen the
       religion and vex the heathen, the enemies of God. Do not move
       without consulting one another, and such others, also, in the
       army who are full of sense and wisdom. Employ their plans and
       tricks of war, in the general fight more especially. Your
       army, thank God, is large; if you unite and act as one hand,
       your action will be regular: you will, with the help of God,
       defeat the enemies of God and set at ease the mind of the
       Khalifa, peace be on him! Follow this advice, and do not allow
       any intrigues to come between you. Rely on God in all your
       doings; be bold in all your dealings with the enemy; let them
       find no flaw in your disposition for the fight. But be ever
       most vigilant, for these enemies of God are cunning, may God
       destroy them! Our brethren, Mohamed Koku, with two others,
       bring you this letter; on their return they will inform me
       whether you work in unison or not. Let them find you as
       ordered in religion, in good spirits, doing your utmost to
       insure the victory of religion. Remember, my brethren, that
       what moves me to urge on you to love each other and to unite
       is my love for you and my desire for your good. This is a
       trial of war; so for us love and amity are of utmost
       necessity. You were of the supporters of the Mahdi, peace be
       on him! You were as one spirit occupying one body. When the
       enemy know that you are quite united they will be much
       provoked. Strive, therefore, to provoke these enemies of
       religion. May God bless you and render you successful."

    EGYPT: A. D. 1895.
       New anti-slavery law.

       A convention to establish a more effective anti-slavery law in
       Egypt was signed on the 21st of November, 1895, "by the
       Minister of Foreign Affairs, representing the Khedival
       Government, and the British diplomatic agent and
       consul-general. … This new convention will supplant that of
       August 4, 1877, which … was found to be defective, inasmuch as
       it provided no penalty for the purchaser of a slave, but for
       the seller only. An Egyptian notable, Ali Pasha Cherif, at
       that time president of the Legislative Council, was tried for
       buying slaves for his household, but escaped punishment
       through a technicality of the law hitherto escaping notice. …
       Under the existing regulations, every slave in the Egyptian
       dominions has the right to complete freedom, and may demand
       his certificate of manumission whenever he chooses. Thus, all
       domestic slaves, of whom there are thousands in Cairo,
       Alexandria, and the large towns, may call upon their masters
       to set them free. Many choose to remain in nominal bondage,
       preferring the certainty of food and shelter to the hardships
       and uncertainty of looking after themselves."

          United States, Consular Reports,
          March, 1896, page 370.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1897.
       Italian evacuation of Kassala, in the eastern Sudan.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1897.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1897 (June).
       Census.

       A census of Egypt, taken on the 1st of June, 1897, showed a
       population of 9,700,000, the area being Egypt up to Wady
       Haifa. In 1882 an imperfect census gave six and three-quarter
       millions. Twelve per cent. of the males can write, the rest
       are totally illiterate. There are, it is said, about 40,000
       persons not really Egyptians, but who come from other parts of
       the Ottoman Empire. The Bedouin number 570,000, but of these
       only 89,000 are really nomads, the rest being semi-sedentary.
       Of foreign residents there are 112,500, of whom the Greeks,
       the most numerous, number 38,000. Then come the Italians, with
       24,500. The British (including 6,500 Maltese and 5,000 of the
       Army of Occupation) are 19,500; and the French (including
       4,000 Algerians and Tunisians), 14,000. The Germans only
       number 1,300.
    {197}
       The classification according to religion shows nearly
       9,000,000 Moslems, 730,000 Christians, and 25,000 Jews, The
       Christians include the Coptic race, numbering about 608,000.
       Only a very small proportion profess the Roman Catholic and
       Protestant faiths. Amongst the town populations Cairo contains
       570,000, Alexandria 320,000.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.
       The final campaigns of the Anglo-Egyptian conquest
       of the Eastern Sudan.
       Desperate battles of the Atbara and of Omdurman.

       "The winter of 1896-1897 was passed, undisturbed by the enemy.
       The extended and open front of the Egyptian army imperatively
       called for fresh guarantees against a Dervish invasion. The
       important strategic position of Abu Hamed was then held by the
       enemy, to dislodge whom was the objective of the 1897 campaign.
       The railway was boldly launched into the Nubian Desert; the
       rail-head crept rapidly and surely towards the Dervish post,
       until within striking distance of Abu Hamed: when the
       river-column, by a forced march, through difficult country,
       delivered an attack on 7th August. Abu Hamed was taken by the
       Egyptian army under Major-General (now Sir Archibald) Hunter,
       with trifling loss: and the effect of this victory caused the
       precipitate evacuation of Berber. The Dervishes withdrew: the
       Egyptians—not to lose so favourable an opening—advanced.
       Berber, the key to the Sudan, was promptly re-occupied. The
       railway was hastened forward; reinforcements were detrained,
       before the close of the year, at a short distance from Berber:
       and the Anglo-Egyptian authorities gathered force for the last
       heat. British troops were called up. In this final struggle
       [1898] nothing could be risked. An Egyptian reverse would have
       redoubled the task on the accomplishment of which, having
       deliberately accepted it, we had pledged our honour. Mahmud,
       the Dervish emir, and that ubiquitous rascal Osman Digna, with
       their united forces, were marching on Berber. They, however,
       held up at the confluence of the Atbara, and comfortably
       intrenched themselves in a 'zariba.' Here the Sirdar came out
       to have a look at them. The Dervish force numbered about
       19,000 men. The Anglo-Egyptian army was composed of 13,000
       men. The odds were good enough for the Sirdar: and he went for
       them. Under the demoralization created by some sharp artillery
       practice, the Anglo-Egyptians stormed the 'zariba,' killed
       three-fourths of the defenders, and chased the remainder away.
       This victory [April 8, 1898], which cost over 500 men in
       killed and wounded, broke the Dervish power for offence and
       seriously damaged the Khalifa's prestige. With reinforcements,
       bringing his army up to 22,000 men, including some picked
       British regiments, the Sirdar then advanced slowly up the
       river. It was a pilgrimage to the Mahdi's tomb, in sight of
       which Cross and Crescent combined to overthrow the false
       prophet. This sanguinary and decisive engagement [before
       Omdurman] took place on 2nd September, 1898. The Khalifa was
       put to flight; his forces were scattered and ridden down. On
       the same evening, the Sirdar entered Omdurman, and released
       the European captives. Subsequently, the British and Egyptian
       flags were hoisted together at Khartum; and divine service was
       celebrated at the spot where Gordon fell."

          A. S. White,
          The Expansion of Egypt,
          pages 383-384
          (New York: New Amsterdam Book Company).

       "The honour of the fight [at Omdurman] must still go with the
       men who died. Our men were perfect, but the dervishes were
       superb—beyond perfection. It was their largest, best, and
       bravest army that ever fought against us for Mahdism, and it
       died worthily of the huge empire that Mahdism won and kept so
       long. Their riflemen, mangled by every kind of death and
       torment that man can devise, clung round the black flag and
       the green, emptying their poor, rotten, homemade cartridges
       dauntlessly. Their spearmen charged death at every minute
       hopelessly. Their horsemen led each attack, riding into the
       bullets till nothing was left but three horses trotting up to
       our line, heads down, saying, 'For goodness' sake, let us in
       out of this.' Not one rush, or two, or ten—but rush on rush,
       company on company, never stopping, though all their view that
       was not unshaken enemy was the bodies of the men who had
       rushed before them. A dusky line got up and stormed forward:
       it bent, broke up, fell apart, and disappeared. Before the
       smoke had cleared, another line was bending and storming
       forward in the same track.

       "It was over. The avenging squadrons of the Egyptian cavalry
       swept over the field. The Khalifa and the Sheikh-ed-Din had
       galloped back to Omdurman. Ali Wad Helu was borne away on an
       angareb with a bullet through his thigh-bone. Yakub lay dead
       under his brother's banner. From the green army there now came
       only death-enamoured desperadoes, strolling one by one towards
       the rifles, pausing to shake a spear, turning aside to
       recognise a corpse, then, caught by a sudden jet of fury,
       bounding forward, checking, sinking limply to the ground. Now
       under the black flag in a ring of bodies stood only three men,
       facing the three thousand of the Third Brigade. They folded
       their arms about the staff and gazed steadily forward. Two
       fell. The last dervish stood up and filled his chest; he
       shouted the name of his God and hurled his spear. Then he
       stood quite still, waiting. It took him full; he quivered,
       gave at the knees, and toppled with his head on his arms and
       his face towards the legions of his conquerors. Over 11,000
       killed, 16,000 wounded, 4,000 prisoners,—that was the
       astounding bill of dervish casualties officially presented
       after the battle of Omdurman. Some people had estimated the
       whole dervish army at 1,000 less than this total: few had put
       it above 50,000. The Anglo-Egyptian army on the day of battle
       numbered, perhaps, 22,000 men: if the Allies had done the same
       proportional execution at Waterloo, not one Frenchman would
       have escaped. … The dervish army was killed out as hardly an
       army has been killed out in the history of war. It will shock
       you, but it was simply unavoidable. Not a man was killed
       except resisting—very few except attacking. Many wounded were
       killed, it is true, but that again was absolutely unavoidable.
       … It was impossible not to kill the dervishes: they refused to
       go back alive."

    {198}

       The same brilliant writer gives the following description of
       Omdurman, as the British found it on entering the town after
       the victory: "It began just like any other town or village of
       the mean Sudan. Half the huts seemed left unfinished, the
       other half to have been deserted and fallen to pieces. There
       were no streets, no doors or windows except holes, usually no
       roofs. As for a garden, a tree, a steading for a beast—any
       evidence of thrift or intelligence, any attempt at comfort or
       amenity or common cleanliness,—not a single trace of any of
       it. Omdurman was just planless confusion of blind walls and
       gaping holes, shiftless stupidity, contented filth and
       beastliness. But that, we said, was only the outskirts: when
       we come farther in we shall surely find this mass of
       population manifesting some small symbols of a great dominion.
       And presently we came indeed into a broader way than the
       rest—something with the rude semblance of a street. Only it
       was paved with dead donkeys, and here and there it disappeared
       in a cullender of deep holes where green water festered. …
       Omdurman was a rabbit-warren—a threadless labyrinth of tiny
       huts or shelters, too flimsy for the name of sheds.
       Oppression, stagnation, degradation, were stamped deep on
       every yard of miserable Omdurman.

       "But the people! We could hardly see the place for the people.
       We could hardly hear our own voices for their shrieks of
       welcome. We could hardly move for their importunate greetings.
       They tumbled over each other like ants from every mud heap, from
       behind every dung-hill, from under every mat. … They had been
       trying to kill us three hours before. But they salaamed, none
       the less, and volleyed, 'Peace be with you' in our track. All
       the miscellaneous tribes of Arabs whom Abdullahi's fears or
       suspicions had congregated in his capital, all the blacks his
       captains had gathered together into franker
       slavery—indiscriminate, half-naked, grinning the grin of the
       sycophant, they held out their hands and asked for backsheesh.
       Yet more wonderful were the women. The multitude of women whom
       concupiscence had harried from every recess of Africa and
       mewed up in Baggara harems came out to salute their new
       masters. There were at least three of them to every man. Black
       women from Equatoria and almost white women from Egypt,
       plum-skinned Arabs and a strange yellow type with square, bony
       faces and tightly-ringleted black hair, … the whole city was a
       huge harem, a museum of African races, a monstrosity of
       African lust."

       G. W. Steevens,
       With Kitchener to Khartum,
       chapter 32-34
       (copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, quoted with permission).

       "Anyone who has not served in the Sudan cannot conceive the
       state of devastation and misery to which that unfortunate
       country has been brought under Dervish rule. Miles and miles
       of formerly richly cultivated country lies waste; villages are
       deserted; the population has disappeared. Thousands of women
       are without homes or families. Years must elapse before the
       Sudan can recover from the results of its abandonment to
       Dervish tyranny; but it is to be hoped and may be confidently
       expected, that in course of time, under just and upright
       government, the Sudan may be restored to prosperity; and the
       great battle of September will be remembered as having
       established peace, without which prosperity would have been
       impossible; and from which thousands of misguided and wretched
       people will reap the benefits of civilization."

          E. S. Wortley,
          With the Sirdar
          (Scribner's Magazine, January, 1899).

    EGYPT: A. D. 1898.
       The country and its people after 15 years
       of British occupation.

       "The British occupation has now lasted for over fifteen years.
       During the first five, comparatively little was accomplished,
       owing to the uncertain and provisional character of our
       tenure. The work done has been done in the main in the last
       ten years, and was only commenced in earnest when the British
       authorities began to realise that, whether we liked it or not,
       we had got to stay; and the Egyptians themselves came to the
       conclusion that we intended to stay. … Under our occupation
       Egypt has been rendered solvent and prosperous; taxes have
       been largely reduced; her population has increased by nearly
       50 per cent.; the value and the productiveness of her soil has
       been greatly improved; a regular and permanent system of
       irrigation has been introduced into Lower Egypt, and is now in
       the course of introduction into Upper Egypt; trade and
       industry have made giant strides; the use of the Kurbash
       [bastinado] has been forbidden; the Corvée has been
       suppressed; regularity in the collection of taxes has been
       made the rule, and not the exception; wholesale corruption has
       been abolished; the Fellaheen can now keep the money they
       earn, and are better off than they were before; the landowners
       are all richer owing to the fresh supply of water, with the
       consequent rapid increase in the saleable price of land;
       justice is administered with an approach to impartiality;
       barbarous punishments have been mitigated, if not abolished;
       and the extraordinary conversion of Cairo into a fair
       semblance of a civilised European capital has been repeated on
       a smaller scale in all the chief centres of Egypt. To put the
       matter briefly, if our occupation were to cease to-morrow, we
       should leave Egypt and the Egyptians far better off than they
       were when our occupation commenced.

       "If, however, I am asked whether we have succeeded in the
       alleged aim of our policy, that of rendering Egypt fit for
       self-government, I should be obliged honestly to answer that
       in my opinion we have made little or no progress towards the
       achievement of this aim. The one certain result of our
       interference in the internal administration of Egypt has been
       to impair, if not to destroy, the authority of the Khedive; of
       the Mudirs, who, as the nominees of the Effendina, rule over
       the provinces; and of the Sheiks, who, in virtue of the favour
       of the Mudirs, govern the villages. We have undoubtedly
       trained a school of native officials who have learnt that it
       is to their interest to administer the country more or less in
       accordance with British ideas. Here and there we may have
       converted an individual official to a genuine belief in these
       ideas. But I am convinced that if our troops were withdrawn,
       and our place in Egypt was not taken by any other civilised
       European Power, the old state of things would revive at once,
       and Egypt would be governed once more by the old system of
       Baksheesh and Kurbash."

          E. Dicey,
          Egypt, 1881 to 1897
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1898).

    {199}

       Reviewing the report, for 1898, of Lord Cromer, the British
       Agent and Consul-General, who is practically the director of
       the government of Egypt, "The Spectator" (London) has noted
       the principle of Lord Cromer's administration to be that of
       "using English heads but Egyptian hands. In practice this
       means the policy of never putting an Englishman into any post
       which could be just as well filled by a native. In other
       words, the Englishman is only used in the administration where
       he is indispensable. Where he is not, the native, as is only just
       and right, is employed. The outcome of this is that Lord
       Cromer's work in Egypt has been carried out by 'a body of
       officials who certainly do not exceed one hundred in number,
       and might possibly, if the figures were vigorously examined,
       be somewhat lower.' Lord Cromer adds, however, that 'these
       hundred have been selected with the greatest care.' In fact,
       the principle has been,—never employ an Englishman unless it
       is necessary in the interests of good government to do so, but
       then employ a first-class man. The result is that the
       inspiring force in every Department of the Egyptian State is a
       first-class English brain, and yet the natives are not
       depressed by being deprived of their share of the
       administration. The Egyptians, that is, do not feel the
       legitimate grievance that is felt by the Tunisians and
       Algerians when they see even little posts of a couple of
       hundred a year filled by Frenchmen."

          Spectator,
          April 15, 1899.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (September-November).
       The French expedition of M. Marchand at Fashoda.

       On the 10th of September, eight days after destroying the
       power of the Khalifa at Omdurman, the Sirdar, Lord Kitchener,
       left that fallen capital with five gunboats and a considerable
       force of Highlanders, Sudanese and Egyptians, to take possession
       of the Upper Nile. At Fashoda, in the Shilluk country, a
       little north of the junction of the Sobat with the White Nile,
       he found a party of eight French officers and about a hundred
       Senegalese troops, commanded by M. Marchand, entrenched at the
       old government buildings in that place and claiming occupation
       of the country. It had been known for some time that M.
       Marchand was leading an expedition from the French Congo
       towards the Nile, and the British government had been seeking
       an explanation of its objects from the government of France,
       uttering warnings, at the same time, that England would
       recognize no rights in any part of the Nile Valley except the
       rights of Egypt, which the evacuation of the Egyptian Sudan,
       consequent on the conquests of the Mahdi and the Dervishes,
       had not extinguished. Even long before the movements of M.
       Marchand were known, it had been suspected that France
       entertained the design of extending her great possessions in
       West Africa eastward, to connect with the Nile, and, as early
       as the spring of 1895, Sir Edward Grey, speaking for the
       British Foreign Office, in reply to a question then asked in
       the House of Commons, concerning rumors that a French
       expedition from West Africa was approaching the Nile, said
       with unmistakable meaning: "After all I have explained about
       the claims we consider we have under past Agreements, and the
       claims which we consider Egypt may have in the Nile Valley,
       and adding to that the fact that those claims and the view of
       the Government with regard to them are fully and clearly known
       to the French Government, I cannot think it is possible that
       these rumors deserve credence, because the advance of a French
       expedition under secret instructions right from the other side
       of Africa into a territory over which our claims have been
       known for so long would be not merely an inconsistent and
       unexpected act, but it must be perfectly well known to the
       French Government that it would be an unfriendly act, and
       would be so viewed by England." In December, 1897, the British
       Ambassador at Paris had called the attention of the French
       government to Sir Edward Grey's declaration, adding that "Her
       Majesty's present Government entirely adhere to the language
       that was on this occasion employed by their predecessors."

       As between the two governments, then, such was the critical
       situation of affairs when the Sirdar, who had been already
       instructed how to act if he found intruders in the Nile
       Valley, came upon M. Marchand and his little party at Fashoda.
       The circumstances and the results of the meeting were reported by
       him promptly as follows: "On reaching the old Government
       buildings, over which the French flag was flying, M. Marchand,
       accompanied by Captain Germain, came on board. After
       complimenting them on their long and arduous journey, I
       proceeded at once to inform M. Marchand that I was authorized
       to state that the presence of the French at Fashoda and in the
       Valley of the Nile was regarded as a direct violation of the
       rights of Egypt and Great Britain, and that, in accordance
       with my instructions, I must protest in the strongest terms
       against their occupation of Fashoda, and their hoisting of the
       French flag in the dominions of His Highness the Khedive. In
       reply, M. Marchand stated that as a soldier he had to obey
       orders; the instructions of his Government to occupy the
       Bahr-el-Ghazal and the Mudirieh of Fashoda were precise, and,
       having carried them out, he must await the orders of his
       Government as to his subsequent action and movements. I then
       pointed out that I had the instructions of the Government to
       re-establish Egyptian authority in the Fashoda Mudirieh, and I
       asked M. Marchand whether he was prepared—on behalf of the
       French Government—to resist the execution of these orders; he
       must be fully aware, I said, that the Egyptian and British
       forces were very much more powerful than those at his
       disposal, but, at the same time, I was very averse to creating
       a situation which might lead to hostilities. I therefore
       begged M. Marchand to most carefully consider his final
       decision on this matter. I further informed him that I should
       be pleased to place one of the gun-boats at his disposal to
       convey him and his expedition north. In answer to this, M.
       Marchand did not hesitate to admit the preponderating forces
       at my disposal, and his inability to offer effective armed
       resistance; if, however, he said, I felt obliged to take any
       such action, he could only submit, to the inevitable, which
       would mean that he and his companions would die at their
       posts. He begged, therefore, that I would consider his
       position, and would allow the question of his remaining at
       Fashoda to be referred to his Government, as, without their
       orders, he could not retire from his position or haul down his
       flag; at the same time, he said he felt sure that, under the
       circumstances, the orders for his retirement would not be
       delayed by his Government, and that then he hoped to avail
       himself of the offer I had made him. I then said to him: 'Do I
       understand that you are authorized by the French Government to
       resist Egypt in putting up its flag and reasserting its
       authority in its former possessions—such as the Mudirieh of
       Fashoda?' M. Marchand hesitated, and then said that he could
       not resist the Egyptian flag being hoisted. I replied that my
       instructions were to hoist the flag, and that I intended to do
       so. … The Egyptian flag was hoisted … at 1 P. M. with due
       ceremony in the presence of the British and Egyptian troops,
       and a salute of twenty-one guns was fired.
    {200}
       I should add that, in the course of the conversation, I
       informed M. Marchand that, in addition to my verbal protest, I
       intended to make a formal protest in writing, and this I duly
       handed him before leaving Fashoda. During these somewhat
       delicate proceedings nothing could have exceeded, the
       politeness and courtesy of the French officers. Having
       officially appointed Major Jackson Commandant of the Fashoda
       district, and leaving with him a battalion of infantry, four
       guns, and a gun-boat, I proceeded south with the remainder of
       the troops and four gun-boats. …

       "I had no opportunity for a further interview with M.
       Marchand, who, I venture to think, holds at Fashoda a most
       anomalous position—encamped with 120 men on a narrow strip of
       land, surrounded by marshes, cut off from access to the
       interior, possessing only three small boats without oars or
       sails and an inefficient steam-launch which has lately been
       dispatched on along journey south, short of ammunition and
       supplies, his followers exhausted by years of continuous
       hardship, yet still persisting in the prosecution of his
       impracticable undertaking in the face of the effective
       occupation and administration of the country I have been able
       to establish. It is impossible not to entertain the highest
       admiration for the courage, devotion, and indomitable spirit
       displayed by M. Marchand's expedition, but our general
       impression was one of astonishment that an attempt should have
       been made to carry out a project of such magnitude and danger
       by the dispatch of so small and ill-equipped a force which—as
       their Commander remarked to me, was neither in a position to
       resist a second Dervish attack nor to retire—indeed, had our
       destruction of the Khalifa's power at Omdurman been delayed a
       fortnight, in all probability he and his companions would have
       been massacred. The claims of M. Marchand to have occupied the
       Bahr-el-Ghazal and Fashoda Provinces with the force at his
       disposal would be ludicrous did not the sufferings and
       privations his expedition endured during their two years'
       arduous journey render the futility of their efforts
       pathetic."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Egypt, Numbers 2 and 3, 1898).

       The "Fashoda incident," as it was described, caused great
       excitement in both England and France, and threatened for some
       weeks to involve the two countries in war. Both army feeling
       and popular feeling in France very nearly forced the
       government to persist in what was plainly an ill-considered
       and inopportune movement, and to hold untenable ground. But
       better sense prevailed, and, on the 2d of November, when the
       Sirdar, Lord Kitchener, who had visited England, was being
       feasted and given the freedom of London, at Guildhall, Lord
       Salisbury was able to make a dramatic announcement of the
       closing of the dispute. "I received," he said, speaking at the
       banquet, "from the French ambassador this afternoon the
       information that the French Government had come to the
       conclusion that the occupation of Fashoda was of no sort of
       value to the French Republic, and they thought that, under
       those circumstances, to persist in an occupation which only
       cost them money and did them harm, merely because some
       people—some bad advisers—thought it might be disagreeable to
       an unwelcome neighbor, would not show the wisdom with which, I
       think, the French Republic has been uniformly guided, and they
       have done what I believe many other governments would have
       done in the same position—they have resolved that the
       occupation must cease."

    EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.
       The Gordon Memorial College at Khartoum.

       On an appeal from Lord Kitchener, funds were raised in Great
       Britain for the founding of a Gordon Memorial College at
       Khartoum, to be, in the first instance, a school for
       elementary instruction to the sons of the heads of districts
       and villages.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.
       The Barrage and Reservoir works on the Nile.

       In February, 1898, the Khedive in Council approved a contract
       concluded with the British firm of John Aird & Company, for
       the construction of a dam or "barrage" across the Nile at
       Assouan, drowning the cataracts and turning the river above
       into a vast storage reservoir; with another dam at Assiout,
       for the irrigation of Middle Egypt and the Fayum. In the
       report of Lord Cromer for 1898, Sir William Garstein, at the
       head of the Egyptian Public Works Department, gave the
       following description of the plan of the works, then fairly
       under way: "The dam which is to form the reservoir will be
       built at the first cataract, a few miles south of Assouan. It
       is designed to hold up water to a level of 106 metres above
       mean sea level, or rather more than 20 metres above the
       low-water level of the Nile at site. Its total length will be
       2,156 yards with a width at crest of 26.4 feet. The width of
       base at the deepest portion will be 82.5 feet, and the height
       of the work at the deepest spot will be 92.4 feet. The dam
       will be pierced by 180 openings, or under-sluices (140 of
       which are 23.1 feet by 6.6 feet and 40 are 18.2 feet by 6.6
       feet) provided with gates. These sluices will pass the flood
       and surplus water through the dam, and by them the reservoir
       will be emptied when water is required for irrigation in
       Middle and Lower Egypt. Three locks will be built, and a
       navigation channel made on the west of the river to enable
       boats to pass up and down.

       "The dam at Assiout will be what is called an open Barrage,
       and will be similar in construction to the existing Barrages
       on the Rosetta and Damietta branches. The new work will
       consist of 111 bays or openings, each 16.5 feet wide, and each
       bay will be provided with regulating gates. The total length
       of the work will be 903 yards. A lock 53 feet in width will be
       constructed on the west bank, large enough to pass the largest
       tourist boat plying on the river. By regulating on this
       Barrage water will be supplied in spring and summer to the
       Ibrahimieh Canal, which irrigates Middle Egypt. At present
       this canal has to be dredged to a depth of some 2 metres below
       the lowest summer level in the river, and even with these the
       crops suffer in years of low summer supply. A regulation
       bridge with a lock will be built at the head of the Ibrahimieh
       Canal in order to allow of the supply being reduced, if
       necessary, in flood."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: Egypt,
          Number 3, 1899.

       By a singular happening, the Nile flood of 1899 was the lowest
       recorded in the century, and gave an opportunity for the
       barrage and irrigation works, barely begun as they were, to
       give a convincing foretaste of their value. According to the
       report of that year, "the distress was enormously less than on
       all previous occasions of a failure of the flood. The area of
       'sharaki,' or land unirrigated and therefore untaxed, which
       had been 900,000 feddans in 1877 was only one-third of this in
       1899.
    {201}
       Even in this area, which lay principally in Upper Egypt,
       'distress,' says Sir William Garstein, 'was hardly felt at all
       by the people. The immense amount of contract work in progress
       in the country enabled them to obtain a good daily wage and
       tided over the interval between the two crops.' In Lower Egypt
    'the situation was saved by the Barrage, which, for the first
       time in its history, was regulated upon throughout the flood.
       Had it not been for the work done by this structure, there is
       little doubt that large areas of crop would have been lost. As
       it is, the cotton crop is very nearly the largest on record,
       and the maize crop was up to the average.'" Of the progress of
       the work at Assouan it is said: "After nearly a year had been
       spent in accumulation of material and various preparations,
       the foundation stone of the dam was laid by H. R. H. the Duke
       of Connaught on February 12; and from that date the work was
       carried on with less interruption than must have been
       necessitated by a normal flood. Beginning on the east bank,
       masonry was carried on throughout a length of 620 metres, and
       of these, 360 metres were brought up to within two metres of
       their full height. … Not less satisfactory progress was made
       with the weir at Assiut, although the original design had to
       be considerably altered."

       On the 7th of February, 1901, a Press despatch from Cairo
       reported: "Sir John Aird and Sir Benjamin Baker start for
       England on Sunday next, having completed their visit of
       inspection to the great engineering works at Assuan, where the
       immense dam to hold up the waters of the Nile is being
       constructed. The total extent of the dam is one mile and a
       quarter, of which one mile and an eighth of the foundation is
       finished. Temporary dams enabling the remaining section to be
       put in are now carried across the channel. Pumps for getting
       in the permanent dam foundations will be started next week.
       The whole of the granite masonry required for the dam is cut
       and ready to be laid in its place. The parapet alone remains
       to be prepared. The portion of the dam remaining to be built
       is that across the well-known deep western channel. The work
       is of considerable difficulty, but the experience gained last
       season in dealing with other channels has rendered the
       engineers and contractors confident that equal success will be
       obtained this year in the western channel. The dam is pierced
       with 180 openings, about 23 feet high and 7 feet wide, which
       openings are controlled by steel sluices. The work for the
       latter is now well advanced. The discharge through these
       sluices at high Nile may reach 15,000 tons of water per
       second. The navigation channel and chain of locks are equally
       advanced with the dam itself, and the lock gates will also be
       in course of construction in about three months. Unless
       anything unforeseen occurs the reservoirs will be in operation
       for the Nile flood of 1903. This will be well within the
       contract time, although owing to the increased depth of the
       foundations the work done by the contractors has been largely
       increased.

       "At Assiut the great regulating dam across the Nile approaches
       completion, the foundations being practically all in position,
       leaving a portion of the superstructure to be completed. The
       sluice openings here number 119, all 16 feet wide. This dam is
       somewhat similar in principle to the well-known barrage near
       Cairo, but the details of construction are entirely different,
       as the foundations are guarded against undermining by a
       complete line of cast iron and steel-piling above and below
       the work. The barrage itself is constructed of high-class
       masonry instead of brickwork as at the old barrage. Although
       the Assiut barrage is overshadowed by the greater magnitude of
       the Assuan dam, it will, doubtless, rank second as the
       monumental work of Egypt."

    EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (January).
       The Anglo-Egyptian Condominium established in the Sudan.

       The following agreement between the British government and
       that of the Khedive of Egypt, relative to the future
       administration of the Sudan, establishing a condominium or
       joint dominion therein, was signed at Cairo on the 19th of
       January, 1899, and made public the same day:

       Whereas certain provinces in the Sudan which were in rebellion
       against the authority of His Highness the Khedive have now
       been reconquered by the joint military and financial efforts
       of Her Britannic Majesty's Government and the Government of
       His Highness the Khedive; and whereas it has become necessary
       to decide upon a system for the administration of and for the
       making of laws for the said reconquered provinces, under which
       due allowance may be made for the backward and unsettled
       condition of large portions thereof, and for the varying
       requirements of different localities; and whereas it is
       desired to give effect to the claims which have accrued to Her
       Britannic Majesty's Government by right of conquest, to share
       in the present settlement and future working and development
       of the said system of administration and legislation; and
       whereas it is conceived that for many purposes Wadi Haifa and
       Suákin may be most effectively administered in conjunction
       with the reconquered provinces to which they are respectively
       adjacent; now, it is hereby agreed and declared by and between
       the Undersigned, duly authorized for that purpose, as follows:

       ARTICLE I.
       The word "Sudan" in this Agreement means all the territories
       South of the 22nd parallel of latitude, which:

       1. Have never been evacuated by Egyptian troops since the year
       1882; or

       2.
       Which, having before the late rebellion in the Sudan been
       administered by the Government of His Highness the Khedive,
       were temporarily lost to Egypt, and have been reconquered by
       Her Majesty's Government and the Egyptian Government acting in
       concert; or

       3. Which may hereafter be reconquered by the two Governments
       acting in concert.

       ARTICLE II.
       The British and Egyptian flags shall be used together, both on
       land and water, throughout the Sudan, except in the town of
       Suákin, in which locality the Egyptian flag alone shall be
       used.

       ARTICLE III.
       The supreme military and civil command in the Sudan shall be
       vested in one officer, termed the "Governor-General of the
       Sudan." He shall be appointed by Khedivial Decree on the
       recommendation of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, and
       shall be removed only by Khedivial Decree, with the consent of
       Her Britannic Majesty's Government.

    {202}

       ARTICLE IV.
       Laws, as also Orders and Regulations with the full force of
       law, for the good government of the Sudan, and for regulating
       the holding, disposal, and devolution of property of every
       kind therein situate, may from time to time be made, altered,
       or abrogated by Proclamation of the Governor-General. Such
       Laws, Orders, and Regulations may apply to the whole of any
       named part of the Sudan, and may, either explicitly or by
       necessary implication, alter or abrogate any existing Law or
       Regulation. All such Proclamations shall be forthwith notified
       to Her Britannic Majesty's Agent and Consul-General in Cairo, and
       to the President of the Council of Ministers of His Highness
       the Khedive.

       ARTICLE V.
       No Egyptian Law, Decree, Ministerial Arrêté, or other
       enactment hereafter to be made or promulgated shall apply to
       the Sudan or any part thereof, save in so far as the same
       shall be applied by Proclamation of the Governor-General in
       manner hereinbefore provided.

       ARTICLE VI.
       In the definition by Proclamation of the conditions under
       which Europeans, of whatever nationality, shall be at liberty
       to trade with or reside in the Sudan, or to hold property
       within its limits, no special privileges shall be accorded to
       the subjects of anyone or more Power.

       ARTICLE VII.
       Import duties on entering the Sudan shall not be payable on
       goods coming from Egyptian territory. Such duties may,
       however, be levied on goods coming from elsewhere than
       Egyptian territory, but in the case of goods entering the
       Sudan at Suákin, or any other port on the Red Sea Littoral,
       they shall not exceed the corresponding duties for the time
       being leviable on goods entering Egypt from abroad. Duties may
       be levied on goods leaving the Sudan at such rates as may from
       time to time be prescribed by Proclamation.

       ARTICLE VIII.
       The jurisdiction of the Mixed Tribunals shall not extend, nor
       be recognized for any purpose whatsoever, in any part of the
       Sudan, except in the town of Suákin.

       ARTICLE IX.
       Until, and save so far as it shall be otherwise determined, by
       Proclamation, the Sudan, with the exception of the town of
       Suákin, shall be and remain under martial law.

       ARTICLE X.
       No Consuls, Vice-Consuls, or Consular Agents shall be
       accredited in respect of nor allowed to reside in the Sudan,
       without the previous consent of Her Britannic Majesty's
       Government.

       ARTICLE XI.
       The importation of slaves into the Sudan, as also their
       exportation, is absolutely prohibited. Provision shall be made
       by Proclamation for the enforcement of this Regulation.

       ARTICLE XII.
       It is agreed between the two Governments that special
       attention shall be paid to the enforcement of the Brussels Act
       of the 2nd July 1890, in respect to the import, sale, and
       manufacture of fire-arms and their munitions, and distilled or
       spirituous liquors.

       Done in Cairo, the 19th January, 1899.
       (Signed) Boutros Ghali-Cromer.

          A. S. White, The Expansion of Egypt,
          Appendix V. (New York: New Amsterdam Book Company)

       By a subsequent, agreement signed July 10, the exceptions in
       the above relative to Suákin were abrogated.

    EGYPT: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Final defeat and death of the Khalifa.
       Capture of Osman Digna.
       Condition of the Sudan.

       The Khalifa, who escaped from the scene of his overthrow at
       Omdurman, in 1898, kept a following of his own tribe, the
       Baggaras, sufficient to give trouble for more than another
       year. At length, late in November, 1899, he was overtaken by
       Sir Francis Wingate, who succeeded General Kitchener as
       Governor-General of the Sudan, and was killed in a battle
       fought near Gedil. Again Osman Digna, his able lieutenant,
       escaped; but in January of the following year the latter was
       captured and taken to Suez.

       In a report to Lord Salisbury, made on the 20th of February,
       1900, Lord Cromer, British Agent and Consul-General in Egypt,
       gave the following account of the general state of affairs in
       the Sudan:

       "The territorial situation may be briefly described as
       follows:—The frontier between the Soudan and the Italian
       Colony of Erythræa has now been delimitated from Ras Kasar, on
       the Red Sea, to Sabderat, a few miles east of Kassala.
       Negotiations are proceeding which will, without doubt, result
       before long in the delimitation of the small remaining portion
       of the Italian frontier from Sabderat up to the point where it
       strikes Abyssinian territory. The most friendly relations
       exist between the British and Abyssinian Governments. The
       general basis of a frontier arrangement in respect to the
       country lying west of the Blue Nile has already been settled
       with the Emperor Menelek. When the survey party, now being
       employed, has finished its work, it may confidently be
       expected that the detailed delimitation will be carried out
       without much difficulty.

       "An endeavour is being made to cut through the sudd which
       obstructs the White Nile, and thus open up communication with
       Uganda. To a certain extent this communication may be said to
       be already established, for a mixed party, consisting of
       British, French, and Belgian officers, with their followers,
       arriving from the South, recently succeeded in getting through
       and joining the Egyptian party, under Major Peake, which was
       engaged in cutting the sudd. … From the moment of the
       Khalifa's crushing defeat at Omdurman, the desert and Kordofan
       tribes, with the exception of a certain number of Baggaras who
       still adhered to the cause of their Chief, threw in their lot
       with the Government. Most of these tribes, however, rendered
       but little active assistance to the Government in the
       subsequent operations against the Khalifa. Omdurman and the
       Ghezireh [the tract of country lying south of Khartoum,
       between the White and Blue Niles] were found to be full of
       Arabs belonging to the Kordofan and far western tribes, who
       had been brought from their homes by the Khalifa. They were
       without any regular means of subsistence, but, in the existing
       state of insecurity, it was for the time being impossible for
       them to return to their own districts. … The inhabitants of
       the districts which were raided by the Dervishes were obliged
       to take refuge in the Ghezireh, with the result that the
       situation remained practically unchanged until the Khalifa's
       overthrow and death. Since then, the main objects of the
       Government have been to send back to their homes the
       inhabitants of the gum producing region, and to get rid of the
       useless mouths from the Ghezireh. In respect to the first
       point, some success has attended their efforts, but many
       thousands of Arabs belonging to tribes whose homes are in
       Kordofan and Darfour, still remain in the Ghezireh. … The
       attitude of the Nubas and of other tribes in Central and
       Southern Kordofan has, since the battle of Omdurman, been
       perfectly satisfactory. … Some long time must certainly elapse
       before prosperity returns to the tribes in the Soudan. The
       population has wasted away under Dervish rule."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Egypt, Number 1, 1900, pages 43-44.

       ----------EGYPT: End--------

    {203}

    ELAM.

          See (in volume 1)
          BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

          (in volume 4)
          SEMITES;

          and (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA, and PERSIA.

    ELANDSLAAGTE, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    ELBE-RHINE CANAL PROJECT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

    EL CANEY, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    ELIZABETH, Empress of Austria:
       Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

    EL ZANJON, Treaty of.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

    EMPLOYERS' FEDERATION, British.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES; A. D. 1897.

    EMPLOYERS' LIABILITY BILL, The English.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

    EMPRESS-DOWAGER, of China, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER), and after.

    ENGINEERS, Strike and lockout of British.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

       ----------ENGLAND (GREAT BRITAIN): Start--------

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1894.
       The commandeering question with the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Retirement of Mr. Gladstone from public life.
       Earl of Rosebery Prime Minister.
       His speech on the "predominant member" and Home Rule.
       Weakening and overthrow of the Liberal Government.
       Dissolution of Parliament.
       Conservative and Unionist triumph.
       Third Ministry of Lord Salisbury.

       Mr. Gladstone, who had passed his 84th year, whose health was
       failing, and who might justly consider that his public work
       was done, resigned his post as Prime Minister, on the 2d of
       March, 1894, and the Earl of Rosebery, on his recommendation,
       was called by the Queen to take his place. Slight changes,
       otherwise, were made in the cabinet, but the spirit in the
       Liberal government was no longer the same. The new Premier
       soon signified that his disposition in the matter of Home Rule
       for Ireland was not quite what Mr. Gladstone's had been, by
       using the following language in a speech (March 13) in the
       House of Lords:

       "Before Irish Home Rule is conceded by the Imperial Parliament
       England, as the predominant member of the partnership of the
       three kingdoms, will have to be convinced of its justice. That
       may seem to be a considerable admission to make, because your
       lordships will know that the majority of English members of
       Parliament, ejected from England proper, are hostile to Home
       Rule. But I believe that the conviction of England in regard
       to Home Rule depends on one point alone, and that is the
       conduct of Ireland herself. I believe that if we can go on
       showing this comparative absence of agrarian crime; if we can
       point to the continued harmony of Ireland with the great
       Liberal party of this country; if we can go on giving proofs
       and pledges that Ireland is entitled to be granted that boon
       which she has never ceased to demand since the Act of Union
       was passed. I believe that the conversion of England will not
       be of a slow or difficult character. My lords, the question of
       Home Rule is one that I regard not from the point of view of
       Ireland only. It has for me a triple aspect. It has, in the
       first place, the aspect that I believe that Ireland will never
       be contented until this measure of Home Rule be granted to
       her; and that, though you may come in on other issues and
       succeed us who sit here, your policy of palliatives is bound
       to fail. In the second place, I believe that not merely have
       we in our Irish policy to satisfy those who live in the island
       of Ireland itself, encompassed, as Mr. Disraeli once said, by
       that melancholy ocean, we have not merely to satisfy the Irish
       themselves within Ireland, but, for the good of our Empire and
       for the continuity and solidarity of our relations with our
       brethren across the Atlantic, it is necessary that we should
       produce an Irish policy which shall satisfy the Irish people.
       And, lastly, I view it from the highest Imperial grounds,
       because I believe that the maintenance of this Empire depends,
       not on centralization, but on decentralization, and that if
       you once commence to tread this path, you will have to give
       satisfaction under the same conditions certainly to Scotland,
       and possibly to Wales, not in the same degree or possibly in
       the same way, but so as to relieve this groaning Imperial
       Parliament from the burden of legislation under which it
       labours. I will not detain you further on this subject
       to-night. I did not mean to dilate so much on the question of
       Home Rule."

       His remarks seemed to show an intention to postpone the
       pressing of the measure. Distrust arose among the Irish and
       uncertainty was created in the mind of the Liberal party. It
       became evident very quickly that the Liberals, with the loss
       of their old leader, had lost heart and faith in the policy to
       which he had committed them, and that a serious weakening of
       the political energies of the party had been produced. No
       measures which raised troublesome issues were undertaken in
       Parliament during the year of Mr. Gladstone's retirement: but,
       at the session which opened in the following February (1895), the
       government brought forward a number of high]y important bills.

    {204}

       The first to be introduced was a bill "to terminate the
       Establishment of the Church of England in Wales and Monmouth."
       The bill made provision for the creation of a representative
       Church body, giving power to the bishops, clergy and laity to
       hold synods and to legislate on ecclesiastical matters. It
       entrusted ecclesiastical revenues to a commission; provided
       for the transfer of churches and parsonages to the
       representative body of the Church, and of burial grounds and
       glebes to parish, district, and town councils; other property
       of the Church to be vested in the commission before mentioned,
       which should also have the charge of cathedrals, to keep them in
       repair. The bill had its first reading on the 28th of
       February, and its second on the 1st of April, but went no
       further. It shared the fate of the other measures of the
       Government, including a bill to establish local control of the
       liquor traffic, and others for the remedying of defects in the
       Irish Land Law, and for the abolition of plural voting, all of
       which were extinguished by the sudden and unexpected overthrow
       of the Government on the 21st of June. It was defeated on a
       motion to reduce the salary of the Secretary for War, which
       was made for no purpose but to start a question as to the
       adequacy of the provision of certain ammunition stored for
       use. When the vote was found to be against the Government
       there was great surprise in both parties. But the Ministry had
       been steadily losing support and was quite willing to resign,
       which it did the next day. Lord Salisbury was sent for by the
       Queen and accepted the task of forming a new Government, with
       the understanding that Parliament should be dissolved as soon
       as practicable, and the will of the country ascertained. In
       the new Government, Lord Salisbury filled the office of
       Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with that of Prime
       Minister; Mr. A. J. Balfour became First Lord of the Treasury;
       Sir Michael Hicks-Beach Chancellor of the Exchequer; Mr.
       Joseph Chamberlain Secretary of State for the Colonies; Mr. G.
       J. Goschen First Lord of the Admiralty. Before the dissolution
       of Parliament, which occurred on the 6th of July, a bill for
       the amendment of the Factories Act, on which both parties
       agreed, was passed. The elections that followed, beginning
       July 13, resulted in the return of a majority of 152 in favor
       of the new Ministry, which represented the coalition of
       Conservatives and Liberal Unionists. The majority of the
       popular vote on the same side in the three kingdoms was a
       little more than 30,000, in a total poll of 4,792,512; but in
       Eng]and the new Government received a majority of some
       300,000. In Ireland the vote went heavily against them, and in
       Wales and Scotland to a lighter extent. Of the Irish members
       elected, 12 were of the Parnell faction and 69 Anti-Parnell.
       The new Parliament came together August 12, and, after a brief
       session, at which little was done, was prorogued September 5.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.
       Enforcement of claims against Nicaragua.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA): A. D. 1894-1895.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895.
       The question of Chitral.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (January).
       Agreement with France defining the boundaries of the
       Hinterland of Sierra Leone.

          See (in this volume)
          SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (March-July).
       Agreement with Russia concerning the northern Afghan frontier
       and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

          See (in this volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (July-November).
       Correspondence with the Government of the United States
       on the Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (November).
       Action on the closing of the Vaal River Drifts by the South
       African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1895 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895 (December).
       Message of the President of the United States to Congress
       on the British Guiana-Venezuela boundary dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (November-January).
       Discontent and revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders in
       the Transvaal.
       The Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895 (NOVEMBER);
          and A. D. 1895-1896.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
       The feeling in England and America over the
       Venezuela boundary dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
       Establishment of the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
       Report on Old-Age Pensions.

       The question of the practicability and expediency of a
       national system of pensions for old age, which had been
       agitated in England for some years, and which a royal
       commission, appointed in 1893, had already examined with great
       thoroughness and no definite result, was referred in 1896 to a
       committee of financial experts, with Lord Rothschild at their
       head. This committee reported that it could recommend no
       scheme as satisfactory, though it put forward that of Sir
       Spencer Walpole as open to less objection than others. The
       scheme in question was as follows:

       "1. Any person at 65 having an assured income of not less than
       2s. 6d. and not more than 5s. may apply for a pension.

       2. If the pensioning authority is satisfied as to the income a
       pension may be granted.

       3. The applicant must not be physically or mentally infirm.

       4. To an income of 2s. 6d. 2s. 6d. is to be added.
          To an income of 3s. 0d. 2s. 0d. is to be added.
          To an income of 4s. 0d. 1s. 0d. is to be added.

       5. 'Assured income' includes real estate, leasehold property,
       securities, or annuities (Government, friendly society, or
       insurance office), but not out-relief.

       6. The guardians are to be the pensioning authority.

       7. Not more than half of the pension is to be paid out of
       Imperial taxation, the remainder out of local rates.

       8. The pension is not to involve disenfranchisement."

       The committee, however, pointed out some very strong
       objections to this scheme, which they roughly estimated as
       likely to apply to 443,333 persons, and to cost £2,300,000 a
       year. On the whole, while they regarded the Walpole scheme as
       the best suggested, the Rothschild committee held that, like
       the rest, its inherent disadvantages outweighed its merits. In
       effect, they pronounced the establishment of old-age pensions
       to be impracticable.

    {205}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896.
       Report of Royal Commission on the financial relations
       between Great Britain and Ireland.

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Agreement with France concerning Siam.

          See (in this volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Excitement over the German Emperor's message to President
       Kruger on the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (January-February).
       Appointment of United States Commission to investigate
       the Venezuela boundary.
       Reopening of discussion with the government of the United
       States on the arbitration of the dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (February).
       New treaty with the United States for arbitration of
       Bering Sea claims.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
       Expedition to Dongola.
       Beginning of an Anglo-Egyptian movement for the
       recovery of the Sudan.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (May).
       The New Radical party.

       A New Radical party, under the leadership of Sir Charles Dilke
       and Mr. Labouchere, issued a statement of its policy (May 19),
       setting forth as its chief aim "the democritisation and
       devolution of Parliament."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (June).
       The Agricultural Land Bill.

       Among the measures brought forward in Parliament this year and
       carried by the Conservative government was one which aroused
       bitter feeling and was sharply denounced, as being legislation
       in the interest of the landholding class, at the expense of
       the community at large. A ground of justice for it was found
       by its supporters, however, in the extreme agricultural
       depression of the time. This Agricultural Land Bill, as it was
       styled, provided that, in the case of every rate to which it
       applied, agricultural land should be assessed in future on
       half its ratable value, while houses and buildings would still
       be assessed on the whole of their ratable value. The bill
       passed the Commons near the end of June, and went speedily
       through the House of Lords.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (July).
       Parliamentary movement to investigate the
       British South Africa Company.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY);
          A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (August).
       Suppression of an usurper in Zanzibar.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (September).
       Papal Bull declaring Anglican orders invalid.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (SEPTEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (November).
       Agreement with the United States for the settlement of the
       Venezuela dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.
       "The Voluntary Schools Act" and
       "The Elementary Education Act."

       The Conservative Ministry of Lord Salisbury came to power, in
       England, in 1895, under pledges to the Church that it would
       revise the educational system in the interest of the
       "Voluntary Schools" (mostly Church schools), as against the
       secular or non-sectarian "Board Schools" which were steadily
       gaining ground from the former, and proving superior
       efficiency.

          See, in volume 1,
          EDUCATION, MODERN: ENGLAND: A. D. 1699-1870.

       A bill to that end, for England and Wales, was introduced at
       the end of March, 1896. In support of the bill it was stated
       that, in the previous year, the voluntary schools educated
       2,445,812 children, as against 1,879,218 educated in the board
       schools, though the voluntary schools were, as a rule,
       "understaffed," had less qualified teachers, and labored
       generally under financial difficulties; but that a large
       proportion of the members of the Church of England, as well as
       Roman Catholics, made it a point of conscience that their
       children should be educated by teachers of their own
       denomination, and could not be forced to send them to board
       schools without a gross exercise of religious intolerance;
       that, finally, it would cost £25,345,635 to replace the
       voluntary schools, and £2,250,000 yearly to maintain board
       schools in their place, if they were not kept up. Therefore,
       it was contended that they should receive a more liberal
       allowance of state aid by parliamentary grant, to keep them
       alive and improve their efficiency. Connected with provisions
       to that effect were others which would completely reorganize
       the system of school administration and control. They proposed
       to take the administration to a great extent from the
       Committee of Council on Education, where it had been
       centralized, and to place it in the County Councils, to be
       exercised by statutory educational committees appointed by
       each Council. By what was called a "conscience clause," the
       bill required separate religious instruction to be given to
       children in schools (board or voluntary) wherever a
       "reasonable number of parents" required it. The measure was
       strenuously opposed on the ground that its aim was the
       extinction of the board schools; that it would give them only
       £17,000 out of £500,000, and give it, said Lord Rosebery,
       "without any vestige of control, so that in 8,000 places where
       only Church of England schools existed the Nonconformists
       would have only the vague protection of the conscience
       clause." So much debate was provoked by the bill, and so much
       time was being consumed by it, that the Government was forced
       to drop the measure in June, in order to save the other
       business of the session from being spoiled,—promising,
       however, to bring it forward again the next January. The
       promise was redeemed, on the convening of Parliament in
       January, 1897, in so far that a new Education Bill was brought
       forward by the government; but the measure was very different
       from that of the previous session. It was addressed solely to
       the end of strengthening the voluntary or Church schools
       against the board schools, firstly by increasing the aid to
       them from public funds, and secondly by uniting them in
       organized associations, under stronger governing bodies. The
       main provisions of the bill were as follows:

       "(1.) For aiding voluntary schools there shall be annually
       paid out of moneys provided by Parliament an aid grant, not
       exceeding in the aggregate five shillings per scholar for the
       whole number of scholars in those schools.

    {206}

       "(2.) The aid grant shall be distributed by the Education
       Department to such voluntary schools and in such manner and
       amounts, as the Department think best for the purpose of
       helping necessitous schools and increasing their efficiency,
       due regard being had to the maintenance of voluntary
       subscriptions.

       "(3.) If associations of schools are constituted in such
       manner in such areas and with such governing bodies
       representative of the managers as are approved by the
       Education Department, there shall be allotted to each
       association while so approved, (a) a share of the aid
       grant to be computed according to the number of scholars in
       the schools of the association at the rate of five shillings
       per scholar, or, if the Department fix different rates for
       town and country schools respectively (which they are hereby
       empowered to do) then at those rates; and (b) a
       corresponding share of any sum which may be available out of
       the aid grant after distribution has been made to unassociated
       schools.

       "(4.) The share so allotted to each such association shall be
       distributed as aforesaid by the Education Department after
       consulting the governing body of the association, and in
       accordance with any scheme prepared by that body which the
       Department for the time being approve.

       "(5.) The Education Department may exclude a school from any
       share of the aid grant which it might otherwise receive, if,
       in the opinion of the Department, it unreasonably refuses or
       fails to join such an association, but the refusal or failure
       shall not be deemed unreasonable if the majority of the
       schools in the association belong to a religious denomination
       to which the school in question does not itself belong.

       "(6.) The Education Department may require, as a condition of
       a school receiving a share of the aid grant, that the accounts
       of the receipts and expenditure of the school shall be
       annually audited in accordance with the regulations of the
       Department.

       "(7.) The decision of the Education Department upon any
       question relating to the distribution or allotment of the aid
       grant, including the question whether an association is or is
       not in conformity with this Act, and whether a school is a
       town or a country school, shall be final."

       The passage of the bill was resisted strenuously by the
       Liberals in the House of Commons. "Whether they regarded the
       bill from an educational, a constitutional, a parliamentary,
       or a social aspect," said Mr. John Morley, in his concluding
       speech in the debate, "he and his friends regarded it as a
       mischievous and reactionary measure." But the opposition was
       of no avail. The bill passed its third reading in the House of
       Commons, on the 25th of March, with a majority of 200 in its
       favor, the Irish Nationalists giving it their support. In the
       House of Lords it was ruled to be a money bill, which their
       lordships could not amend, and they passed it with little
       debate. In April, the government brought forward a second
       school bill, which increased the parliamentary grant to Board
       schools by £110,000. The sum was so trivial that it excited
       the scorn of the friends of the Board schools, and did nothing
       towards conciliating them. It became a law on the 3d of June.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).
       Continued controversies with the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896-1897 (MAY-APRIL).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (January-May).
       Arbitration Treaty with the United States defeated in
       the United States Senate.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MAY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
       Indemnity for Jameson Raid claimed
       by the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
       Loan for national defense.
       Purchase of 60 square miles on Salisbury Plain.

       A bill which authorized a loan of £5,458,000 for purposes of
       national defense was passed rapidly through both Houses of
       Parliament in February. It included an item of £450,000 for
       the purchase of 40,000 acres (60 square miles) on Salisbury
       Plain, for military manœuvres.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February).
       Punitive expedition against Benin.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1897.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (February-July).
       Parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (April).
       Increase of armament in South Africa.
       The Government accused of a war policy.

           See (in this volume)
           SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May).
       Treaty with Menelek of Abyssinia.

          See (in this volume)
          ABYSSINIA: A. D. 1897.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
       New cessions and concessions from China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-July).
       The Workmen's Compensation Act.

       A subject which had grown urgent, in England, for
       parliamentary attention, was that of a better provision in law
       for securing proper compensation to workmen for accidental
       injuries suffered in the course of their employment. The
       measure was not one that a Conservative government would be
       likely, under ordinary circumstances, to take up; since the
       class of large employers of labor, from which opposition to it
       came, were mostly in the Conservative ranks. But the Liberal
       Unionists, now in parliamentary coalition with the
       Conservatives, were called upon to favor such a piece of
       legislation by their creed, and rumor said that they bargained
       for it with their political partners, in exchange for the
       support they gave unwillingly to the Voluntary Schools Bill.
       At all events, a bill which was first called the Employers'
       Liability Bill, but finally named the Workmen's Compensation
       Bill, was brought in to the House of Commons, by the
       government, in May, and was carried, after much debate,
       through both Houses in July. The essential provisions of the
       Act as passed are the following:

       "I.
       (1.) If in any employment to which this Act applies personal
       injury by accident arising out of and in the course of the
       employment is caused to a workman, his employer shall, subject
       as herein-after mentioned, be liable to pay compensation in
       accordance with the First Schedule to this Act.

    {207}

       (2.) Provided that:

          (a.) The employer shall not be liable under this Act in
          respect of any injury which does not disable the workman
          for a period of at least two weeks from earning full wages
          at the work at which he was employed;

         (b.) When the injury was caused by the personal negligence
         or wilful act of the employer, or of some person for whose
         act or default the employer is responsible, nothing in this
         Act shall affect any civil liability of the employer, but in
         that case the workman may, at his option, either claim
         compensation under this Act, or take the same proceedings as
         were open to him before the commencement of this Act; but
         the employer shall not be liable to pay compensation for
         injury to a workman by accident arising out of and in the
         course of the employment both independently of and also
         under this Act, and shall not be liable to any proceedings
         independently of this Act, except in case of such personal
         negligence or wilful act as aforesaid;

          (c.) If it is proved that the injury to a workman is
          attributable to the serious and wilful misconduct of that
          workman, any compensation claimed in respect of that injury
          shall be disallowed.

       (3.) If any question arises in any proceedings under this Act
       as to the liability to pay compensation under this Act
       (including any question as to whether the employment is one to
       which this Act applies), or as to the amount or duration of
       compensation under this Act, the question, if not settled by
       agreement, shall, subject to the provisions of the First
       Schedule to this Act, be settled by arbitration, in accordance
       with the Second Schedule to this Act. …

       "2.
       (1.)
       Proceedings for the recovery under this Act of compensation
       for an injury shall not be maintainable unless notice of the
       accident has been given as soon as practicable after the
       happening thereof and before the workman has voluntarily left
       the employment in which he was injured, and unless the claim
       for compensation with respect to such accident has been made
       within six months from the occurrence of the accident causing
       the injury, or, in case of death, within six months from the
       time of death. …

       "3.
       (1.)
       If the Registrar of Friendly Societies, after taking steps to
       ascertain the views of the employer and workmen, certifies
       that any scheme of compensation, benefit, or insurance for the
       workmen of an employer in any employment, whether or not such
       scheme includes other employers and their workmen, is on the
       whole not less favourable to the general body of workmen and
       their dependants than the provisions of this Act, the employer
       may, until the certificate is revoked, contract with any of
       those workmen that the provisions of the scheme shall be
       substituted for the provisions of this Act, and thereupon the
       employer shall be liable only in accordance with the scheme,
       but, save as aforesaid, this Act shall apply notwithstanding
       any contract to the contrary made after the commencement of
       this Act. …

       "7.
       (1.)
       This Act shall apply only to employment by the undertakers as
       herein-after defined, on or in or about a railway, factory,
       mine, quarry, or engineering work, and to employment by the
       undertakers as herein-after defined on, in or about any
       building which exceeds thirty feet in height, and is either
       being constructed or repaired by means of a scaffolding, or
       being demolished, or on which machinery driven by steam,
       water, or other mechanical power, is being used for the
       purpose of the construction, repair, or demolition thereof.

       (2.)
       In this Act— … 'Undertakers' in the case of a railway means
       the railway company; in the case of a factory, quarry, or
       laundry means the occupier thereof within the meaning of the
       Factory and Workshop Acts, 1878 to 1895; in the case of a mine
       means the owner thereof within the meaning of the Coal Mines
       Regulation Act, 1887, or the Metalliferous Mines Regulation
       Act, 1872, as the case may be, and in the case of an
       engineering work means the person undertaking the
       construction, alteration, or repair; and in the case of a
       building means the persons undertaking the construction,
       repair, or demolition. … 'Workman' includes every person who
       is engaged in an employment to which this Act applies, whether
       by way of manual labour or otherwise, and whether his
       agreement is one of service or apprenticeship or otherwise,
       and is expressed or implied, is oral or in writing."

       The "First Schedule" referred to in the first section of the
       Act prescribes rules for determining compensation, those
       principally important being as follows; "The amount of
       compensation under this Act shall be—(a) where death results
       from the injury—(i) if the workman leaves any dependants
       wholly dependent upon his earnings at the time of his death, a
       sum equal to his earnings in the employment of the same
       employer during the three years next preceding the injury, or
       the sum of one hundred and fifty pounds, whichever of those
       sums is the larger, but not exceeding in any case three
       hundred pounds, provided that the amount of any weekly
       payments made under this Act shall be deducted from such sum,
       and if the period of the workman's employment by the said
       employer has been less than the said three years, then the
       amount of his earnings during the said three years shall be
       deemed to be 156 times his average weekly earnings during the
       period of his actual employment under the said employer;

       (ii)
       if the workman does not leave any such dependants, but leaves
       any dependants in part dependent upon his earnings at the time
       of his death, such sum, not exceeding in any case the amount
       payable under the foregoing provisions, as may be agreed upon,
       or, in default of agreement, may be determined, on arbitration
       under this Act, to be reasonable and proportionate to the
       injury to the said dependants; and

       (iii)
       if he leaves no dependants, the reasonable expenses of his
       medical attendance and burial, not exceeding ten pounds; (b)
       where total or partial incapacity for work results from the
       injury, a weekly payment during the incapacity after the
       second week not exceeding fifty per cent. of his average
       weekly earnings during the previous twelve months, if he has
       been so long employed, but if not, then for any less period
       during which he has been in the employment of the same
       employer, such weekly payment not to exceed one pound."

          60 & 61 Victoria, chapter 37.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (May-October).
       Reassertion of suzerainty over the South African Republic.
       Refusal of arbitration.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

    {208}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June).
       The "Diamond Jubilee" of Queen Victoria.

       The sixtieth anniversary of the coronation of Queen Victoria
       was celebrated in London on the 20th of June, by religious
       services of great solemnity and impressiveness, and, two days
       later, by pageants of extraordinary pomp and magnificence, in
       which representatives of every people who acknowledge the
       queen's supremacy bore a part. Numerous functions and
       ceremonies followed, to many of which the aged sovereign was
       able to lend her presence. At the end of all, on the 15th of
       July, she addressed the following letter to the millions of
       her subjects throughout the world: "I have frequently
       expressed my personal feelings to my people, and though on
       this memorable occasion there have been many official
       expressions of my deep sense of the unbounded loyalty evinced
       I cannot rest satisfied without personally giving utterance to
       these sentiments. It is difficult for me on this occasion to
       say how truly touched and grateful I am for the spontaneous
       and universal outburst of loyal attachment and real affection
       which I have experienced on the completion of the sixtieth
       year of my reign. During my progress through London on the
       22nd of June this great enthusiasm was shown in the most
       striking manner, and can never be effaced from my heart. It is
       indeed deeply gratifying, after so many years of labour and
       anxiety for the good of my beloved country, to find that my
       exertions have been appreciated throughout my vast empire. In
       weal and woe I have ever had the true sympathy of all my
       people, which has been warmly reciprocated by myself. It has
       given me unbounded pleasure to see so many of my subjects from
       all parts of the world assembled here, and to find them
       joining in the acclamations of loyal devotion to myself, and I
       would wish to thank them all from the depth of my grateful
       heart. I shall ever pray God to bless them and to enable me
       still to discharge my duties for their welfare as long as life
       lasts.
          VICTORIA, R. I."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (June-July).
       Conference of colonial premiers with the Secretary of
       State for the Colonies.
       Discussion of important questions.
       Denunciation of commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium.

       "On Thursday, the 24th of June, the Prime Ministers of Canada,
       New South Wales, Victoria, New Zealand, Queensland, Cape
       Colony, South Australia, Newfoundland, Tasmania, Western
       Australia, and Natal, assembled at the Colonial Office,
       Downing Street, for the discussion of certain Imperial
       questions with the Secretary of State for the Colonies. It was
       decided that the proceedings should be informal and that the
       general results only should be published. With the view of
       giving a definite direction to the discussion, the Secretary
       of State, in opening the proceedings, set forth the subjects
       which he considered might usefully be discussed, so as to
       secure an interchange of views upon them, and where they were
       ripe for a statement of opinion, a definite resolution in
       regard to them. [He did so in a speech of some length, after
       which the several questions brought forward in his remarks
       were discussed in succession at a series of meetings in the
       Colonial Office.] The commercial relations of the United
       Kingdom and the self-governing Colonies were first considered,
       and the following resolutions were unanimously adopted:

       1. That the Premiers of the self-governing Colonies
       unanimously and earnestly recommend the denunciation, at the
       earliest convenient time, of any treaties which now hamper the
       commercial relations between Great Britain and her Colonies.

       2. That in the hope of improving the trade relations between
       the mother country and the Colonies, the Premiers present
       undertake to confer with their colleagues with the view to
       seeing whether such a result can be properly secured by a
       preference given by the Colonies to the products of the United
       Kingdom. Her Majesty's Government have already [July 31, 1897]
       given effect to the first of these resolutions by formally
       notifying to the Governments concerned their wish to terminate
       the commercial treaties with Germany and Belgium, which alone
       of the existing commercial treaties of the United Kingdom are
       a bar to the establishment of preferential tariff relations
       between the mother country and the Colonies. From and after
       the 30th July 1898, therefore, there will be nothing in any of
       Her Majesty's treaty obligations to preclude any action which any
       of the Colonies may see fit to take in pursuance of the second
       resolution. It is, however, right to point out that if any
       Colony were to go farther and to grant preferential terms to
       any Foreign Country, the provisions of the most favoured
       nation clauses in many treaties between Her Majesty and other
       powers, in which the Colonies are included, would necessitate
       the concession of similar terms to those countries.

       "On the question of the political relations between the mother
       country and the self-governing Colonies, the resolutions
       adopted were as follows:

       1. The Prime Ministers here assembled are of opinion that the
       present political relations between the United Kingdom and the
       self-governing Colonies are generally satisfactory under the
       existing condition of things. Mr. Seddon and Sir E. N. C.
       Braddon dissented.

       2. They are also of opinion that it is desirable, whenever and
       wherever practicable, to group together under a federal union
       those colonies which are geographically united. Carried
       unanimously.

       3. Meanwhile, the Premiers are of opinion that it would be
       desirable to hold periodical conferences of representatives of
       the Colonies and Great Britain for the discussion of matters
       of common interest. Carried unanimously. Mr. Seddon and Sir E.
       N. C. Braddon dissented from the first resolution because they
       were of opinion that the time had already come when an effort
       should be made to render more formal the political ties
       between the United Kingdom and the Colonies. The majority of
       the Premiers were not yet prepared to adopt this position, but
       there was a strong feeling amongst some of them that with the
       rapid growth of population in the Colonies, the present
       relations could not continue indefinitely, and that some means
       would have to be devised for giving the Colonies a voice in
       the control and direction of those questions of Imperial
       interest in which they are concerned equally with the mother
       country. It was recognised at the same time that such a share
       in the direction of Imperial policy would involve a
       proportionate contribution in aid of Imperial expenditure, for
       which at present, at any rate, the Colonies generally are not
       prepared.

       "On the question of Imperial defence, the various points
       raised in the speech of the Secretary of State were fully
       discussed;" but on this, and on some questions of minor
       importance, no conclusions were definitely formulated.

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command, C.-8596, 1897).

    {209}

       The following reference to the "denunciation" of the treaties
       appeared in the "London Statist" of August 7, 1897: "Last week
       the British Government gave notice to Germany and Belgium of
       its intention to terminate the commercial treaties with those
       countries at the end of July next year, at the same time
       expressing its willingness to conclude fresh treaties. This
       important step is a fitting sequel to the jubilee festivities.
       It is a graceful recognition of the great loyalty displayed by
       our colonies toward the mother country and prepares the way to
       that closer union which this paper has strongly advocated. In
       twelve months' time, therefore, we shall be free from our
       embarrassing engagements not to permit our colonies to place
       higher or other import duties on the produce of Germany and
       Belgium than upon the produce of the United Kingdom. Our
       colonies will thus have complete freedom to place what duties
       they choose on any produce they care to purchase from the
       United Kingdom or from any other country, and if they so
       desire they may place discriminating duties on their own
       exports. The action taken indicates no change in the policy of
       this country, and foreign nations need have no fear that
       British markets will be closed to their produce. It is quite
       possible that at some future time, when the colonies have much
       further developed their resources and the struggle for
       existence becomes still keener, we may be disposed to give a
       greater preference to colonial than to foreign produce, but
       that period has not yet come. Of course, the time may be
       greatly hastened by the attitude of foreign countries. The
       unfriendliness of Germany last year caused a wave of feeling
       in this country in favor of a duty upon German goods, and the
       Canadian offer of preferential duties to the mother country
       has created a responsive desire to assist Canadian trade.
       Should our other colonies follow the lead of Canada, which,
       from Mr. Chamberlain's statement, appears most likely, a
       strong movement might arise for giving them preferential
       treatment, especially if, at the same time, Germany, Belgium,
       or anyone else were disposed to raise their duties on British
       goods."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (July-October).
       Discussion with American envoys of a bi-metallic agreement.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (August).
       Report on condition and prospects of West India colonies,
       and Parliamentary action.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Campaigns on the Nile.
       Anglo-Egyptian conquest of the Sudan.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Insurrections and mutiny in Uganda.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (June-April).
       Wars on the Afghan frontier of India.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1897-1898 (July-January).
       The great strike and lock-out in the engineering trades.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES:
          A. D. 1897 (GREAT BRITAIN).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.
       Alleged treaty with Portugal.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898.
       Results of British occupation of Egypt.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).
       British troops fighting in eight regions of the world.

       "We are a people of peaceful traders—shopkeepers, our rivals
       of the Continent affirm—and are consequently at war on only
       eight points of the globe, with forces which in the aggregate
       only just exceed sixty thousand men. There are thirty-five
       thousand on the Indian Frontier fighting the clansmen of the
       Northern Himalayas, who, according to the Afridi sub-officers
       interrogated by Sir Henry Havelock-Allan, are all eager to
       enter our service; twenty-five thousand about to defeat the
       Khalifa at Omdurman; a thousand doing sentry duty in Crete;
       four hundred putting down an outbreak in Mekran; three hundred
       crushing a mutiny in Uganda; and some hundreds more restoring
       order in Lagos, Borneo, and Basutoland. All these troops,
       though of different nationalities—Englishmen, Sikhs, Ghoorkas,
       Rajpoots, Malays, Egyptians, Soudanese, Haussas, and Wagandas—
       are under British officers, are paid from funds under British
       control, and are engaged in the self-same work, that of
       solidifying the 'Pax Britannica,' so that a commercial
       civilisation may have a fair chance to grow."

          The Spectator (London), February 5, 1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February).
       Resentment shown to China for rejection of a loan,
       through Russian influence.
       Chinese agreement not to alienate the Yang-tsze region
       and to open internal waters to steam navigation.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (February-May).
       Native revolt in the Sierra Leone Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
       Unsuccessful opposition to Russian lease of Port Arthur
       and Talienwan from China.
       Compensatory British lease of Wei-hai Wei.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (April-August).
       Further exactions from China.
       Lease of territory opposite Hong Kong, etc.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (May).
       Death of Mr. Gladstone.

       After a long and painful illness, the great statesman and
       leader of the Liberal party in England, William Ewart
       Gladstone, died on the 19th of May. His death drew tributes in
       Parliament from his political opponents which exalted him quite
       to the height of great distinction that those who followed him
       would claim. It was said by Lord Salisbury that "the most
       distinguished political name of the century had been withdrawn
       from the roll of Englishmen." Mr. Balfour described him as
       "the greatest member of the greatest deliberative assembly
       that the world had yet seen": and expressed the belief that
       "they would never again have in that assembly any man who
       could reproduce what Mr. Gladstone was to his contemporaries."

       Lord Rosebery paid an eloquent tribute to the dead statesman.
       "This country." he said, "this nation, loves brave men. Mr.
       Gladstone was the bravest of the brave. There was no cause so
       hopeless that he was afraid to undertake it; there was no
       amount of opposition that would cowe him when once he had
       undertaken it. My lords, Mr. Gladstone always expressed a hope
       that there might be an interval left to him between the end of
       his political and of his natural life. That period was given
       to him, for it is more than four years since he quitted the
       sphere of politics. Those four years have been with him a
       special preparation for his death, but have they not also been
       a preparation for his death with the nation at large?
    {210}
       Had he died in the plenitude of his power as Prime Minister,
       would it have been possible for a vigorous and convinced
       Opposition to allow to pass to him, without a word of dissent,
       the honours which are now universally conceded? Hushed for the
       moment are the voices of criticism, hushed are the controversies
       in which he took part; hushed for the moment is the very sound
       of party faction. I venture to think that this is a notable
       fact in our history. It was not so with the elder Pitt. It was
       not so with the younger Pitt. It was not so with the elder
       Pitt, in spite of his tragic end, of his unrivalled services,
       and of his enfeebled old age. It was not so with the younger
       Pitt, in spite of his long control of the country and his
       absolute and absorbed devotion to the State. I think that we
       should remember this as creditable not merely to the man, but
       to the nation." With the consent of Mrs. Gladstone and family,
       a public funeral was voted by Parliament, and the remains of the
       great leader were laid, with simple but impressive ceremonies,
       in Westminster Abbey, on the 28th of May.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July).
       The Local Government Act for Ireland.

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (JULY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
       In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (September-November).-
       The Nile question with France.
       Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (December).
       Imperial Penny Postage.

       On Christmas Day, 1898, the Imperial penny postage came into
       operation,—i. e., it became possible to send for a penny a
       letter not above half an ounce in weight to all places in the
       British Empire, except the Australasian Colonies and the Cape.
       "Thousands of small orders and business transactions and
       millions of questions and answers will fly round the world at
       a penny which were too heavily weighted at two-pence
       halfpenny. The political effect of the fact that it will not
       now be necessary to think whether an address is outside the
       United Kingdom, but only whether it is inside the British
       Empire, will be by no means insignificant. If people will only
       let the Empire alone we shall ultimately weave out of many
       varied strands—some thick, some thin—a rope to join the
       Motherland and the Daughter States which none will be able to
       break. Not an unimportant thread in the hawser will
       be,—letters for a penny wherever the Union Jack is flown."

          The Spectator (London),
          December 31, 1898.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Joint High Commission for settlement of pending questions
       between the United States and Canada.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).
       Convention with France defining West African and
       Sudan possessions.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899.
       Dealings with anti-missionary demonstrations in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (January).
       Agreement with Egypt, establishing the Anglo-Egyptian
       Condominium in the Sudan.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
       Agreement with Russia concerning railway interests in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-June).
       The Bloemfontein Conference with President Kruger.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):  A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (June-October).
       Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July).
       Passage of the London Government Act.

          See (in this volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (July-September).
       Discussion of proposed amendments to the Franchise Law
       of the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1899 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).
       The Board of Education Act.

       An Act of Parliament which became law on the 9th of August,
       1899, and operative on the 1st of April, 1900, created a
       national Board of Education, "charged with the superintendence
       of matters relating to education in England and Wales," and
       taking the place of the Committee of the Privy Council on
       Education, by which that function had previously been
       performed. The Act provided that the Board "shall consist of a
       President, and of the Lord President of the Council (unless he
       is appointed President of the Board), Her Majesty's Principal
       Secretaries of State, the First Commissioner of Her Majesty's
       Treasury, and the Chancellor of Her Majesty's Exchequer. … The
       President of the Board shall be appointed by Her Majesty, and
       shall hold office during Her Majesty's pleasure." The Act
       provided further for the creation by Her Majesty in Council of
       "a Consultative Committee consisting, as to not less than
       two-thirds, of persons qualified to represent the views of
       Universities and other bodies interested in education, for the
       purpose of—(a) framing, with the approval of the Board of
       Education, regulations for a register of teachers, … with an
       entry in respect to each teacher showing the date of his
       registration, and giving a brief record of his qualifications
       and experience; and (b) advising the Board of Education on any
       matter referred to the committee by the Board."

          62 & 63 Victoria, chapter 33.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (August).
       Instructions to the Governor of Jamaica.

          See (in this volume) JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (September-October).
       Preparations for war in South Africa.
       The Boer Ultimatum.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL AND ORANGE FREE STATE):
          A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (October-November).
       Opening circumstances of the war in South Africa.
       Want of preparation.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    {211}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Withdrawal from the Samoan Islands, with compensations in the
       Tonga and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Renewed investigation of the Old-Age Pension question.

       On the initiative of the government, a fresh investigation of
       the question of old-age pensions was opened in 1899 by a
       select committee of the House of Commons, under the
       chairmanship of Mr. Chaplin. The report of the Committee, made
       in the following year, suggested the following plan: Any
       person, aged 65, whether man or woman, who satisfied the
       pension authority that he or she"

       (1) Is a British subject;

       (2) Is 65 years of age;

       (3) Has not within the last 20 years been convicted of an
       offence and sentenced to penal servitude or imprisonment
       without the option of a fine;

       (4) Has not received poor relief, other than medical relief,
       unless under circumstances of a wholly exceptional character,
       during twenty years prior to the application for a pension;

       (5) Is resident within the district of the pension authority;

       (6) Has not an income from any source of more than 10s. a
       week; and

       (7) Has endeavoured to the best of his ability, by his
       industry or by the exercise of reasonable providence, to make
       provision for himself and those immediately dependent on
       him—"should receive a certificate to that effect and be
       entitled to a pension. The amount of pension to be from 5s. to
       7s. a week.

       As a means of ascertaining approximately the number of persons
       in the United Kingdom who would be pensionable under this
       scheme, a test census was taken in certain districts made as
       representative as possible by the inclusion of various kinds
       of population. In each of the selected areas in Great Britain
       a house-to-house visitation was made with a view of
       ascertaining how many of the aged would satisfy the conditions
       of the scheme. In Ireland a similar census had to be abandoned
       as impracticable because "the officials, although they
       proceeded courteously, were received with abuse"; but the Poor
       Law inspectors framed some rough estimates after consultation
       with local authorities. Altogether the inquiry in Great
       Britain extended to a population of rather over half a million
       persons. From facts thus obtained the following estimate of
       the cost of the proposed pensioning project was deduced:

       Estimated number of persons
       over 65 years of age in 1901                   2,016,000
       Deduct:
       1. For those whose incomes exceed 10s. a week    741,000
       2. For paupers                                   515,000
       3. For aliens, criminals, and lunatics            32,000
       4. For inability to comply with thrift test       72,700

       Total deductions                               1,360,700

       Estimated number of pensionable persons          655,000

       Estimated cost (the average pension being
       taken at 6s. a week)                          £9,976,000
       Add administrative expenses (3 per cent.)       £299,000

       Total estimated cost.                        £10,275,000

       In round figures.                            £10,300,000

       The Committee estimated, still further, that the cost would
       rise to £15,650,000 by 1921. No legislative action was taken
       on the report.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1900 (October-January).
       Troops from Canada for the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.
       The Newfoundland French Shore question.

          See (in this volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Industrial combinations.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: IN ENGLAND.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).
       Compulsory education.

       A bill introduced in Parliament by a private member,
       unsupported by the government, providing that the earliest
       date at which a child should be permitted to leave school
       should be raised from 11 to 12 years, was passed, only one
       member of the Cabinet voting for it.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (February).
       Negotiation of a convention with the United States relative
       to the projected Interoceanic Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (March).
       Overtures of peace from the Boer Presidents.
       Reply of Lord Salisbury.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Annexation of Orange Free State by right of conquest.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (July).
       Passage of the "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act,"
       federating the Australian Colonies.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900;
          and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Proclamation of the Commonwealth of Australia.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (September-October).
       Dissolution of Parliament.
       Election of a new Parliament.
       Victory for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

       By royal proclamation, September 17, the existing Parliament
       was dissolved and order given for the issue of writs calling a
       new Parliament, the elections for which were held in October,
       concluding on the 24th of that month. The state of parties in
       the House of Commons resulting from the election was as
       follows: Conservatives, 334, Liberal Unionists, 68; total
       supporters of the Unionist Ministry, 402. Liberals and Labor
       members, 186, Nationalists (Irish), 82; total opposition, 268.
       Unionist majority, 134, against 128 in the preceding
       Parliament. The issues in the election were those growing out
       of the South African War. Although most of the Liberals upheld
       the war, and the annexation of the South African republics,
       they sharply criticised the prior dealings of the Colonial
       Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, with the Transvaal Boers, and the
       general conduct of the war. A number of the leading Liberals
       were uncompromising in condemnation of the war, of the policy
       which caused it, and of the proposed extinction of Boer
       independence. The sentiment of the country was shown by the
       election to be strongly against all questioning of the
       righteousness of the war or of the use to be made of victory
       in it.

    {212}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Annexation of the Transvaal.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
       The Fourth Ministry of Lord Salisbury.
       Brief session of Parliament.

       For the fourth time, Lord Salisbury was called to the lead in
       government, and formed his Ministry anew, making considerable
       changes. He relieved himself of the conduct of Foreign Affairs
       (which was transferred to the Marquis of Lansdowne), and took,
       with the office of Prime Minister, that of Lord Privy Seal. Mr.
       Brodrick, who had been an Under Secretary, succeeded Lord
       Lansdowne as Secretary of State for War. Mr. Balfour continued
       to be First Lord of the Treasury, and Leader of the House; Mr.
       Chamberlain remained in the Colonial Office. Mr. Goschen
       retired.

       Parliament met on the 6th of December, for the purpose set
       forth in a remarkably brief "Queen's Speech," as follows: "My
       Lords, and Gentlemen, It has become necessary to make further
       provision for the expenses incurred by the operations of my
       armies in South Africa and China. I have summoned you to hold
       a Special Session in order that you may give your sanction to
       the enactments required for this purpose. I will not enter
       upon other public matters requiring your attention until the
       ordinary meeting of Parliament in the spring." The estimates
       of the War Office called for £16,000,000, and it was voted
       after a few days of debate, in which the causes and conduct of
       the war were criticised and defended by the two parties, and,
       on the 15th, Parliament was prorogued to the 14th of February,
       1901, by the Queen's command.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Fall of stones at Stonehenge.

          See (in this volume)
          STONEHENGE.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Parliamentary statements of the number of men employed in the
       South African War, and the number dead and disabled.

       In the House of Commons, December 11, Mr. Brodrick, Secretary
       of State for War, moved a vote of £16,000,000, required for
       the current year, to meet additional expenditure in South
       Africa and China. In the course of his remarks, explanatory of
       the need for this supplementary supply, he made the following
       statement: "When the war broke out we had in South Africa in
       round figures 10,000 men, all Regular troops. We have in the
       14 months' which have since elapsed sent from this country and
       landed in South Africa 175,000 Regular soldiers, a number which
       exceeds by far any number which any Minister from this bench
       or any gentleman sitting behind these benches or in front of
       them ever suggested that this country ought to be in a
       position to ship to any part of the world, and a number far in
       excess of that which during any period that I have sat in the
       house any member of the House, except an official, would have
       been willing to believe that the War Office could find to
       dispose of. But they are not the only troops. We have called
       on them, I will not say to the extreme limit of our power,
       but, at all events, with an unsparing hand. But you have in
       addition, as this return will show, some 40,000 Volunteers of
       various descriptions from the United Kingdom—40,000 including
       the Imperial Yeomanry, whose service is spoken of by every
       officer under whom they have served with such satisfaction; 30
       Militia regiments, who are also Volunteers, since their term
       of service was only for the United Kingdom and who have gone
       abroad at great personal sacrifice to themselves; and the
       volunteer companies who have joined the Regular battalions.
       You have also got 40,000 colonial troops, to a large extent,
       no doubt, men raised in the colonies affected, and as
       everybody knows to a still larger extent consisting of men who
       have gone for a year from Australia, Canada, and other
       places."

       Sir William Harcourt replied to Mr. Brodrick, not in
       opposition to the motion, but in criticism of the conduct of
       the war. Referring to a return submitted by the War Office, he
       analyzed its showing of facts, thus: "Now just let us look at
       this table. By some accident it only gives the rank and file
       and non-commissioned officers. It is a very terrible return,
       and I think it is worthy of the attention of the men who
       delight in war, of whom, I am afraid, there are unhappily not
       a few. I have made a short analysis of the paper. It shows
       that the garrison at the Cape before the war was 9,600.
       Reinforcements of 6,300 men were sent out in October last year
       and from India 5,600, which with the former garrison made up
       21,000 in all when the war broke out. Up to August, that is,
       after the last estimate for 1900, according to this table
       267,000 men had been in arms in South Africa—that is without
       the officers. Therefore I will call it 270,000 men in round
       numbers. I think the right honourable gentleman made a mistake
       when he said that the colonial troops were more numerous from
       beyond the seas than they were in the Cape. This return shows
       that the men raised in South Africa were 30,000, and, apart
       from them, the colonials from beyond the seas were 11,000.
       According to the last return there were 210,000 men in South
       Africa. You will observe there is a balance of some 60,000 or
       70,000 men. What has become of those men? You would find from
       this return, one would suppose, that a good many of these have
       returned safe and sound to England. No, Sir; the men who have
       returned to England according to this paper, not invalids, are
       7,500 and to the colonies 3,000 more. That makes 10,000 men,
       or with the officers about 11,000 men. But since July you have
       sent out 13,000 men to South Africa, more, in fact, than you
       have been bringing home, and yet you have only 210,000 men
       there. Now, Sir, how is this accounted for? First of all you
       have the heading, 'killed or died of wounds,' 11,000 men. You
       have 'wounded,' 13,000, you have 'in hospital in South
       Africa,' 12,000, and you have 'returned to England, sick,
       wounded, or died on passage,' 36,000 men. That is the balance.
       Seventy thousand men have been killed, wounded, or disabled,
       or have died in this war. And now what is the prospect that is
       held before us with this force, once 270,000 men, and now
       210,000, in South Africa? Lord Roberts has declared that the
       war is over, yet you hold out to us no prospect of diminishing
       the force you have in South Africa of 210,000 men."

    {213}

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Death of Queen Victoria.

       The following notice, which appeared in the "Court Circular,"
       on the 18th of January, dated from the winter residence of the
       Queen at Osborne House, in the Isle of Wight, seems to have
       been the first intimation to the country of its sovereign's
       failing health: "The Queen has not lately been in her usual
       health and is unable for the present to take her customary
       drives. The Queen during the past year has had a great strain
       upon her powers, which has rather told upon her Majesty's
       nervous system. It has, therefore, been thought advisable by
       her Majesty's physicians that the Queen should be kept
       perfectly quiet in the house and should abstain for the
       present from transacting business." It was subsequently found,
       as stated in an "authoritative account" by the "British
       Medical Journal," and the "Lancet," that "the Queen's health
       for the past 12 months had been failing, with symptoms mainly
       of a dyspeptic kind, accompanied by impaired general
       nutrition, periods of insomnia, and later by occasional slight
       and transitory attacks of aphasia, the latter suggesting that
       the cerebral vessels had become damaged, although her
       Majesty's general arterial system showed remarkably few signs
       of age. … The dyspepsia which tended to lower her Majesty's
       original robust constitution was especially marked during her
       last visit to Balmoral. It was there that the Queen first
       manifested distinct symptoms of brain fatigue and lost notably
       in weight. These symptoms continued at Windsor, where in November
       and December, 1900, slight aphasic symptoms were first
       observed, always of an ephemeral kind, and unattended by any
       motor paralysis. … A few days before the final illness
       transient but recurring symptoms of apathy and somnolence,
       with aphasic indications and increasing feebleness, gave great
       uneasiness to her physician." Before the publication of the
       cautious announcement quoted above, the symptoms had become
       too grave to leave any doubt as to the near approach of death.
       It came on Tuesday, the 22d of January, at half past six
       o'clock in the evening, the dying Queen being then surrounded
       by a large number of her many children, grandchildren and
       great grandchildren, whom she recognized, it is said, within a
       few moments of the end. The eldest of the Queen's children,
       the Empress Frederick, was kept from her mother's side a this
       last hour by serious illness of her own; but the Emperor
       William, of Germany (son of the Empress Frederick and eldest
       grandson of Queen Victoria) had hastened to the scene and
       showed a filial affection which touched English hearts.

       On Friday, the first day of February, the remains of the Queen
       were borne from the island where she died to Portsmouth, between
       long lines of battle-ships and cruisers—British, German,
       French, Italian, Japanese, Belgian and Portuguese. The scene
       of the funeral voyage was impressively described by a
       correspondent of the New York "Sun," as follows: "Nature was
       never kindlier. The smiling waters of the Solent were as calm
       as on a summer's morning. It was 'Queen's weather' to the very
       last. The cavalcade which wended slowly through the narrow
       lane, green even in midwinter, down through the streets of the
       little town of Cowes to the Trinity pier was a funeral
       procession such as the world had never seen before. Kings and
       princes, a Queen and princesses, walked humbly between black
       lines of mourning islanders, escorting the coffin of the dead
       sovereign. Then followed a sight far more notable and more
       impressive, indeed, than the great tribute the great capital
       of the empire will pay to-morrow. It was the transit of the
       funeral yacht across the waters between lines of steel which
       are England's bulwarks against the world. Battleship after
       battleship thundered its grief, band after band wailed its
       dirge and crew after crew bowed low their heads as the pigmy
       yacht swept past, bearing no passengers save an admiral on the
       bridge and four red-coated guards at the corners of the
       simple, glowing white bier resting amidships. It was a picture
       neither a painter's brush nor an orator's eloquence could
       reproduce. … The boat slowly glided on in the mellow light of
       the afternoon sun, herself almost golden in hue, sharply
       contrasting with the black warships. The ears also were
       assailed in strange contrast, the sad strains of Beethoven's
       funeral march floating over the water being punctuated by the
       roar of minute guns from each ship. Somehow it was not
       incongruous and one felt that it was all a great and majestic
       tribute to a reign which was an era and to a sovereign to whom
       the world pays its highest honors."

       On the following day the remains were conveyed by railway from
       Portsmouth to London, carried in solemn procession through the
       streets of the capital, and thence by railway to Windsor,
       where the last rites were performed on Monday, the 4th. The
       Queen was then laid to rest, by the side of her husband, in
       the mausoleum which she had built at Frogmore.

       Of the sincerity with which Queen Victoria had been loved by
       her own people and respected and admired by the world at
       large, and of the genuineness of sorrow that was manifested
       everywhere at her death, there can be no doubt. To the
       impressiveness of the ending of an unexampled period of
       history there was added a true sense of loss, from the
       disappearance of a greatly important personage, whose high
       example had been pure and whose large influence had been good.

       Among all the tributes to the Queen that were called out by
       her death none seem so significant and so fully drawn from
       knowledge of what she was in her regal character, as the words
       that were spoken by Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, at
       the meeting of Parliament on the Friday following her death.
       "My lords." he said, "the late Queen had so many titles to our
       admiration that it would occupy an enormous time to glance at
       them even perfunctorily; but that on which I think your
       lordships should most reflect, and which will chiefly attach
       to her character in history, is that, being a constitutional
       monarch with restricted powers, she reigned by sheer force of
       character, by the lovableness of her disposition, over the
       hearts of her subjects, and exercised an influence in moulding
       their character and destiny which she could not have done more
       if she had bad the most despotic power. She has been a great
       instance of government by example, by esteem, by love; and it
       will never be forgotten how much she has done for the
       elevation of her people, not by the exercise of any
       prerogative, not by the giving of any commands, but by the
       simple recognition and contemplation of the brilliant
       qualities which she has exhibited in her exalted position. My
       lords, it may be, perhaps, proper that those who, like noble
       lords opposite and myself, have had the opportunity of seeing
       the close workings of her character in the discharge of her
       duties as Sovereign, should take this opportunity of
       testifying to the great admiration she inspired and the great
       force which her distinguishing characteristics exercised over
       all who came near her.
    {214}
       The position of a Constitutional Sovereign is not an easy one.
       Duties have to be reconciled which sometimes seem far apart.
       Much has to be accepted which it may not be always pleasant to
       accept; but she showed a wonderful power, on the one hand, of
       observing with the most absolute strictness, the limits of her
       action which the Constitution draws, and, on the other hand, of
       maintaining a steady and persistent influence on the action of
       her Ministers in the course of legislation and government
       which no one could mistake. She was able to accept some things
       of which, perhaps, she did not entirely approve, but which she
       thought it her duty in her position to accept.

       "She always maintained and practised a rigorous supervision
       over public affairs, giving to her Ministers her frank advice
       and warning them of danger if she saw there was danger ahead;
       and she certainly impressed many of us with a profound sense
       of the penetration, almost intuition, with which she saw the
       perils with which we might be threatened in any course it was
       thought expedient to adopt. She left upon my mind, she left
       upon our minds, the conviction that it was always a dangerous
       matter to press on her any course of the expediency of which
       she was not thoroughly convinced; and I may say with
       confidence that no Minister in her long reign ever disregarded
       her advice, or pressed her to disregard it, without afterwards
       feeling that he had incurred a dangerous responsibility. She
       had an extraordinary knowledge of what her people would think.
       I have said for years that I always thought that when I knew
       what the Queen thought I knew certainly what view her subjects
       would take, and especially the middle classes of her subjects.
       Such was the extraordinary penetration of her mind. Yet she
       never adhered to her own conceptions obstinately. On the
       contrary, she was full of concession and consideration; and
       she spared no effort—I might almost say she shrank from no
       sacrifice—to make the task of conducting this difficult
       Government more easy to her advisers than it would otherwise
       have been. My lords, I feel sure that the testimony I have
       borne will be abundantly sustained by all those who have been
       called to serve her.

       "We owe her gratitude in every direction—for her influence in
       elevating the people, for her power with foreign Courts and
       Sovereigns to remove difficulties and misapprehension which
       sometimes might have been dangerous; but, above all things, I
       think, we owe her gratitude for this, that by a happy
       dispensation her reign has coincided with that great change
       which has come over the political structure of this country
       and the political instincts of its people. She has bridged
       over that great interval which separates old England from new
       England. Other nations may have had to pass through similar
       trials, but have seldom passed through them so peaceably, so
       easily, and with so much prosperity and success as we have. I
       think that future historians will look to the Queen's reign as
       the boundary which separates the two states of England—England
       which has changed so much—and recognize that we have undergone
       the change with constant increase of public prosperity,
       without any friction to endanger the peace or stability of our
       civil life, and at the same time with a constant expansion of
       an Empire which every year grows more and more powerful. We
       owe all these blessings to the tact, the wisdom, the
       passionate patriotism, and the incomparable judgment of the
       Sovereign whom we deplore." [sic]

       In the House of Commons, on the same day, Mr. Balfour, the
       leader of the House, spoke with fine feeling, partly as
       follows: "The reign of Queen Victoria is no mere chronological
       landmark. It is no mere convenient division of time, useful
       for the historian or the chronicler. No, Sir, we feel as we do
       feel for our great loss because we intimately associate the
       personality of Queen Victoria with the great succession of
       events which have filled her reign and with the development of
       the Empire over which she ruled. And, associating her
       personality with those events, surely we do well. In my
       judgment, the importance of the Crown in our Constitution is
       not a diminishing, but an increasing, factor. It is
       increasing, and must increase, with the growth and development
       of those free, self-governing communities, those new
       commonwealths beyond the sea, who are bound to us by the
       person of the Sovereign, who is the living symbol of the unity
       of the Empire. But, Sir, it is not given, it cannot, in
       ordinary course, be given, to a Constitutional Monarch to
       signalize his reign by any great isolated action. The effect
       of a Constitutional Sovereign, great as it is, is produced by
       the slow, constant, and cumulative results of a great ideal
       and a great example; and of that great ideal and that great
       example Queen Victoria surely was the first of all
       Constitutional Monarchs whom the world has yet seen. Where
       shall we find that ideal so lofty in itself, so constantly and
       consistently maintained, through two generations, through more
       than two generations, of her subjects, through many
       generations of her public men and members of this House?

    Descendants of Queen Victoria.

       "Sir, it would be almost impertinent for me were I to attempt
       to express to the House in words the effect which the
       character of our late Sovereign produced upon all who were in
       any degree, however remote, brought in contact with her. The
       simple dignity, befitting a Monarch of this realm, in that she
       could never fail, because it arose from her inherent sense of
       the fitness of things. It was no trapping put on for office,
       and therefore it was that this dignity, this Queenly dignity,
       only served to throw into stronger relief and into a brighter
       light those admirable virtues of the wife, the mother, and the
       woman with which she was so richly endowed. Those kindly
       graces, those admirable qualities, have endeared her to every
       class in the community, and are known to all. Perhaps less
       known was the life of continuous labour which her position as
       Queen threw upon her. Short as was the interval between the
       last trembling signature affixed to a public document and
       final rest, it was yet long enough to clog and hamper the
       wheels of administration; and I remember when I saw a vast
       mass of untouched documents which awaited the hand of the
       Sovereign of this country to deal with it was brought vividly
       before my mind how admirable was the unostentatious patience
       with which for 63 years, through sorrow, through suffering, in
       moments of weariness, in moments of despondency, it may be,
       she carried on without intermission her share in the
       government of this great Empire.
    {216}
       For her there was no holiday, to her there was no intermission
       of toil. Domestic sorrow, domestic sickness, made no difference
       in her labours, and they were continued from the hour at which
       she became our Sovereign to within a very few days of her
       death. It is easy to chronicle the growth of Empire, the
       progress of trade, the triumphs of war, all the events that
       make history interesting or exciting; but who is there that
       will dare to weigh in the balance the effect which such an
       example continued over 63 years has produced on the highest
       life of the people? It is a great life, and had a fortunate,
       and, let me say, in my judgment, a happy ending."

       The especial and peculiar importance which Queen Victoria had
       acquired in the political world, and the weight in its
       councils which England owed to her personality, were
       impressively suggested by Lord Rosebery, in a speech which he
       made at a special court of the Governors of the Corporation of
       the Royal Scottish Hospital, when he said: "We hear much in
       these days of the life of the Queen and of what we owe her.
       But I sometimes wonder if we all realize how much we do owe
       her, for you would have had to know much about the Queen to
       realize adequately the debt which the nation was under to her.
       Probably every subject in Great Britain realizes that he has
       lost his greatest and his best friend. But they do not
       understand of what enormous weight in the councils of the
       world we are deprived by the death of our late Sovereign. She
       gave to the councils of Great Britain an advantage which no
       talents, no brilliancy, no genius, could supply. Think of what
       her reign was! She had reigned for 63 years. For 63 years she
       had known all that was to be known about the political
       condition of her country. For 63 years she had been in
       communication with every important Minister and with every
       important public man. She had received reports, daily reports
       almost, from her successive Ministers, or their deputies in
       the House of Commons. She had, therefore, a fund of knowledge
       which no constitutional historian has ever had at his command.
       That by the stroke of death is lost to us to-day. All that was of
       incalculable advantage to our Monarchy. But have you realized
       what the personal weight of the late Queen was in the councils
       of the world? She was by far the senior of all the European
       Sovereigns. She was, it is no disparagement to other Kings to
       say, the chief of all the European Sovereigns. The German
       Emperor was her grandson by birth. The Emperor of Russia was
       her grandson by marriage. She had reigned 11 years when the
       Emperor of Austria came to his throne. She had seen two
       dynasties pass from the throne of France. She had seen, as
       Queen, three Monarchs of Spain, and four Sovereigns of the
       House of Savoy in Italy. In all those kingdoms which have been
       carved out of the Turkish Empire she had seen the foundation
       of their reigning dynasties. Can we not realize, then, what a
       force the personal influence of such a Sovereign was in the
       troubled councils of Europe? And when, as we know, that
       influence was always given for peace, for freedom, and for
       good government, we feel that not merely ourselves but all the
       world has lost one of its best friends."

       A statement in the "London Times" of January 26 shows the
       descendants of Queen Victoria to be in number as follows: "The
       Queen has had

        9 children of whom 6 survive
       40 grandchildren of whom 31 survive
       37 great-grandchildren of whom 37 survive

       [A total of] 86 [of whom] 74 [survive].

       "Of the great-grandchildren 22 are boys and 15 are girls; 6
       are grandchildren of the Prince of Wales; 18 are grandchildren
       of the Empress Frederick; 11 are grandchildren of the late
       Princess Alice; 6 are grandchildren of the late Duke of
       Saxe-Coburg and Gotha. This would appear to make a total of
       41, but three of them are grandchildren of both the Empress
       Frederick and Princess Alice, while one is grandchild of both
       the Princess Alice and the Duke of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha.

       "It will be seen that in the course of nature the future
       rulers of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, Greece, and Rumania
       will be descendants of her Majesty."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (January-February).
       Ceremonies of the accession of King Edward VII.
       His speech in Council and his messages to the people
       of the British Empire.

       On Wednesday, the 23d of January—the day following the death
       of the Queen—her eldest son, Albert Edward, long known as
       Prince of Wales, went from Osborne to London to take up the
       sceptre of sovereignty which his mother had laid down. The
       proceedings in Council which took place thereupon were
       officially reported in the "London Gazette" as follows:

       "At the Court at Saint James's, the 23rd day of January, 1901.
       Present,

       "The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council. His Majesty
       being this day present in Council was pleased to make the
       following Declaration:

       "'Your Royal Highnesses, My Lords, and Gentlemen, This is the
       most painful occasion on which I shall ever be called upon to
       address you. My first and melancholy duty is to announce to
       you the death of My beloved Mother the Queen, and I know how
       deeply you, the whole Nation, and I think I may say the whole
       world, sympathize with Me in the irreparable loss we have all
       sustained. I need hardly say that My constant endeavour will
       be always to walk in Her footsteps. In undertaking the heavy
       load which now devolves upon life, I am fully determined to be
       a Constitutional Sovereign in the strictest sense of the word,
       and as long as there is breath in My body to work for the good
       and amelioration of My people.

       "'I have resolved to be known by the name of Edward, which has
       been borne by six of My ancestors. In doing so I do not
       undervalue the name of Albert, which I inherit from My ever to
       be lamented, great and wise Father, who by universal consent is I
       think deservedly known by the name of Albert the Good, and I
       desire that his name should stand alone.

       "'In conclusion, I trust to Parliament and the Nation to
       support Me in the arduous duties which now devolve upon Me by
       inheritance, and to which I am determined to devote My whole
       strength during the remainder of My life.'

       "Whereupon the Lords of the Council made it their humble
       request to His Majesty that His Majesty's Most Gracious
       Declaration to their Lordships' might be made public, which
       His Majesty was pleased to Order accordingly."

    {217}

       The King then "caused all the Lords and others of the late
       Queen's Privy Council, who were then present, to be sworn of
       His Majesty's Privy Council." Orders had been previously given
       for proclaiming "His present Majesty," in the following form:
       "Whereas it has pleased Almighty God to call to His Mercy Our
       late Sovereign Lady Queen Victoria, of Blessed and Glorious
       Memory, by whose Decease the Imperial Crown of the United
       Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland is solely and rightfully
       come to the High and Mighty Prince Albert Edward: We,
       therefore, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of this Realm,
       being here assisted with these of Her late Majesty's Privy
       Council, with Numbers of other Principal Gentlemen of Quality,
       with the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Citizens of London, do now
       hereby, with one Voice and Consent of Tongue and Heart,
       publish and proclaim, That the High and Mighty Prince, Albert
       Edward, is now, by the Death of our late Sovereign of Happy
       Memory, become our only lawful and rightful Liege Lord Edward
       the Seventh, by the Grace of God, King of the United Kingdom
       of Great Britain and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Emperor
       of India: To whom we do acknowledge all Faith and constant
       Obedience, with all hearty and humble Affection; beseeching
       God, by whom Kings and Queens do reign, to bless the Royal
       Prince Edward the Seventh, with long and happy Years to reign
       over Us."

       The proclamation was made in London, with antique and
       picturesque ceremony on the succeeding day, January 24, and
       the following official report of it, from "Earl Marshal's
       Office," published in the "London Gazette":

       "This day His Most Gracious Majesty King Edward VII. was, in
       pursuance of an Order in Council of the 23rd instant,
       proclaimed with the usual ceremonies. At 9 o'clock in the
       forenoon, the Officers of Arms habited in their tabards, the
       Serjeants-at-Arms, with their maces and collars; and
       Deputy-Serjeant Trumpeter in his collar; the Trumpeters, Drum
       Major, and Knight Marshalmen being assembled at St James's
       Palace, the Proclamation was read in the Grand Court by
       William H. Weldon, Esq., Norroy King of Arms, Deputy to Sir
       Albert W. Woods, Garter Principal King of Arms, in the
       presence of the Earl Marshal of England, the Lord Steward, the
       Lord Chamberlain, the Master of the Horse, and many other Members
       of Her late Majesty's Household, with Lords and others of the
       Privy Council and several personages of distinction. Deputy
       Garter read the Proclamation. Then the Officers of Arms having
       entered Royal Carriages, a procession was formed in the
       following order:

       The High Bailiff of Westminster, in his carriage.
       Horse Guards.
       Trumpeters.
       A Royal Carriage containing The four Serjeants-at-Arms,
       bearing their maces.
       A Royal Carriage containing Pursuivants.
       Rouge Dragon: Everard Green.
       Bluemantle:  G. Ambrose Lee.
       Rouge Croix: G. W. Marshall.
       Heralds.
       Windsor: W. A. Lindsay, Esq.
       York: A. S. Scott-Gatty, Esq.
       Somerset: H. Farnham Burke, Esq., in a Royal Carriage.
       A Detachment of Horse Guards.

       "The Procession, flanked by the Horse Guards, moved from St.
       James's Palace to Temple Bar, and Rouge Dragon Pursuivant of
       Arms, alighting from the carriage, advanced between two
       trumpeters, preceded by two of the Horse Guards, to the
       barrier, and after the trumpets had sounded thrice, demanded
       in the usual form admission into the City to proclaim His
       Royal Majesty King Edward VII.; and being admitted, and the
       barrier again closed, Rouge Dragon was conducted by the City
       Marshal and his Officers to the Lord Mayor, who was in
       attendance in his State Carriage, when Rouge Dragon delivered
       to his Lordship the Order in Council, which the Lord Mayor,
       having read, returned, and directed the barrier to be opened;
       and Rouge Dragon being reconducted to his place in the
       Procession it then moved into the City; the High Bailiff of
       Westminster filing off at Temple Bar.

       "At the corner of Chancery-lane York Herald read the
       Proclamation; then the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, Recorder,
       Sheriffs, Chamberlain, Common Serjeant, Town Clerk, and City
       Officers fell into the procession immediately after the
       Officers of Arms, and the procession moved on to the Royal
       Exchange, where it was lastly read by Somerset Herald, when
       the guns in St. James's Park and at the Tower of London were
       fired. A multitude of spectators filled the streets through
       which the procession passed, the windows of which were
       crowded; and the acclamations were loud and general."

       As described more fully by the "London Times," the interesting
       proceeding, according to ancient custom, at Temple Bar—the
       site of the old city gate—was as follows: "Temple Bar has
       passed away, but not so the privileges associated with it,
       although they have ceased to have more than an historical,
       ceremonial, and picturesque interest. In accordance,
       therefore, with ancient custom, the Lord Mayor yesterday
       proceeded in State to the site of Temple Bar to grant entrance
       to the King's Officer of Arms, who was about to proclaim his
       Majesty King within the City. The gates of Temple Bar were
       formerly closed for a short time before this ceremony, to be
       opened, upon demand of the Officer of Arms, by the direction
       of the Lord Mayor. As there are now no gates, a barrier was
       made for the occasion by the holding of a red silken rope
       across the street on either side of the Griffin which
       commemorates the spot upon which Temple Bar formerly stood. A
       strong force of burly constables was entrusted with this duty,
       and the barrier thus created answered every practical purpose,
       although there must have been lingering in the minds of some
       of the venerable City Fathers some little regret that stern
       necessity had occasioned the removal of the historic landmark
       which stood there when Queen Victoria was proclaimed and
       remained for many a long year afterwards, one of the most
       interesting features of the ancient City.

    {218}

       "The Pursuivant (Rouge Dragon), the heralds, the officials of
       Westminster, and the cavalcade halted a short distance to the
       west of the barrier, and the Pursuivant then advanced between
       two trumpeters, and the trumpets sounded thrice. Upon this the
       City Marshal, on horseback, in scarlet tunic and cocked hat
       with plumes, advanced to the barrier to meet the Pursuivant,
       and in a loud voice, which could be heard by those at a
       considerable distance, asked, 'Who comes there?' The
       Pursuivant replied, 'The Officer of Arms, who demands entrance
       into the City to proclaim his Royal Majesty, Edward the
       Seventh.' Thereupon the barrier was opened so as to admit the
       Pursuivant without escort, and immediately closed again. The
       Pursuivant was then conducted by the City Marshal to the Lord
       Mayor, who, being made acquainted with the object of the
       Pursuivant's visit, directed the opening of the barrier, and
       the Pursuivant returned to his cavalcade. There was a fanfare
       of trumpets, and York Herald, Mr. A. S. Scott-Gatty, between
       two trumpeters, approached the Lord Mayor, and presented to
       his lordship the Order in Council requiring him to proclaim
       his Majesty. The Lord Mayor replied:

       'I am aware of the contents of this paper, having been
       apprised yesterday of the ceremony appointed to take place,
       and I have attended to perform my duty in accordance with
       ancient usages and customs of the City of London.'

       "The Lord Mayor then read aloud the Order in Council requiring
       the herald to proclaim his Majesty within the jurisdiction of
       the City, and returned it to the herald. … The trumpets
       sounded and, the officials of Westminster having filed off,
       the cavalcade advanced into the City as far as the corner of
       Chancery-lane. There was another fanfare of trumpets, and the
       herald then made the proclamation, reading it with admirable
       clearness. When it was over the spectators, who had listened
       with bared heads, cried 'God Save the King.' The trumpets were
       again sounded, and a military band stationed to the west of
       Temple Bar played the National Anthem. This was followed by
       cheering, which lasted while the Lord Mayor and his retinue
       resumed their places in the carriages which had brought them,
       and the procession made its way to the Royal Exchange, the
       route being down Fleet-street, up Ludgate-hill, through St.
       Paul's Churchyard, and along Cheapside.

       "Thus ended a ceremony which impressed all who saw it by its
       solemnity, its dignity, and its significance. It brought home
       vividly to the mind of every spectator the continuity which
       exists amid all the changes of our national life, and the very
       strangeness of the quaint heraldic garb worn by the heralds
       and pursuivants, which at another time might have provoked a
       smile, was felt to be an object-lesson for all, telling of
       unbroken tradition reaching far back into the glorious history
       of our country. On turning away from the site of Temple Bar
       after the Proclamation had been made and the procession had
       disappeared, one felt that the seriousness of the occasion had
       impressed itself on every mind and that from every heart there
       rose a common prayer—God Save the King!"

       With somewhat less ceremony, on the same day, the same
       proclamation was read in many parts of the United Kingdom.

       On Friday, the 25th, both Houses of Parliament met (the
       members having, one by one, taken the oath of allegiance to
       the new sovereign on the two preceding days) to receive a
       message from the King and to adopt an address in reply. The
       royal message was as follows: "The King is fully assured that
       the House of Commons will share in the deep sorrow which has
       befallen his Majesty and the nation by the lamented death of
       his Majesty's mother, the late Queen. Her devotion to the
       welfare of her country and her people and her wise and
       beneficent rule during the sixty-four years of her glorious
       reign will ever be held in affectionate remembrance by her
       loyal and devoted subjects throughout the dominions of the
       British Empire."

       The Marquis of Salisbury, in the House of Lords, and Mr.
       Balfour, in the House of Commons, moved the following
       Address, in speeches from which some passages have been quoted
       above:

       "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty to assure
       his Majesty that this House deeply sympathizes in the great
       sorrow which his Majesty has sustained by the death of our
       beloved Sovereign, the late Queen, whose unfailing devotion to
       the duties of her high estate and to the welfare of her people
       will ever cause her reign to be remembered with reverence and
       affection; to submit to his Majesty our respectful
       congratulations on his accession to the Throne; to assure his
       Majesty of our loyal attachment to his person; and, further,
       to assure him of our earnest conviction that his reign will be
       distinguished under the blessing of Providence by an anxious
       desire to maintain the laws of the kingdom and to promote the
       happiness, the welfare, and the liberty of his subjects."

       Speeches in support of the motion were made by the leaders of
       the Opposition party, the Earl of Kimberley, in the House of
       Lords, and Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman, in the House of Commons,
       and by the Archbishop of Canterbury, also, in the former
       chamber. The Address was then adopted, and Parliament was
       adjourned until February 14. On the 4th of February, the new
       King addressed the following messages to his subjects in the
       British Empire at large, to the Colonies, and to the princes
       and people of India:

       "To My People. Now that the last Scene has closed in the noble
       and ever glorious life of My beloved Mother, The Queen, I am
       anxious to endeavour to convey to the whole Empire the extent
       of the deep gratitude I feel for the heart-stirring and
       affectionate tributes which are everywhere borne to Her
       Memory. I wish also to express My warm recognition of those
       universal expressions of what I know to be genuine and loyal
       sympathy with Me and with the Royal Family in our overwhelming
       sorrow. Such expressions have reached Me from all parts of My
       vast Empire, while at home the sorrowful, reverent and sincere
       enthusiasm manifested in the magnificent display by sea and
       land has deeply touched Me. The consciousness of this generous
       spirit of devotion and loyalty among the millions of My Subjects
       and of the feeling that we are all sharing a common sorrow,
       has inspired Me with courage and hope during the past most
       trying and momentous days. Encouraged by the confidence of
       that love and trust which the nation ever reposed in its late
       and fondly mourned Sovereign, I shall earnestly strive to walk
       in Her Footsteps, devoting Myself to the utmost of My powers
       to maintaining and promoting the highest interests of My
       People, and to the diligent and zealous fulfilment of the
       great and sacred responsibilities which, through the Will of
       God, I am now called to undertake.
       EDWARD, R. I."

    {219}

       "To My People Beyond the Seas. The countless messages of loyal
       sympathy which I have received from every part of My Dominions
       over the Seas testify to the universal grief in which the
       whole Empire now mourns the loss of My Beloved Mother. In the
       welfare and prosperity of Her subjects throughout Greater
       Britain the Queen ever evinced a heartfelt, interest. She saw
       with thankfulness the steady progress which, under a wide
       extension of Self-Government, they had made during Her Reign.
       She warmly appreciated their unfailing loyalty to Her Throne
       and Person, and was proud to think of those who had so nobly
       fought and died for the Empire's cause in South Africa. I have
       already declared that it will be My constant endeavour to
       follow the great example which has been bequeathed to Me. In
       these endeavours I shall have a confident trust in the
       devotion and sympathy of the People and of their several
       Representative Assemblies throughout My vast Colonial
       Dominions. With such loyal support I will, with God's
       blessing, solemnly work for the promotion of the common
       welfare and security of the great Empire over which I have now
       been called to reign,
          EDWARD, R. I."

       "To the Princes and People of India. Through the lamented
       death of My beloved and dearly mourned Mother, I have
       inherited the Throne, which has descended to Me through a long
       and ancient lineage, I now desire to send My greeting to the
       Ruling Chiefs of the Native States, and to the Inhabitants of
       My Indian Dominions, to assure them of My sincere good will
       and affection, and of My heartfelt wishes for their welfare.
       My illustrious and lamented Predecessor was the first
       Sovereign of this Country who took upon Herself the direct
       Administration of the Affairs of India, and assumed the title
       of Empress in token of Her closer association with the
       Government of that vast Country. In all matters connected with
       India, the Queen Empress displayed an unvarying deep personal
       interest, and I am well aware of the feeling of loyalty and
       affection evinced by the millions of its peoples towards Her
       Throne and Person. This feeling was conspicuously shown during
       the last year of Her long and glorious reign by the noble and
       patriotic assistance offered by the Ruling Princes in the
       South African War, and by the gallant services rendered by the
       Native Army beyond the limits of their own Country. It was by
       Her wish and with Her sanction that I visited India and made
       Myself personally acquainted with the Ruling Chiefs, the
       people, and the cities of that ancient and famous Empire. I
       shall never forget the deep impressions which I then received,
       and I shall endeavour to follow the great example of the first
       Queen Empress to work for the general well being of my Indian
       subjects of all ranks, and to merit, as She did, their
       unfailing loyalty and affection.
          EDWARD, R. ET I."

       English feeling toward the new sovereign of the British
       Empire, and the English estimate of his character and promise,
       are probably expressed quite truly, for the general mass of
       intelligent people, by the following remarks of "The Times:"

       "In the whole range of English social and political life there
       is no position more difficult to fill satisfactorily and
       without reproach than that of Heir Apparent to the Throne, and
       it may be justly said that the way in which that position has
       been filled for more than the ordinary lifetime of a
       generation has contributed to the remarkable increase of
       devotion to the Throne and the dynasty which is one of the
       most striking characteristics of Queen Victoria's reign. In
       the relations of private life, from his childhood upwards,
       'the Prince' has been universally and deservedly popular.
       Cheerful and amiable, kind and generous, ever ready to
       sympathize with the joys and sorrows of those around him, a
       true friend, and a loyal antagonist, possessing considerable
       mental culture and wide intellectual sympathies without any
       tinge of pedantry, he has represented worthily the type of the
       genuine English gentleman. Though a lover of sport, like most
       of his countrymen, he differed from some of them in never
       regarding it as the chief interest and occupation in life. If
       he had been born in a humbler station he might have become a
       successful business man or an eminent administrator, for he
       possesses many of the qualities which command success in such
       spheres of action. He is a quick and methodical worker,
       arranges his time so as never to be hurried, is scrupulously
       conscientious in fulfilling engagements, great and small, with
       a punctuality which has become proverbial, never forgets to do
       anything he has undertaken, and never allows unanswered
       letters to accumulate. Few men have a larger private
       correspondence, and his letters have the clearness, the
       directness, the exquisite tactfulness, and the absolute
       freedom from all affectation which characterize his
       conversation. … "In public life he has displayed the same
       qualities and done a great deal of very useful work. The
       numerous and often irksome ceremonial duties of his position
       have been invariably fulfilled most conscientiously and with
       fitting dignity. Of the remainder of his time a considerable
       part has been devoted to what might be called semi-official
       activity. In works of benevolence and public utility and in
       efforts to promote the interests of science and art he was
       ever ready and anxious to lend a helping hand. He never
       forgot, however, that in his public appearances he had not the
       liberty of speech and action enjoyed by the ordinary
       Englishman. Whilst taking the keenest interest in public
       affairs of every kind, he carefully abstained from
       overstepping in the slightest degree the limits imposed on him
       by constitutional tradition and usage. No party clique or
       Court camarilla ever sheltered itself behind him, and no
       political intrigue was ever associated with his name.
       Throughout her dominions Queen Victoria had no more loyal,
       devoted subject than her own eldest son. If this strictly
       correct attitude had been confined to his relations with the
       Head of the State we might have supposed that it proceeded
       from a feeling of deep filial affection and reverence, but, as
       it was displayed equally in his relations with Parliament and
       politicians, we must assume that it proceeded also from a high
       and discriminating sense of duty. Of the Prime Ministers,
       leaders of her Majesty's Opposition, and politicians of minor
       degree with whom he came in contact, he may have found some
       more sympathetic than others, but such personal preferences
       were carefully concealed in his manner, which was invariably
       courteous and considerate, and were not allowed to influence
       his conduct."

    {220}

       In another article, the same journal again remarked that
       "there is no position more difficult to fill than that of Heir
       Apparent to the Throne," and added: "It is beset by more than
       all the temptations of actual Royalty, while the weight of
       counteracting responsibility is much less directly felt. It
       must be with a feeling akin to hopelessness that a man in that
       position offers up the familiar prayer,  'Lead us not into
       temptation.' Other men may avoid much temptation if they
       honestly endeavour to keep out of its way, but the heir to a
       Throne is followed, dogged, and importuned by temptation in
       its most seductive forms. It is not only the obviously bad
       that he has to guard against; he must also steel himself
       against much that comes in the specious garb of goodness and
       almost with the imperious command of necessity. The King has
       passed through that tremendous ordeal, prolonged through youth
       and manhood to middle age. We shall not pretend that there is
       nothing in his long career which those who respect and admire
       him could not wish otherwise. Which of us can say that with
       even approximate temptations to meet he could face the fierce
       light that beats upon an heir apparent no less than upon the
       Throne?"

       The King was in his sixtieth year when he succeeded to the
       throne, having been born on the 9th of November, 1841. "By
       inheritance under a patent of Edward III., he became at once
       Duke of Cornwall, and a month later he was created, by patent,
       Prince of 'Wales and Earl of Chester—titles which do not pass
       by descent." He was married to the Princess Alexandra, of
       Denmark, on the 10th of March, 1863. The children born of the
       marriage have been six in all—three sons and three daughters.
       Of the former only one survives, Prince George, Duke of York,
       the second son, who will no doubt be created Prince of Wales.
       The eldest son, Prince Albert Victor, Duke of Clarence and
       Avondale, died in his 27th year, on the eve of his marriage.
       The third son, Alexander, born in 1871, died an infant. The
       Duke of York is married to Princess Victoria Mary, daughter of
       the late Duke of Teck and of his wife, Princess Mary of
       Cambridge. There are four children of the marriage, three sons
       and a daughter, the eldest son, in direct succession to the
       Throne, bearing the name of Prince Edward Albert. Of the
       daughters of the new Sovereign the eldest, Princess Louise, is
       the wife of the Duke of Fife and has two daughters. Of her two
       sisters, the Princess Victoria is unmarried. The Princess Maud
       became in 1896 the wife of Prince Charles of Denmark.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
       The opening of Parliament by King Edward VII.
       The royal declaration against transubstantiation and
       the invocation of saints.
       Protest of Roman Catholic peers.

       Parliament, reassembling on the 14th of February, was formally
       opened by the King in person, with a degree of pomp and
       ceremony which had been made strange by half a century of
       disuse. King and Queen were escorted in procession, with all
       possible state, from Buckingham Palace to Westminster.
       Received there, at the royal entrance, by the great officers
       of state, they were conducted, by a still more imposing
       procession of dignitaries, to the "robing room." "His Majesty
       being robed and the Imperial Crown borne by the Duke of
       Devonshire (Lord President of the Council), the Procession
       advanced into the House of Peers in the same order, except
       that the Cap of Maintenance [a mediæval symbol of dignity] was
       borne immediately before His Majesty, on the right hand of the
       Sword of State, by the Marquess of Winchester. The King being
       seated on his Throne, the Lord bearing the Cap of Maintenance
       stood on the Steps of the Throne, on the right, and the Peer
       bearing the Sword of State, on the left, of His Majesty. The
       Lord Chancellor, the Lord President and the Earl Marshal stood
       on the right, and the Lord Privy Seal on the left, of His
       Majesty; the Lord Great Chamberlain stood on the Steps of the
       Throne on the left hand of His Majesty, to receive the Royal
       Commands. The Lord Steward and the other officers of His
       Majesty's Household arranged themselves on each side of the
       Steps of the Throne, in the rear of the Great Officers of
       State."

       By hereditary right, the ceremonial arrangements of the
       occasion were controlled by the Duke of Norfolk, as Earl
       Marshal, and the Marquess of Cholmondeley, as Lord Great
       Chamberlain, and they are said to have followed ancient
       precedent with a strictness which became very offensive to
       modern democratic feeling. The small chamber of the House of
       Lords was so filled with peeresses as well as peers that next
       to no room remained for the House of Commons when its members
       were summoned to it, to meet the King. What should have been a
       dignified procession behind the Speaker became, in
       consequence, a mob-like crush and scramble, and only some
       fifty out of five hundred Commoners are said to have succeeded
       in squeezing themselves within range of his Majesty's eye. The
       King, then, as required by laws of the seventeenth century
       (the Bill of Rights and the Test Act—see, in volume 2,
       ENGLAND: A. D. 1689, OCTOBER, and 1672-1673) signed and made
       oath to the following Declaration against the doctrine of
       transubstantiation, the invocation of the Virgin and the
       invocation of saints: "I doe solemnely and sincerely in the
       presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe
       believe that in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper there is
       not any transubstantiation of the elements of bread and wine
       into the body and blood of Christ at or after the consecration
       thereof by any person whatsoever; and that the invocation or
       adoration of the Virgin Mary or any other saint and the
       sacrifice of the masse as they are now used in the Church of
       Rome are superstitions and idolatrous, and I doe solemnely in
       the presence of God professe testifie and declare that I doe
       make this declaration and every part thereof in the plaine and
       ordinary sence of the words read unto me as they are commonly
       understood by English Protestants without any evasion,
       equivocation or mentall reservation whatsoever and without any
       dispensation already granted me for this purpose by the Pope
       or any other authority or person whatsoever or without any
       hope of any such dispensation from any person or authority
       whatsoever or without thinking that I am or can be acquitted
       before God or man or absolved of this declaration or any part
       thereof although the Pope or any other person or persons or
       power whatsoever should dispence with or annull the same, or
       declare that it was null and void from the beginning."

    {221}

       Having thus submitted to the old test of a Protestant
       qualification for the Throne, the King read his Speech to
       Parliament, briefly stating the general posture of public
       affairs and setting forth the business which the two Houses
       were asked by government to consider. The war in South Africa
       was dealt with by the royal speaker in a very few words, as
       follows: "The war in South Africa has not yet entirely
       terminated; but the capitals of the enemy and his principal
       lines of communication are in my possession, and measures have
       been taken which will, I trust, enable my troops to deal
       effectually with the forces by which they are still opposed. I
       greatly regret the loss of life and the expenditure of treasure
       due to the fruitless guerrilla warfare maintained by Boer
       partisans in the former territories of the two Republics.
       Their early submission is much to be desired in their own
       interests, as, until it takes place, it will be impossible for
       me to establish in those colonies a government which will
       secure equal rights to all the white inhabitants, and
       protection and justice to the native population." In a later
       paragraph of the Speech he said: "The prolongation of
       hostilities in South Africa has led me to make a further call
       upon the patriotism and devotion of Canada and Australasia. I
       rejoice that my request has met with a prompt and loyal
       response, and that large additional contingents from those
       Colonies will embark for the seat of war at an early date."
       The Speech concluded with the following announcement of
       subjects and measures to be brought before Parliament:
       "Gentlemen of the House of Commons, The Estimates for the year
       will be laid before you. Every care has been taken to limit
       their amount, but the naval and military requirements of the
       country, and especially the outlay consequent on the South
       African war, have involved an inevitable increase.

       "The demise of the Crown renders it necessary that a renewed
       provision shall be made for the Civil List. I place
       unreservedly at your disposal those hereditary revenues which
       were so placed by my predecessor; and I have commanded that
       the papers necessary for a full consideration of the subject
       shall be laid before you.

       "My Lords and Gentlemen, Proposals will be submitted to your
       judgment for increasing the efficiency of my military forces.

       "Certain changes in the constitution of the Court of Final
       Appeal are rendered necessary in consequence of the increased
       resort to it, which has resulted from the expansion of the
       Empire during the last two generations.

       "Legislation will be proposed to you for the amendment of the
       Law relating to Education.

       "Legislation has been prepared, and, if the time at your
       disposal shall prove to be adequate, will be laid before you,
       for the purpose of regulating the voluntary sale by landlords
       to occupying tenants in Ireland, for amending and
       consolidating the Factory and Workshops Acts, for the better
       administration of the Law respecting Lunatics, for amending
       the Public Health Acts in regard to Water Supply, for the
       prevention of drunkenness in Licensed Houses or Public Places,
       and for amending the Law of Literary Copyright.

       "I pray that Almighty God may continue to guide you in the
       conduct of your deliberations, and may bless them with
       success."

       Dated from the House of Lords, on the day of the opening, the
       following protest, signed by Roman Catholic peers (of whom
       there are thirty), against the continued requirement from the
       British sovereign of the Declaration quoted above, was laid
       before the Lord Chancellor: "My Lord,—On the opening of his
       first Parliament to-day his Majesty was called upon to make
       and subscribe the so-called Declaration against
       Transubstantiation, which was framed during the reign of
       Charles II., at a moment when religious animosities were
       unusually bitter.

       "Some days ago we addressed ourselves to your lordship, as the
       chief authority on English law, to ascertain whether it was
       possible to bring about any modification of those parts of the
       Declaration which are specially provocative to the religious
       feelings of Catholics. We received from your lordship the
       authoritative assurance that no modification whatever was
       possible, except by an Act of Parliament, and that no action
       of ours would therefore be of the slightest use to effect the
       pacific purpose we had in view. The Sovereign himself has, it
       appears, no option, and is obliged by statute to use the very
       words prescribed, although we feel assured that his Gracious
       Majesty would willingly have been relieved (as all his
       subjects have for many years been relieved by Act of
       Parliament) from the necessity of branding with contumelious
       epithets the religious tenets of any of his subjects.

       "While we submit to the law, we cannot be wholly silent on
       this occasion, We desire to impress upon your lordship that
       the expressions used in this Declaration made it difficult and
       painful for Catholic peers to attend to-day in the House of Lords
       in order to discharge their official or public duties, and
       that those expressions cannot but cause the deepest pain to
       millions of subjects of his Majesty in all parts of the
       Empire, who are as loyal and devoted to his Crown and person
       as any others in his dominions.

       "We are, my lord, your lordship's most obedient and faithful
       servants."

          London Times,
          February 15, 1901.

       In the House of Lords, on the 22d of February, the Marquis of
       Salisbury made the following reply to Lord Braye, who asked if
       the Prime Minister could hold out hope of an early measure to
       abolish the oath so offensive to Catholic subjects of the
       King: "Though I am very anxious to give an answer which would
       be satisfactory to the noble lord and his co-religionists, I
       do not wish to leave on his mind an impression that there are
       any doubts in the matter. We all of us deplore the language in
       which that declaration is couched, and very much wish it could
       be otherwise expressed; but when it comes to altering an
       enactment which has now lasted, as far as I know, without
       serious question, 200 years, and which was originally included
       in the Bill of Rights, it is a matter which cannot be done
       without very considerable thought. We must remember that an
       enactment of that kind represents the passions, feelings, and
       sensibilities of the people by whom it was originally caused;
       and that these have not died out. They are not strong within
       these walls; but there are undoubtedly parts of the country
       where the controversies which the declaration represents still
       flourish, and where the emotions which it indicates have not
       died out. Before an enactment is proposed, with all the
       discussion which must precede such an enactment, we shall have
       to consider how far it is desirable to light again passions
       which sleep at this moment, for an occasion which is not now
       urgent, and which we all earnestly hope may not be urgent in
       our lives.
    {222}
       I do not wish to debar the noble lord from any action which he
       may think it right to take; but I wish to point out to him the
       extreme difficulties and anxieties which would accompany any
       such attempt. With respect to the actual question of
       legislation, I need hardly observe that it is rather a
       question for the House of Commons than for us, because here I
       do not imagine there would be any doubt whatever about the
       result of such attempted legislation. But I could not be
       certain that a very strong feeling might not be excited
       elsewhere; and I notice that, possibly with a view to that
       consideration, the leader of the other House, in answer to a
       question, said that, at all events for the present year, he
       did not see the possibility of having the requisite
       opportunity of bringing the question before the House. I am
       afraid, therefore, however deeply I sympathize with the
       feelings of the noble lord and wish there had been no cause
       for their being appealed to, that my answer would have to be
       of a discouraging character."

       Notwithstanding this discouraging reply to the question, Lord
       Salisbury, on the 21st of March, moved the following
       resolution in the House of Lords: "To resolve that it is
       desirable that a Joint Committee of both Houses be appointed
       to consider the declaration required of the Sovereign, on his
       accession, by the Bill of Rights: and to report whether its
       language can be modified advantageously, without diminishing
       its efficacy as a security for the maintenance of the
       Protestant succession." On introducing the resolution he said:
       "The only thing that it is necessary I should mention is that
       something has been said with respect to referring the
       Coronation Oath to the same committee and making in it
       alterations which undoubtedly will have to be made. But the
       two subjects are not at all similar, and it would have been
       impossible to put the Coronation Oath into this reference. If,
       later, it should be thought wise to use the same committee for
       the purpose of considering the matter of the Coronation Oath, I
       probably shall see no difficulty in that."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Attitude of the Liberal party towards the South African War.

       At the annual meeting of the general committee of the National
       Liberal Federation, held at Rugby, February 27, 1901, more
       than 400 affiliated Liberal Associations in England and Wales
       being represented by about 500 delegates, including many
       eminent men, the following resolution was adopted: "That this
       committee records its profound conviction that the long
       continuance of the deplorable war in South Africa, declared
       for electioneering purposes to be over last September, is due
       to the policy of demanding unconditional surrender and to a
       want of knowledge, foresight, and judgment on the part of the
       Government, who have neither demonstrated effectively to the
       Boers the military supremacy of Great Britain, nor so
       conducted the war as to induce them to lay down their arms;
       this committee bitterly laments the slaughter of thousands of
       brave men on both sides, the terrible loss of life from
       disease, owing in no small degree to the scandalous inadequacy
       of sanitary and hospital arrangements provided for our forces,
       and the enormous waste of resources in actual expenditure upon
       the war, in the devastation of territory, and in the economic
       embarrassments which must inevitably follow; the committee
       calls upon the Government to announce forthwith, and to carry
       out, on the cessation of hostilities, a policy for the
       settlement of South African affairs which will secure equal
       rights to the white races, just and humane treatment of
       natives, and such a measure of self-government as can
       honourably be accepted by a brave and high-spirited people."

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Emphatic declaration of the policy of the government in
       dealing with the Boers.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1901.

    ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Rejection of the Inter-oceanic Canal Treaty as amended
       by the United States Senate.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

       ----------ENGLAND: End--------

    ENSLIN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    EPWORTH LEAGUE, The.

       The Epworth League, an organization of young people in the
       Methodist Episcopal Church, on lines and with objects kindred
       to those of the "Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor"
       (see, in this volume, CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR), was instituted by a
       convention of representatives from various societies of young
       people in that church, held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 14-15,
       1889. It was officially adopted by the General Conference of
       the M. E. Church in 1892. The Year-book of the League for 1901
       says:—"A dozen years ago the Epworth League had no regularly
       organized Chapter. To-day it has almost twenty-one thousand.
       Twelve years ago it had a total membership of twenty-seven.
       To-day it has a million and a half. Twelve years ago the
       Junior League had scarcely been dreamed of. To-day it is the
       most promising division of the great Epworth army, having a
       membership of tens of thousands. Twelve years ago a suggestion
       to establish a newspaper organ was looked upon as a most
       doubtful experiment, and predictions of failure were freely
       made. To-day the organization has an official journal whose
       circulation exceeds that of any Church weekly in the world."

    ETRUSCANS, The:
       Fresh light on their origin.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

    EUPHRATES, Valley of the:
       Recent archæological exploration.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    EUROPEAN RACES, The expansion of the.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    EVOLUTION, The doctrine of:
       Its influence on the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

    EXCAVATIONS, Recent archæological.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

    EXPLOSIVES FROM BALLOONS, Declaration against.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    {223}

    EXPOSITION, The Cotton States and International.

          See (in this volume)
          ATLANTA: A. D. 1895.

    EXPOSITION, National Export.

          See (in this volume)
          INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

    EXPOSITION, Pan-American.

          See (in this volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

    EXPOSITION, Paris.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    EXPOSITION, Scandinavian.

          See (in this volume)
          STOCKHOLM.

    EXPOSITION, Tennessee Centennial, at Nashville.

          See (in this volume)
          TENNESSEE: A. D 1897.

    EXPOSITION, Trans-Mississippi.

          See (in this volume)
          OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

    EXTERRITORIAL RIGHTS.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (JULY).

    F.

    FAMINE: In China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    FAMINE: In India.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1899-1900.

    FAMINE: In Russia.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.

    "FANATICS," The.

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

    FAR EASTERN QUESTION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CONCERT OF EUROPE.

    FARM BURNING, In the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    FARMERS' ALLIANCE, and Industrial Union, The.

       The Supreme Council of the Farmers' Alliance and Industrial
       Union held its fourth annual session at Washington, February
       6-8, 1900, and pledged support to whatever candidates should
       be named by the national convention of the Democratic Party,
       making, at the same time, a declaration of principles
       analogous to those maintained by the People's Party.

    FASHODA INCIDENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    FAURE, Francois Felix, President of the French Republic.
       Sudden death.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    FEDERAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Cession in part to Japan and subsequent relinquishment.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA: A. D. 1900.
       Russian occupation and practical Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

    FILIPINOS.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

    FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.
       A blow at the constitutional rights of the country.
       Attempt to Russianize the Finnish army.
       Possible defeat of the measure.

       "In July, 1898, just one month before the publication of the
       Czar's Peace Manifesto, the Diet of Finland was summoned to
       meet in extraordinary session during January, 1899, in order
       to debate upon the new Army Bill submitted by the Russian
       Government. Hitherto, the army of Finland has been strictly
       national in character, and has served solely for the defence
       of the province. The standing army has been limited to 5,600
       men, 1,920 of whom are annually selected to bear arms during a
       period of three years. This has now been changed; the main
       features of the new Army Bill being as follows:

       1. Finnish troops may be requisitioned for service beyond the
       confines of the Grand Duchy.

       2. Russians may serve in the Finnish, and Finlanders in the
       Russian, Army.

       3. A lightening of the duties of military service upon the
       ground of superior education will be granted to those only who
       can speak, read, and write Russian.

       4. The period of active service under the flag is increased
       from three years to five.

       5. The annual contingent of soldiers in active service is
       increased from 1,920 men to 7,200.

       We at once perceive the fundamental nature of these changes,
       which threaten to impose a far heavier burden upon Finland,
       and to Russify her army. Naturally, the new law met with the
       most determined opposition. But while the bill was still in
       committee there appeared on February 15, 1899, an Imperial
       ukase, whereby the entire situation was radically changed, and
       the independence of Finland seriously threatened. This ukase
       decrees that while the internal administration and legislation
       of Finland are to remain unimpaired, matters affecting the
       common interests of Finland and Russia are to be no longer
       submitted solely to the jurisdiction of the Grand Duchy.
       Furthermore, the Emperor reserves to himself the final
       decision as to which matters are to be included in the above
       category. …

       "The document is couched in terms expressing good-will for
       Finland. In effect, however, it signifies the complete
       demolition of the constitutional rights of that country. For
       in all matters involving the interests of both countries, or
       affecting in any way those of Russia, Finland will hereafter
       be confined to a mere expression of opinion: she will no
       longer be able to exercise the privilege of formulating an
       independent resolution. The definition of 'common interests'
       as furnished by the ukase is so vague as to make the exercise
       of any form of self-government on the part of the Finlanders a
       matter of uncertainty, if not of serious difficulty. Not only
       the interpretation of 'common interests,' but also the
       designation of the law governing them, is primarily in the
       hands of the Russian authorities. Finland, an independent,
       constitutional state [see, in volume 4, SCANDINAVIAN STATES:
       A. D. 1807-1810], has been, or, at all events, is to be,
       converted into a province of Russia. …

       "The conviction is general that the Czar, who had formerly
       manifested such good-will toward the country, and who had
       abrogated the enactments curtailing its constitutional rights,
       could not possibly have so completely changed his views within
       so short a time. Consequently, it was decided to address a
       monster petition in behalf of the people directly to the ruler
       himself. This plan met with the enthusiastic approval of the
       entire nation, and the document was signed by no fewer than
       523,931 men and women of Finland.
    {224}
       A deputation of five hundred was elected to present this
       petition, which so eloquently voiced the conviction of the
       whole nation. These five hundred representatives went to St.
       Petersburg, and requested an audience with the Czar. But their
       efforts were unavailing. They were not received; and it
       appeared as if the united voice of a peaceful and loyal people
       could not penetrate to the ear of the ruler.

       "In the meantime the attention of all Europe was directed to
       the matter; and everywhere the liveliest sympathy was
       manifested for that little Nation in the Northeast. … There
       now arose—entirely from private initiative, and without the
       exercise of any influence on the part of Finland—a general
       movement among European nations to select prominent scholars
       and artists; i. e., men entirely removed from the political
       arena, to act as representatives of the popular sentiment, and
       to speak a good word with the Czar in behalf of Finland. …
       Addresses of sympathy for Finland were formulated in England,
       France, Germany, Austria, Hungary, Italy, Switzerland,
       Belgium, Holland, Denmark, Sweden, and Norway; and these
       addresses were signed by over one thousand and fifty scholars
       and artists. … All the addresses together were to be presented
       to the Czar by a small deputation; and for this purpose the
       Commission mentioned at the beginning of this article
       proceeded to St. Petersburg. The gentlemen took great pains to
       secure an audience; they went from one minister to another,
       and avoided every appearance of unfriendliness. Nevertheless,
       their request was politely declined; and the acceptance of the
       document bearing the signatures of over one thousand
       notabilitles firmly refused."

          R. Eucken,
          The Finnish Question
          (Forum, November, 1899).

       A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from
       Helsingfors, December 28, 1900, reported: "The situation in
       Finland at the end of the year is by no means improved,
       notwithstanding a few gratifying events, such as the
       permission granted by General Bobrikoff for a new daily paper
       to be published in Helsingfors. … Two papers, one published in
       a provincial town, and a weekly journal in Helsingfors, have
       been suppressed for ever, and the preventive censorship is
       applied with the utmost rigour. The Governor-General has
       displayed great energy in enforcing the restrictions on the
       right to hold meetings, and he has in circulars to the
       provincial Governors issued instructions for the introduction
       of Russian as the language of the Provincial Government
       offices even earlier, and more fully, than is provided for in
       the language ordinance promulgated last autumn. Denunciations
       of private persons to General Bobrikoff by secret agents, as
       well as public authorities, are events of well-nigh daily
       occurrence, and one consequence of these secret reports is
       that five University professors are threatened with summary
       dismissal unless they 'bind themselves to mix themselves up no
       longer in any sort of political agitation.' …

       "The question of the new military law will in all probability
       come before the Russian Imperial Council in January, all
       authorities concerned having had an opportunity of expressing
       their views on the report made on the question by the Finnish
       Diet in 1899, including the Minister of War, General
       Kuropatkin. In conformity with the manifesto of February 15,
       1899, this report will be regarded merely as an 'opinion'
       given by that body, in no way binding when the matter comes up
       for further consideration. This scheme, it will be remembered,
       not only imposes on Finland a military burden beyond the
       powers of the country, but has the political aim of
       denationalizing the Finnish army, and is thus intended to
       serve as a potent lever in the Russification of the Grand
       Duchy. The main features of the Bill were rejected by the
       Finnish Diet, but, although several members of the Imperial
       Council are opposed to the new scheme, it is believed that it
       will gain the majority in the Council in all its more salient
       points."

       Three months later (February 26, 1901), an important change in
       the situation was reported from St. Petersburg by the same
       correspondent. The project of Russifying the Finnish army had
       suffered defeat, he learned, in the Council of State, by a
       large majority. "But," he added, "this does not by any means
       imply that the military reform scheme in Finland, which has
       been the chief cause of all the harm done to the Finnish
       Constitution during the last three years, has been finally
       upset. A similar procedure in any other European civilized
       country would mean as much, but it is not so in Russia. It
       simply means that the Russification of Finland is still being
       prosecuted by a small powerful minority, who will probably
       gain their point in spite of the vast majority of his
       Majesty's councillors. The Council of State, the highest
       institution in the sphere of supreme administration, is merely
       a consultative body, whose opinion can be, and often has been,
       set aside by the Sovereign without the least difficulty. A mere
       stroke of the pen is necessary.

       "In the present case the Finnish military project was
       discussed by the four united departments of the Council. It is
       stated that M. Pobiedonostzeff and the Minister of War said
       nothing, being, perhaps, either too much impressed by the
       speech of M. Witte against the project, or feeling sure of
       their ground without the need of entering into useless
       discussion. M. Witte, whose influence is gradually embracing
       every branch of government, is also looming big in this
       question. He is reported to have made a speech on the occasion
       which carried over 40 members of the Council with him in
       opposition to the project. He attacked it principally on
       financial grounds, and declared that nobody could advise his
       Majesty to adopt it. The rejection of the proposal by the four
       departments is preliminary to its discussion by a plenary
       assembly of the Council, and only after that has taken place
       will the opinion of the majority be laid before the Emperor,"

    FIST OF RIGHTEOUS HARMONY, Society of the.

          See(in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    FIVE CIVILIZED TRIBES, The.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    FORBIDDEN CITY, March of allied forces through the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 15-28).

    FORMOSA: A. D. 1895.
       Cession by China to Japan.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    FORMOSA: A. D. 1896.
       Chinese risings against the Japanese.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1896.

    {225}

       ----------FRANCE: Start--------

    FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1896.
       Final subjugation and annexation of Madagascar.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1895.
       Cession of Kiang-Hung by China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1895.
       Ministerial changes.
       The alliance with Russia.

       On the resignation of the presidency of the Republic by M.
       Casimir-Perier and the election of M. Felix Faure to succeed
       him (January 15-17), a ministry was formed which represented
       the moderate republican groups, with M. Ribot at its head, as
       President of the Council and Minister of Finance, and with M.
       Hanotaux as Minister of Foreign Affairs.

          See, in volume 2,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1894-1895).

       The most important work of the new government was the
       arrangement of an alliance with Russia, which was
       conspicuously signified to the world by the union of the
       French and Russian fleets when they entered the German harbor
       of Kiel, on the 17th of June, to take part in the celebration
       of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, between the
       Baltic and North Seas (see, in this volume, GERMANY: A. D.
       1895, JUNE). This gave the greatest possible satisfaction to
       the nation, and powerfully strengthened the ministers for a
       time; but they were discredited a little later in the year by
       disclosures of waste, extravagance and peculation in the
       military department. Early in the autumn session of the
       Chamber of Deputies a vote was carried against them, and they
       resigned. A more radical cabinet was then formed, under M.
       Leon Bourgeois, President of the Council and Minister of the
       Interior; with M. Berthelot holding the portfolio of foreign
       affairs, M. Cavaignac that of war, and M. Lockroy that of the
       marine.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Agreement with Great Britain concerning Siam.

          See (in this volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (March).
       Census of the Republic.

       Returns of a national census taken in March showed a
       population in France of 38,228,969, being an increase in five
       years of only 133,919. The population of Paris was 2,511;955.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (April-May).
       Change of Ministry.
       Socialist gains.

       After a long conflict with a hostile Senate, the Radical
       Ministry of M. Bourgeois gave way and was succeeded, April 30,
       by a Cabinet of Moderate Republicans, in which M. Méline
       presided, holding the portfolio of Agriculture, and with M.
       Hanotaux returned to the direction of Foreign Affairs. At
       municipal elections in the following month the Socialists made
       important gains. "The elections of May, 1896, revealed the
       immense progress that socialism had made in all lands since
       the year 1893. Towns as important as Lille, Roubaix, Calais,
       Montluçon, Narbonne, re-elected socialist majorities to
       administer their affairs; and even where there was only a
       socialist minority, a socialist mayor was elected, as in the
       case of Dr. Flaissières at Marseilles, and Cousteau at
       Bordeaux. But in the small towns and the villages our
       victories have been especially remarkable. The Parti Ouvrier
       alone can reckon more than eighteen hundred m municipal
       councillors elected upon its collectivist programme; and at
       the Lille Congress, which was held a few days before the
       International Congress in London, thirty-eight socialist
       municipal councils and twenty-one socialist minorities of
       municipal councils were represented by their mayors or by
       delegates chosen by the party."

          P. Lafargue,
          Socialism in France
          (Fortnightly Review, September, 1897).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1897.
       Industrial combinations.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (May-June).
       Cessions and concessions from China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (June).
       Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1897 (July).
       Co-operation with American envoys in negotiations for a
       bi-metallic agreement with Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS:
          A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.
       The Dreyfus Affair.

       Although Captain Alfred Dreyfus, of the French army, was
       arrested, tried by court-martial, convicted of treasonable
       practices, in the betrayal of military secrets to a foreign
       power, and thereupon degraded and imprisoned, in 1894, it was
       not until 1897 that his case became historically important, by
       reason of the unparalleled agitations to which it gave rise,
       threatening the very life of the French Republic, and exciting
       the whole civilized world. Accordingly we date the whole
       extraordinary story of Captain Dreyfus and his unscrupulous
       enemies in the French Army Staff from that year, in order to
       place it in proper chronological relations with other events.
       As told here, the story is largely borrowed from a singularly
       clear review of its complicated incidents by Sir Godfrey
       Lushington, formerly Permanent Under Secretary in the British
       Home Office, which appeared in the "London Times," while the
       question of a revision of the Dreyfus trial was pending in the
       Court of Cassation. We are indebted to the publisher of "The
       Times" for permission to make use of it:

       "In October, 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus, an artillery
       officer on the staff, was arrested for treason. He belonged to
       a respected and highly loyal Jewish family in Alsace, his
       military character was unblemished, and he was in easy
       circumstances. At this time General Mercier was Minister of
       War, General de Boisdeffre Chief of the Staff (practically
       Commander-in-Chief of the French army), General Gonse,
       Assistant-Chief. Colonel Sandherr, well known as an
       Anti-Semite, was head of the Intelligence Department, under
       him were Commandants Picquart, Henry, and Lauth, also the
       Archivist Griblin. Commandant Du Paty de Clam was an officer
       attached to the general staff. Commandant Esterhazy was
       serving with his regiment. On October 15, on the order of the
       Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus was arrested by Commandant Du
       Paty de Clam, and taken in the charge of Commandant Henry to
       the Cherche-Midi Prison, of which Commandant Forzinetti was
       governor. For a fortnight extraordinary precautions were taken
       to keep his arrest an absolute secret from the public and even
       from his own family. His wife alone knew of it, but dared not
       speak. … So harsh was his treatment that Commandant Forzinetti
       felt it his duty to take the strong step of making a formal
       representation to the Minister of War and also to the Governor
       of Paris, at the same time declaring his own conviction that
       Captain Dreyfus was an innocent man.
    {226}
       On October 31 Commandant Du Paty de Clam made his report,
       which has not seen the light, and on November 3 Commandant
       d'Ormescheville was appointed 'rapporteur' to conduct a
       further inquiry, and in due course to draw up a formal report,
       which practically constitutes the case for the prosecution.
       Not till then was Captain Dreyfus informed of the particulars
       of the charge about to be laid against him. From this report
       of Commandant d'Ormescheville's we learn that the basis of the
       accusation against Captain Dreyfus was a document known by the
       name of the 'bordereau' [memorandum]. Neither Commandant
       d'Ormescheville's report nor the 'bordereau' has been
       officially published by the Government, but both ultimately
       found their way into the newspapers. The bordereau was a
       communication not dated, nor addressed, nor signed. It
       began:—'Sans nouvelles m'indiquant que vous désirez me voir,
       je vous adresse cependant, Monsieur, quelques renseignemcnts
       intéressants.' ['Without news indicating that you wish to see
       me, I send you, nevertheless, monsieur, some important
       information.'] (Then followed the titles of various military
       documents, 1, 2, &c.) The report stated that the bordereau had
       fallen into the hands of the Minister of War, but how the
       Minister declined to say, beyond making a general statement
       that the circumstances showed that it had been sent to an
       agent of a foreign Power. It is now generally accepted that it
       had been brought to the War Office by a spy—an Alsatian porter
       who was in the service of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen, then the
       military attache to the German Embassy in Paris. The report
       contained nothing to show that Captain Dreyfus had been
       following treasonable practices or to connect him in any
       manner with the bordereau. The sole question for the
       Court-martial was whether the bordereau was in his
       handwriting. On this the experts were divided, three being of
       opinion that it was, two that it was not, in his handwriting.

       "The Court-martial was duly held, and Captain Dreyfus had the
       aid of counsel, Maître Demange; but the first act of the Court
       was, at the instance of the Government representative, to
       declare the 'huis cols,' so that none but those concerned were
       present. After the evidence had been taken the Court,
       according to custom, adjourned to consider their verdict in
       private. Ultimately they found Captain Dreyfus guilty, and he
       was sentenced to be publicly expelled from the army and
       imprisoned for life. Not till after his conviction was he
       allowed to communicate with his wife and family. The sentence
       has been carried out with the utmost rigour. Captain Dreyfus
       was transported to the Isle du Diable [off the coast of French
       Guiana], where he lives in solitary confinement. … The
       Court-martial having been held within closed doors, the public
       at large knew nothing … beyond the fact that Captain Dreyfus
       had been convicted of betraying military secrets to a foreign
       Power, and they had no suspicion that there had been any
       irregularity at the Court-martial or that the verdict was a
       mistaken one. … For two years the Dreyfus question may be said
       to have slumbered. In the course of this time Colonel
       Sandherr, who died in January, 1897, had been compelled to
       retire from ill-health, and Commandant Picquart became head of
       the Intelligence Department. … In May, 1896, there were
       brought to the Intelligence Department of the War Office some
       more sweepings from Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's waste-paper
       basket by the same Alsatian porter who had brought the
       bordereau. These were put by Commandant Henry into a packet,
       and given by him (according to the usual custom) to Commandant
       Picquart. Commandant Picquart swears that amongst these were
       about 60 small pieces of paper. These (also according to
       custom) he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together. When
       pieced together they were found to constitute the document
       which is known by the name of 'Petit bleu, à carte télégramme'
       for transmission through the Post-office, but which had never
       been posted. It was addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, and ran
       as follows:

       "'J'attendsavant tout une explication plus détaillée que celle
       que vous m'avez donnée, l'autre jour, sur la question en
       suspens. En conséquence, je vous prie de me la donner par
       écrit, pour pouvoir juger si je puis continuer mes relations
       avec la maison R … ou non. [I await, before anything farther, a
       more detailed explanation than you gave me the other day on
       the question now in suspense. In consequence, I request you to
       give this to me in writing, that I may judge whether I can
       continue my relations with the house of R. or not.] M. le
       Commandant Esterhazy, 27, Rue de la Bienfaisance, Paris.'

       "At this time Commandant Esterhazy was a stranger to
       Commandant Picquart, and the first step which Commandant
       Picquart took was to make inquiry as to who and what he was.
       His character proved most disreputable, and he was in money
       difficulties. The next was to obtain a specimen of his
       handwriting in order to compare it with other writings which
       had been brought by spies to the office and were kept there.
       In this way it came about that it was compared with the
       facsimile of the bordereau, when, lo and behold, the writings
       of the two appeared identical. It was Commandant Esterhazy,
       then, who had written the bordereau, and if Commandant
       Esterhazy, then not Captain Dreyfus. … Commandant Picquart
       acquainted his chiefs with what had been done—namely, General
       de Boisdeffre in July, and his own immediate superior, General
       Gonse, in September. …

       "On September 15 of the same year, 1896, took place the first
       explosion. This solely concerned the Dreyfus trial. On that
       day the 'Éclair,' an anti-Semite newspaper, published an
       article headed 'Le Traitre,' in which they stated that at the
       Court-martial the 'pièce d'accusation' on which Captain
       Dreyfus was tried was the bordereau; but that after the Court
       had retired to the 'chamber of deliberation,' there was
       communicated to them from the War Office, in the absence of
       the prisoner and his counsel, a document purporting to be
       addressed by the German military attaché to his colleague at
       the Italian Embassy in Paris, and ending with a postscript,
       'Cet animal de Dreyfus devient trop exigcant'; further, that
       this document was the only one in which appeared the name
       Dreyfus. This at once had removed all doubts from the minds of
       the Court-martial, who thereupon had unanimously brought the
       prisoner in guilty; and the 'Eclair' called upon the
       Government to produce this document and thus satisfy the
       public conscience. This document has, for sufficient reasons
       hereinafter appearing, come to be known as 'le document
       libérateur,' and by this name we will distinguish it.
    {227}
       As to the article in the 'Eclair,' it must have proceeded
       either from a member of the Court-martial or from some one in
       the War Office; but whether its contents were true is a matter
       which to this day has not been fully cleared up. This much,
       however, is known. We have the authority of Maître Demange
       (Captain Dreyfus's advocate) that no such document was brought
       before the Court-martial during the proceedings at which he
       was present. On the other hand, it has now been admitted that
       at the date of Captain Dreyfus's trial there was, and that
       there had been for some months previously, in the archives of
       the War Office a similar document, not in the Dreyfus'
       dossier' proper, but in a secret dossier, only that the words
       therein are not 'Cet animal de Dreyfus,' but 'Ce (sic)
       canaille de D—' (initial only) 'devient trop exigeant.' … The
       Government have never yet either admitted or denied that
       General Mercier went down to the Court-martial and made to
       them a secret communication. …

       "As might have been expected, the article in the 'Eclair'
       occasioned a considerable stir; both parties welcomed it, the
       one as showing Captain Dreyfus to have been really a traitor
       and therefore justly deserving his sentence; the other as a
       proof that whether guilty or not he had been condemned
       illegally on a document used behind his back. The public
       excitement was increased when on the 10th of November the
       'Matin'—a War Office journal—published what purported to be a
       fac-simile of the bordereau, and a host of experts and others
       set to work to compare it with the accused's handwriting. The
       reproduction was no doubt made, not from the original
       bordereau, which was in the sealed-up Dreyfus dossier, but
       from a photograph of it. And the photograph must have been
       obtained surreptitiously from some one in the War Office or
       from some one who had attended the secret Court-martial. … The
       natural sequel to these revelations was an interpellation in
       the Chamber—the 'interpellation Castelin' of November 18,
       1896. On that day, M. Castelin, an anti-Semite deputy, by
       asking some question as to the safe custody of Dreyfus, gave
       the Government an opportunity. General Billot, then Minister
       of War, replied in general terms—'L'instruction de l'affaire,
       les débats, le jugement, ont eu lieu conformément aux règles
       de la procédure militaire. Le Conseil de Guerre regulièrement
       compose, a regulièrement déliberé,' &c. ['The instructions,
       the debates, the verdict, have all taken place conformably to
       the rules of military procedure. The Court-martial, regularly
       composed, has deliberated regularly,' etc.] … On November 14,
       1896, on the eve of the Interpellation Castelin, Commandant
       Picquart was sent on a secret mission, which has not been
       disclosed. He left his duties as head of the Intelligence
       Department nominally in the hands of General Gonse, his
       superior, but practically to be discharged by Commandant
       Henry, who was Commandant Picquart's subordinate. He requested
       his family to address their private letters for him to the War
       Office, whence they would be forwarded. His secret mission, or
       missions, took him first to Nancy, then to Besançon
       (permission being refused to him to return to Paris even for a
       night to renew his wardrobe), later on to Algeria and Tunisia,
       with instructions to proceed to the frontier. … In March,
       1897, Commandant Picquart was appointed Lieutenant-Colonel of
       the 4th Tirailleurs, the appointment being represented to him
       as a favour. He was the youngest Colonel in the service. In
       his stead Commandant Henry became Chief of the Intelligence
       Department. … From the first Colonel Picquart had, of course,
       felt some uneasiness at being sent on these missions away from
       his ordinary duties, and various little circumstances occurred
       to increase it, and in May, 1897, having occasion to write
       unofficially to Commandant Henry, now Chief of the
       Intelligence Department, he expressed himself strongly as to
       the mystery and falsities with which his departure had been
       surrounded; and he received a reply dated June 3, in which
       Commandant Henry said that the mystery he could well enough
       explain by what had come to his knowledge after some inquiry,
       and he alluded in general to three circumstances—(1) Opening
       letters in the post; (2) attempt to suborn two officers in the
       service to speak to a certain writing as being that of a
       certain person; and (3) the opening of a secret dossier. The
       first Colonel Picquart knew to refer to his having intercepted
       Commandant Esterhazy's letters; the other two allusions he did
       not at the time (June, 1897) fully understand; but the letter,
       couched in such terms and coming from one who had until lately
       been his subordinate, and was now the head of the Department,
       convinced him that he was the object of serious and secret
       machinations in the War Office. He immediately applied for
       leave and came to Paris. There he determined, with a view to
       his self-defence, to obtain legal advice from an advocate, M.
       Leblois; saw him, and showed him Colonel Henry's letter, and,
       whilst abstaining (according to his own account and that of M.
       Leblois) from touching on the third matter, the secret
       dossier, spoke freely on the other two—on the 'affaires'
       Dreyfus and Esterhazy generally; also, in order to explain how
       far he had acted with the sanction or cognizance of his
       superiors, he placed in his hands the correspondence—not
       official but confidential—about Commandant Esterhazy which he
       had had with General Gonse in 1896. He left it to M. Leblois
       to take what course he might think necessary, and returned to
       Sousse. In the course of the autumn he was summoned to Tunis
       and asked by the military authority there whether he had been
       robbed of a secret document by a woman. The question seemed a
       strange one and was answered by him with a simple negative.
       Later on he received at Sousse two telegrams from Paris, dated
       November 10. One:—'Arretez Bondieu. Tout est découvert.
       Affaire très grave. Speranza.' This was addressed to Tunis and
       forwarded to Sousse. The other:—'On a des preuves que le bleu est
       fabriqué par Georges. Blanche.' This was addressed to Sousse.
       And two days after he received a letter, likewise of November
       10, from Esterhazy, an abusive one, charging him with
       conspiring against him, &c. He felt certain that the telegrams
       were sent in order to compromise him. … Colonel Picquart
       suspected Commandant Esterhazy to be the author of the
       telegrams, the more so that in Commandant Esterhazy's letter
       and in one of the telegrams his own name Picquart was spelt
       without a c. He at once telegraphed to Tunis for leave to come
       and see the General there.
    {228}
       He did see him and through him forwarded to the Minister of
       War the three documents, with a covering letter in which he
       demanded an inquiry. He then obtained leave to go to Paris,
       but the condition was imposed on him that he should see no one
       before presenting himself to General de Pellieux. When he saw
       the General he learnt for the first time and to his surprise
       that ever since he left Paris in November, 1896, his letters
       had been intercepted and examined at the War Office and he was
       called upon to explain various letters and documents. …

       "Before June, 1897, Commandant Esterhazy's name had not been
       breathed to the public; it is now to come out, and from two
       independent sources. Some little time after seeing Colonel
       Picquart, in June, 1897, M. Leblois had determined, in his
       interest, to consult M. Scheurer-Kestner, who was well known
       to have taken an interest in the 'affaire Dreyfus,' because of
       the suspicion that Captain Dreyfus had been condemned on a
       document which he had never seen and because of the
       discrepancies between Captain Dreyfus's handwriting and that
       of the bordereau. He was Vice-President of the Senate and a
       personal friend of General Billot, the Minister of War. M.
       Leblois communicated to him what he knew about Commandant
       Esterhazy and showed him General Gonse's letters to Colonel
       Picquart. In October M. Scheurer-Kestner communicated on the
       subject both with General Billot and with the President of the
       Council, M. Méline. He was now to learn the name of Commandant
       Esterhazy from another quarter. One afternoon in the end of
       October a M. de Castro, a stock-broker, was seated in a cafe
       in Paris, and a boy from the street came up with copies of the
       facsimile of the bordereau, which had then been on sale for
       more than a year. M. de Castro bought a copy, and at once
       recognized, as he thought, the handwriting of the bordereau to
       be that of Commandant Esterhazy, who was a client of his. He
       took the copy home, compared it with letters of Commandant
       Esterhazy, and all doubts vanished. His friends told M.
       Matthieu Dreyfus, who begged him to take the letters to M.
       Scheurer-Kestner, and he did so on November 12, 1897, and M.
       Scheurer-Kestner advised that M. Matthieu Dreyfus should go to
       General Billot and denounce Commandant Esterhazy as the author
       of the bordereau. And now to turn to Commandant Esterhazy. His
       own statement is this. In the month of October, 1897, when in the
       country, he received a letter from 'Speranza' giving minute
       details of a plot against himself, the instigator of which
       was, Speranza said, a colonel named Picquart (without the c).
       He at once went to Paris, saw the Minister of War, and gave
       him Speranza's letter. Shortly afterwards he received a
       telegram asking him to be behind the palisades of the bridge
       Alexander III. at 11.30 p.m. He would there meet a person who
       would give him important information. He kept his appointment,
       met a veiled woman, who, first binding him over under oath to
       respect her incognito, gave him long details of the plot of
       the 'band' against himself. Afterwards he had three similar
       interviews, but not at the same place. At the second of these
       four interviews the unknown woman gave him a letter,
       saying:—'Prenez la pièce contenue dans cette enveloppe, elle
       prouve votre innocence, et si le torchon brûle, n'hésitez pas
       it vous en servir.' ['Take the piece contained in this
       envelope, it proves your innocence, and if there is trouble do
       not hesitate to use it.'] This document, henceforward called
       'le document libérateur,' was no other than the letter
       referred to in the 'Eclair' (ce canaille de D.), which, of
       course, ought to have been safe in the archives of the
       Intelligence Department. On November 14 Commandant Esterhazy
       returned this document to the Minister of War under a covering
       letter in which he called upon his chief to defend his honour
       thus menaced. The Minister of War sent Commandant Esterhazy a
       receipt. The next day the Minister received a letter from M.
       Matthieu Dreyfus denouncing Commandant Esterhazy as the author
       of the bordereau. The letter of Speranza to Commandant
       Esterhazy has not yet been divulged to the public; and the War
       Office, after diligent inquiries, have not been able to find
       the veiled woman. Very different was the interpretation put on
       this narrative by M. Trarieux, ex-Minister of Justice, and
       others interested in revision. Their suggestion was that
       Commandant Esterhazy was in the first instance apprised
       beforehand by his friends in the War Office of the coming
       danger and was for flying across the frontier, but that
       subsequently these same friends, finding that the chiefs of
       the army were fearful of being compromised by his flight from
       justice and would make common cause with him, wished to recall
       him, and with this view, took from the archives the 'document
       libérateur,' and sent it to him as an assurance that he might
       safely return and stand his trial, and also with a view to his
       claiming the credit of having restored to the office a
       document which it was now intended to charge Colonel Picquart
       with abstracting. On November 16, 1897, on a question being
       asked in the Chamber, General Billot, Minister of War, replied
       that he had made inquiries, and the result 'n'ébranlait
       nullement dans lion esprit l'autorité de la chose jugée,' but
       that as a formal denunciation of an officer of the army had
       been made by the 'famille Dreyfus,' there would be a military
       investigation. A fortnight or so afterwards he 'repeated that
       the Government considered the 'affaire Dreyfus comme
       régulièrement et justement jugée.' Here, as elsewhere, the
       reader will remember that the question at issue was who was
       the author of the bordereau, and that if Captain Dreyfus was,
       Commandant Esterhazy could not be. Consequently, a public
       declaration by the Minister of War that Captain Dreyfus had
       been justly condemned was as much as to say that Commandant
       Esterhazy must be acquitted. … Commandant Esterhazy was
       acquitted.

       "On the morrow of Commandant Esterhazy's acquittal M Zola
       launched his letter of January 13, 1898, which was addressed
       to the President, of the Republic, and wound up with a series
       of formal accusations attributing the gravest iniquities to
       all concerned in either of the Courts-martial, each officer
       being in turn pointedly mentioned by name. M. Zola's avowed
       object was to get himself prosecuted for defamation and so
       obtain an opportunity for bringing out 'la lumière' on the
       whole situation. The Minister of War so far accepted the
       challenge as to institute a prosecution at the Assizes; but
       resolving to maintain the 'chose jugée' as to the 'affaire
       Dreyfus,' he carefully chose his own ground so as to avoid
       that subject, selecting from the whole letter only 15 lines as
       constituting the defamation.
    {229}
       In particular as to one sentence, which ran:—['J'accuse enfin
       le Premier Conseil de Guerre d'avoir violé le droit en
       condamnant un accuse sur une pièce restée secrète, et]
       j'accuse le Second Conseil de Guerre d'avoir couvert cette
       illegalité par ordre, en commettant à son tour le crime
       juridiquc d'acquitter sciemment un coupable'; ['I accuse,
       finally, the first Court-martial of having violated the law in
       its conviction of the accused on the strength of a document
       kept secret; and I accuse the second Court-martial of having
       covered this illegality, acting under orders and committing in
       its turn the legal crime of knowingly acquitting a guilty
       person.']

       "The prosecution omitted the first half of the sentence, the
       part within brackets. By French law it is for the defendants
       to justify the defamatory words assigned, and to prove their
       good faith. But this was a difficult task even for M. Labori,
       the counsel for M. Zola. There were several notable obstacles
       to be passed before light could reach the Court:

       1. The 'chose jugée' as applicable to the 'affaire Dreyfus.'

       2. The 'huis clos'; the whole proceedings at the Dreyfus
       trial, and all the more important part of the proceedings at
       the Esterhazy trial, having been conducted within closed
       doors.

       3. The 'secret d'Etat' excluding all reference to foreign
       Governments.

       4. The 'secret professionnel,' pleaded not only by officers
       civil and military, but even by the experts employed by the
       Court for the identification of handwriting.

       5. To these may be added the unwillingness of a witness for
       any reason whatever.

       Thus Colonel Du Paty de Clam was allowed to refuse to answer
       questions as to his conduct in family affairs; and, as for
       Commandant Esterhazy, he turned his back on the defendants and
       refused to answer any question whatever suggested by them,
       although it was put to him by the mouth of the Judge. … Of the
       above-mentioned obligations to silence, three were such as it
       was within the competence of the Government to dispense from.
       No dispensation was given, and hence it was that the Minister
       of War was seen as prosecutor pressing his legal right to call
       upon the defendants, under pain of conviction, to prove the
       truth of the alleged libel, and at the same time, by the
       exercise or non-exercise of his official authority, preventing
       the witnesses for the defence from stating the facts which
       were within their knowledge and most material to the truth.
       But the 'chose jugée' was a legal entity by which was meant
       not merely that the sentence could not be legally disputed,
       but that it was to be accepted as 'la vérité légale'; no word
       of evidence was to be admitted which in any way referred to
       any part of the proceedings—the whole affair was to be
       eliminated. The bar thus raised was very effectual in shutting
       out of Court large classes of witnesses who could speak only
       to the 'affaire Dreyfus' … whatever was the rule as to the
       'chose jugée,' it should have been enforced equally on both
       parties. This was not always the case. One single example of
       the contrary shall be given, which, as will be shown
       hereafter, events have proved to be of the utmost
       significance. General de Pellieux had completed his long
       evidence, but having received from 'a Juror' a private letter
       to the effect that the jury would not convict M. Zola unless
       they had some further proof of the guilt of Captain Dreyfus,
       on a subsequent day he asked leave to make a supplementary
       deposition and then said:—

       "'Au moment de l'interpellation Castelin [i. e., in 1896] it
       s'est produit un fait que je tiens à signaler. On a eu au
       Ministère de la Guerre (et remarquez que je ne parle pas de
       l'affaire Dreyfus) la preuve absolue de la culpabilité de
       Dreyfus, et cette preuve je l'ai vile. Au moment de cette
       interpellation, il est arrivé au Ministère de la Guerre un
       papier dont l'origine ne peut être contestée, et qui dit—je
       vous dirai ce qu'il y a dedans—"Il va se produire une
       interpellation sur l'affaire Dreyfus. Ne dites jamais les
       relations que nous avons eues avec ce juif."' ['At the time of
       the Castelin interpellation (1896) there was a fact which I
       want to point out. The Ministry of War held—remark that I am
       not speaking of the Dreyfus case—absolute proof of the guilt
       of Dreyfus; and this proof I have seen. At the moment of that
       interpellation there arrived at the Ministry of War a paper
       the origin of which is incontestable, and which says,—I will
       tell you what it says,—"There is going to be an interpellation
       about the Dreyfus affair. You must never disclose the
       relations which we had with that Jew."'] And General de
       Pellieux called upon General de Boisdeffre and General Gonse
       to confirm what he said, and they did so. But when M. Labori
       asked to see the document and proposed to cross-examine the
       generals upon it, the Judge did not allow him, 'Nous n'avons
       pas à parler de l'affaire Dreyfus.' It may be conceived what
       effect such a revelation, made by the chiefs of the French
       army in full uniform, had upon the jury. They pronounced M.
       Zola guilty and found no extenuating circumstances; and he was
       sentenced by the Judge to the maximum penalty, viz.,
       imprisonment for a year and a fine of 3,000 francs.

       "On April 2 the Zola case is brought up before the Court of
       Cassation [the French Court of Appeals] and the Court quashes
       the verdict of the Assizes, on the technical ground that the
       prosecution had been instituted by the wrong person. The
       Minister of War was incompetent to prosecute; the only persons
       competent were those who could allege they had been defamed—
       in this instance the persons constituting the Esterhazy
       Court-martial. … The officers who had sat at the Esterhazy
       Court-martial were then called together again in order to
       decide whether M. Zola should be reprosecuted. To put a stop
       to any unwillingness on their part, M. Zola published in the
       'Siècle' of April 7 a declaration of Count Casella, which the
       Count said he would have deposed to on oath at the former
       trial if the Judge had allowed him to be a witness. This
       declaration gave a detailed history of various interviews in
       Paris with Count Panizzardi, the military attaché at the
       Italian Embassy, and at Berlin with Colonel von Schwarzkoppen,
       who had been the military attache at the German Embassy.
       According to Count Casella, both these officers had declared
       positively to him that they had had nothing to do with Captain
       Dreyfus, but Colonel von Schwarzkoppen much with Commandant
       Esterhazy. It will be said that this declaration of Count
       Casella had not been sifted by cross-examination; but it is
       understood that at the end of 1896, immediately after the
       'Éclair' made the revelation of 'le document libérateur,' both
       the German and Italian Governments made a diplomatic
       representation to the French Government, denying that they had
       had anything to do with Captain Dreyfus.
    {230}
       At all events, in January, 1898, official denials had been
       publicly made by the German Minister of Foreign Affairs to the
       Budget Commission of the Reichstag and by the Italian
       Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs to the Parliament at Home.
       The officers of the Court-martial resolve to reprosecute, and
       the case is fixed for the May Assizes at Versailles. When the
       case comes on, M. Zola demurs to its being tried outside
       Paris; the demurrer is overruled by the Court of Cassation,
       and ultimately, on July 18, the case comes on again at the
       Versailles Assizes. The charge, however, is now cut down from
       what it had been on the first trial in Paris. Of the whole
       letter of M. Zola now only three lines are selected as
       defamatory—viz.:—'Un conseil de guerre vient par ordre d'oser
       acquitter un Esterhazy, soufflet suprême à toute vérité, à
       toute justice.' ['The Court-martial has by order dared to
       acquit an Esterhazy, supreme blow to all truth, to all
       justice.'] This selection was manifestly designed to shut out
       any possibility of reference to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' and M.
       Labori, finding that any attempt to import it would be vain,
       allowed the case to go by default, and M. Zola was condemned
       and, as before, sentenced to a year's imprisonment and a fine
       of 3,000f. He has appealed to the Com de Cassation, and the
       appeal may be heard in the course of the autumn. To secure his
       own liberty in the meantime, M. Zola has avoided personal
       service of the order of the Assizes by removing beyond the
       frontier.

       "We will now go back to Colonel Picquart. During the year 1897
       he had become aware that in the Intelligence Department
       suspicions were expressed that the 'petit-bleu' was not a
       genuine document and insinuations made that Colonel Picquart
       had forged it. … The ground on which this imputation was
       rested came out clearly in the evidence which was given
       subsequently in the Zola trial, to which reference may now be
       made. The sweepings of Colonel von Schwarzkoppen's basket had
       been brought by a spy to the Intelligence Department, and were
       given first into the hands of Commandant Henry, who put them into
       a packet or 'cornet' and passed them on to Colonel Picquart to
       examine. Colonel Picquart swore that on examination he had
       found amongst the papers a large number of fragments, fifty or
       sixty. These he gave to Commandant Lauth to piece together and
       photograph. When pieced together they were found to constitute
       the 'petit-bleu' addressed to Commandant Esterhazy, who at
       that time was a perfect stranger to Colonel Picquart. At the
       Zola trial Colonel Henry had sworn that the pieces were not in
       the 'cornet' when he gave it, to Colonel Picquart, and the
       insinuation was that Colonel Picquart had forged the document,
       torn it in pieces, and put the pieces into the 'cornet.' …
       Commandant Esterhazy was acquitted by the Court-martial, and
       on the very next day Colonel Picquart was himself summoned to
       submit to a military inquiry. The Court-martial sat with
       closed doors, so that neither the charges nor the proceedings
       nor the findings would be known to the public, but the
       findings have found their way into the newspapers. [Picquart,
       cleared himself on the main charges.] … But as to the charge
       (which had never been disputed) that in 1897 Colonel Picquart
       had communicated General Gonse's letters to M. Leblois, this
       the Court found to be proved; and for this military offence
       Colonel Picquart was removed from the army upon a pension of a
       little more than 2,000f., or £80, per annum. Other
       chastisements have followed. …

       "We now come to the famous declaration of July 7 (1898), made
       by M. Cavaignac, Minister of War. On an interpellation by M.
       Castelin, the Minister of War replied that hitherto the
       Government had respected the 'chose jugée,' but now
       considerations superior to reasons of law made it necessary
       for them to bring before the Chamber and the country all the
       truth in their possession, the facts which had come to confirm
       the conviction of Captain Dreyfus. He made this declaration
       because of the absolute certainty he had of his guilt. He
       based his declaration first on documents in the Intelligence
       Department, and then on Captain Dreyfus's own confessions. The
       latter will here be dealt with first. The Minister relied on
       two witnesses. One was Captain d'Attel, who on the day of
       Captain Dreyfus's resignation had told Captain Anthoine that
       Captain Dreyfus had just said in his presence, 'As to what I
       have handed over, it was worth nothing. If I had been let
       alone I should have had more in exchange.' Captain Anthoine
       had, according to the Minister, immediately repeated these
       words to Major de Mitry. But Captain d'Attel is dead, and M.
       Cavaignac did not state to the Chamber at what date or on
       whose authority this information came to the War Office. The
       other witness was a Captain Lebrun-Renault, still alive, who
       had acted as captain of the escort on the day of degradation,
       January 5, 1895. … The Minister omits to specify the date at
       which Captain Lebrun-Renault first communicated to the War
       Office. It is believed to be in November, 1897; and against
       these allegations may be set the testimony of Commandant
       Forzinetti, the governor of the prison in which Captain
       Dreyfus was confined, to the effect that there is no record of
       confession in the official report made at the time by Captain
       Lebrun-Renault, as Captain of the escort, and that within the
       last year the Captain had denied to him (Commandant
       Forzinetti) that there had been any confession. Further we
       know that throughout his imprisonment before trial, at the
       trial, at the scene of his degradation, and in his letter
       written immediately afterwards to his wife, and to the
       Minister of War, Captain Dreyfus protested his innocence and
       that he had never committed even the slightest imprudence.

       "Then as to the documents confirmatory of the conviction of
       Captain Dreyfus. M. Cavaignac did not say whether by this term
       'guilt' be meant that Captain Dreyfus had been guilty of
       writing the bordereau, or had been guilty otherwise as a
       traitor. Indeed it was remarked that he never so much as
       mentioned the bordereau. Was, then, the bordereau dropped, as
       a document, no longer recognized to be in the handwriting of
       Captain Dreyfus? But he informed the Chamber that the
       Intelligence Department had during the last six years
       accumulated 1,000 documents and letters relating to espionage,
       of the authorship of which there was no reasonable doubt.
    {231}
       He would call the attention of the Chamber to only three, all
       of which, he said, had passed between the persons who had been
       mentioned (Colonel von Schwarzkoppen and M. Panizzardi). Here
       again it was noticed that the 'document libérateur' (ce
       canaille de D.) was not mentioned. Had this, too, been dropped
       as no longer to be relied upon, because' D.' did not mean
       Dreyfus, or was it now omitted because it had been produced at
       the Court-martial by General Mercier and therefore could not
       be said to be confirmatory of his conviction? Of the three
       documents which M. Cavaignac specified, the first, dated in
       March, 1894, made reference to a person indicated as D.; the
       second, dated April 16, 1894, contained the expression 'cette
       canaille de D.,' the same as that used in the 'document
       libérateur.' The third was no other than 'la preuve absolue'
       which General de Pellieux had imported into his evidence in
       the Zola trial as having been in the hands of the Government
       at the time of the Castelin interpellation in November, 1896.
       M. Cavaignac read out its contents, of which the following is
       an exact transcript:—'J'ai lu qu'un député va interpeller sur
       Dreyfus. Si—je dirai que jamais j'avais des relations avec ce
       Juif. C'est entendu. Si on vous demande, dites comme ça, car il
       faut pas que on sache jamais personne ce qui est arrivé avec
       lui.' ['I read that a deputy is going to question concerning
       Dreyfus. I shall say that I never had relations with that Jew.
       If they ask you, say the same, for it is necessary that we
       know no one who approaches him.'] M. Cavaignac went on to say
       that the material authenticity of this document depended not
       merely on its origin, but also on its similarity with a
       document written in 1894 on the same paper and with the same
       blue pencil, and that its moral authenticity was established
       by its being part of a correspondence exchanged between the
       same persons in 1896. 'The first writes to the other, who
       replies in terms which left no obscurity on the cause of their
       common uneasiness.' The Chamber was transported with the
       speech of the Minister of War, and, treating it as a 'coup de
       grâce' to the 'affaire Dreyfus,' decreed by a majority of 572
       to two that a print of it should be placarded in the 36,000
       communes of France. On the next day Colonel Picquart wrote a
       letter to the Minister of War undertaking to prove that the
       first two documents had nothing to do with Captain Dreyfus,
       and that the third, 'la preuve absolue,' was a forgery. Within
       six weeks his words as to 'la preuve absolue' come true. On
       August 31 the public are startled with the announcement that
       Colonel Henry has confessed to having forged it himself, and
       has committed suicide in the fortress Mont Valérien, being
       found with his throat cut and a razor in his left hand. The
       discovery of the forgery was stated to have arisen from a
       clerk in the Intelligence Department having detected by the
       help of a specially strong lamp that the blue paper of 'la
       preuve absolue' was not identical with the blue paper of a
       similar document of 1894 which M. Cavaignac had relied upon as
       a proof of its material authenticity. … As a sequel to this
       confession, General de Boisdeffre, chief of the staff, has
       resigned, feeling he could not remain after having placed
       before the Minister of War as genuine a document proved to be
       a forgery. Commandant Esterhazy has been removed from the
       active list of the army, having been brought by M. Cavaignac
       before a Court-martial sitting with closed doors—his offence
       not disclosed, but conceived to be his anti-patriotic
       correspondence with a Mme. de Boulancy. A like fate has
       befallen Colonel Du Paty de Clam from a similar Court-martial
       instituted by M. Cavaignac's successor, his offence likewise
       not disclosed, but presumed to be improper communication of
       official secrets to Commandant Esterhazy. …

       "However, notwithstanding the confession of Colonel Henry, M.
       Cavaignac insisted that Captain Dreyfus was guilty, and
       refused consent to revision. The Cabinet not acceding to this
       view, M. Cavaignac resigns the Ministry of War, and is
       succeeded by General Zurlinden, then military Governor of
       Paris. General Zurlinden asks first to be allowed time to
       study the dossier, and after a week's study and communication
       with the War Office staff he also declares his opposition to
       revision, retires from the Ministry of War, and resumes his
       post of Governor of Paris. With him also retires one other
       member of the Cabinet. Then the Minister of Justice takes the
       first formal step in referring the matter to a legal
       Commission, the technical question at issue appearing to be
       whether the confession by Colonel Henry—a witness in the
       case—of a forgery committed by him subsequently to the
       conviction with a view to its confirmation might be considered
       either as a new fact in the case or as equivalent to a
       conviction for forgery, so as to justify an application to the
       Cour de Cassation for revision. The Commission were divided in
       opinion, and the matter would have fallen to the ground if the
       Cabinet had not decided to take the matter into their own
       hands and apply to the Court direct. This has now been done;
       the Court is making preliminary inquiries, and will then
       decide whether revision in some form may be allowed or a new
       trial ordered.

       "With regard to Colonel Picquart, his public challenge of the
       documents put forward in the speech of the Minister of War was
       followed three days afterwards by an order of the Cabinet
       directing the Minister of War to set the Minister of Justice
       in motion with a view that he should be criminally prosecuted
       in a non-military Court for communication of secret
       documents—the same offence as that for which he had been
       punished by the Court-martial early in the year by removal
       from the active list of the army—and M. Leblois was to be
       prosecuted with him as an accomplice. On the 13th of July
       Colonel Picquart is put into prison to await his trial, M.
       Leblois being left at large. The prison was a civil prison,
       where he was allowed to communicate with his legal advisor.
       … On September 21 Colonel Picquart is taken from his prison to
       the Court for his trial. The Government Prosecutor rises and
       asks for an indefinite postponement on the ground that the
       military authorities are about to bring him before a military
       Court for forgery. … The military prosecution for forgery was
       ordered, and on the strength of it the Correctional Court
       acceded to the application for indefinite postponement of the
       other case of which it was seised; the military authorities
       claimed to take the prisoner out of the hands of the Civil
       authorities, and the Correctional Court acquiesced. Then it
       was that Colonel Picquart broke out—'This, perhaps, is the
       last time my voice will be heard in public. It will be easy
       for me to justify myself as to the petit-bleu. I shall perhaps
       spend to-night in the Cherche-Midi (military) Prison, but I am
       anxious to say if I find in my cell the noose of
       Lemercier-Picard, or the razor of Henry, it will be an
       assassination. I have no intention of committing suicide.' The
       same or the next day Colonel Picquart was removed to the
       Cherche-Midi Prison, there to await his Court-martial, which
       is not expected yet for some weeks. He is not permitted to
       communicate with his legal advisor or anyone else."

          G. Lushington,
          The Dreyfus Case
          (London Times, October 13, 1898).

    {232}

       Late in October (1898) the Court of Cassation decided that it
       found ground for proceeding to a supplementary investigation
       in the case of Captain Dreyfus, but not for the suspension
       meantime of the punishment be was undergoing. On the 15th of
       November it decided that the prisoner should be informed by
       telegraph of the pending revision proceedings, in order that
       he might prepare his defense. The Court was now endeavoring to
       secure possession of the secret documents (known as the
       "Dreyfus dossier") on which the conviction of the accused was
       said to have been really founded. For some time the war office
       seemed determined to withhold them; but at length, late in
       December, the dossier was turned over, under pledges of strict
       secrecy as to the documents contained. Showing still further a
       disposition to check the doings of the military authorities,
       the Court of Cassation, in December, ordered a suspension of
       proceedings in the military court against Colonel Picquart,
       and demanded all documents in his case for examination by
       itself.

       Attacks were now made on the Court which had thus ventured to
       interfere with the secret doings of the army chiefs. Suddenly,
       on the 8th of January (1899), the president of the civil
       section of the Court, M. Quesnay de Beaurepaire, resigned his
       office and denounced his recent colleagues as being in a
       conspiracy to acquit Dreyfus and dishonor the army. This, of
       course, was calculated to stimulate anti-Dreyfus excitement
       and furnish ground for challenging the final decision of the
       Court, if it should be favorable to a new trial for the
       imprisoned Captain. It also delayed proceedings in the case,
       leading to the enactment of a law requiring all cases of
       revision to be tried by the united sections of the Court of
       Cassation. This act took the Dreyfus case from the 16 judges
       of the criminal section and committed it to the whole 48
       judges of the Court.

       Major Esterhazy had taken refuge in England. On the 2d of June
       he went to the office of the London "Chronicle" and made the
       following confession for publication: "The chiefs of the army
       have disgracefully abandoned me. My cup is full, and I shall
       speak out. Yes, it was I who wrote the bordereau. I wrote it
       upon orders received from Sandherr. They (the chiefs of the
       general staff) will lie, as they know how to lie; but I have
       them fast. I have proofs that they knew the whole thing and
       share the responsibility with me, and I will produce the
       proofs." Immediately it was said that he had been bribed by
       the friends of Dreyfus to take the crime upon himself.

       On the day following this confession, the decision of the
       Court of Cassation was announced. Meantime, the newspaper
       "Figaro" had, by some means, been able to obtain and publish
       the testimony which the Court had taken with closed doors, and
       had thus revealed the flimsiness and the contradictoriness of
       the grounds on which the officers of the Army Staff based
       their strenuous assertions that they had positive knowledge of
       the guilt of Dreyfus. This had great influence in preparing
       the public mind for the decision of the Court when announced.
       On grounds relating to the bordereau, to the document which
       contained the expression "ce canaille de D.," and to the
       alleged confession of Dreyfus,—leaving aside all other
       questions of evidence,—the judgment as delivered declared that
       "the court quashes and annuls the judgment of condemnation
       pronounced on December 22, 1894, against Alfred Dreyfus by the
       first court-martial of the Military Government of Paris, and
       remits the accused to the court-martial of Rennes, named by
       special deliberation in council chamber, to be tried on the
       following question:—Is Dreyfus guilty of having in 1894
       instigated machinations or held dealings with a foreign power
       or one of its agents in order to incite it to commit
       hostilities or undertake war against France by furnishing it
       with the notes and documents enumerated in the bordereau? and
       orders the prescribed judgment to be printed and transcribed
       on the registers of the first court-martial of the Military
       Government of Paris in the margin of the decision annulled."
       Captain Dreyfus was taken immediately from his prison on
       Devil's Island and brought by a French cruiser to France,
       landing at Quiberon on the 1st of July and being taken to
       Rennes, where arrangements for the new military trial were
       being made.

       The new court-martial trial began at Rennes on the 7th of
       August. When it had proceeded for a week, and had reached what
       appeared to be a critical point—the opening of a
       cross-examination of General Mercier by the counsel for
       Dreyfus—M. Labori, the leading counsel for the defense, was
       shot as he walked the street, by a would-be assassin who
       escaped. Fortunately, the wound he received only disabled him
       for some days, and deprived the accused of his presence and
       his powerful service in the court at a highly important time.
       The trial, which lasted beyond a month, was a keen
       disappointment in every respect. It probed none of the
       sinister secrets that are surely hidden somewhere in the black
       depths of the extraordinary case. In the judgment of all
       unimpassioned watchers of its proceeding, it disclosed no
       proof of guilt in Dreyfus. On the other hand, it gave no
       opportunity for his innocence to be distinctly shown.
       Apparently, there was no way in which the negative of his
       non-guiltiness could be proved except by testimony from the
       foreign agents with whom he was accused of having treasonable
       dealings: but that testimony was barred out by the court,
       though the German and Italian governments gave permission to
       the counsel for Dreyfus to have it taken by commission.
       Outside of France, at least, the public verdict may be said to
       have been unanimous, that the whole case against Captain
       Dreyfus, as set forth by the heads of the French army, in
       plain combination against him, was foul with forgeries, lies,
       contradictions and puerilities, and that nothing to justify
       his condemnation had been shown. But the military court, on
       the 9th of September, by a vote of five judges against two,
       brought in a verdict of Guilty, with "extenuating
       circumstances" (as though any circumstances could extenuate
       the guilt of an actual crime like that of which Dreyfus was
       accused), and sentenced him to imprisonment in a fortress for
       ten years, from which term the years of his past imprisonment
       would be taken out.
    {233}
       Mr. G. W. Steevens, the English newspaper correspondent, who
       attended the trial and has written the best account of it,
       makes the following comment on the verdict, which sums up all
       that needs to be said: "In a way, the most remarkable feature
       about the verdict of Rennes was the proportion of the votes.
       When it had been over a few hours, and numb brains had relaxed
       to thought again, it struck somebody that on the very first
       day the very first motion had been carried by five to two. The
       next and next and all of them had been carried by five to two.
       Now Dreyfus was condemned by five to two. The idea—the
       staggering idea—dropped like a stone into the mind, and spread
       in widening circles till it filled it with conviction.
       Everyone of the judges had made up his mind before a single
       word of evidence had been heard. The twenty-seven days, the
       hundred-and-something witnesses, the baskets of documents, the
       seas of sweat and tears—they were all utterly wasted. … The
       verdict was, naturally, received with a howl of indignation,
       and to endeavour to extenuate the stupid prejudice—that at
       least, if not cowardly dishonesty—of the five who voted
       against the evidence is not likely to be popular with
       civilized readers. Yet it may be said of them in
       extenuation—if it is any extenuation—that they only did as
       almost any other five Frenchmen would have done in their
       place. Frenchmen are hypnotized by the case of Dreyfus, as
       some people are hypnotized by religion; in its presence they
       lose all mental power and moral sense." The army chiefs had
       had their way; the stain of their condemnation had been kept
       upon Dreyfus; but the government of France was magnanimous
       enough to punish him no more. His sentence was remitted by the
       President, and he was set free, a broken man.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898.
       State of the French Protectorate of Tunis.

          See (in this volume)
          TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Lease of Kwangchow Wan from China.
       Railway and other concessions exacted.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (April-December).
       In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May).
       Demands on China consequent on the murder of a missionary.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (May-November).
       General Elections.
       Fall of the Ministry of M. Meline.
       Brief Ministry of M. Brisson, struggling with
       the Dreyfus question.
       Coalition Cabinet of M. Dupuy.

       General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies were held
       throughout France on Sunday, May 8, with a second balloting on
       Sunday, May 22, in constituencies where the first had resulted
       in no choice. Of the 584 seats to be filled, the Progressive
       Republicans secured only 225, so that the Ministry of M.
       Méline could count with no certainty on the support of a
       majority in the Chamber. It was brought to a downfall in the
       following month by a motion made by M. Bourgeois, in the
       following words: "The Chamber determines to support only a
       Ministry relying exclusively on a Republican majority." This
       was carried by a majority of about fifty votes, and on the
       next day the Ministry resigned. It was succeeded by a Radical
       cabinet, under M. Henri Brisson, after several unsuccessful
       attempts to form a Conservative government. By announcing that
       it would not attempt to carry out a Radical programme in some
       important particulars, the Brisson Ministry secured enough
       support to maintain its ground for a time; but there were
       fatal differences in its ranks on the burning Dreyfus
       question, as well as on other points. M. Cavaignac, Minister
       of War, was bitterly opposed to a revision of the Dreyfus
       ease, which the Premier and M. Bourgeois (now Minister of
       Public Instruction) were understood to favor. M. Cavaignac
       soon placed himself in an extremely embarrassing position by
       reading to the Chamber certain documents which he put forward
       as absolute proofs of the guilt of Dreyfus, but of which one
       was shown presently to have been forged, while another had no
       relation to the case. He accordingly resigned (September 4),
       and General Zurlinden took his place. But Zurlinden, too,
       resigned a few days later, when a determination to revise the
       trial of Dreyfus was reached. The government was then exposed
       to a new outburst of fury in the anti-Dreyfus factions, and
       all the enemies of the Republic became active in new
       intrigues. The Orleanists bestirred themselves with fresh
       hopes, and the old Boulangist conspirators revived their
       so-called Patriotic League, with M. Déroulède at its head. At
       the same time dangerous labor disturbances occurred in Paris,
       threatening a complete paralysis of railway communications as
       well as of the industries of the capital. The Ministry faced
       its many difficulties with much resolution; but it failed of
       support in the Chamber, when that body met in October, and it
       resigned. A coalition cabinet was then formed, with M. Charles
       Dupuy in the presidency of the council, and M. de Freycinet as
       Minister of War.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (September-November).
       The Nile question with England.
       Marchand's expedition at Fashoda.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Demands upon China for attacks on Missions in Szechuan.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Demand on China for extension of settlement at Shanghai.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1898-1899 (June-June).
       Convention with England defining possessions in West
       and North Africa.
       The great Empire in the Sudan and Sahara.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (February-June).
       Death of President Faure.
       Election of President Loubet.
       Revolutionary attempts of "Nationalist" agitators.
       The Ministry of M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

       Felix Faure, President of the French Republic, died suddenly
       on the 16th of February,—a victim, it is believed, of the
       excitements and anxieties of the Dreyfus affair. The situation
       thus produced was so sobering in its effect that the
       Republican factions were generally drawn together for the
       moment, and acted promptly in filling the vacant executive.
    {234}
       The Senate and the Chamber of Deputies were convened in joint
       session, as a National Assembly, at Versailles, on the 18th,
       and Emile Loubet, then President of the Senate, was chosen to
       the presidency of the Republic on its first ballot, by 483
       votes, against 279 for M. Meline, and 45 for M. Cavaignac. At
       the funeral of the late President Faure, which occurred on the
       23d, the pestilential Déroulède and his fellow
       mischief-makers, with their so-called "League of Patriots,"
       "League de Patrie Française," and party of "Nationalists,"
       attempted to excite the troops to revolt, but without success.
       Déroulède and others were arrested for this treasonable
       attempt. During some months the enemies of the Republic were
       active and violent in hostility to President Loubet, and the
       cabinet which he inherited from his predecessor was believed
       to lack loyalty to him. On the 4th of June, while attending
       the steeple-chase races at Auteuil, he was grossly insulted,
       and even struck with a cane, by a party of young royalists,
       the leader of whom, Count Christiani, who struck the shameful
       blow, was sentenced afterwards to imprisonment for four years.
       The Ministry of the day was considered to be responsible for
       these disorders, and, on the 12th of June, a resolution was
       passed in the Chamber to the effect that it would support only
       a government that was determined to defend republican
       institutions with energy and preserve public order. Thereupon
       the Ministry of M. Dupuy resigned, and a new cabinet was
       formed with much difficulty by M. Waldeck-Rousseau. It
       included a radical Socialist, M. Millerand, who became
       Minister of Commerce, and a resolute and honest soldier, the
       Marquis de Gallifet, as Minister of War. The latter promptly
       cleared the way for more independent action in the government,
       by removing several troublesome generals from important
       commands. The new Ministry assumed the name of the "Government
       of Republican Defense," and offered a front to the enemies of
       the Republic which plainly checked their attacks. M. Déroulède
       and some of his fellow conspirators were brought to trial
       before the Court of Assizes, and acquitted.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May).
       New Convention with Siam.

          See (in this volume)
          SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (July).
       Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (December).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (August-January).
       Arrest and trial of revolutionary conspirators.

       In August, 1899, the government, having obtained good evidence
       that treasonable plans for the overthrow of the Republic had
       been under organization for several months, in the various
       royalist, anti-Semitic, and so-called "Patriotic" leagues,
       caused the arrest of a number of the leaders implicated, the
       irrepressible Paul Déroulède being conspicuous among them. The
       president of the Anti-Semitic League, M. Guérin, with a number
       of his associates, barricaded themselves at the headquarters of
       the League and defied arrest, evidently expecting a mob rising
       in Paris if they were attacked. Serious rioting did occur on
       the 20th of August; but the government prudently allowed
       Guérin and his party to hold their citadel until the ending of
       the excitements of the Dreyfus trial; then, on the showing of
       a serious determination to take it by force, they gave
       themselves up. The trial of the conspirators was begun in
       September, before the Senate, sitting as a high court of
       Justice, and continued at intervals until the following
       January. Déroulède conducted himself with characteristic
       insolence, and received two sentences of imprisonment, one for
       three months and the other for two years, on account of
       outrageous attacks on the Senate and on the President of the
       Republic. These were additional to a final sentence to ten
       years of banishment for his treasonable plotting, which he
       shared with one fellow conspirator. Guérin was condemned to
       ten years imprisonment in a fortified place. The remainder of
       the accused were discharged with the exception of one who had
       escaped arrest, and who was convicted in his absence. The
       trial, wrote the Paris correspondent of the "London Times,"
       "showed how strange a thing was this motley conspiracy between
       men who had but one common bond of sympathy, namely, the
       desire to upset the Republic,—men from whom the Bonapartist,
       another variety of anti-Republican conspirators, had held
       aloof. The latter fancied themselves sufficiently represented
       in the conspiracy by the plebiscitary party [of Déroulède]
       whose accession to office would have been tantamount to the
       success of Imperialism. … The condemnation of these
       conspirators of varied aspirations proved that the Nationalist
       party was a mere conglomeration of ambitions which would end
       in every form of violence if ever the conspirators were called
       upon to share the booty. The harm that they have already done,
       even before they have made themselves masters of France, shows
       that the danger which they constitute to their country is
       infinitely greater than the danger with which it was menaced
       by Boulangism, for then at least at the moment of victory all
       the ambitions would have been concentrated round a single
       will, however mediocre that will, and General Boulanger would
       at all events have been a rallying flag for the conspirators
       visible all over France. The Nationalism condemned by the
       Court in its various personifications has not even a head
       around which at the moment of action the accomplices could be
       grouped. It is confusion worse confounded. If it succeeded in
       its aims it could only avoid at home the consequences of its
       incoherent policy by some desperate enterprise abroad. The
       judgment of the High Court, by restoring tranquillity in the
       streets, preserved France from the dangers towards which she
       was hastening, and which were increased, consciously or
       unconsciously, by auxiliaries at the head of the executive
       office. But owing to the verdict of the High Court France had
       time to pull herself together, to breathe more easily, and to
       take the necessary resolutions to secure tranquillity. The
       approach of the Exhibition imposed upon everyone a kind of
       truce, and M. Déroulède himself, with an imprudence of which
       he is still feeling the consequences, declared that he would
       return to France when once the Exhibition was over."

    {235}

       In a speech which he made subsequently, at San Sebastian, his
       place of exile, Déroulède declared that the "coup d'état"
       prepared by his party of revolutionists for the 23d of
       February, 1899, on the occasion of the funeral of President
       Faure (see above), was frustrated because he refused, at the
       last moment, to permit it to be used in the interest of the
       Duke of Orleans. "The following day," he said, "between midday
       and 4 o'clock in the afternoon, a mysterious hand had upset all
       the preparations made, the position of the troops, their
       dislocation, their order and the officers commanding them, and
       the same evening Marcel Habert and myself were arrested." The
       intimation of his speech seemed to be that the hand in the
       government which changed the position of the troops and upset
       the revolutionary plot would not have done so if the royalists
       had been taken into it.

       Soon after the conclusion of the conspiracy trials, the
       superior and eleven monks of the Order of the Assumptionist
       Fathers, who had appeared to be mixed up in the plot, were
       brought to account as an illegal association, and their
       society was dissolved.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1901.
       The Newfoundland French Shore question.

          See (in this volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
       Military and naval expenditure.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Elections to the Senate.

       Elections to the French Senate, on the 28th of January,
       returned 61 Republicans, 6 Liberal Republicans, 18 Radicals, 7
       Socialists, 4 Monarchists, and 3 Nationalists. "The Radicals
       are as they were. The Socialists have just gained an entrance
       to the Senate, and to this they were entitled by the large and
       solid Socialist vote throughout France. The great mass of
       solid and sensible Republicans have not only held their
       ground, but have increased and solidified their position. The
       reactionaries, whether avowed Monarchists, or supporters of
       the Déroulède movement, have made one or two merely formal
       gains, but have really fallen back, from the point of view of
       their pretensions, and the long list of candidates they put
       forward. On the whole, we may fairly say that the solid, sober
       Republican vote of France has proved that it is in the ascendant.
       Once more, in a deeper sense than he meant, the verdict of M.
       Thiers has, for the moment at any rate, been verified,—that
       France is really at bottom Left Centre. That is to say, the
       nation is for progress, but for progress divested of vague
       revolutionary pretensions, of mere a priori dogmas as to what
       Republican progress involves. In the main the nation seems to
       have supported the Government in repelling the aggressive
       attacks of unbridled Clericalism, and in rejecting the
       pretensions of the Army to dictate French politics. On the
       other hand, the mass of the French electors do not desire a
       crusade against the Roman Catholic Church, and they do not
       care for an indiscriminate attack on the French Army."

          The Spectator (London),
          February 3, 1900.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (April-November).
       The Paris Exposition.

       The Paris Exposition of 1900, which exceeded all previous
       "world's fairs" in extent and in the multitude of its
       visitors, was formally opened on the 14th of April, but with
       unfinished preparations, and closed on the 12th of November.
       The reported attendance during the whole period of the
       Exposition was 48,130,301, being very nearly double the
       attendance at the Exposition of 1889. The total receipts of
       money were 114,456,213 francs, and total expenditures
       116,500,000 francs, leaving a deficit of 2,044,787 francs. But
       France and Paris are thought to have profited greatly,
       notwithstanding. Forty countries besides France took part in
       the preparations and were officially represented. The number
       of exhibitors was 75,531; the awards distributed were 42,790
       in number. The buildings erected for the Exposition numbered
       more than 200, including 36 official pavilions erected by
       foreign governments. The ground occupied extended on each side
       of the Seine for a distance of nearly two miles, comprising,
       besides the quays on each side of the river, the Champ de
       Mars, the Esplanade des Invalides, the Trocadero Gardens, and
       part of the Champs Elysées.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (August).
       Annexation of the Austral Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (September).
       The centenary of the Proclamation of the French Republic.
       A gigantic banquet.

       On the 22d of September, the centenary of the proclamation of
       the French Republic was celebrated in Paris by a gigantic
       banquet given by President Loubet, accompanied by his
       Ministers, to the assembled Mayors of France, gathered from
       near and far. Some 23,000 guests sat down to the déjeuner, for
       which a temporary structure had been prepared in the Tuileries
       Gardens. It was a triumphant demonstration of the culinary
       resources of Paris; but it had more important objects. It was
       a political demonstration, organized by the President of the
       Republic, in concert with the Cabinet of M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
       as a check to certain schemes of the Paris Nationalists,
       against the government. It brought the municipal
       representatives of the provinces to the capital to show the
       array of their feeling for the Republic against that of the
       noisy demagogues of the capital. It was a striking success.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Proposal of terms for negotiation
       with the Chinese government.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).
       The Amnesty Bill.

       With the object of making it impossible for the enemies of the
       Republic to find such opportunity for a revival of the
       dangerous Dreyfus controversy as any new trial of its issues
       would give them, the French government, in December,
       accomplished the passage of an amnesty bill, which purges
       everybody connected with the affair, so far as legal
       proceedings are concerned. The measure was strenuously opposed
       by the friends of Dreyfus, Picquart and Zola, none of whom are
       willing to be left unvindicated by law, nor willing to be
       barred from future proceedings against some of the army staff.
       It was also fought by the mischievous factions which wish to
       keep the Dreyfus quarrel alive for purposes of disorderly
       excitement.
    {236}
       The policy of the measure, from the governmental standpoint,
       was thus described at the time it was pending: The Cabinet
       "felt that this affair had done great injury to France, that
       it was a dangerous weapon in the hands of all the conspirators
       against the Republic, that no Court-martial would agree to
       acquit Dreyfus, even though convinced of his innocence, and
       that, in view of the futility of any attempt to secure an
       acquittal, it was necessary to avoid danger to the Republic by
       reopening the affair. France had already suffered irreparable
       mischief from it. … The affair has falsified the judgment and
       opinion of the army, so that it has no longer a clear notion
       of its duty at home. In external affairs it is still always
       ready to march to the defence of the country, but as to its
       duties at home it is in a state of deplorable confusion. …
       Considering that the Dreyfus affair has so armed the
       adversaries of the Government that it cannot be sure of the
       army in internal matters, the Cabinet, it is evident, could
       not allow that affair to remain open and produce anarchy. On
       the other hand, there was a prosecution pending against M.
       Zola, who, it was clearly proved to all, was right in his
       famous letter 'J'accuse.' There was a prosecution against
       Colonel Picquart, who had sacrificed a brilliant future in the
       defence of truth against falsehood. There was likewise a
       prosecution against M. Joseph Reinach, who had accused Henry
       of having been a traitor or the accomplice of a traitor. I do
       not know how far Dr. Reinach had proofs of his allegations,
       but these three prosecutions were so closely connected with
       the Dreyfus case that, if they had been allowed to go on, that
       affair, which was so dangerous to tranquillity, security, and
       order, would be reopened. Now the Government will not at any
       cost allow the affair to be reopened. The whole Amnesty Bill
       hinges on this question. The Government agrees to amnesty
       everybody except the persons condemned by the High Court, and
       who continue to defy it. … It insists on these three
       prosecutions being struck off the rolls of the Tribunals. This
       is the whole question. Nothing else in the eyes of the
       Government is essential, but it will not allow the further
       serious mischief which would result from the reopening of the
       affair. The Bill will not stop the civil proceedings against
       MM. Zola, Picquart, and Reinach, but such proceedings do not
       cause the same excitement as criminal prosecutions. If the
       latter are stopped, the dangers occasioned by the confusion in
       the spirit of the army will disappear, and it may then be
       hoped that the excitement will calm down."

       M. Zola protested vigorously against the Amnesty Bill, and, on
       its passage, wrote an open letter to the President in which he
       said: "I shall not cease repeating that the affair cannot
       cease as long as France does not know and repair the
       injustice. I said that the fourth act was played at Rennes and
       that there would have to be a fifth act. Anxiety remains in my
       heart. The people of France always forget that the Kaiser is
       in possession of the truth, which he may throw in our face
       when the hour strikes. Perhaps he has already chosen his time.
       This would be the horrible fifth act which I have always
       dreaded. The French Government should not for one hour accept
       such a terrible contingency."

    FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Award in the arbitration of French Guiana boundary
       dispute with Brazil.

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

    FRANCE: A. D. 1901.
       The Bill on Associations.
       A measure to place the Religious Orders under strict
       regulations of law, and to limit their possession of property.

       In a speech delivered at Toulouse on the 28th of October,
       1900, the French Prime Minister, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
       announced the intention of the government to bring forward, at
       the next session of the Chambers, a measure of critical
       importance and remarkable boldness, being no less than the
       project of a law (called in general terms a "Bill on
       Associations ) for the stringent regulation and restriction of
       the religious orders in France,—especially for the restriction
       of their acquisition and ownership of property. Forecasting
       the measure in that speech, he said: "The question is the
       rendering free, and subject only to the common law, all the
       associations which are in themselves lawful as regards the
       safety of the State. Another object of the same Bill is to
       cope with the peril which arises from the continuous
       development in a Democratic society of an organism which,
       according to a famous definition, the merit of which is due to
       our old Parliaments, 'tends to introduce into the State under
       the specious veil of a religions institution a political
       corporation the object of which is to arrive first at complete
       independence and then at the usurpation of all authority.' I
       am filled with no sectarian spirit, but merely with the spirit
       which dominated as well the policy of the Revolution as the
       entire historical policy of France. The fundamental statute
       determining the relations between the churches and the State
       should be exactly applied so long as it has not been altered,
       and we have always interpreted its spirit with the broadest
       tolerance. But as things are now going, what will remain of
       this pact of reciprocal guarantees? It had been exclusively
       confined to the secular clergy owing hierarchic obedience to
       their superiors and to the State and to questions of worship,
       the preparation for ecclesiastical functions and preaching in
       the churches. And, now, lo and behold, we find religious
       orders teaching in the seminaries, the pulpit usurped by the
       missions, and the Church more and more menaced by the chapel.
       The dispersed but not suppressed religious communities cover
       the territory with a close network, which has been evidenced
       in a recent trial, and have been so bold as to defy the Church
       dignitaries not accepting their vassalage. In pointing to the
       peril of increasing mortmain threatening the principle of the
       free circulation of property, it is sufficient to say that we
       are influenced by no vain alarms, that the value of the real
       property occupied or owned by the communities was in 1880 as
       much as 700,000,000f., and that it now exceeds a milliard.
       Starting from this figure, what may be the value of mortmain
       personalty? Yet the real peril does not arise from the
       extension of mortmain. In this country, whose moral unity has
       for centuries constituted its strength and greatness, two
       youths are growing up ignorant of each other until the day
       when they meet, so unlike as to risk not comprehending one
       another. Such a fact is explained only by the existence of a
       power which is no longer even occult and by the constitution
       in the State of a rival power. All efforts will be fruitless
       as long as a rational, effective legislation has not
       superseded a legislation at once illogical, arbitrary, and
       inoperative. If we attach so much importance to a Law on
       Association it is also because it involves the solution of at
       least a portion of the education question. This Bill is the
       indispensable guarantee of the most necessary prerogatives of
       modern society."

    {237}

       This pre-announcement of the intentions of the government gave
       rise, as it must have been intended to do, to a warm
       discussion of the project in advance, and showed something of
       the strength of the antagonists with whom its supporters must
       make their fight. At length, late in December—a few days
       before the opening of debate on the bill in the Chambers—the
       attitude of the Church upon it was fully declared by the Pope,
       in a lengthy interview which M. Henri des Houx, one of the
       members of the staff of the "Matin," was permitted to publish
       in that Paris journal. "After M. Waldeck-Rousseau's Toulouse
       speech, and in presence of the Associations Bill," said the
       Pope, "I can no longer keep silent. It is my Apostolic duty to
       speak out. French Catholics will know that their father does
       not abandon them, that he suffers with them in their trials,
       and that he encourages their generous efforts for right and
       liberty. They are well aware that the Pope has unceasingly
       laboured in their behalf and for the Church, adapting the
       means to the utility of the ends. The pilot is the judge of
       the manœuvre at the bar. At one moment he seems to be tacking
       before the tempest; at another he is bound to sail full
       against it. But his one aim ever is to make the port. Now, the
       Pope cannot consent to allow the French Government to twist
       the Concordat from its real intent and transform an instrument
       of peace and justice into one of war and oppression. The
       Concordat [see, in volume 2, FRANCE: A. D. 1801-1804]
       established and regulated in France the exercise of Catholic
       worship and defined, between the Church and the French State,
       mutual rights and duties. The religious communities form an
       integral part of the Apostolic Church as much as the secular
       clergy. They exercise a special and a different mission, but
       one not less sacred than that of the pastors recognized by the
       State. To try to destroy them is to deal a blow at the Church,
       to mutilate it, and to restrain its benefits. Such was not the
       intent of the Concordat. It would be a misconstruction of this
       treaty to declare illegal and to interdict whatever it was not
       able to settle or foresee. The Concordat is silent as to
       religious communities. This means that the regular clergy has
       no share in the special rights and relative privileges granted
       by the Concordat to the members of the secular ecclesiastical
       hierarchy. It does not mean that religious orders are to be
       excluded from the common law and put outside the pale of the
       State. … There was no need of mentioning the religious
       communities in the Concordat because these pious bodies were
       permitted to live under the shelter of the equal rights
       accorded to men and citizens by the fundamental clauses of
       your Constitution. But if an exception is to be made to these
       solemn declarations in the case of certain citizens it is an
       iniquity towards the Church, an infraction of the intentions
       of the negotiators of 1801. Look at the countries with which
       the Holy See has signed no Concordat, and even at Protestant
       countries like England, the United States, and many another.
       Are religious communities there excluded from the liberties
       recognized as belonging to other citizens? Do they not live
       there without being harassed? And thither, perhaps, these
       communities would take refuge, as in the evil days of the
       Terror, from the iniquity of Catholic France! But since then
       France has become bound by the Concordat, and she seems to
       forget it. …

       "Why does France figure to-day by the side of the great
       nations in the concert of the Powers settling the Chinese
       question? Whence have your Ministry for Foreign Affairs and
       your representative in Peking the authority which gives weight
       to their opinion in the assembly of plenipotentiaries? What
       interest have you in the north of China? Are you at the head
       there in trade and industry? Have you many traders there to
       protect? No. But you are there the noblest champions of
       Christian civilization, the protectors of the Catholic
       missions. Your foreign rivals are envious of this privileged
       situation. They are seeking to dispute your rights laid down
       in treaties that assign to you the rôle of defenders of native
       missions and Christian settlements. … Hitherto your
       Governments had had a better notion of the importance of their
       rights. It is in the name of treaties guaranteeing them that
       they protested to me when the Chinese Emperor asked me to
       arrange diplomatic relations directly with the Holy See. Upon
       the insistence of M. de Freycinet, the then Minister, I
       refused, so fearful was I that France might believe, even
       wrongfully, that I wished in any way to diminish her prestige,
       her influence, and her power. In the Levant, at
       Constantinople, in Syria, in the Lebanon, what will remain of
       the eminent position held by your Ambassador and Consuls if
       France intends to renounce representing there the rights of
       Christianity? …

       "M. Waldeck-Rousseau, in his Toulouse speech, spoke of the
       moral unity of France. Who has laboured more than I for it?
       Have I not energetically counselled Catholics to cease all
       conflict against the institutions which your country has
       freely chosen and to which it remains attached? Have I not
       urged Catholics to serve the Republic instead of combating it?
       I have encountered warm resistance among them, but I believe
       that their present weakness arises from their very lack of
       union and their imperfect deference to my advice. The
       Republican Government at least knows in what degree my
       authority has been effective towards bringing about that
       public peace and moral unity which is proclaimed at the very
       moment when it is seriously menaced. It has more than once
       thanked me. If the Pontifical authority has not been able
       entirely to accomplish the union so much desired I at least
       have spared no effort for it. Is there now a desire to
       reconstitute the union of Catholics against the Republic? How
       could I prevent this if, instead of the Republic liberal,
       equitable, open to all, to which I have invited Catholics to
       rally, there was substituted a narrow, sectarian Republic,
       governed by an inflamed faction governed by laws of exception
       and spoliation, repugnant to all honest and upright
       consciences, and to the traditional generosity of France? Is
       it thought that such a Republic can obtain the respect of a
       single Catholic and the benediction of the Supreme Pontiff? I
       still hope that France will spare herself such crises, and
       that her Government will not renounce the services which I
       have been able to render and can still render it.
    {238}
       On several occasions, for instance, and quite recently, I have
       been asked by the head of a powerful State to allow disregard
       of the rights of France in the East and Far East. Although
       compensations were offered to the Church and the Holy See, I
       resolved that the right of France should remain intact,
       because it is an unquestionable right, which France has not
       allowed to become obsolete. But if in your country the
       religious orders, without which no Catholic expansion is
       possible, are ruined and suppressed, what shall I answer
       whenever such requests are renewed to me? Will the Pope be
       alone in defending privileges the possessors of which prize
       them so little?"

       Of the seriousness of the conflict thus opening between the
       French Republicans and the Roman Catholic Church there could
       be no doubt.

       The threatened bill was brought forward by the government and
       debate upon it opened on the 15th of January, 1901. The most
       stringent clauses of the measure were translated and
       communicated to the "London Times" by its Paris correspondent,
       as follows:

       "II. Any association founded on a cause, or for an illicit
       end, contrary to the laws, to public order, to good manners,
       to the national unity, and to the form of the Government of
       the Republic, is null and void.

       "III. Any member of an association which has not been formed
       for a determined time may withdraw at any term after payment
       of all dues belonging to the current year, in spite of any
       clauses to the contrary.

       "IV. The founders of any association are bound to publish the
       covenants of the association. This declaration must be made at
       the prefecture of the Department or at the sub-prefecture of
       the district which is the seat of the association. This
       declaration must reveal the title and object of the
       association, the place of meeting and the names, professions,
       and domiciles of the members or of those who are in any way
       connected with its administration. … The founders, directors,
       or administrators of an association maintained or
       reconstituted illegally after the verdict of dissolution will
       be punished with a fine of from 500f. to 5,000f. and
       imprisonment ranging from six days to a year. And the same
       penalty will apply to all persons who shall have favoured the
       assemblage of the members of the dissolved association by the
       offer of a meeting place. …

       "X. Associations recognized as of public utility may exercise
       all the rights of civil life not forbidden in their statutes,
       but they cannot possess or acquire other real estate than that
       necessary for the object which they have in view. All personal
       property belonging to an association should be invested in
       bonds bearing the name of the owner. Such associations can
       receive gifts and bequests on the conditions defined by Clause
       910 of the Civil Code. Real estate included in an act of donation
       or in testamentary dispositions, which is not necessary for
       the working of the association, is alienated within the period
       and after the forms prescribed by the decree authorizing
       acceptance of the gift, the amount thereby represented
       becoming a part of the association's funds. Such associations
       cannot accept a donation of real estate or personal property
       under the reserve of usufruct for the benefit of the donor.

       "XI. Associations between Frenchmen and foreigners cannot be
       formed without previous authorization by a decree of the
       Conseil d'Etta. A special law authorizing their formation and
       determining the conditions of their working is necessary in
       the case, first of associations between Frenchmen, the seat or
       management of which is fixed or emanates from beyond the
       frontiers or is in the hands of foreigners; secondly, in the
       case of associations whose members live in common. …

       "XIV. Associations existing at the moment of the promulgation
       of the present law and not having previously been authorized
       or recognized must, within six months, be able to show that
       they have done all in their power to conform to these
       regulations."

       Discussion of the Bill in the Chamber of Deputies was carried
       on at intervals during ten weeks, the government defeating
       nearly every amendment proposed by its opponents, and carrying
       the measure to its final passage on the 29th of March, by a
       vote of 303 to 220. Of the passage of the bill by the Senate
       there seems to be no doubt. After disposing of the Bill on
       Associations, on the 27th of March, the Chamber adjourned to
       May 14.

       ----------FRANCE: End--------

    FRANCHISE LAW, The Boer.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1899 (MAY-JUNE); and (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    FRANCHISES, Taxation of public,

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

    FRANKLIN, The Canadian district of.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1895.

    FRANZ JOSEF LAND: Exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896;
          1897; 1898-1899; 1900-; and 1901.

    FREE SILVER QUESTION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    FREE SPEECH:
       Restrictions on, in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

    FREE TRADE.

          See (in this volume)
          TARIFF LEGISLATION.

    FREE ZONE, The Mexican.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

    FRENCH SHORE QUESTION, The
       Newfoundland.

          See (in this volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

    FRENCH WEST AFRICA.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895;
          and NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    FRIARS, Spanish, in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

    {239}

    G.

    GALABAT, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    GALVESTON: A. D. 1900.
       The city overwhelmed by wind and waves.

       "The southern coast of the United States was visited by a
       tropical hurricane on September 6-9, the fury of which reached
       its climax at and near Galveston, Texas, 1:45 A. M., on
       Sunday, the 9th. Galveston is built upon the east end of a
       beautiful but low-lying island some thirty miles long and six
       or seven miles wide at the point of greatest extent, though
       only a mile or two wide where the city is built. The pressure
       of the wind upon the waters of the Gulf was so powerful and so
       continuous that it lifted the waves on the north coast many
       feet above the ordinary high-tide level, and for a short time
       the entire city was submerged. … The combined attack of
       hurricane and tidal-wave produced indescribable horrors—the
       destruction of property sinking into insignificance when
       compared with the appalling loss of life. The new census taken
       in June accredited Galveston with a population of 37,789. The
       calamity of a few hours seems to have reduced that number by
       20 per cent. The loss of life in villages and at isolated
       points along the coast-line will probably bring the sum total
       of deaths caused by this fatal storm up to 10,000. The
       condition of the survivors for two or three days beggars
       description. The water had quickly receded, and all means of
       communication had been destroyed, including steamships,
       railroads, telephone and telegraph lines, and public highways.
       Practically all food supplies had been destroyed, and the
       drinking-water supply had been cut off by the breaking of the
       aqueduct pipes. The tropical climate required the most summary
       measures for the disposition of the bodies of the dead. Military
       administration was made necessary, and many ghoulish looters
       and plunderers were summarily shot, either in the act of
       robbing the dead or upon evidence of guilt. …

       "Relief agencies everywhere set to work promptly to forward
       food, clothing, and money to the impoverished survivors. Great
       corporations like the Southern Pacific Railroad made haste to
       restore their Galveston facilities, and ingenious engineers
       brought forward suggestions for protection of the city against
       future inundations. These suggestions embraced such
       improvements as additional break-waters, jetties, dikes, and
       the filling in of a portion of the bay, between Galveston and
       the mainland. The United States Government in recent years has
       spent $8,000,000 or $10,000,000 in engineering works to deepen
       the approach to Galveston harbor. The channel, which was
       formerly only 20 or 21 feet deep across the bar, is now 27
       feet deep, and the action of wind and tide between the jetties
       cuts the passage a little deeper every year. The foreign trade
       of Galveston, particularly in cotton, has been growing by
       leaps and bounds."

          American Review of Reviews,
          October, 1900, page 398.

    GARCIA, General:
       Commanding Cuban forces at Santiago.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    GENEVA CONVENTION:
       Adaptation to maritime warfare.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    GEORGE, Henry:
       Candidacy for Mayor of Greater New York, and death.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    GERMAN ORIENT SOCIETY:
       Exploration of the ruins of Babylon.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
          GERMAN EXPLORATION.

    GERMAN PARTIES, in Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

       ----------GERMANY: Start--------

    GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.
       Recent commercial treaties.
       Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

       "The new customs tariff of July 15, 1879 [see, in volume 4,
       TARIFF LEGISLATION (GERMANY): A. D. 1853-1892] exhibited the
       following characteristics: An increase of the existing duties
       and the introduction of new protective duties in the interests
       of industrial and agricultural products. The grain and wood
       duties, abolished in 1864, were reintroduced, and a new
       petroleum duty was adopted. Those on coffee, wine, rice, tea,
       tobacco, cattle, and textiles were raised. Those on iron were
       restored; and others were placed on many new articles formerly
       admitted free. In 1885 the tariff was again revised,
       especially in the direction of trebling the grain and of
       doubling the wood duties. Those on cattle, brandy, etc., were
       raised at the same time. The year 1887 saw another general
       rise of duties. But, on the other hand, some reductions in the
       tariff for most-favored nations came about in 1883 and in 1889 in
       consequence of the tariff treaties made with Switzerland and
       Spain. Other reductions were made by the four tariff treaties
       of 1891 with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Switzerland,
       and again in 1892 and 1893, when like treaties were
       respectively made with Servia and Roumania. Increases in some
       duties took place in 1894 and 1895, such as those on cotton
       seeds, perfumes, ether, and honey. … In consequence of the
       higher price, rendered possible at home from the protective
       duty, the German manufacturer can afford to sell abroad the
       surplus of his output at a lower price than he could otherwise
       do. His average profit on his whole output is made up of two
       parts: Firstly, of a rather high profit on the sales in
       Germany; and, secondly, of a rather low profit on the sales
       abroad. The net average profit is, however, only an ordinary
       one; but the larger total quantity sold (which he could not
       dispose of without the foreign market, combined with the extra
       low price of sale abroad) enables him to produce the commodity
       in the larger quantities at a lower cost of production than he
       otherwise could if he had only the German market to
       manufacture for. He thereby obtains abroad, when selling
       against an Englishman, an indirect advantage from his home
       protection, which stands him in good stead and is equivalent
       to a small indirect benefit (which the Englishman has not) on
       his foreign sales, which is, however, paid for by the German
       consumer through the higher sale price at home.

    {240}

       "The customs tariff now in force provides one general or
       'autonomous' rate of duty for all countries, from which
       deviations only exist for such nations as have tariff treaties
       or treaties containing the most-favored-nation clause. Such
       deviations are 'treaty' or 'conventional' duties. At the
       present moment treaties of one kind or another exist with most
       European powers (excepting Great Britain, Spain, and Portugal)
       and with the majority of extra-European countries. So that,
       with few exceptions, the German Empire may now be said to
       trade with the world on the basis of the lower 'conventional'
       or 'treaty' tariff. Most of the tariff treaties existing in
       Europe expired early in 1892, whereupon many countries
       prepared higher customs tariffs in order to be prepared to
       grant certain concessions reciprocally when negotiating for
       the new treaties. Germany, therefore, under the auspices of
       General Caprivi, set to work to make a series of special
       tariff treaties with Belgium, Italy, Austria-Hungary, and
       Switzerland, which were all dated December 6, 1891. Later
       additions of the same class were those with Servia in 1892,
       with Roumania in 1893, and with Russia in 1894.

       "Perhaps almost the greatest benefit conferred upon the
       country by these seven tariff treaties was the fact of their
       all being made for a long period of years and not terminable
       in any event before December 31, 1903. This secured for the
       mercantile classes the inestimable benefit of a fixed tariff
       for most of the important commodities of commerce over a long
       period of time—a very valuable factor in trade, which has in
       this case greatly assisted the development of commerce. The
       reductions in Germany granted by these treaties were not great
       except on imported grains, and those in the various foreign
       countries were not very considerable either. … The
       preparations for the negotiation of the new commercial
       treaties which are to replace those which expire on January 1,
       1904, were begun in Germany as early as 1897. Immense trouble
       has been and is being taken by the Government to obtain
       thoroughly reliable data on which to work, as they were by no
       means content merely to elaborate a new tariff on the wide
       experience already gained from the working of the seven
       commercial treaties of 1891 to 1893."

          Diplomatic and Consular Reports of the British Government,
          January, 1899
          (quoted in Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance
          of the United States, January, 1899).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The Emperor and the Social Democrats.
       His violent and autocratic speeches.
       Failure of the Anti-Revolutionary Bill.
       Socialist message to France.

       At the opening of the winter session of the Reichstag, in
       December, 1894, the Emperor, speaking in person, declared it
       to be "necessary to oppose more effectually than hitherto the
       pernicious conduct of those who attempt to disturb the
       executive power in the fulfilment of its duty," and announced
       that a bill to that end, enlarging the penal provisions of
       law, would be introduced without delay. This was well
       understood to be aimed at the Social Democrats, against whom
       the Emperor had been making savagely violent speeches of late.
       At Potsdam, in addressing some recruits of the Foot Guards, he
       had gone so far as to say: "You have, my children, sworn
       allegiance to me. That means that you have given yourselves to
       me body and soul. You have only one enemy, and that is my
       enemy. With the present Socialist agitation I may order
       you,—which God forbid!—to shoot down your brothers, and even
       your parents, and then you must obey me without a murmur." In
       view of these fierce threatenings of the Emperor, and the
       intended legislative attack upon their freedom of political
       expression and action, six members of the Social Democratic
       party, instead of quitting the House, as others did, before
       the customary cheers for his Imperial Majesty were called for,
       remained silently sitting in their seats. For that behaviour
       they were not only rebuked by the president of the Reichstag,
       but a demand for proceedings against them was made by the
       public prosecutor, at the request of the Imperial Chancellor.
       The Reichstag valued its own rights too highly to thus gratify
       the Emperor, and the demand was refused, by a vote of three to
       one. His Imperial Majesty failed likewise to carry the
       bill—the Anti-Revolutionary Bill, as it was called—on which
       he had set his heart, for silencing critical tongues and pens.
       The measure was opposed so stoutly, in the Reichstag and
       throughout the Empire, that defeat appeared certain, and in
       May (1895) it was dropped. The Emperor did not take his defeat
       quietly. Celebrating the anniversary of the battle of Sedan by
       a state dinner at the palace, he found the opportunity for a
       speech in which the Socialists were denounced in the following
       terms: "A rabble unworthy to bear the name of Germans has
       dared to revile the German people, has dared to drag into the
       dust the person of the universally honoured Emperor, which is
       to us sacred. May the whole people find in themselves the
       strength to repel these monstrous attacks; if not, I call upon
       you to resist the treasonable band, to wage a war which will
       free us from such elements." The Social Democrats replied by
       despatching the following telegram to the Socialists in Paris:
       "On the anniversary of the battle of Sedan we send, as a
       protest against war and chauvinism, our greeting and a clasp
       of the hand to our French comrades. Hurrah for international
       solidarity!" Prosecutions followed. The editor of "Vorwärts"
       got a month's imprisonment for saying the police provoked
       brawls to make a pretext for interference; Liebknecht, four,
       for a caustic allusion to the Emperor's declarations against
       Socialism, and for predicting the collapse of the Empire; and
       Dr. Forster, three, for lèse-majesté.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.
        The Emperor's claim to "Kingship by Divine Right,"

        A great sensation was produced in Germany by a speech
        addressed on September 6, 1894, by the German Emperor to the
        chief dignitaries and nobles of East Prussia in the Royal
        Palace at Königsberg. The following are the principal
        passages of this speech:

       "Agriculture has been in a seriously depressed state during
       the last four years, and it appears to me as though, under
       this influence, doubts have arisen with regard to the
       fulfilment of my promises. Nay, it has even been brought home
       to me, to my profound regret, that my best intentions have
       been misunderstood and in part disputed by members of the
       nobility with whom I am in close personal relation. Even the
       word 'opposition' has reached my ears.
    {241}
       Gentlemen, an Opposition of Prussian noblemen, directed
       against their king, is a monstrosity. Such an Opposition would
       be justifiable only when the king was known to be at its head.
       The history of our House teaches us that lesson. How often
       have my predecessors had to oppose misguided members of a
       single class on behalf of the whole community! The successor
       of him who became Sovereign Duke in Prussia in his own right
       will follow the same path as his great ancestor. The first
       King of Prussia once said, 'Ex me mea nata corona,' and his
       great son 'set up his authority as a rocher de bronze.' I, in
       my turn, like my imperial grandfather, hold my kingship as by
       the grace of God. … We witnessed an inspiring ceremony the day
       before yesterday. Before us stands the statue of the Emperor
       William, the imperial sword uplifted in his right hand, the
       symbol of law and order. It exhorts us all to other duties, to
       the serious combating of designs directed against the very
       basis of our political and social fabric. To you, gentlemen, I
       address my summons to the fight for religion, morality, and order
       against the parties of revolution. Even as the ivy winds round
       the gnarled oak, and, while adorning it with its leaves,
       protects it when storms are raging through its topmost
       branches, so does the nobility of Prussia close round my
       house. May it, and with it the whole nobility of the German
       nation, become a brilliant example to those sections of the
       people who still hesitate. Let us enter into this struggle
       together. Forward with God, and dishonor to him who deserts
       his king."

       Time has wrought no change in these extraordinary ideas of the
       German Emperor. Speaking at Hamburg, October 19, 1899, on the
       necessity of strengthening the naval forces of the Empire, in
       order to afford protection to trade over the sea, he said:
       "The feeling for these things is only slowly gaining ground in
       the German fatherland, which, unfortunately, has spent its
       strength only too much in fruitless factional strife. Germans
       are only slowly beginning to understand the questions which
       are important to the whole world. The face of the world has
       changed greatly during the last few years. What formerly
       required centuries is now accomplished in a few months. The
       task of Kaiser and government has consequently grown beyond
       measure, and a solution will only be possible when the German
       people renounce party divisions. Standing in serried ranks
       behind the Kaiser, proud of their great fatherland, and
       conscious of their real worth, the Germans must watch the
       development of foreign states. They must make sacrifices for
       their position as a world power, and, abandoning party spirit,
       they must stand united behind their prince and emperor."
       Commenting on this utterance, a recent writer has said: "This
       ideal of a docile nation led by a triumphant emperor whose
       intelligence embraces everything throws considerable light on
       the relations of imperialism to party government and
       parliamentary institutions. … There are many other expressions
       of the emperor which indicate an almost medieval conception of
       his office, a revival of the theory of divine right. The
       emperor believes that his grandfather, had he lived in the
       Middle Ages, would have been canonized, and that his tomb
       would have become a cynosure of pilgrimages from all parts of
       the world. … In a speech delivered at Coblenz on August 31,
       1897, he speaks of the 'kingship by the grace of God, with its
       grave duties, its tremendous responsibility to the Creator
       alone, from which no man, no minister, no parliament can
       release the monarch.'"

    GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June).
       Opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal.

       The opening of the new ship canal (named the Kaiser Wilhelm
       Canal) between the Baltic and the North Sea was made the
       occasion of a great celebration, on the 21st of June, in which
       the navies of Great Britain, Russia, France, Austria and Italy
       took part, steaming in procession with the German squadron
       through the canal. It was also made the occasion for an
       exhibition of the newly-formed alliance between Russia and
       France, the Russian and French fleets entering the harbor of
       Kiel together.

          See (in this volume),
          FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

       The canal had been eight years in building, the first spadeful
       of earth in the excavation having been turned by Emperor
       William I. at Holtenau, near Kiel, on the 3d of June, 1887.
       The canal is thus described: It is "98.6 kilometers (61.27
       miles) in length. It begins at Holtenau, on the Bay of Kiel,
       and terminates near Brunsbüttel, at the mouth of the River
       Elbe, thus running clear through the province of
       Schleswig-Holstein from northeast to southwest. Both openings
       are provided with huge locks. Near Rendsburg, there is a third
       lock connecting the canal with the old Eider Canal. The medium
       water level of the canal will be about equal to the medium
       water level of Kiel harbor. At the lowest tide the profile of
       the canal has, in a depth of 6.17 meters (20 feet 6 inches)
       below the surface of the water, a navigable width of 36 meters
       (118.11 feet), so as to allow the largest Baltic steamers to
       pass each other. For the navy, 22 meters (72.18 feet) of canal
       bottom are provided, at least 58 meters (190.29 feet) of water
       surface, and 8½ meters (27 feet 9 inches) depth of water. The
       greatest depth for merchant vessels was calculated at 6.5
       meters (21 feet 3 inches). The estimated cost was $37,128,000.
       Two-thirds of the cost is defrayed by Germany; the remaining
       one-third by Russia. The time saved by a steam-ship sailing
       from Kiel to Hamburg via the canal, instead of through the
       Skaugh (the strait between Jutland and Sweden), is estimated
       at 2, days. The time of passage through the canal, including
       stoppages and delays, will be about thirteen hours. In time of
       peace, the canal is to be open to men-of-war, as well as
       merchant vessels of every nation, but in time of war, its use
       will be restricted to vessels of the German navy. Many vessels
       have been wrecked and many lives lost on the Danish and
       Swedish coasts, in waters which need not be navigated after
       the canal is opened to traffic. Its strategic importance to
       Germany will also be great, as it will place that country's
       two naval ports, Kiel on the Baltic, and Wilhelmshafen on the
       North Sea, within easy access of each other."

          United States Consular Report,
          Number 175, page 603.

    {242}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (June-December).
       Census of the Empire and census of Prussia.

       "The results of the last census of the German Empire (the
       census being taken every five years in December) … have
       produced some surprise in that, notwithstanding the alleged
       depression of agriculture and manufactures, the tables show an
       increase greater than any census since the formation of the
       Empire. The population, according to the official figures, is
       52,244,503, an increase since December, 1890, of 2,816,027, or
       1.14 per cent increase per year. The percentages of the previous
       censuses was: In 1871-1875. 1 per cent; 1875-1880, 1.14 per
       cent; 1880-1895, 0.7 per cent; 1885-1890, 1.06 per cent. A
       striking illustration is given by a comparison with the
       figures of the French census. The increase in France for the
       same period (1890-1895) was but 124,000, an annual average of
       0.07 per cent of its population, and Germans see in this
       proportionally smaller increase a reason for certain classes
       in France entertaining a less warlike feeling toward Germany,
       and thereby assuring general European peace.

       "In 1871, at the foundation of the German Empire, its
       population was 40,997,000. [In 1890, it was 49,428,470.] The
       percentage of increase differs vastly in northern and southern
       Germany. In the former, the annual increase was 1.29 per cent;
       in the latter, only 0.71 per cent. This must be attributed in
       a great measure to the highly developed mining industries of
       the Rhineland and Westphalia, where the soil, besides its
       hidden mineral wealth, is devoted to agriculture. The southern
       states—Bavaria, Baden, and Würtemberg—being more mountainous,
       offer less opportunities for agricultural pursuits and are
       favored with less natural riches. It is again noticeable that
       those provinces which are ultra-agrarian show a very favorable
       increase. It would seem that it is not the peasant, but the
       great landowner, whose condition is undesirable and that this
       condition is due less to the present low prices of cereals and
       the customs-revenue policy of the Government than to the
       heavily mortgaged estates and lavish style of living which is
       not in keeping with their revenues. … "The number of
       marriages, which showed a decrease from the middle of the
       eighties, has increased since 1892. An unlooked-for increase
       is shown in the country population."

          United States, Consular Reports,
          June, 1896,
          pages. 245-246.

       "Some of the results of the last census of Prussia, taken on
       the 14th of June, 1895, with special regard to trades and
       professions, have appeared in an official journal devoted to
       statistics. … The entire population of Prussia, which includes
       the provinces wrested from Poland, Denmark, and Saxony, as
       well as the seized Kingdom of Hanover, counts up for both
       sexes on the 14th of June, 1895, 31,491,209; by the last
       census (December 1, 1890), it was 29,955,281, an increase of
       1,335,928, or 5.13 per cent. Of males, June 14, 1895, there
       were 15,475,202; December 1, 1890, 14,702,151, an increase of
       773,051; females, June 14, 1895, 16,016,007; December 1, 1890,
       15,253,130, an increase of 762,877. The relatively small
       surplus in Prussia of females over males, viz, 540,805, may …
       be ascribed in part to the stoppage of emigration to the
       United States since 1892. This affects more men than women,
       since men emigrate more readily than women.

       "The population of Rhineland is the largest unit in Prussia.
       This year it is 5,043,979, against 4,710,391 in 1890, an
       increase of 333,588; that of Silesia is 4,357,555, against
       4,224,458 in 1890, an increase of only 133,097,
       notwithstanding the temporary harvest hands in summer. Posen,
       its neighbor province, has the lowest increase of all—about
       20,000 souls. All parts of Prussia, however, show some
       increase. The largest increase of population—that of Rhineland
       or the Rhenish provinces (333,588)—may be safely ascribed to
       the flourishing manufactures of that district, while the low
       figures in Posen, Silesia, and East Prussia are due to the
       depression in agriculture produced by the rivalry of the
       United States, Argentina, and Australia, as well as by the
       unprotected state of the laborer in his relations with the
       landed proprietors.

       "One of the surprises of the new census is the small increase
       of Berlin's population, all the more remarkable owing to the
       unprecedented increase of Berlin for the years between 1870
       and 1890. It is on]y 36,288, or 2.2 per cent for the past four
       years and a half. By the census of 1895, it was 1,615,082;
       1890, 1,578,794; increase, 36,288."

          United States, Consular Reports,
          January, 1896, pages 75-76.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.
       The Agrarian Protectionists and their demands.

       "The depression of agriculture in Germany was the subject
       which most occupied German politicians throughout the year
       [1895]. The policy favoured by the Agrarian League was that
       advocated by Count Kanitz, of which the following were the
       chief points: (1) That the State should buy and sell the
       foreign grain, flour, and meal destined for consumption in
       Germany; (2) that the average selling price in Germany from
       1850 to 1890 should be fixed as the selling price of grain,
       and that the price of flour and meal should be determined by
       the proportion they bear to the unground grain and the said
       selling price, provided that the buying price is covered
       thereby; while in the case of higher buying prices, the
       selling prices must be proportionally raised; (3) that the
       profit obtained be spent, so that a part at least equal to the
       amount of the present grain duty flows into the Imperial
       Treasury; (4) that steps should be taken for the accumulation
       of stocks to be used in extraordinary time of need, as, for
       instance, in the event of war; and (5) that a reserve should
       be formed when prices are higher at home and abroad, to secure
       the payment of the above-mentioned annual amount to the
       Treasury. The Emperor, however, repeatedly expressed his
       disapproval of this policy, and Prince Bismarck is said to
       have remarked that if he were a deputy he would vote for it,
       but as Chancellor he would reject it. … The Agrarians now
       started an agitation all over the country in favour of Count
       Kanitz's proposal, and even threatened to refuse the supplies
       required for the navy if the Government should not accept it.
       In March, the Emperor referred the question to the committee
       of the Federal State Council, which passed a resolution
       declaring the proposals of Count Kanitz for establishing a
       State monopoly in cereals to be incompatible with the correct
       interpretation of the present position of the State in regard
       to industry and international trade, and irreconcilable with
       Germany's commercial treaties."

          Annual Register, 1895,
          pages 256-257.

    {243}

       "The agrarian protectionists control the Conservative party in
       Parliament completely; they are strongly represented in the
       Center, or Catholic, party, and are not without a considerable
       following among the National Liberals. The Antisemitic party, the
       Poles, and other small parties are all infected with the
       agrarian protectionist ideas. The only decided opponents, as
       well as the only decided free-traders, are to be found among
       the three Liberal sections and the Social Democrats. The
       agrarian protectionists not only wish to annul the commercial
       treaties, because these hinder them from raising the
       protective duties on agricultural imports (these duties are by
       no means low—for instance, 35 marks per ton on rye or wheat),
       but the extreme members of the party advocate the abolition of
       the gold standard and the adoption of a so-called bimetallic—in
       reality a silver-standard. The most rabid among them oppose
       the cutting of canals, because foreign produce would thus
       enter Germany on cheaper terms. In short, the agrarian
       protectionists oppose the natural evolution of all economic
       progress. …

       "The old Prussian feudal aristocracy (Junkerthum), forming the
       pith and marrow of the agrarian movement, has never been well
       off; but for the last twenty years they have suffered from the
       competition with the whole world, which is felt so keenly in
       all old countries, in the reduction of the rent of land. They
       have sunk deeper and deeper into debt, while the standard of
       material comfort has risen throughout all classes in Germany.
       The 'Junker' has long since given up the hope of making both
       ends meet by his own industry, and while endeavoring to raise
       the rent of land by various kinds of protective measures, he
       is really at the same time struggling for bread-and-butter and
       upholding a tradition of political supremacy.

       "No government can really satisfy these claims, and hence each
       in turn is compelled, sooner or later, to oppose the agrarian
       movement. However, considering the strong influence the
       Prussian 'Junker' exerts in the army, in the ranks of
       government officials, and at court, practical statesmen deem
       it advisable to avoid any open rupture with the pack of
       famished wolves."

          T. Barth,
          Political Germany
          (American Review of Reviews, April. 1898).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Emperor William's congratulations to the President of the
       South African Republic on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).
       The Berlin Industrial Exposition.

          See (in this volume)
          BERLIN INDUSTRIAL EXPOSITION.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (May).
       Sugar bounty and sugar tax legislation.

       "The sugar-tax amendment law, over which has been waged in the
       German Parliament one of the longest and most determined
       battles of recent years, was finally enacted as a concession
       to the agrarian interest, and went into effect [May, 1896].
       Its influence will be to increase the sugar production of
       Germany, and, to that extent, exert a depressing effect upon
       the general market and the interests of producers in other
       beet-growing countries. The circumstances which have led to
       the present situation are, briefly, these: From the time when
       the Prussian Government began the systematic encouragement of
       the beet-sugar industry down to 1887, the tax on sugar for
       home consumption was calculated upon the quantity of beets
       worked up by each separate factory, it being assumed that the
       quantity of roots required to produce a given weight of sugar
       would be uniform and invariable. The proportion adopted was 20
       units of raw beet root to 1 unit of sugar, which, at the time
       when the law was enacted: was approximately correct.

       "But, under the stimulus of the export bounties provided by
       the same law, the German beet growers and sugar makers worked
       hard and intelligently to improve and increase their product.
       By careful selection and cultivation, the beets were so
       improved that from 12 to 14 tons of roots would yield a ton of
       sugar. Great advance was also made in the machinery and
       processes employed in the sugar factories, so that, as a final
       result, the German Government, which paid nearly 12 cents per
       cwt. bounty on all sugar exported, and charged 11 tax of the
       same amount on all sugar for home consumption that could be
       made from 20 cwts. of beets, found that the export bounties
       completely absorbed the revenue derived from the sugar tax.
       This tendency of the system had become apparent as early as
       1869, and an attempt was made at that time to revise the law,
       but the sugar-producing interest was powerful enough to resist
       this effort. … Sugar growing still continued to be the most
       profitable form of culture for German farmers, the area of
       cultivation and number of sugar factories continued to
       increase, loud complaints were heard against a system that
       favored one class of farmers at the expense of the entire
       population, and, in 1891, the Imperial Diet reduced the sugar
       export bounty by half, that is, to 29.7 cents per 100
       kilograms, and decreed that such bounty should entirely cease
       on the 31st of July, 1897, provided that, in the meantime,
       Austria, France, and other bounty-paying countries should
       likewise reduce their bounties on exported sugar. Several
       attempts have been made to reach such an international
       agreement, but without successful result, and under cover of
       this failure to secure a general reduction or abolition of
       bounties, the German Agrarians have rallied and secured the
       adoption of the present law, which restores the export bounty
       of 1887 (59.5 cents per 220.46 pounds) and raises the tax on
       sugar for home consumption from 18 marks ($4.28) to 21 marks
       ($4.99) per 100 kilograms, or about 2.2 cents per pound. This
       increased tax will, of course, be added to the retail price of
       sugar, already very high, and tend to still further retard the
       increase of sugar consumption in Germany, which is now only
       28.8 pounds per capita, against. 73.68 pounds per capita in
       England and 77 pounds in the United States. …

       "From the statistics that were brought out in the recent
       debate, it appears that the whole system of beet culture and
       sugar manufacture in Germany has reached a higher standard of
       scientific perfection than has been attained in any other
       European country. Every step, from the preparation and
       fertilization of the land to the smallest detail in the
       factory process, has been reduced as nearly as possible to
       exact scientific methods. … Statistics were cited to prove
       that the German sugar producers are safe from all European
       competition and do not need the protection of an increased
       export bounty; but nothing could withstand the demand of the
       Agrarians, and their victory is one of the most significant
       events in recent German legislation."

          United States Consular Reports,
          July, 1896, page 512.

          See, also, (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897.
       Industrial combinations.
       Trusts.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES.

    {244}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).
       Defeat in Prussia of a bill to restrict the right of
       political association and meeting.

       In July, the government in Prussia suffered a significant
       defeat in the Prussian Landtag on an attempt to give the
       police new powers for interference with political meetings and
       associations. The bill was especially aimed at the Social
       Democrats, enacting in its first clause that "agents of the
       police authorities have power to dissolve meetings in which
       anarchist or Social Democratic movements are manifest, having
       for their object the overthrow of the existing order of state
       or of society, and finding an expression in a manner which
       endangers public security, and in particular the security of
       the state." It passed the upper house overwhelmingly, but was
       rejected in the lower by 209 votes to 205.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (July).
       British notice to terminate existing commercial treaties.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (September-December).
       Demand for indemnity enforced against Hayti.

          See (in this volume)
          HAYTI: A. D. 1897.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (November-December).
       Seizure and acquisition of Kiao-chau Bay.
       Naval expedition to China.
       Speeches of the Emperor and Prince Henry.

       The murder of two German missionaries in Shantung province,
       China, gave the German government a pretext, in November,
       1897, for the seizure of the port of Kiao-chau, on demands for
       indemnity which were not satisfied until the Chinese
       government had consented to lease that port, with adjacent
       territory, to Germany, for 99 years, with extensive rights and
       privileges in the whole rich province of Shantung.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

       To support this opening of an "imperial policy" in the East, a
       German naval expedition was despatched to China, in December,
       under the command of the Emperor's brother, Prince Henry, and
       its departure was made the occasion for speeches by the
       Emperor and Prince Henry, at a royal banquet, at Kiel, which
       caused much remark, and some smiling, in Europe and America.
       Said the Emperor, addressing his brother, at the end of some
       remarks in a similar strain: "As a sign of imperial and of
       naval power, the squadron, strengthened by your division, will
       now have to act in close intercourse and good friendship with
       all the comrades of the foreign fleets out there, for the
       protection of our home interests against everybody who tries
       to injure Germany. That is your vocation and your task. May it
       be clear to every European out there, to the German merchant,
       and above all, to the foreigner whose soil we may be on, and
       with whom we shall have to deal, that the German Michael has
       planted his shield, adorned with the eagle of the empire,
       firmly on that soil, in order, once for all, to afford
       protection to those who apply to him for it. May our
       countrymen abroad, whether priests or merchants, or of any
       other calling, be firmly convinced that the protection of the
       German Empire, as represented by the imperial ships, will be
       constantly afforded them. Should, however, anyone attempt to
       affront us, or to infringe our good rights, then strike out
       with mailed fist, and if God will, weave round your young brow
       the laurel which nobody in the whole German Empire will
       begrudge you."

       The Prince in reply said: "Most Serene Emperor, most powerful
       King and Lord, illustrious brother,—As children we grew up
       together. Later on it was granted to us as men to look into
       each other's eyes and stand faithfully at each other's side.
       To your Majesty the imperial crown has come with thorns. I
       have striven in my restricted sphere and with my scanty
       strength, as man, soldier, and citizen, to help your Majesty.
       We have reached a great epoch, an important epoch for the
       nation—an important epoch for your Majesty and the Navy. Your
       Majesty has made a great sacrifice, and has shown great favour
       to myself in entrusting this command to me. I thank your
       Majesty from the bottom of a loyal, brotherly and humble
       heart. I well understand your Majesty's feelings. I know what
       a heavy sacrifice you made in giving me so fine a command. It
       is for this reason, your Majesty, that I am so much moved, and
       that I so sincerely thank you. I am further deeply indebted
       for the confidence which your Majesty reposes in my weak
       person, and I can assure your Majesty of this—I am not allured
       by hopes of winning glory or laurels, I am only animated by one
       desire—to proclaim and preach abroad to all who will hear, as
       well as to those who will not, the gospel of your Majesty's
       anointed person. This I will have inscribed on my banner, and
       will bear it wherever I go. These sentiments with which I set
       out are shared by my comrades. I raise my glass and call upon
       those who with me enjoy the happy privilege of being permitted
       to go forth, to remember this day, to impress the person of
       the Emperor on their minds, and to let the cry resound far out
       into the world—Our most Serene, Mighty, Beloved Emperor, King and
       Master, for ever and ever. Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!"

    GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.
       Practical operation of the state system of
       workingwoman's insurance.
       Enlargement of its provisions.

       By a series of laws enacted in 1883, 1884, and 1889, a system
       of compulsory state insurance of workingmen was established in
       Germany, applying in the first instance to sickness, then to
       accidents, and finally becoming a pensioning insurance for old
       age and permanent invalidity. These laws establish a
       compulsion to be insured, but leave freedom of choice as to
       the associations in which the insurance shall be maintained,
       all such associations being under the surveillance of the
       state. In a report from United States Consul J. C. Monaghan,
       Chemnitz, made July, 1898. the practical working of the system
       to that time is thus described: "Time is proving the practical
       value of the German workingmen's insurance system. … The
       social and economic influence of so gigantic a system must be
       very great.

       "The object of the system is to alleviate the sufferings of
       workmen and their families: (1) In cases of sickness (sick
       insurance); (2) in cases of accidents incurred at work
       (accident insurance); (3) in cases of feebleness, wasting
       diseases, decreased capacity to work, and old age (invalid and
       old-age insurance). In cases coming under Number 1 there is
       given free medical treatment; sick money—that is, money during
       period of sickness with which to obtain medicine, nourishment,
       etc.—or, if desired, free treatment in a hospital and support for
       the family; and money, in case of death, is supplied the
       family. The fund is furnished by employers and employed—the
       former paying one-third, the latter two-thirds. In cases of
       accident insurance the parties receive support during
       convalescence, from the fourteenth week after the accident
       happens.
    {245}
       Money is given the wounded person from the fifth week. Rents
       are paid from the first day of the fourteenth week after the
       accident. The rents amount to two-thirds, and in some cases to
       three-fifths, of the workman's yearly salary. The fund for burial
       expenses is furnished by the employers. In cases coming under
       invalid and old-age insurance, the parties receive rents from
       the time they are unable to work, without regard to age;
       old-age rents, from the seventieth year, even if they can work
       and do not draw invalid rent; and assistance against disease
       so as to prevent incapacity. In case of his death or marriage,
       the full sum paid by the party is returned.

       "The following amounts were paid out in the years given:

                      Sick          Accident      Invalid and Old Age
                    insurance       insurance     insurance
       Year.
       1885-86.   $23,905,005        $460,625         —
       1887.       13,138,099       1,412,030         —
       1888.       14,651,637       2,304,173         —
       1889.       16,892,097       3,442,503         —
       1890.       20,013,420       4,835,041         —
       1891.       21,243,594       6,289,483     $3,643,089
       1892.       22,433,499       7,696,967      5,344,742
       1893.       24,269,264       9,082,984      6,700,509
       1894.       23,702,063      10,539,044      8,312,475
       1895.       24,947,731      11,929,940     10,221,647
       1896.       26,114,026      13,602,747     12,293,533
       1897.       26,207,417      15,252,301     14,161,000

       Total.     257,517,856      86,847,842     60,696,997

       "During the years from 1885 to 1897 employers had paid in
       1,337,741,176 marks ($318,382,399), and workmen 1,173,449,805
       marks ($279,281,053), a total of 2,511,190,981 marks
       ($597,663,452). Of this amount 1,702,184,100 marks
       ($405,121,816) have been paid out. Thus the workmen have
       already received 528,700,000 marks ($125,830,600) more than
       they have paid in. The annual amount paid out is increasing at
       the rate of 15,000.000 marks ($3,570,000) per annum. The
       reserve fund at the end of 1897 was, in round numbers,
       850,000,000 marks ($202,500,000). For every twentieth person
       of the Empire's population, one has been paid insurance.

       "Besides this system, there are others by which workingmen are
       aided. There are State and private insurance and pension
       systems. One alone, the Miners' and Smelters' Union, paid out
       in the years 1895-1897, inclusive, 320,000,000 marks
       ($76,160,000). From 1900 on, the annual amount to be paid out
       will be upwards of 300,000,000 marks ($71,400,000), or 100
       marks ($23.80) for every working-day in the year. Whether a
       system which makes so much for paternalism is one to commend,
       I can not say. Its effects here have been anything but bad.
       Poverty, in spite of poor wages, is practically unknown."

          United States Consular Reports,
          September, 1898, page 51.

       A revision of the accident insurance law in 1900 extended the
       compulsory insurance to laborers in breweries and in the shops
       of blacksmiths, locksmiths and butchers, and to window
       cleaners. It raised the amount of assistance provided for the
       injured in many cases, making it in some instances of
       permanent, disability equal to the wages previously earned. It
       also fixed more sharply the responsibility for carelessness on
       the part of an employer.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898.
       Lèse-majesté.

       "In 1898 there were 246 convictions for 'lèse-majesté,' and
       the punishments inflicted amounted to a total of 83 years
       imprisonment, in addition to various terms of confinement in a
       fortress."

          Annual Register,
          1899, page 273.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (March-December).
       In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).
       The new naval policy.

       "One of the most important economic movements taking place in
       Germany is the development of her maritime interests. The
       mercantile marine and 'over-sea' interests had developed to
       such an extent that recently the Government obtained the
       consent of the nation to add largely to its navy. During the
       year 1897 continuous efforts had been made to bring this
       question prominently before the public, and to point out the
       absolute necessity of a large increase of the navy in order to
       adequately protect Germany's growing maritime interests. The
       introductory statement of the bill presented to the Reichstag
       in November gave great prominence to the following
       considerations of general interest in connection with the new
       programme, namely, that during the last twenty years the
       increase of imports and exports, the rapid investment of
       capital abroad, the acquisition of colonies, the flourishing
       fisheries, and the rapidly increasing population had greatly
       added to German 'over-sea' interests, but that at the same
       time this expansion had brought with it the danger of a
       conflict with the interests of foreign nations, which must be
       provided against by an increase of the navy, for any injury to
       these maritime interests would entail serious consequences on
       the whole country.

       "The bill, as eventually passed on April 10, 1898, provided
       that the nonrecurring expenditure should not exceed
       £20,445,000, of which £17,835,000 was to be devoted to the
       construction of ships and their armaments. The German fleet
       will then be brought up to a total strength of 17 battle ships
       of the line, 8 coast-defense vessels, 9 large and 26 small
       cruisers, besides a variety of torpedo and other small craft.
       It is thought and hoped that, in consequence of the favorable
       state of the revenues of the Empire, a total sum of £5,876,274
       a year can easily be devoted exclusively to the annual naval
       budget of the next six years, by which time the additions to
       the fleet are to be completed."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,
          January, 1899.

          See, also, (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Withdrawal from the blockade of Crete and
       the "Concert of Europe."

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).
       Elections to the Imperial Parliament, and their significance.

       Elections to the Parliament of the Empire (the Reichstag) took
       place in June, and resulted in the following distribution of
       seats:

       Conservatives,      52;
       Imperialists,       22;
       National Liberals,  48;
       Liberal Unionists,  12;
       Liberal Democrats,  29;
       German Democrats,    8;
       Social Democrats,   56;
       Centre (Catholic), 106;
       Poles,              14;
       Anti-Semites,       10;
       Independents,       40;
       Total,             397.

    {246}

       "The elections as a whole show the growing power of German
       manufactures and the decline of German agriculture. Germany
       has become already, in far less time than it took England, a
       great urban community. That appears to us the most prominent
       fact in German life, and it was therefore bound to make itself
       manifest in German politics. In spite of Imperial patronage,
       the rural parties have lost. Both the Conservative sections
       have indeed lost rather heavily; the Conservatives proper
       standing in the new Reichstag at sixty-two instead of at
       seventy-two, as in the Reichstag of 1893, and the Free
       Conservatives at twenty instead of twenty-seven. The losses of
       the National Liberals, who usually vote solidly with the
       Conservatives, are smaller, but still they have lost. Though
       they represent 'Particularism,' yet the Poles are a peasant
       party, and they have lost, standing as they do at fourteen as
       compared with nineteen in 1893. The Anti-Semites, who under
       clerical guidance draw their strength largely from country
       districts, have also lost. On the other hand, those parties
       which have gained are the parties which hold the German
       cities,—the Centre, the Radicals, and the Social Democrats.
       The Centre, as we have said, represents the nascent Rhenish
       and Bavarian industrialism, the Radicals have made significant
       gains in Berlin, and the Social Democrats have gained in nearly
       all the towns except Berlin, where they have lost seats to the
       Radicals,—on what ground does not seem clear, unless it is
       that the more Anarchical section, which has all along been
       strong in Berlin Socialism, has rebelled against the
       centralised dictatorship of the party. We imagine that the
       urban professional and trading classes, dependent for their
       position on the growth of industry, have mainly voted Radical,
       and that the working classes have, on the whole, voted
       Socialist, except in those cases where they have, as devout
       Catholics, supported the Centre party. It will be seen,
       therefore, that what we may call Toryism (of an extreme and
       fanatical type, practically unknown in England), representing
       rural proprietorial interests, has lost: and that the forces
       of democracy, whether Liberal of the 'Manchester' type,
       Socialist, or Catholic, but all representing the growth of
       industrialism and urban life, have gained. In short, what
       strikes us as the most obvious moral of the elections is that
       the old forces and forms of German life are weakening, that
       the ancient Conservative entrenchments are being destroyed,
       and that we now have to deal with a modernised Germany.

       "It may perhaps be asked why we place the Centre party in the
       same category with the Radicals and Social Democrats, since
       the last-named party is avowedly anti-religious, and the
       Radicals are largely indifferent on the religious question. We
       reply that the Centre party is essentially a democratic party,
       and a party, moreover, committed to reforms only less
       far-reaching than those of the Social Democrats, for whose
       candidates the Catholic democratic electors have often voted
       on the second ballots. The Centre party embodies to a large
       extent the spirit of Bishop Ketteler of Mainz, the chief
       founder of German Catholic 'Christian Socialism': its organs
       in the Press are democratic in tone: and so far as the present
       Pope has advanced in the direction of wide Catholic social
       reform, he has had no stronger supporters than the members of
       the German Centre party, with the possible exception of the
       democratic American Catholic prelates, with whom the Centre
       party has much in common. This being the case, it is clear
       that democracy, in some or other of its varied forms, controls
       a majority of votes in the Reichstag: a small majority, it is
       true."

          The Spectator (London),
          July 2, 1898.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (July).
       Death of Prince Bismarck.

       Prince Otto van Bismarck, whose importance in German history
       is comparable only with that of Charlemagne, Luther, and
       Frederick the Great, died on the 31st of July, at the age of
       83. Immediately upon his death his confidential secretary. Dr.
       Moritz Busch, made public the full text of the letter of
       resignation which Bismarck addressed to the Emperor, William
       II., when he withdrew—practically dismissed—from the public
       service, in 1890. It showed that the immediate cause of his
       resignation was an order from the new sovereign which repealed
       an arrangement established by the latter's grandfather, in 1852,
       whereby a responsible ministry was created in Prussia, through
       the giving of responsible authority to a prime minister at its
       head. For nearly half a century that constitutional usage had
       been maintained. William II. appears to have made his first
       grasp at absolutism by setting it aside, and thereupon
       Bismarck resigned, as he was undoubtedly expected to do.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (October-November).
       The Emperor's visit to Palestine.

       A journey made by the Emperor and Empress, with a large
       retinue and considerable state, first to Constantinople, and
       then to Palestine, in October and November, was suspected of
       having some other motive than a love of travel and an interest
       in seeing the Holy Land. Looked at in connection with some
       other movements, it was supposed to indicate a policy aiming
       at the establishment of German influence in the realm of the
       Turk.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
       Complaints from Danish Sleswick.

       "It can never be anything but an encroachment and a cruelty to
       insist, as is now being done in Danish North Sleswick, that
       all teaching in the schools, with the exception of two
       miserable hours a week of religious lessons, shall be carried
       on in German, and to forbid even private instruction in the
       Danish language. It can never be called anything but brutality
       and meanness to punish young men who go into Danish territory
       for the purpose of study by depriving their parents of their
       parental rights, or by expelling innocent persons from the
       country. These methods, too, are beside the purpose. The
       Germans complain that Danes who have become Prussian subjects
       against their will do not feel like Prussians. They are
       tortured and annoyed, subjected to the most minute espionage
       and the most contemptible police reports, with the persecution
       connected therewith, and then it is considered amazing that
       they are not changed into enthusiastic admirers of Prussia. …
       The Danish language, in spite of its small area, is a language
       of culture. And only the same undue self-admiration which the
       Germans are in the habit of criticising in the French can look
       upon the forcible extermination of Danish culture, for the
       sake of spreading German, as a worthy act, an end that
       justifies the means. …

    {247}

       "Some years ago the actors of the Royal Theatre were forbidden
       to produce some innocent old vaudevilles in Sleswick towns
       (although permission had already been given to the owner of a
       theatre in Haderslev; indeed, they were not even allowed to
       remain over night at an hotel. Intense indignation was roused
       in Denmark by this narrow-minded police rule, which used as a
       pretext the danger to the peace and quietness of Germany of a
       scenic representation in Danish. This, however, was nothing
       compared with recent events, which, however, will in South
       Jutland only have a stimulating effect on the self-respect and
       patriotism of the people; while in Denmark those who have
       hitherto tried to bring about a better understanding between
       Danes and Germans will throw up the game, and without
       superfluous words take their stand on the side of the
       oppressed. The Danes can and must submit to humiliations,
       which the stronger nation again and again puts upon the
       weaker, humiliations which itself would never stand from any
       other Power. But one thing they cannot do. They cannot give up
       exerting all their power to preserve their language and
       culture within the Sleswick territory, which for a thousand
       years has been Danish, and is so still. They would be
       miserable creatures if they could. From the Danish side no
       attempt has been made, nor can be made, to regain politically
       what has been lost. No political agitation has been
       undertaken, nor can it be undertaken, to excite the South
       Jutlanders against the conditions which by ill-fate have once
       been legally imposed upon them. But the alliance of hearts and
       minds cannot be broken even by a great Power like Germany.

       "How insecure this Prussian rule feels in North Sleswick in
       spite of its mailed fist! Everything alarms it. It dares not
       allow Danish actors to play an old vaudeville dating from
       1830. It fears the storm of applause which would break loose
       as soon as the first unimportant, but Danish, words were heard
       from the stage. It feels obliged to forbid a Danish orator
       from holding any discourse whatsoever on South Jutland
       territory. He is not even allowed to speak on literature—not
       on German literature, not even on Goethe. For one can really
       never know!—One cannot be sure that the audience, in spite of
       the subject being of no political significance whatever,
       though even it be a German national topic, might not seize the
       opportunity to applaud a speaker from Denmark. And in Heaven's
       name that must not happen! On such fragile feet of clay does
       the Prussian Colossus stand in Sleswick that it cannot bear a
       hand-clap after a Danish lecture on Goethe. Still less can it
       endure Danish reading-books and Danish song-books in the hands
       of little children, or Danish colours in a lady's gown or upon
       a house; Danish songs it fears even behind closed doors. What
       is the use of gendarmes if not to wage war against colours and
       songs? Such is the measure of the anxiety of Prussia, equipped
       with all the instruments of power, as to whether German might,
       German wealth, German military glory, German science and art,
       and half a hundred million of German people will exercise so
       great an attraction on the inhabitants of North Sleswick as
       the important miniature State which bears the name of
       Denmark."

          G. Brandes,
          Denmark and Germany
          (Contemporary Review, July, 1899).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
       Foreign interests of the German people.

       United States Consul J. C. Monaghan wrote from Chemnitz in
       1899:

       "German economists are not exaggerating when they say this
       Empire's people and capital are operating in every part of the
       world. Not only Hamburg, Bremen, Stettin, Lübeck, and Kiel—i.
       e., the seaport cities—but towns far inland, have invested
       millions in foreign enterprises. In the Americas, North and
       South, in Australia, in Asia, in a large part of Africa,
       German settlements, German factories, German merchants, and
       German industrial leaders are at work. Nor is it always in
       settlements under the Empire's control that this influence is
       strongest. In Senegambia, on the Gold Coast, the Slave Coast,
       in Zanzibar and Mozambique, in Australia, Samoa, the Marshall
       Islands, Tahiti, Sumatra, and South and Central America, there
       are powerful commercial organizations aiding the Empire. From
       Vladivostock to Singapore, on the mainland of Asia, and in
       many of the world's most productive islands, the influence of
       German money and thrift is felt. In Central America and the
       West Indies, millions of German money are in the plantations;
       so, too, in the plantations along the Gold Coast. In
       Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Cuba,
       Puerto Rico, Trinidad, Venezuela, Brazil, etc., German capital
       plays a very important part in helping to develop the
       agricultural and in some cases the manufacturing and
       commercial interests. A consequence of this development is
       seen in the numerous banking institutions whose fields of
       operation show that German commerce is working more and more
       in foreign parts. These banks look after and aid foreign
       investment as well as the Empire's other commercial relations.
       They help the millions of Germans in all parts of the world to
       carry on trade relations, not only with the Fatherland, but
       with other countries.

       "These are the links in a long and very strong chain of gold
       uniting the colonies with the Mother Country. Quite recently,
       large quantities of German capital have been invested in
       various industries. The Empire's capital in United States
       railroads is put down at $180,000,000. In America, Germans
       have undertaken manufacturing. They have used German money to
       put up breweries, hat factories, spinning, weaving, and paper
       mills, tanneries, soap-boiling establishments, candle mills,
       dye houses, mineral-water works, iron foundries, machine
       shops, dynamite mills, etc. Many of these mills use German
       machinery, and not a few German help. The Liebig Company, the
       Chilean saltpeter mines, the Chilean and Peruvian metal mines,
       many of the mines of South Africa, etc., are in large part
       controlled by German money and German forces. Two hundred
       different kinds of foreign bonds or papers are on the Berlin,
       Hamburg, and Frankfort exchanges. Germany has rapidly risen to
       a very important place in the financial, industrial, and
       mercantile world. Will she keep it? Much will depend on her
       power to push herself on the sea."

          United States Consular Reports,
          September, 1899, page 127.

    {248}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899.
       Military statistics.

       A report presented to the Reichstag showed the total number of
       men liable for service in 1899, including the surplus from
       previous years, was 1,696,760. Of these 716,998 were 20 years
       of age, 486,978 of 21 years, 362,568 of 22 years, and 130,216
       of more than 22 years. The whereabouts of 94,224 was unknown,
       and 97,800 others failed to appear and sent no excuse; 427,586
       had already undertaken military duties, 579,429 cases were
       either adjourned or the men rejected (for physical reasons),
       1,245 were excluded from the service, 43,196 were exempt,
       112,839 were incorporated in the naval reserve, 226,957 were
       called upon to join the colors, leaving a surplus of 5,187;
       there were 23,266 volunteers for the army and 1,222 for the
       navy. Of the 226,957 who joined the colors 216,880 joined the
       army as combatants and 4,591 as non-combatants, and 5,486
       joined the navy. Of the 5,486 the maritime population
       furnished 3,132 and the inland 2,354. There were 21,189 men
       who entered the army before attaining the regulation age, and
       1,480 under age who entered the navy; 33,652 of the inland
       population and only 189 of the maritime were condemned for
       emigrating without leave; while 14,150 inland and 150 maritime
       cases were still under consideration at the end of the year.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).
       Chinese anti-missionary demonstrations in Shantung.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (February).
       Purchase of Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands from Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
       Advice to the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (June).
       State of German colonies.

       The following report on German colonies for the year ending
       June 30, 1899, was made to the British Foreign Office by one
       of the secretaries of the Embassy at Berlin:

       "The number of Europeans resident in the German African
       Protectorates, viz., Togoland, Cameroons, South-West Africa,
       and East Africa, at the time of the issue of the latest
       colonial reports in the course of 1899 is given as 4,522 men,
       women, and children, of whom 3,228 were Germans. The expense
       to the home government of the African colonies, together with
       Kiao-chao in the Far East, the Caroline and Samoa Islands in
       the South Seas, and German New Guinea and its dependencies, is
       estimated at close upon £1,500,000 for 1900, the Imperial
       Treasury being asked to grant in subsidies a sum nearly double
       that required last year. Kiao-chao is included for the first
       time in the Colonial Estimates, and Samoa is a new item. The
       Imperial subsidy has been increased for each separate
       Protectorate, with the single exception of the Caroline
       Islands, which are to be granted £5,000 less than last year.
       East Africa receives about £33,000 more; the Cameroons,
       £10,000; South-West Africa, £14,000; Togoland, £800; New
       Guinea, £10,000; and the new items are: £489,000 for Kiao-chao
       (formerly included in the Naval Estimates), and £2,500 for
       Samoa. A Supplementary Vote of £43,265 for the Protectorate
       troops in the Cameroons is also now before the Budget
       Committee. …

       "Great efforts have been made to encourage German trade with
       the African colonies, and it is shown that considerable
       success has been attained in South-West Africa, where the
       total value of goods imported from Germany amounted to
       £244,187, as against £181,961 in the previous year, with an
       appreciable falling-off in the value of imports from other
       countries. In East Africa the greater part of the import trade
       still comes from India and Zanzibar—about £450,000 worth of
       goods out of the gross total of £592,630, having been imported
       thence. The export trade is also largely carried on through
       Zanzibar."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series,
          Number 528, 1900, pages 3-5).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (August).
       Defeat of the Rhine-Elbe Canal Bill.
       Resentment of the Emperor.
       An extraordinary edict.

       Among several new canal projects in Germany, those of "the
       Dortmund-Rhine Canal and the Great Midland Canal (joining from
       the east to west the rivers Elbe, Weser, and Rhine) are the
       most important. The first involves an expenditure of over
       £8,000,000 altogether, and the second is variously estimated
       at from £10,000,000 to £20,000,000, according to its eventual
       scope. The latter is intended to amalgamate the eastern and
       western waterways of the nation and to join the Dortmund-Ems
       Canal to the Rhine system, in order to give the latter river
       an outlet to the sea via a German port, instead of only
       through ports in the Netherlands. It will also place the
       Rhine-Main-Danube connection in direct communication with all
       the streams of North Germany."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance,
          January, 1899.

       The Rhine-Elbe canal project is one which the Emperor has
       greatly at heart, and when, in August, 1899, a bill to promote
       it was defeated in the Prussian Landtag by the Agrarians, who
       feared that canal improvements would promote agricultural
       competition, his resentment was expressed in an extraordinary
       edict, which said: "The royal government, to its keen regret,
       has been compelled to notice that a number of officials, whose
       duty it is to support the policy of His Majesty the King, and to
       execute and advance the measures of His Majesty's government,
       are not sufficiently conscious of this obligation. … Such
       conduct is opposed to all the traditions of the Prussian
       administration, and cannot be tolerated." This was followed by
       an extensive dismissal of officials, and excited strong
       feeling against the government in a class which is nothing if
       not loyal to the monarchy.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Railway concession in Asia Minor, to the Persian Gulf.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.
       Partition of the islands with the United States.
       Withdrawal of England, with compensations in the Tonga
       and Solomon Islands and in Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
       Military and naval expenditure.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Introduction of the Civil Code.

       On the first day of the year 1900 a great revolution was
       effected in the laws of Germany, by putting into operation the
       new German Civil Code. "Since the close of the fifteenth
       century Germany has been the land of documentary right. The
       Roman judicial code was recognized as common law; while all
       legal procedure distinctly native in its origin was confined
       to certain districts and municipalities, and was, therefore,
       entirely devoid of Imperial signification in the wider sense.
       The Civil Code of the land was represented by the Corpus Juris
       Civilis, a Latin work entirely incomprehensible to the layman.
    {249}
       This very remarkable circumstance can be accounted for only by
       the weakness of mediæval German Imperialism. In England and
       France royalty itself had, since the fourteenth century,
       assumed control of the laws in order that a homogeneous
       national code might be developed. German Imperialism of the
       fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, however, was incapable of
       such a task. …

       "An incessant conflict has been waging in Germany between the
       Roman Law of the Empire and the native law as perpetuated in
       the special enactments of the separate provinces and
       municipalities. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
       the preponderance of power lay with the Roman system, which
       was further supported by the German science of jurisprudence—
       a science identified exclusively with the common law of Rome.
       Science looked upon the native systems of legal procedure as
       irrational and barbarous; and as Roman judicature exercised
       complete dominion over all legislation, the consequence was
       that it steadily advanced, while native and local law was
       gradually destroyed. Only within the eighteenth and nineteenth
       centuries has the native law of Germany been aroused to the
       defence of its interests, … the signal for the attack upon
       Roman Law being given by King Frederick William I, of Prussia.
       As early as 1713 this monarch decreed that Roman law was to be
       abrogated in his dominions, and replaced by the native law of
       Prussia. The movement became general; and the era of modern
       legal codes was ushered in. The legal code of Bavaria was
       established in 1756; Prussia followed in 1794; France, in 1804
       (Code Civil); Baden, in 1809; Austria, in 1811 (Das
       Oesterreichische Buergerliche Gesetzbuch); and finally Saxony,
       in 1863 (the designation here being similar to that adopted by
       Austria). Everywhere the motto was the same; viz.,
       'Emancipation from the Latin Code of Rome.' The native code
       was to supplant the foreign, obscure, and obsolete Corpus
       Juris. But the success of these newly established codes was
       limited; each being applicable to its own particular province
       only. Moreover, many of the German states had retained the
       Roman law; confining their reforms to a few modifications. …

       "The reestablishment of the German Empire was, therefore,
       essential also to the reestablishment of German law. As early
       as 1874 the initial steps for the incorporation of a new
       German Civil Code had already been taken; and this work has
       now at last been completed. On August 18, 1896, the new
       system, together with a 'Law of Introduction,' was promulgated
       by Emperor William II. It will become effective on January 1,
       1900, a day which will ever be memorable as marking the climax
       of a development of four centuries. At the close of the
       fifteenth century Roman law was accepted in Germany; and now,
       at the end of the nineteenth, this entire system is to be
       completely abolished throughout the Empire. As a means of
       education, and solely for this purpose, the Roman Code will be
       retained in the universities. As a work of art it is immortal;
       as a system of laws, perishable. The last relic of that grand
       fabric of laws, which once dominated the whole world, crumbles
       to-day. The national idea is victorious; and German law for
       the German Empire is at last secured."

          R. Sohm,
          The Civil Code of Germany
          (Forum, October, 1800).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1890-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (February-June).
       Increased naval programme.

       With much difficulty, and as the result of strenuous pressure,
       the Emperor succeeded in carrying through the Reichstag, in
       June, a bill which doubles the programme of naval increase
       adopted in 1898.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (April).

       "After the way had been prepared by a speech of the Emperor to
       the officers of the Berlin garrison on January 7, 1900, and by
       a vigorous Press agitation, this project was brought before
       the Reichstag on February 8. In form it was an amendment of
       the Sexennate, or Navy Law of 1898, which had laid down a six
       years' programme of naval construction. By the new measure
       this programme was revised and extended over a period of 20
       years. Instead of the double squadron of 10 battleships, with
       its complement of cruisers and other craft, it was demanded
       that the Government should be authorized to build two double
       squadrons, or 38 battleships and the corresponding number of
       cruisers. The Bill also provided for a large increase in the
       number of ships to be employed in the protection of German
       interests in foreign waters. The Centre party, both through
       its speakers in the Reichstag and through its organs in the
       Press, at first took up a very critical attitude towards the
       Bill. Its spokesmen dwelt especially upon the breach of faith
       involved in the extension of the programme of naval
       construction so soon after the compromise of 1898 had been
       accepted, and upon the difficulty of finding the money to pay
       for a fleet of such magnitude. The Clerical leaders, however,
       did not persist in their opposition, and finally agreed to
       accept the main provisions of the Bill, with the exception of
       the proposed increase in the number of ships employed in
       foreign waters. They made it a condition that the Government
       should incorporate with the Bill two financial projects
       designed to provide the money required without burdening the
       working classes. Both the Stamp Duties Bill and the Customs
       Bill were adopted by the Government, and the Navy Bill was
       carried with the aid of the Centre."

          Berlin Correspondent, London Times.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).
       The Lex Heinze.

       The Socialists won a notable triumph in May, when they forced
       the Reichstag to adopt their views in the shaping of a measure
       known as the Lex Heinze. This Bill, as introduced by the
       Government, gave the police increased powers in dealing with
       immorality. The Clericals and the Conservatives sought to
       extend its scope by amendments which were denounced by the
       Radicals and Socialists as placing restrictions upon the
       "liberty of art and literature." After a prolonged struggle,
       in which the Socialists resorted to the use of obstruction,
       the most obnoxious amendments were withdrawn.

    {250}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill.

       A much discussed and sharply contested bill, providing for a
       stringent inspection of imported meats, and aimed especially
       at the obstructing of the American meat trade, was passed by
       the Reichstag on the 23d of May. It prohibits the importation
       of canned or sausage meat entirely, and imposes conditions on
       the introduction of other meats which are thought to be, in
       some cases, prohibitory. The measure was originally claimed to
       be purely one of sanitary precaution. It "had been introduced
       in the Reichstag early in 1899, but the sharp conflict of
       interests about it kept it for more than a year in committee,
       When the bill finally emerged for discussion in the Reichstag,
       it was found that the Agrarian majority had distorted it from
       a sanitary to a protective measure. Both in the new form they
       gave the bill and in their discussions of it in the Reichstag,
       the Agrarians showed that it was chiefly the exclusion of
       foreign meats, rather than a system of sanitary inspection,
       that they wanted. As finally passed in May the bill had lost
       some of the harsh prohibitory features given it by the
       Agrarians, the latter contenting themselves with the exclusion
       of canned meats and sausages. To the foreign student of German
       politics, the Meat Inspection Law is chiefly interesting as
       illustrating the tendency of the general government to seize
       upon functions which have hitherto been in the hands of the
       individual states and municipalities, as well as of bringing
       the private affairs of the people under the control of
       governmental authority. It is another long step of the German
       government away from the principle of 'laissez-faire.' The
       task undertaken by the government here is itself a stupendous
       one. There is certainly no other great government in the world
       that would endeavor to organize the administrative machinery
       for inspecting every pound of meat that comes upon the markets
       of the country."

          W. C. Dreher,
          A Letter from Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.

       "The new Elbe and Trave Canal, which has been building five
       years and has been completed at a cost of 24,500,000 marks
       ($5,831,000)—of which Prussia contributed 7,500,000 marks
       ($1,785,000) and the old Hansa town of Lübeck, which is now
       reviving, 17,000,000 marks ($4,046,000)—was formally opened by
       the German Emperor on the 16th [of June]. The length of the
       new canal-which is the second to join the North Sea and the
       Baltic, following the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal, or Kiel
       Canal, which was finished five years ago at a cost of
       156,000,000 marks ($37,128,000)-is about 41 miles. The
       available breadth of the new canal is 72 feet; breadth of the
       lock gates, 46 feet; length of the locks, 87 yards; depth of
       the locks, 8 feet 2 inches. The canal is crossed by
       twenty-nine bridges, erected at a cost of $1,000,000. The span
       of the bridges is in all cases not less than 30 yards and
       their height above water level about 15 feet. There are seven
       locks, five being between Lübeck and the Möllner See—the
       highest point of the canal—and two between Möllner See and
       Lauenburg-on-the-Elbe."

          United States, Consular Reports,
          September, 1900, page 8.

       A memorandum by the British Charge d'Affaires in Berlin on the
       Elbe-Trave Canal says that the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm
       Canal injuriously affected the trade of Lübeck. This was
       foreseen, and in 1894 a plan was sanctioned for the widening
       of the existing canal, which only allowed of the passage of
       vessels of about thirty tons. The direction of the old canal
       was followed only to some extent, as it had immense curves,
       while the new bed was fairly straight from Lübeck to
       Lauenburg, on the Elbe above Hamburg. The memorandum states
       that the undertaking is of great importance to the States
       along the Elbe, as well as to Sweden, Norway, Denmark, and
       Russia. It will to some extent divert traffic from Hamburg,
       and possibly reduce somewhat the revenue of the Kaiser Wilhelm
       Canal.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Government loan placed in America.

       Great excitement and indignation was caused in September by
       the action of the imperial government in placing a loan of
       80,000,000 marks (about $20,000,000) in the American money
       market. On the meeting of the Reichstag, the finance minister,
       Dr. von Miquel, replying to attacks upon this measure,
       explained that in September the state of the German market was
       such that if they had raised the 80,000,000 marks at home the
       bank discount rate would have risen above the present rate of
       5 per cent. before the end of the year. In the previous winter
       the bank rate had been at 6 per cent, for a period of 90 days,
       and during three weeks it had stood at 7 per cent. The
       government had been strongly urged to do everything in its
       power to prevent the recurrence of such high rates of
       discount. The London rate was rapidly approaching the German,
       and there was reason to fear that there would be a serious
       flow of gold from Germany. It was therefore urgently desirable
       to attract gold from abroad, and there was no country where money
       was so easy at the time as in the United States. This was due
       to the extraordinarily favorable balance of American trade and
       the remarkable increase in exports out of all proportion to
       the development of imports. Another reason was the American
       Currency Law, which enabled the national banks to issue as
       much as 100 per cent. of their capital in loans, whereas they
       formerly issued only 90 per cent. There was no doubt that the
       80,000,000 marks could have been obtained in Germany, but the
       public must have been aware that other loans of much greater
       extent were impending. There was going to be a loan of about
       150,000,000 marks for the expedition to China, and it was
       certain that before the end of the year 1901 considerable
       demands would be made upon the public.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Proposal to require leaders of the Chinese attack
       on foreigners to be given up.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Anglo-German agreement concerning policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    {251}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 9).
       Lèse-majesté in criticism of the Emperor's speech to soldiers
       departing for China, enjoining no quarter and commending the
       Huns as a military example.
       Increasing prosecutions for Lèse-majesté.

       On the 9th of October, a newspaper correspondent wrote from
       Berlin: "The Berlin newspapers of yesterday and to-day
       chronicle no fewer than five trials for 'lèse-majesté.' The
       most important case was that of Herr Maximilian Harden, the
       editor of the weekly magazine 'Zukunft.' Herr Harden, who
       enjoyed the confidence of the late Prince Bismarck, wields a
       very satirical pen, and has been designated 'The Junius of
       modern Germany.' In 1898 Herr Harden was convicted of
       lèse-majesté and was sentenced to six months' incarceration in
       a fortress. In the present instance he was accused of having
       committed lèse-majesté in an article, 'The Fight with the
       Dragon,' published in the 'Zukunft' of August 11. The article
       dealt with the speech delivered by the Emperor at Bremerhaven
       on July 27, 'the telegraphic transmission of which, as was
       asserted at the time, had been forbidden by Count von Bülow.'
       The article noted as a fact that the Emperor had commanded the
       troops who were leaving for China to give no quarter and to
       make no prisoners, but, imitating the example of Attila and
       the Huns, to excite a terror in East Asia which would last for
       a thousand years. The Emperor had added, 'May the blessing of
       God attend your flags and may this war have the blessed
       result that Christianity shall make its way into China.' Herr
       Harden in his comments on this speech had critically examined
       the deeds of the historic Attila and had contrasted him with
       the Attila of popular story in order to demonstrate that he
       was not a proper model to set up for the imitation of German
       soldiers. The article in the 'Zukunft' had also maintained
       that it was not the mission of the German Empire to spread
       Christianity in China, and, finally, had described a war of
       revenge as a mistake." No publicity was allowed to be given to
       the proceedings of the trial. "Herr Harden was found guilty
       not only of having been wanting in the respect due to the
       Emperor but of having actually attacked his Majesty in a way
       that constituted lèse-majesté. The Court sentenced him to six
       months' incarceration in a fortress and at the same time
       directed that the incriminated number of the 'Zukunft' should
       be destroyed.

       "The 'Vossische Zeitung' remarks:—'We read in the newspapers
       to-day that a street porter in Marburg has been sentenced to
       six months' imprisonment for insulting the Empress, that in
       Hamburg a workman has been sentenced to five months'
       imprisonment for lèse-majesté, that in Beuthen a workman has
       been sentenced to a year's imprisonment for lèse-majesté, and
       that in Dusseldorf a man who is deaf and dumb has been
       sentenced to four months' imprisonment for the same offence.
       The prosecutions for lèse-majesté are multiplying at an
       alarming rate. We must emphatically repeat that such
       proceedings appear to us to be in the last degree unsuited to
       promote the principles of Monarchy. … The greater the number
       of political prosecutions that are instituted the more
       accustomed, under force of circumstances, does the Press
       become to the practice of writing so that the reader may read
       between the lines. And this attitude is to the advantage
       neither of public morals nor of the Throne. … We regret in
       particular that the case of yesterday (that of Herr Harden)
       was tried 'in camera.' … It has justly been said that
       publicity is more indispensable in political trials than in
       prosecutions against thieves and murderers. … If there is no
       prospect of an improvement in this respect the Reichstag will
       have to devote its serious attention to the question how the
       present administration of justice is to be dealt with, not
       only in the interest of freedom of speech and of the Press,
       but also for the good of the Crown and the well-being of the
       State.'"

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (October 18).
       Change in the Imperial Chancellorship.

       On the 18th of October it was announced in the "Imperial
       Gazette" that" His Majesty the Emperor and King has been
       graciously pleased to accede to the request of the Imperial
       Chancellor, the President of the Ministry and Minister for
       Foreign Affairs, Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Prince of
       Ratibor and Corvey, to be relieved of his offices, and has at
       the same time conferred upon him the high Order of the Black
       Eagle with brilliants. His Majesty has further been graciously
       pleased to appoint Count von Bülow, Minister of State and
       Secretary of State to the Foreign Office, to be Imperial
       Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs." Count von Bülow
       is the third of the successors of Prince Bismarck in the high
       office of the Imperial Chancellor. The latter was followed by
       Count von Caprivi, who gave way to Prince Hohenlohe in 1894.
       Prince Hohenlohe had nearly reached the age of 82 when he is
       said to have asked leave to retire from public life.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November).
       Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins.

       "Germany has lately taken a step to clear off the haze from
       her financial horizon by calling in the outstanding thalers
       which are full legal tender, and turning them into subsidiary
       coins of limited legal tender—a process which will extend
       over ten years. At the end of that time, if no misfortune
       intervenes, she will be on the gold standard as surely and
       safely as England is. Her banks can now tender silver to their
       customers when they ask for gold, as the Bank of France can
       and does occasionally. When this last measure is carried into
       effect the only full legal-tender money in Germany will be
       gold, or Government notes redeemable in gold."

          New York Nation,
          November 29, 1900.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
       The Reichstag and the Kaiser.
       His speeches and his system of personal government.

       In the Reichstag, which reassembled on the 14th of November,
       "the speeches of the Kaiser were discussed by men of all
       parties, with a freedom that was new and refreshing in German
       political debates. Apart from the Kaiser's speeches in
       connection with the Chinese troubles, the debates brought out
       some frank complaints from the more 'loyal' sections of German
       politics, that the Kaiser is surrounded by advisers who
       systematically misinform him as to the actual state of public
       opinion. It has long been felt, and particularly during the
       past few years, that the present system of two cabinets—one of
       which is nominally responsible to the Reichstag and public
       opinion, while the other is merely a personal cabinet,
       responsible to neither, and yet exercising an enormous
       influence in shaping the monarch's policies—has been growing
       more and more intolerable. This system of personal government
       is becoming the subject of chronic disquietude in Germany, and
       even the more loyal section of the press is growing restive
       under it. Bismarck's wise maxim, 'A monarch should appear in
       public only when attired in the clothing of a responsible
       ministry,' is finding more and more supporters among
       intelligent Germans."

          W. C. Dreher,
          A Letter from Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

    {252}

    GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Census of the Empire.
       Growth of Berlin and other cities.
       Urban population compared with that in the United States.

       A despatch from Berlin, February 26, announced the results of
       the census of December, 1900, made public that day. The
       population of the German Empire is shown to have increased
       from 52,279,901 in 1895 to 56,345,014. Of this population
       27,731,067 are males and 28,613,947 females. Over 83 per cent.
       of the whole population is contained in the four kingdoms; of
       these Prussia comes first with (in round figures) 34,500,000
       inhabitants, and Bavaria second with 6,200,000. The figures
       for Saxony and Würtemberg are 4,200,000 and 2,300,000
       respectively. More than 16 per cent. of the population is
       resident in the 33 towns of over 100,000 inhabitants. Of these
       33 towns the largest is Berlin, while the smallest is Cassel,
       of which the inhabitants number 106,001.

       The Prussian Statistical Office had already published the
       results of the census, so far as they concern Berlin and its
       suburbs. It appears that the population of the German capital
       now amounts to 1,884,151 souls, as against 1,677,304 in 1895
       and 826,3!1 in 1871. The population of the suburbs has
       increased from 57,735 in 1871 and 435,236 in 1895, to 639,310
       in 1900. The total population of the capital, including the
       suburbs, is given as 2,523,461 souls, as against 2,112,540 in
       1895, an increase of over 19 per cent. Some figures relating
       to other cities had previously appeared, going to show "an
       acceleration of the movement of population from the country
       toward the great cities. The growth of the urban population in
       five years has been astonishing. The population of Berlin, for
       example, increased more than twice as much in the last five
       years as in the preceding five. The fourteen German cities now
       having a population of above 200,000 have increased more than
       17 per cent since 1895. … No other European capital is growing
       so fast in wealth and numbers as Berlin; and the city is rapidly
       assuming a dominant position in all spheres of German life."

          W. C. Dreher,
          A Letter from Germany
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1901).

       The percentage of growth in Berlin "has been far outstripped
       by many other cities, especially by Nuremberg; and so far as
       our own census shows, no American city of over 50,000
       inhabitants can match its increase. In five years it has grown
       from 162,000 to 261,000—60 per cent increase. That would mean
       120 per cent in a decade.

       "But though Germany has only one city of more than one
       million, and one more of more than half a million, and the
       United States has three of each class, Germany has, in
       proportion to its population rather more cities of from 50,000
       to 100,000 inhabitants, and decidedly more of from 100,000 to
       500,000, than the United States. In the United States
       8,000,000 people live in cities of over 500,000 inhabitants,
       against some 3,000,000 in Germany; yet in the United States a
       larger percentage of the population lives in places which have
       under 50,000 inhabitants."

          The World's Work,
          March, 1901.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Celebration of the Prussian Bicentenary.

          See (in this volume)
          PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Promised increase of protective duties.

       In the Reichstag—the Parliament of the Empire—on the 26th of
       January, the Agrarians brought in a resolution demanding that
       the Prussian Government should "in the most resolute manner"
       use its influence to secure a "considerable increase" in the
       protective duties on agricultural produce at the approaching
       revision of German commercial policy, and should take steps to
       get the new Tariff Bill laid before the Reichstag as promptly
       as possible. In response, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von
       Bülow, made the following declaration of the policy of the
       government, for which all parties had been anxiously waiting:
       "Fully recognizing the difficult situation in which
       agriculture is placed, and inspired by the desire effectively
       to improve that situation, the Prussian Government is resolved
       to exert its influence in order to obtain adequate protection
       for agricultural produce by means of the Customs duties, which
       must be raised to an extent calculated to attain that object."

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (January).
       The Prussian Canal scheme enlarged.

       The canal scheme which suffered defeat in the Prussian diet in
       1899 (see above), and the rejection of which by his dutiful
       agrarian subjects roused the wrath of the emperor-king, was
       again brought forward, at the opening of the session of the
       Diet, or Landtag, in January, 1901, with a great enlargement
       of its scope and cost, and with an emphatic expression of the
       expectation of his Majesty that the bill providing for it
       should be passed. The bill covered no less than seven
       different projects, of which the total cost to the State was
       estimated at about 389,010,700 marks, or nearly $100,000,000.
       These include the Rhine-Elbe Canal, which is calculated to
       cost 260,784,700 marks; a ship canal between Berlin and
       Stettin, to cost 41,500,000 marks; a waterway connecting the
       Oder and the Vistula, of which the cost, together with that of
       a channel rendering the Warthe navigable for ships from Posen to
       the junction of the Netze, is estimated at 22,631,000 marks,
       and a canal connecting the province of Silesia with the canal
       joining the Oder to the Spree. The bill further proposed that
       the State should participate in the work of improving the flow
       of water in the Lower Oder and the Upper Havel to the extent
       of 40,989,000 marks and 9,670,000 marks respectively, and
       should contribute the sum of 9,336,000 marks towards the
       canalization of the Spree.

    GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Annual meeting of the Husbandists.

       The annual meeting of the Husbandists, one of the
       organizations of German agrarian interests, held at Berlin on
       the 11th of February, is reported to have been attended by
       some 8,000 delegates. The official report of the organization
       showed a membership of 232,000, or an increase of 26,000 over
       that of the previous year. Large gains were made during the
       year in the southern section of the Empire. It also appeared
       that no fewer than 202,000 members represented small farmers.
       A resolution was adopted demanding that the Government grant
       such protection to agriculture as would enable it to form
       prices independent of the Bourse, fixing the duties high
       enough to make it possible for tillers of the soil to reap as
       large profits for their products as from 1870 to 1800. "Above
       all," said the resolution, "Germany must not grant the same
       tariffs to countries discriminating in their tariffs, as in
       the case of the United States."

       ----------GERMANY: End--------

    {253}

    GERRYMANDERING:
       Legislation against by the Congress of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    GLADSTONE, William Ewart:
       Retirement from public life.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

       Death and burial.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

    GOEBEL, Governor William E.:
       Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          KENTUCKY; A. D. 1895-1900.

    GOLD COAST COLONY.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI; and AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

    GOLD DEMOCRATS.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1893 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    GOLD FIELDS, The Witwatersrand.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

    GOLD MINING: Cape Nome discovery.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1898-1899

    GOLD STANDARD.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES.

    GOLDEN STOOL, King Prempeh's.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    GORDON MEMORIAL COLLEGE, at Khartoum.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

    GOSCHEN, George J.:
       First Lord of the Admiralty in the British Cabinet.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    GOSPODAR.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (MONTENEGRO).

    GOTHENBURG SYSTEM, The.
       Dispensary Laws.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
          NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
          SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and
          ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

    GRASPAN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    GREAT BRITAIN.

          See ENGLAND.

    GREATER NEW YORK.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

       ----------GREECE: Start--------

    GREECE:
       Light on prehistoric times.
       Recent explorations in Crete and Egypt.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE; and same: EGYPT.

    GREECE: A. D. 1896 (April).
       Revival of Olympic Games.

          See (in this volume)
          ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

    GREECE: A. D. 1897 (February-March).
       Interference in Crete.
       Expedition of Colonel Vassos.
       Appeal for the annexation of the island.
       Action of the Great Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    GREECE: A. D. 1897 (March-June).
       Disastrous war with Turkey.
       Appeal for peace.
       Submission to the Powers on the Cretan question.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    GREECE: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    GREECE: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

       ----------GREECE: End--------

    GREENBACKS.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);
          1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY); 1896-1898; and
          1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER)

    GREENLAND, Recent exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895-1896, 1896, 1897, 1898-1899,
          1898-, 1899, 1899-1900.

    GREYTOWN:
       Possession given to Nicaragua.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA (NICARAGUA-COSTA RICA): A. D. 1897.

    GRONDWET (CONSTITUTION), of the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

    GUAM, The island of: A. D. 1898 (June).
       Seizure by the U. S. S. Charleston.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JUNE), THE WAR WITH SPAIN.

    GUAM: A. D. 1898 (December).
       Cession to the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    GUAM: A. D. 1900.
       Naval station.

       Work planned for the creation of an U. S. naval station at
       Guam is expected to cost, it is said, about $1,000,000.

    GUANTANAMO:
       Capture of harbor by American navy.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    GUATEMALA.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    GUAYAMA, Engagement at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D.1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    GUÉRIN, M.:
       The barricade of.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

    GUIANA, British: A. D. 1895-1899.
       Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA.

    GUIANA, French:
       Boundary dispute with Brazil.
       Award of Swiss arbitrators.

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1900.

    GUINEA, French.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

    GUNGUNHANA, Portuguese war with.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

    {254}

    H.

    HABANA, or HAVANA.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA.

    HAFFKINE'S PROPHYLACTIC.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    HAGUE, The, Peace Conference at.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    HALEPA, The Pact of.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

    HALL OF FAME, for Great Americans, The.

       In the designing of new buildings for the New York University
       College of Arts and Science, at University Heights, certain
       exigencies of art led to the construction of a stately
       colonnade, surrounding a high terrace which overlooks Harlem
       River, and the happy idea was conceived by Chancellor
       MacCracken of evolving therefrom a "Hall of Fame for Great
       Americans." The idea has been carried out, by providing for
       the inscription of carefully chosen names on panels of stone,
       with a further provision of space for statues, busts,
       portraits, tablets, autographs, and other memorials of those
       whose names are found worthy of the place. For the selection
       of names thus honored, a body of one hundred electors,
       representing all parts of the country, was appointed by the
       Senate of the University. These electors were apportioned to
       four classes of citizens, in as nearly equal numbers as
       possible, namely:

       (A) University or college presidents and educators.
       (B) Professors of history and scientists.
       (C) Publicists, editors, and authors.
       (D) Judges of the Supreme Court, State or National.

       It was required of the electors that they should consider the
       claims of eminent citizens in many classes, not less than
       fifteen, and that a majority of these classes should be
       represented among the first fifty names to be chosen. They
       were, furthermore, restricted in their choice to native-born
       Americans, a rule which had some reasons in its favor, though
       it excluded from the Hall such shining names in American
       history as those of John Winthrop, Roger Williams, and
       Alexander Hamilton.

       As the result of the votes given by 97 electors, in the year
       1900, 29 names were found to have received the approval of 51
       or more of the electors, and these were ordered to be
       inscribed in the Hall of Fame. The 29 names are as follows, in
       the order of preference shown them by the 97 electors, as
       indicated by the number of votes given to each:

       GEORGE WASHINGTON.          97
       ABRAHAM LINCOLN.            96
       DANIEL WEBSTER.             96
       BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.          94
       ULYSSES S. GRANT.           92
       JOHN MARSHALL.              91
       THOMAS JEFFERSON.           90
       RALPH WALDO EMERSON.        87
       HENRY WADSWORTH LONGFELLOW. 85
       ROBERT FULTON.              85
       WASHINGTON IRVING.          83
       JONATHAN EDWARDS.           81
       SAMUEL F. B. MORSE.         80
       DAVID GLASGOW FARRAGUT.     79
       HENRY CLAY.                 74
       NATHANIEL HAWTHORNE.        73
       GEORGE PEABODY.             72
       ROBERT E. LEE.              69
       PETER COOPER.               69
       ELI WHITNEY.                67
       JOHN JAMES AUDUBON.         67
       HORACE MANN.                67
       HENRY WARD BEECHER          66
       JAMES KENT.                 65
       JOSEPH STORY.               64
       JOHN ADAMS.                 61
       WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING     58
       GILBERT STUART.             52
       ASA GRAY.                   51

       Resolutions by the Senate of the University have determined
       the action to be taken for the selection of further names, as
       follows: "The Senate will take action in the year 1902, under
       the rules of the Hall of Fame, toward filling at that time the
       vacant panels belonging to the present year, being 21 in
       number." "Each nomination of the present year to the Hall of
       Fame that has received the approval of ten or more electors,
       yet has failed to receive a majority, will be considered a
       nomination for the year 1902. To these shall be added any name
       nominated in writing by five of the Board of Electors. Also
       other names may be nominated by the New York University Senate
       in such way as it may find expedient. Any nomination by any
       citizen of the United States that shall be addressed to the
       New York University Senate shall be received and considered by
       that body." Furthermore: "Every five years throughout the
       twentieth century five additional names will be inscribed,
       provided the electors under the rules can agree by a majority
       upon so many."

       The Senate further took note of the many requests that
       foreign-born Americans should be considered, by adopting a
       memorial to the University Corporation, to the effect that it
       will welcome a similar memorial to foreign-born Americans, for
       which a new edifice may be joined to the north porch of the
       present hall, containing one fifth of the space of the latter,
       providing thirty panels for names.

          Chancellor H. M. MacCracken,
          The Hall of Fame
          (American Review of Reviews, November 1900, page 563).

          archive.org/details/sim_review-of-reviews-
          us_july-december-1900_22_index/mode/
          2up?view=theater&q=MacCracken

    HANKOW.

          See (in this volume)
          SHANGHAI.

    HART, Sir Robert:
       Testimony as to the causes and character of the "Boxer"
       movement in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    HARVARD UNIVERSITY:
       Summer School for Cuban Teachers.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1900.

    HAVANA.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA.

    Map of Hawaii and Honolulu.

    HAWAII.
       Names and areas of the islands.

       "For practical purposes, there are eight islands in the
       Hawaiian group. The others are mere rocks, of no value at
       present. These eight islands, beginning from the northwest,
       are named Niihau, Kauai, Oahu, Molokai, Lanai, Kahoolawe,
       Maui, and Hawaii. The areas of the islands [in square miles]
       are:

       Niihau,      97;
       Kauai,      590;
       Oahu,       600;
       Molokai,    270;
       Maui,       760;
       Lanai,      150;
       Kahoolawe,   63;
       Hawaii,   4,210.
       Total,    6,740.

    {255}

       As compared with States of the Union, the total area of the
       group approximates most nearly to that of the State of New
       Jersey—7,185 square miles. It is more than three times that of
       Delaware—2,050 square miles."

          Bulletin of the Bureau of American Republics,
          August, 1898.

    HAWAII:
       Annexation to the United States.

       On the 16th of June, 1897, the President of the United States
       transmitted to Congress a new treaty for the annexation of the
       Republic of Hawaii to the United States, signed that day by
       representatives of the governments of the two countries,
       appointed to draft the same. With the treaty he submitted a
       report from his Secretary of State, Mr. Sherman, in which the
       latter said: "The negotiation which has culminated in the
       treaty now submitted has not been a mere resumption of the
       negotiation of 1893 (see HAWAIIAN ISLANDS, in volume 3), but
       was initiated and has been conducted upon independent lines.
       Then an abrupt revolutionary movement had brought about the
       dethronement of the late queen and set up instead of the
       theretofore titular monarchy a provisional government for the
       control and management of public affairs and the protection of
       the public peace, such government to exist only until terms of
       union with the United States should have been negotiated and
       agreed upon. Thus self-constituted, its promoters claimed for
       it only a de facto existence until the purpose of annexation
       in which it took rise should be accomplished. As time passed
       and the plan of union with the United States became an
       uncertain contingency, the organization of the Hawaiian
       commonwealth underwent necessary changes, the temporary
       character of its first Government gave place to a permanent
       scheme under a constitution framed by the representatives of
       the electors of the Islands, administration by an executive
       council not chosen by suffrage, but self-appointed, was
       succeeded by an elective and parliamentary regime, and the
       ability of the new Government to hold—as the Republic of
       Hawaii—an independent place in the family of sovereign States,
       preserving order at home and fulfilling international
       obligations abroad, has been put to the proof. Recognized by
       the powers of the earth, sending and receiving envoys,
       enforcing respect for the law, and maintaining peace within
       its island borders, Hawaii sends to the United States, not a
       commission representing a successful revolution, but the
       accredited plenipotentiary of a constituted and firmly
       established sovereign State. However sufficient may have been
       the authority of the commissioners with whom the United States
       Government treated in 1893, and however satisfied the
       President may then have been of their power to offer the
       domain of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States, the fact
       remains that what they then tendered was a territory rather
       than an established Government, a country whose administration
       had been cast down by a bloodless but complete revolution and
       a community in a state of political transition. Now, however,
       the Republic of Hawaii approaches the United States as an
       equal, and points for its authority to that provision of
       article 82 of the constitution, promulgated July 24, 1894,
       whereby—'The President, with the approval of the cabinet, is
       hereby expressly authorized and empowered to make a treaty of
       political or commercial union between the Republic of Hawaii
       and the United States of America, subject to the ratification
       of the Senate.'" The essential articles of the treaty thus
       submitted were the following:

       ARTICLE I.
       The Republic of Hawaii hereby cedes absolutely and without
       reserve to the United States of America all rights of
       sovereignty of whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian
       Islands and their dependencies; and it is agreed that all the
       territory of and appertaining to the Republic of Hawaii is
       hereby annexed to the United States of America under the name
       of the Territory of Hawaii.

       ARTICLE II.
       The Republic of Hawaii also cedes and hereby transfers to the
       United States the absolute fee and ownership of all public,
       government or crown lands, public buildings or edifices,
       ports, harbors, military equipments and all other public
       property of every kind and description belonging to the
       Government of the Hawaiian Islands, together with every right
       and appurtenance thereunto appertaining. The existing laws of
       the United States relative to public lands shall not apply to
       such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the Congress of the
       United States shall enact special laws for their management
       and disposition, Provided: that all revenue from or proceeds
       of the same, except as regards such part thereof as may be
       used or occupied for the civil, military or naval purposes of
       the United States, or may be assigned for the use of the local
       government, shall be used solely for the benefit of the
       inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for educational and other
       public purposes.

       ARTICLE III.
       Until Congress shall provide for the government of such
       Islands all the civil, judicial and military powers exercised
       by the officers of the existing government in said Islands,
       shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be
       exercised in such manner as the President of the United States
       shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove
       said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The
       existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations
       shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such
       treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded
       between the United States and such foreign nations. The
       municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for
       the fulfilment of the treaties so extinguished, and not
       inconsistent with this treaty nor contrary to the Constitution
       of the United States, nor to any existing treaty of the United
       States, shall remain in force until the Congress of the United
       States shall otherwise determine. Until legislation shall be
       enacted extending the United States customs laws and
       regulations to the Hawaiian Islands, the existing customs
       relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the United States and
       other countries shall remain unchanged.

       ARTICLE IV.
       The public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing
       at the date of the exchange of the ratifications of this
       Treaty, including the amounts due to depositors in the
       Hawaiian Postal Savings Bank, is hereby assumed by the
       Government of the United States; but the liability of the
       United States in this regard shall in no case exceed
       $4,000,000. So long, however, as the existing Government and
       the present commercial relations of the Hawaiian Islands are
       continued, as hereinbefore provided, said Government shall
       continue to pay the interest on said debt.

       ARTICLE V.
       There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the
       Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or
       may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States, and
       no Chinese by reason of anything herein contained shall be
       allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

    {256}

       ARTICLE VI.
       The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two
       of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall
       as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such
       legislation concerning the Territory of Hawaii as they shall
       deem necessary or proper."

          United States, 55th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Executive Document E.

       A determined opposition to the renewed proposal of Hawaiian
       annexation was manifested at once, in Congress and by many
       expressions of public opinion at large. It condemned the
       measure on grounds of principle and policy alike. It denied
       the right of the existing government at Honolulu to represent
       the Hawaiian people in such disposal of their country. It
       denied the constitutional right of the government of the
       United States to annex territory in the circumstances and the
       manner proposed. It denied, too, the expected advantages,
       whether naval or commercial, that the annexation of the
       islands would give to the United States. A protest against the
       annexation came also from the deposed Hawaiian queen,
       Liliuokalani, and another from a party in the island which
       attempted to rally round the presumptive heiress to the
       overturned Hawaiian throne, the Princess Kaiulani. The
       government of Japan also entered a protest, apprehending some
       disturbance of rights which it had acquired for its emigrating
       subjects, by treaty with the Republic of Hawaii; but this
       protest was ultimately withdrawn. The army of opposition
       sufficed, however, to hold the question of annexation in
       abeyance for more than a year. No action was taken on the
       treaty during the special session of the Senate. When Congress
       assembled in December, 1897, President McKinley repeated his
       expressions in its favor, and the treaty was reported to the
       Senate, from the committee on foreign relations, early in the
       following year; but the two-thirds majority needed for its
       ratification could not be obtained.

       Attempts to accomplish the annexation by that method were
       given up in March, 1898, and the advocates of the acquisition
       determined to gain their end by the passage of a joint
       resolution of Congress, which required no more than a majority
       of each House. Over the question in this form the battle was
       fiercely fought, until the 15th of June in the House of
       Representatives and the 6th of July in the Senate, on which
       dates the following "joint resolution to provide for annexing
       the Hawaiian Islands to the United States" was passed. It was
       signed by the President the following day:

       "Whereas the Government of the Republic of Hawaii having, in
       due form, signified its consent, in the manner provided by its
       constitution, to cede absolutely and without reserve to the
       United States of America all rights of sovereignty of
       whatsoever kind in and over the Hawaiian Islands and their
       dependencies, and also to cede and transfer to the United
       States absolute fee and ownership of all public, Government,
       or Crown lands, public buildings or edifices, ports, harbors,
       military equipment, and all other public property of every
       kind and description belonging to the Government of the
       Hawaiian Islands, together with every right and appurtenance
       thereunto appertaining: Therefore,

       "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
       United States of America in Congress assembled, That said
       cession is accepted, ratified, and confirmed, and that the
       said Hawaiian Islands and their dependencies be, and they are
       hereby, annexed as a part of the territory of the United
       States and are subject to the sovereign dominion thereof, and
       that all and singular the property and rights hereinbefore
       mentioned are vested in the United States of America. The
       existing laws of the United States relative to public lands
       shall not apply to such lands in the Hawaiian Islands; but the
       Congress of the United States shall enact special laws for
       their management and disposition: Provided, That all revenue
       from or proceeds of the same, except as regards such part
       thereof as may be used or occupied for the civil, military, or
       naval purposes of the United States, or may be assigned for
       the use of the local government, shall be used solely for the
       benefit of the inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands for
       educational and other public purposes.

       "Until Congress shall provide for the government of such
       islands all the civil, judicial, and military powers exercised
       by the officers of the existing government in said islands
       shall be vested in such person or persons and shall be
       exercised in such manner as the President of the United States
       shall direct; and the President shall have power to remove
       said officers and fill the vacancies so occasioned. The
       existing treaties of the Hawaiian Islands with foreign nations
       shall forthwith cease and determine, being replaced by such
       treaties as may exist, or as may be hereafter concluded,
       between the United States and such foreign nations. The
       municipal legislation of the Hawaiian Islands, not enacted for
       the fulfillment of the treaties so extinguished, and not
       inconsistent with this joint resolution nor contrary to the
       Constitution of the United States nor to any existing treaty
       of the United States, shall remain in force until the Congress
       of the United States shall otherwise determine. Until
       legislation shall be enacted extending the United States
       customs laws and regulations to the Hawaiian Islands the
       existing customs relations of the Hawaiian Islands with the
       United States and other countries shall remain unchanged. The
       public debt of the Republic of Hawaii, lawfully existing at
       the date of the passage of this joint resolution, including
       the amounts due to depositors in the Hawaiian Postal Savings
       Bank, is hereby assumed by the Government of the United
       States; but the liability of the United States in this regard
       shall in no case exceed four million dollars. So long,
       however, as the existing Government and the present commercial
       relations of the Hawaiian Islands are continued as
       hereinbefore provided said Government shall continue to pay
       the interest on said debt.

       "There shall be no further immigration of Chinese into the
       Hawaiian Islands, except upon such conditions as are now or
       may hereafter be allowed by the laws of the United States; and
       no Chinese, by reason of anything herein contained, shall be
       allowed to enter the United States from the Hawaiian Islands.

       "The President shall appoint five commissioners, at least two
       of whom shall be residents of the Hawaiian Islands, who shall,
       as soon as reasonably practicable, recommend to Congress such
       legislation concerning the Hawaiian Islands as they shall deem
       necessary or proper.

    {257}

       "SECTION 2.
       That the commissioners hereinbefore provided for shall be
       appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
       of the Senate.

       "SECTION 3.
       That the sum of one hundred thousand dollars, or so much
       thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated, out of
       any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, and to
       be immediately available, to be expended at the discretion of
       the President of the United States of America, for the purpose
       of carrying this joint resolution into effect."

       There was no strict division of parties on the passage of the
       resolution; but only three Republicans in the House voted
       against it. Speaker Reed, who had strenuously opposed the
       measure, was absent. Two Republican senators voted against the
       resolution and three who opposed it were paired. A large
       majority of the Democrats in both Houses were in opposition.
       The policy advocated by the opponents of annexation was set
       forth in the following resolution, which they brought to a
       vote in the House, and which was defeated by 205 to 94:

       "1. That the United States will view as an act of hostility
       any attempt upon the part of any government of Europe or Asia
       to take or hold possession of the Hawaiian islands or to
       account upon any pretext or under any conditions sovereign
       authority therein.

       2. That the United States hereby announces to the people of
       those islands and to the world the guarantee of the
       independence of the people of the Hawaiian islands and their
       firm determination to maintain the same."

       Immediately upon the passage of the resolution of annexation,
       preparations were begun at Honolulu for the transfer of
       sovereignty to the United States, which was performed
       ceremoniously August 12. Meantime, the President had
       appointed, as commissioners to recommend legislation for the
       government of the Islands, Messrs. Shelby M. Cullom, John T.
       Morgan, Robert R. Hitt, Sanford B. Dole, and Walter F. Frear.
       In the following November the Commission presented its report,
       with a draft of several bills embodying the recommended
       legislation. When the subject came into Congress, wide
       differences of opinion appeared on questions concerning the
       relations of the new possession to the United States and the
       form of government to be provided for it. As the consequence,
       more than a year passed before Congress reached action on the
       subject, and Hawaii was kept in suspense for that period,
       provisionally governed under the terms of the resolution of
       annexation. The Act which, at last, determined the status and
       the government of Hawaii, under the flag of the United States,
       became law by the President's signature on the 30th of April,
       1900, and Sanford B. Dole, formerly President of the Republic
       of Hawaii, was appointed its governor.

       The fundamental provisions of the "Act to provide a government
       for the Territory of Hawaii" are the following:

       SECTION 2.
       That the islands acquired by the United States of America
       under an Act of Congress entitled "Joint resolution to provide
       for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the United States,"
       approved July seventh, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight,
       shall be known as the Territory of Hawaii.

       SECTION 3.
       That a Territorial government is hereby established over the
       said Territory, with its capital at Honolulu, on the island of
       Oahu.

       SECTION 4.
       That all persons who were citizens of the Republic of Hawaii
       on August twelfth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, are
       hereby declared to be citizens of the United States and
       citizens of the Territory of Hawaii. And all citizens of the
       United States resident in the Hawaiian Islands who were
       resident there on or since August twelfth, eighteen hundred
       and ninety-eight, and all the citizens of the United States
       who shall hereafter reside in the Territory of Hawaii for one
       year shall be citizens of the Territory of Hawaii.

       SECTION 5.
       That the Constitution, and, except as herein otherwise
       provided, all the laws of the United States which are not
       locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect
       within the said Territory as elsewhere in the United States:
       Provided, that sections eighteen hundred and fifty and
       eighteen hundred and ninety of the Revised Statutes of the
       United States shall not apply to the Territory of Hawaii.

       SECTION 6.
       That the laws of Hawaii not inconsistent with the Constitution
       or laws of the United States or the provisions of this Act
       shall continue in force, subject to repeal or amendment by the
       legislature of Hawaii or the Congress of the United States. …

       SECTION 12.
       That the legislature of the Territory of Hawaii shall consist
       of two houses, styled, respectively, the senate and house of
       representatives, which shall organize and sit separately,
       except as otherwise herein provided. The two houses shall be
       styled "The legislature of the Territory of Hawaii." …

       SECTION 17.
       That no person holding office in or under or by authority of
       the Government of the United States or of the Territory of
       Hawaii shall be eligible to election to the legislature, or to
       hold the position of a member of the same while holding said
       office. …

       SECTION 55.
       That the legislative power of the Territory shall extend to
       all rightful subjects of legislation not inconsistent with the
       Constitution and laws of the United States locally applicable.
       …

       SECTION 66.
       That the executive power of the government of the Territory of
       Hawaii shall be vested in a governor, who shall be appointed
       by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the
       Senate of the United States, and shall hold office for four
       years and until his successor shall be appointed and
       qualified, unless sooner removed by the President. He shall be
       not less than thirty-five years of age; shall be a citizen of
       the Territory of Hawaii; shall be commander in chief of the
       militia thereof; may grant pardons or reprieves for offences
       against the laws of the said Territory and reprieves for
       offences against the laws of the United States until the
       decision of the President is made known thereon. …

       SECTION 68.
       That all the powers and duties which, by the laws of Hawaii,
       are conferred upon or required of the President or any
       minister of the Republic of Hawaii (acting alone or in
       connection with any other officer or person or body) or the
       cabinet or executive council, and not inconsistent with the
       Constitution or laws of the United States, are conferred upon
       and required of the governor of the Territory of Hawaii,
       unless otherwise provided. …

    {258}

       SECTION 80.
       That the President shall nominate and, by and with the advice
       and consent of the Senate, appoint the chief justice and
       justices of the supreme court, the judges of the circuit
       courts, who shall hold their respective offices for the term
       of four years, unless sooner removed by the President. …

       SECTION 81.
       That the judicial power of the Territory shall be vested in
       one supreme court, circuit courts, and in such inferior courts
       as the legislature may from time to time establish. …

       SECTION 85.
       That a Delegate to the House of Representatives of the United
       States, to serve during each Congress, shall be elected by the
       voters qualified to vote for members of the house of
       representatives of the legislature; such Delegate shall
       possess the qualifications necessary for membership of the
       senate of the legislature of Hawaii. … Every such Delegate
       shall have a seat in the House of Representatives, with the
       right of debate, but not of voting.

       SECTION 86.
       That there shall be established in said Territory a district
       court to consist of one judge, who shall reside therein and be
       called the district judge. The President of the United States,
       by and with the advice and consent of the Senate of the United
       States, shall appoint a district judge, a district attorney,
       and a marshal of the United States for the said district, and
       said judge, attorney, and marshal shall hold office for six
       years unless sooner removed by the President. Said court shall
       have, in addition to the ordinary jurisdiction of district
       courts of the United States, jurisdiction of all cases
       cognizable in a circuit court of the United States, and shall
       proceed therein in the same manner as a circuit court. …

       SECTION 88.
       That the Territory of Hawaii shall comprise a customs district
       of the United States, with ports of entry and delivery at
       Honolulu, Hilo, Mahukona, and Kahului.

    HAWAII: A. D. 1900.
       Census of the Islands.
       Progress of educational work.

       "The last Hawaiian census, taken in the year 1896, gives a
       total population of 109,020, of which 31,019 were native
       Hawaiians. The number of Americans reported was 8,485. The
       results of the Federal census taken this year [1900] show the
       islands to have a total population of 154,001, an increase
       over that reported in 1896 of 44,981, or 41.2 per cent. The
       total land surface of the Hawaiian Islands is approximately
       6,449 square miles: the average number of persons to the
       square mile at the last three censuses being as follows: For
       1890, 13.9; 1896, 16.9; 1900,23.8.

       "Education in Hawaii is making favorable progress. In Honolulu
       two large schoolhouses have recently been erected at a cost of
       $24,778 and $20,349, respectively. The department of education
       is under the management of a superintendent of public
       instruction, assisted by six commissioners of public
       instruction, two of whom are ladies. The tenure of office of
       the commissioners is six years, the term of two of them
       expiring each year. They serve without pay. The system is the
       same as that existing under the Republic of Hawaii. In the
       biennial period ending December 31 there were 141 public and
       48 private schools in the Hawaiian Islands; 344 teachers in
       the public schools, of whom 113 were men and 231 were women,
       and 200 teachers in the private schools, of whom 79 were men
       and 121 were women. In the same period there were 11,436
       pupils in the public schools, of whom 6,395 were boys and
       5,041 were girls, and 4,054 pupils in the private schools, of
       whom 2,256 were boys and 1,798 were girls. This gives a total
       of 15,490 pupils, of whom 8,651 were boys and 6,839 were
       girls. … Of the 15,490 pupils, 5,045 were Hawaiian, 2,721 part
       Hawaiian, 601 American, 213 British, 337 German, 3,882
       Portuguese, 84 Scandinavian, 1,141 Japanese, 1,314 Chinese, 30
       South Sea Islanders, and 124 other foreigners. Each
       nationality had its own teacher. The expenditures for the two
       years ending December 31, 1899, were $575,353. Since the year
       1888 nearly all the common schools, in which the Hawaiian
       language was the medium of instruction, have been converted
       into schools in which English alone is so employed, 98 per
       cent. of the children being at present instructed by teachers
       who use English."

          United States, Secretary of the Interior,
          Annual Report, November 30, 1900.

       ----------HAWAII: End--------

    HAY-PAUNCEFOTE TREATY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC:
          A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER); and 1901 (MARCH).

    HAYTI: A. D. 1896.
       Election of President Sam.

       Hayti elected a new President, General Theresias Simon Sam, to
       succeed General Hippolyte, who died suddenly on the 24th of
       March.

    HAYTI: A. D. 1897.
       Quarrel with Germany.

       The government of Hayti came into conflict with that of
       Germany, in September, 1897, over what was claimed to be the
       illegal arrest of a Haytien-born German, named Lueders, who
       had secured German citizenship. Germany demanded his release,
       with an indemnity at the rate of $1,000 per day for his
       imprisonment. The demand not being acceded to promptly, the
       German consul at Port-au-Prince hauled down his flag. Then the
       United States Minister persuaded the Haytien President,
       General Simon Sam, to set Lueders free. But the demand for
       indemnity, still pending, brought two German war-ships to
       Port-au-Prince on the 6th of December, with their guns ready
       to open fire on the town if payment were not made within eight
       hours. For Hayti there was nothing possible but submission,
       and $30,000 was paid, with apologies and expressions of
       regret.

    HEBREWS, The ancient:
       Their position in history as affected by recent archæological
       research.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; IN BIBLE LANDS.

    HECKER, Father Isaac Thomas,
       and the opinions called "Americanism."

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    HELIUM, The discovery of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT; CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    HENRY, General Guy V.: Military Governor of Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

    HERVEY, or COOK, ISLANDS:
       Annexation to New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

    HEUREAUX, President: Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          DOMINICAN REPUBLIC: A. D. 1899.

    {259}

    HICKS-BEACH, Sir Michael,
       Chancellor of the Exchequer, in the British Cabinet.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    HILPRECHT, Professor H. V.:
       Researches on the site of ancient Nippur.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    HINTCHAK, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

    HINTERLAND.

       A German word which has come into general use to describe
       unnamed and poorly defined regions lying behind, or on the
       inland side, of coast districts, in Africa more especially,
       which have been occupied or claimed by European powers.

    HISTORICAL DISCOVERIES, Recent.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

    HOAR, Senator George F.:
       Action to recover the manuscript of Bradford's History.

          See (in this volume)
          MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

    HOAR, Senator George F.:
       Speech in opposition to the retention of the
       Philippine Islands as a subject State.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

    HOBART, Garret A.: Vice President of the United States.
       Death.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899 (November).

    HOBOKEN, Great fire at.

       On the 30th of June, 1900, between 200 and 300 people lost
       their lives in a fire which destroyed the pier system of the
       North German Lloyd steamship line, at Hoboken, N. J. The fire
       wrecked three of the large ships of the company, and is said
       to have been the most destructive blaze that ever visited the
       piers and shipping of the port of New York. An estimate placed
       the loss of life at nearly 300, and the damage to property at
       about $10,000,000, but the company's estimate of the loss of
       life and the value of the property wiped out was considerably
       less. The fire started in some cotton on one of the four large
       piers at 4 o'clock in the afternoon. In a few minutes the pier
       on which it broke out was enveloped in flames, and in six
       minutes the whole pier system was burning. The flames spread
       so quickly that many men on the piers and on the vessels,
       lighters and barges were hemmed in before they realized that
       their lives were in danger.

    HOBSON, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson:
       The sinking of the collier Merrimac at Santiago.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    HOLLAND.

          See (in this volume)
          NETHERLANDS, THE KINGDOM OF THE.

    HOLLS, Frederick W.:
       American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the,
       Its extension.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

    HONDURAS.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    HONG KONG: A. D. 1894.
       The Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    HONG KONG: A. D. 1898.
       British lease of territory on the mainland.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    HORMIGUEROS, Engagement at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, The United States:
       The "Spoils System" in its service.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

    HOVA, The.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR.

    HUA SANG, Massacre of missionaries at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

    HUDSON BAY, Investigation of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1897.

    HUMBERT I., King of Italy: Assassination.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    HUNGARY.

          See ((in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY.

    HUSBANDISTS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    I.

    ICELAND, Recent exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

    IDAHO: A. D. 1896.
       Adoption of Woman Suffrage.

       On the 11th of December, 1896, an amendment of the
       constitution of Idaho, extending the suffrage to women, was
       submitted to the then voters of the State, and carried by
       12,126, against 6,282. Though carried by a large majority of
       the votes given on the suffrage issue, it did not receive a
       majority of the whole vote cast on other questions at the same
       election; but the supreme court of the State decided that the
       amendment had been adopted.

    I-HO-CH'UAN, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    ILLINOIS: A. D. 1898.
       Strike of coal miners.
       Bloody conflict at Virden.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

    ILOCANOS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    ILOILO: The American occupation of the city.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    ILORIN, British subjugation of.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

    IMPERIAL BRITISH EAST AFRICA COMPANY:
       Transfer of territory to the British Government.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (BRITISH EAST AFRICA).

    IMPERIAL CONFERENCE:
       Meeting of British Colonial Prime Ministers at the Colonial
       Office, London.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    IMPERIALISM:
       The question in American politics.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (APRIL); and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    {260}

    INCOME TAX: Decision against by United States Supreme Court.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

    INDIA: A. D. 1894.
       The Waziri War.

       A fierce attempt to interrupt the demarcation of the Afghan
       boundary was made by the Waziris. The escort of 5,000 troops,
       consisting mainly of Sikhs and Goorkhas, was desperately
       attacked in camp at Wano, November 3. The attack was repulsed,
       but with heavy loss on the British side. It became afterwards
       necessary to send three strong columns into the country, under
       Sir William Lockhart, in order to carry out the work.

    INDIA: A. D. 1895 (March-September).
       The defense and relief of Chitral.
       The British frontier advanced.

       At the extreme northwestern limit of British-Indian dominion
       and semi-dominion, under the shadow of the lofty Hindu-Kush
       mountains, lie a group of quasi-independent tribal states over
       which the Amir of Afghanistan claimed at least a "sphere of
       influence" until 1893. In that year the Amir and the
       Government of India agreed upon a line which defined the
       eastern and southern frontier of Afghanistan, "from Wakhan to
       the Persian border," and agreed further as follows: "The
       Government of India will at no time exercise interference in
       the territories lying beyond this line on the side of
       Afghanistan, and his Highness the Amir will at no time
       exercise interference in the territories lying beyond this
       line on the side of India. The British Government thus agrees
       to his Highness the Amir retaining Asmar and the valley above
       it, as far as Chanak. His Highness agrees, on the other hand,
       that he will at no time exercise interference in Swat, Bajaur,
       or Chitral, including Arnawai or Bashgal valley." Under this
       agreement, the Indian Government prepared itself to be
       watchful of Chitral affairs. The little state was notoriously
       a nest of turbulence and intrigue. Its rulers, who bore the
       Persian title of Mehtar, signifying "Greater," can never have
       expected to live out their days. Changes of government were
       brought about commonly by assassination. The reigning prince,
       Nizam-ul-Mulk, owed his seat to the murder of his father,
       Aman-ul-Mulk, though not by himself. In turn, he fell, on New
       Year's day, 1895, slain at the instigation of his
       half-brother, Amir-ul-Mulk, who mounted the vacant chair of
       state. The usurper was then promptly assailed by two rivals,
       one of them his brother-in-law, Umra Khan, a mountain
       chieftain of Bajaur, the other an uncle, Sher Afzul, who had
       been a refugee at Kabul. On the news of these occurrences at
       Chitral, the Government of India sent thither, from Gilgit,
       its political agent, Surgeon-Major Robertson, with a small
       escort, to learn the state of affairs.

       The result of Dr. Robertson's attempt to settle matters was an
       alliance of Umra Khan and Sher Afzul in a desperate attempt to
       destroy him and his small force of native troops, which had
       five English officers at its head. The latter took possession
       (March 1) of the fort at Chitral, a structure about 80 yards
       square, walled partly with wood, and so placed in a valley
       that it was commanded from neighboring hills. In this weak
       fortification the little garrison held off a savage swarm of
       the surrounding tribes during 46 days of a siege that is as
       thrilling in the story of it as any found in recent history.
       The first reinforcements sent to Dr. Robertson, from near
       Gilgit, were disastrously beaten back, with the loss of the
       captain in command and 50 of his men. As speedily as possible,
       when the situation was known in India, an army of about 14,000
       men was made ready at Peshawur, under the command of
       Major-General Sir Robert Low, and relieving columns were
       pushed with great difficulty through the Malakand Pass, then
       filled deep with snow. A smaller force, of 600 men, under
       Colonel Kelly, fought its way from Gilgit, struggling through
       the snows of a pass 12,000 feet above the level of the sea.
       Colonel Kelly was the first to reach Chitral, which he did on
       the 20th of April. The besiegers had fled at his approach. The
       beleaguered garrison was found to have lost 40 killed and 70
       wounded, out of its fighting force of about 370 men. Sher
       Afzul was caught by the Khan of Dir, who led 2,000 of his
       followers to the help of the British. Umra Khan escaped to
       Kabul, where he was imprisoned by the Amir. Shuja-ul-Mulk, a
       younger brother of Amir-ul-Mulk was declared Mehtar. The
       question whether British authority should be maintained in
       Chitral or withdrawn was now sharply debated in England; but
       Lord Salisbury and his party, coming into power at that
       moment, decided that the advanced frontier of Indian Empire
       must be held. The young Mehtar was installed in the name of
       the Maharaja of Kashmir as his suzerain, and the terms under
       which his government should be carried on were announced at
       his installation (September 2, 1895) by the British Agent, as
       follows:

       "The general internal administration of the country will be
       left in the hands of the Mehtar and of his advisers. The
       Government of India do not intend to undertake themselves the
       management of the internal affairs of Chitral, their concern
       being with the foreign relations of the State, and with its
       general welfare. It, however, has to be remembered that
       Shuja-ul-Mulk is only a boy, and that, at an age when other
       boys are engaged in education and amusement, he has been
       called upon to hold the reins of State. Bearing this fact in
       mind, the Government of India recognise the necessity of his
       receiving some help during the time of his minority, and it
       has consequently been decided to leave at Chitral an
       experienced Political Officer upon whom the Mehtar may always
       call for advice and assistance, while it is proposed to
       appoint three persons, Raja Bahadur Khan, the Governor of
       Mastuj, Wazir Inayat Khan and Aksakal Fateh Ali Shah, to give
       him help, instruction and advice in the management of his
       State and in the laws and customs of the people. Ordinarily
       the entire country will be governed in accordance with their
       experience and judgment; but nevertheless the Assistant
       British Agent, if he thinks it necessary to do so, may, at any
       time, ask the Mehtar to delay action recommended by his three
       advisers, until the opinion of the British Agent at Gilgit has
       been obtained, whose decision shall be final and
       authoritative.

    {261}

       "The desirability of abolishing traffic in slaves is a matter
       to which the Government of India attach much importance, and
       that they have lately interested themselves with some success
       in procuring the release of Natives of Kashmir and her
       dependencies, including Chitralis, who are held in bondage in
       Chinese Turkistan. It is in accordance therefore with the
       general policy of the Government of India that in Chitral also
       all buying and selling of slaves, whether for disposal in the
       country or with the intention of sending them abroad, should
       be altogether prohibited. Any such selling of slaves is
       therefore from this time forward absolutely illegal."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications:
          Papers by Command, 1896 (C.-8037).

          Also in:
          C. Lowe,
          The Story of Chitral
          (Century magazine, volume 55, page 89).

    INDIA: A. D. 1895 (April).
       Report of the Opium Commission.

       "The long-deferred publication of the report of this
       commission was made in April, and the report was signed by
       eight out of nine members of the commission. The commissioners
       declared that it had not been shown to be necessary, or to be
       demanded by the people, that the growth of the poppy and the
       manufacture of opium in British India should be prohibited.
       Such a prohibition, if extended to the protected States, would
       be an unprecedented act of interference on the part of the
       paramount Power, and would be sure to be resisted by the
       chiefs and their people. The existing treaties with China in
       regard to the importation of Indian opium into that country
       had been admitted by the Chinese Government to contain all
       they desired. The evidence led the commissioners to the
       conclusion that the common use of opium in India is moderate,
       and its prohibition is strongly opposed by the great mass of
       native opinion."

          Annual Register, 1895,
          pages 337-338.

    INDIA: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Famine in northwestern and central provinces.

       A failure of rains, especially in northwestern and central
       India, produced the inevitable consequence of famine, lasting
       with awful severity from the spring of 1896 until the autumn
       of 1897. In December of the former year there were 561,800
       persons employed on relief works which the Indian government
       organized. In the following March the number had risen to more
       than three millions, and in June it exceeded four millions.
       Rain fell in July, and August, and the distress began soon
       afterwards to grow less. In addition to the heavy expenditures
       of the government, the charitable contributions for the relief
       of sufferers from this famine were officially reported to have
       amounted to 1,750,000 pounds sterling ($8,750,000).

    INDIA: A. D. 1896-1900.
       The Bubonic Plague.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    INDIA: A. D. 1897.
       Change in the government of Burmah.

          See (in this volume)
          BURMAH: A. D. 1897.

    INDIA: A. D. 1897.
       Rejection of American proposals for a
       reopening of mints to silver.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Frontier wars.

       From the early summer of 1897 until beyond the close of the
       year, the British were once more seriously in conflict with
       the warlike tribes of the Afghan frontier. The risings of the
       latter were begun in the Tochi Valley, on the 10th of June,
       when a sudden, treacherous attack was made by Waziri tribesmen
       on the escort of Mr. Gee, the political agent, at the village
       of Maizar. A number of officers and men were killed and
       wounded, and the whole party would have been destroyed if
       timely reinforcements had not reached them. Over 7,000 troops
       were subsequently employed in the suppression and punishment
       of this revolt. The next outbreak, in the Swat Valley, was
       more extensive. It was ascribed to the preaching of a
       fanatical Mohammedan priest, known as "the mud mullah," who
       labored to excite a religious war, and was opened, July 26, by
       a night attack on the British positions at Malakand and
       Chakdarra. The latter outpost, guarding the bridge over the
       Swat river, on the road to Chitral, was held by a small
       garrison of less than 300 men, who were beleaguered for a
       considerable time before relief came. According to an official
       return of "wars and military operations on or beyond the
       borders of British India in which the Government of India has
       been engaged," made to Parliament on the 30th of January,
       1900, there were 11,826 troops employed in the operations
       immediately consequent on this rising, with the result that
       "the insurgents were defeated and the fanatical gatherings
       were dispersed; large fines were taken in money and arms." But
       other neighboring tribes either gave help to the Swats or were
       moved to follow their example, and required to be subdued,
       their countries traversed by punitive expeditions and "fines
       of money and arms" collected. Before the year closed, these
       tasks employed 6,800 men in the Mohmand country, 3,200 in the
       Utman Khel country, 7,300 in the Buner country, 14,231 in the
       Kurram Valley; and then came the most serious business of all.
       The Afridis, who had been subsidized by the government of
       India for some years, as guardians of the important Khyber
       Pass, were suddenly in arms against their paymasters, in
       August, destroying the Khyber posts. This serious hostility
       called nearly 44,000 British-Indian troops into the field,
       under General Sir William Lockhart, whose successful campaign
       was not finished until the following spring. The most serious
       engagement of the war with the Afridis was fought at the
       village of Dargai, October 18. The final results of the
       campaign are thus summarized in the return mentioned above:
       "British troops traversed the country of the tribes,
       inflicting severe loss on the tribesmen, who were ultimately
       reduced to submission: they paid large fines in money and
       arms, and friendly relations have since been restored."

          Great Britain,
          House of Commons Reports and Papers, 1900, 13.

    INDIA: A. D. 1898.
       Discovery of the birthplace and the tomb of Gautama Buddha.

          See (in this volume)
          BUDDHA.

    INDIA: A. D. 1898 (September).
       Appointment of Lord Curzon to the Viceroyalty.

       In September, 1898, the Right Hon. George N. Curzon, lately
       Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, was appointed
       Viceroy and Governor-General of India, to succeed the Earl of
       Elgin. In the following month, Mr. Curzon was raised to the
       peerage, as Baron Curzon of Kedleston.

    INDIA: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Famine again.

       There was a recurrence of drought and famine in 1899, far more
       extensive than that of 1896-1897; producing more death and
       suffering, and calling out more strenuous exertions for its
       relief. The regions afflicted were largely the same as two
       years before, embracing much of northwestern and central
       India. The relief measures which it demanded were carried far
       into the summer of 1900. In October of the latter year Lord
       Curzon, the Viceroy, addressing the Legislative Council at
       Simla, and reviewing the experience through which the
       government and the country had passed, made some important
       statements of fact:

    {262}

       "In a greater or less degree," he said, "nearly one-fourth of
       the entire population of the Indian continent came within the
       range of the relief operations. The loss occasioned may be
       roughly put in this way. The annual agricultural production of
       India and Burma averages in value between 300 and 400 crores
       of rupees [the crore being ten millions, and the rupee
       equivalent to about one-third of a dollar]. On a very cautious
       estimate the production of 1899-1900 must have been at least
       one-quarter, if not one-third, below the average, or at normal
       prices 75 crores, or £50,000,000 sterling. If to this be added
       the value of some millions of cattle, some conception may be
       formed of the destruction of property which great drought
       occasions. There have been many great droughts in India, but
       no other of which such figures could be predicated as these. …

       "If a special characteristic can be attributed to our campaign
       of famine relief in the past year, it has been its
       unprecedented liberality. There is no parallel in the history
       of India or any country of the world to the total of over
       6,000,000 persons who, in British India and the native States
       for weeks on end, have been dependent upon the charity of the
       Government. The famine cost ten crores in direct expenditure,
       while 238 lakhs were given to landholders and cultivators on
       loans and advances, besides loans to native States. … There
       has never been a famine when the general mortality has been
       less, when the distress has been more amply or swiftly
       relieved, or when the Government and its officers have given
       themselves with more whole-hearted devotion to the saving of
       life and the service of the people. It is impossible to tell
       the actual mortality, but there has apparently been an excess
       of mortality over the normal of 750,000. Cholera and smallpox
       have accounted for 230,000, which is probably below the mark,
       so that the excess in British India has equalled 500,000
       during the year. To say that the greater part of these died of
       starvation or even of destitution would be an unjustifiable
       exaggeration, since many other contributory causes have been
       at work."

       Referring to the charitable help received from various parts
       of the world, Lord Curzon said: "In 1896-1897 the total
       collections amounted to 170 lakhs [the lakh being 100,000
       rupees] of which 10 lakhs remained over at the beginning of
       the recent famine. In the present year the Central Relief
       Committee has received a sum of close upon 140 lakhs, not far
       short of £1,000,000 sterling. To analyze the subscriptions:
       India has contributed about the same amount to the fund as in
       1896-1897—namely, 32 lakhs. If the contributions from the
       European community are deducted, India may be considered to
       have contributed less than one-fifth of the total collections
       of 140 lakhs. More might have been expected from the native
       community as a whole, notwithstanding individual examples of
       remarkable generosity. The little colony of the Straits
       Settlements, which has no connexion with India beyond that of
       sentiment, has given more than the whole Punjab. A careful
       observation of the figures and proceedings in each province
       compels me to say that native India has not yet reached as
       high a standard of practical philanthropy and charity as might
       reasonably be expected. … The collections from abroad amounted
       to 108 lakhs, as against 137 in 1896-1897. The United
       Kingdom's contribution of 88½ lakhs compared indifferently
       with its contribution of 123 lakhs in 1896-1897, but in the
       circumstances of the year it is a noble gift. Glasgow has been
       especially generous with a donation of 8¼ lakhs and Liverpool
       with 4½, in addition to nearly 16 lakhs from the rest of
       Lancashire. Australasia has given nearly 8 lakhs in place of 2
       lakhs. The Straits Settlements, Ceylon, and Hong-Kong have
       also been extremely generous. Even the Chinese native
       officials have collected handsome sums. The liberal donation
       of Germany at the instigation of the Emperor has already been
       publicly acknowledged. The United States, both through direct
       contributions to the fund and by means of
       privately-distributed gifts of money and grain, have once more
       shown their vivid sympathy with England's mission and India's
       need."

    INDIA: A. D. 1901.
       Census of the Empire.
       Decrease of population in several of the Native States.

       The Indian census, begun on the 1st of March, 1901, was
       completed for the entire empire in fourteen days, the result
       being announced on the 15th. It showed a total population in
       British territory of 231,085,000, against 221,266,000 in 1891;
       in Native States 63,181,000, against 66,050,000 in 1891; total
       for all India, 294,266,000, against 287,317,000 in 1891. The
       Native States, it will be seen, have declined in population to
       the extent of nearly 3,000,000, showing greater severity in
       those states of the effects of famine and disease. In several
       provinces, however, of the British territory, a decrease of
       population appears: Berar declining from 2,897,000 in 1891 to
       1,491,000 in 1901; Bombay (British Presidency) from 15,957,000
       to 15,330,000; Central Provinces from 10,784,000 to 9,845,000;
       Aden from 44,000 to 41,000; Coorg from 173,000 to 170,000. Of
       the Native States the greatest loss of population was suffered
       in Rajputana, which sank from 12,016,000 to 9,841,000; in
       Central India, where the numbers fell from 10,318,000 to
       8,501,000; and in the Bombay States, which were reduced in
       population from 8,059,000 to 6,891,000. The provinces in
       British India which show the greatest percentage of gain are
       Upper and Lower Burma, Assam and Sind. The present population
       of the greater British provinces is as follows: Bengal,
       74,713,000; Madras, 38,208,000; Northwest provinces,
       34,812,000; Punjab, 22,449,000.

    INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Continued famine.

       On the 24th of January, 1901, the Viceroy of India reported to
       the British Government, by telegram, that the winter rainfall
       had been unusually good in Upper India, Rajputana, Central
       Provinces, and Central India, and agricultural prospects were
       very favorable: but that in Gujarat, Deccan, and the Karnatik
       districts of Bombay, through the early cessation of the
       monsoon in September and the absence of rain, the crop
       prospects were bad and serious distress was expected between
       then and August. Relief measures would be required. The
       affected district included Baroda and part of Haidarabad. On
       the 14th of February the Viceroy reported further that the
       number on the relief works and gratuitous relief showed little
       increase, but greater pressure was expected in the affected
       area after the reaping of the scanty harvests there.
    {263}
       In Upper
       and Central India some damage by storm and damp had been done
       to crops which promised to be very good. The number of persons
       then in receipt of relief was:

       Bombay,               176,000;
       Bombay Native States,  17,000;
       Baroda,                15,000;
       Haidarabad,             2,000;
       Madras,                 3,000;
       Central India States,   1,000.
       Total,                214,000.

    INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Creation of a new administrative province on the
       northwestern frontier.

       A despatch from Calcutta, February 13, announced the
       determination of the government of India to create "a new
       frontier agency or province, formed out of the four
       trans-Indus districts of the Punjab, under an Agent to the
       Governor-General of similar status to the Agent in
       Baluchistan, with revenue and judicial commissioners, all the
       officers being under the Supreme Government and enrolled in
       the Political Department. The districts which form the new
       province will be Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail Khan,
       with the tribal country beyond their limits, and also the
       existing political agencies of Dir, Swat, Chitral, the
       Khaibar, the Kuram, Tochi, and Wana. The scheme takes as
       little as possible away from the Punjab, while making a
       compact charge, easily controllable by one officer."

    INDIA: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Message of King Edward VII. to the princes and people.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    INDIANAPOLIS CONVENTION, and Monetary Commission, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

    INDIANS, The American: A. D. 1893-1899.
       Negotiations and agreements with the Five Civilized Tribes.
       Work of the Dawes Commission.

       In his annual Message to the Congress of the United States,
       December 7, 1896, President Cleveland made the following
       reference to the work of a commission created in 1893, for
       negotiating with what are known as the Five Civilized Tribes
       of Indians: "The condition of affairs among the Five Civilized
       Tribes, who occupy large tracts of land in the Indian
       Territory and who have governments of their own, has assumed
       such an aspect as to render it almost indispensable that there
       should be an entire change in the relations of these Indians
       to the General Government. This seems to be necessary in
       furtherance of their own interests, as well as for the
       protection of non-Indian residents in their territory. A
       commission organized and empowered under several recent laws
       is now negotiating with these Indians for the relinquishment
       of their courts and the division of their common lands in
       severalty, and are aiding in the settlement of the troublesome
       question of tribal membership. The reception of their first
       proffers of negotiation was not encouraging, but through
       patience and such conduct on their part as demonstrated that
       their intentions were friendly and in the interest of the
       tribes the prospect of success has become more promising. The
       effort should be to save these Indians from the consequences
       of their own mistakes and improvidence and to secure to the
       real Indian his rights as against intruders and professed
       friends who profit by his retrogression. A change is also
       needed to protect life and property through the operation of
       courts conducted according to strict justice and strong enough
       to enforce their mandates. As a sincere friend of the Indian,
       I am exceedingly anxious that these reforms should be
       accomplished with the consent and aid of the tribes and that
       no necessity may be presented for radical or drastic
       legislation."

          United States,
          Message and Documents
          (Abridgment, 1896-1897).

       The Act of March 3, 1893, by which the commission was created,
       set forth its character, its duties and its powers, as
       follows: "The President shall nominate and, by and with the
       advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint three
       commissioners to enter into negotiations with the Cherokee
       Nation, the Choctaw Nation, the Chickasaw Nation, the Muscogee
       (or Creek) Nation, the Seminole Nation, for the purpose of
       extinguishment of the national or tribal title to any lands
       within that territory now held by any and all of such nations
       or tribes, either by cession of the same or some part thereof
       to the United States, or by the allotment and division of the
       same in severalty among the Indians of such nations or tribes,
       respectively, as may be entitled to the same, or by such other
       method as may be agreed upon between the several nations and
       tribes aforesaid, or each of them, with the United States,
       with a view to such an adjustment, upon the basis of justice
       and equity, as may, with the consent of such nations or tribes
       of Indians, so far as may be necessary, be requisite and
       suitable to enable the ultimate creation of a State or States
       of the Union which shall embrace the lands within said Indian
       Territory. …

       "Such commissioners shall, under such regulations and
       directions as shall be prescribed by the President, through
       the Secretary of the Interior, enter upon negotiation with the
       several nations of Indians as aforesaid in the Indian
       Territory, and shall endeavor to procure, first, such
       allotment of lands in severalty to the Indians belonging to
       each such nation, tribe, or band, respectively, as may be
       agreed upon as just and proper to provide for each such Indian
       a sufficient quantity of land for his or her needs, in such
       equal distribution and apportionment as may be found just and
       suited to the circumstances; for which purpose, after the
       terms of such an agreement shall have been arrived at, the
       said commissioners shall cause the land of any such nation, or
       tribe, or band to be surveyed and the proper allotment to be
       designated; and, secondly, to procure the cession, for such
       price and upon such terms as shall be agreed upon, of any
       lands not found necessary to be so allotted or divided, to the
       United States; and to make proper agreements for the
       investment or holding by the United States of such moneys as
       may be paid or agreed to be paid to such nation, or tribes, or
       bands, or to any of the Indians thereof, for the extinguishment
       of their [title?] therein. But said commissioners shall,
       however, have power to negotiate any and all such agreements
       as, in view of all the circumstances affecting the subject,
       shall be found requisite and suitable to such an arrangement
       of the rights and interests and affairs of such nations,
       tribes, bands, or Indians, or any of them, to enable the
       ultimate creation of a Territory of the United States with a
       view to the admission of the same as a State in the Union."

    {264}

       A subsequent Act, of March 2, 1895, authorized the appointment
       of two additional members of the commission; and an Act of
       June 10, 1896, provided that "said commission is further
       authorized and directed to proceed at once to hear and
       determine the application of all persons who may apply to them
       for citizenship in any of said nations, and after said hearing
       they shall determine the right of said applicant to be so
       admitted and enrolled. … That the said commission … shall
       cause a complete roll of citizenship of each of said nations
       to be made up from their records, and add thereto the names of
       citizens whose right may be conferred under this act, and said
       rolls shall be, and are hereby, made rolls of citizenship of
       said nations or tribes, subject, however, to the determination
       of the United States courts, as provided herein."

       A further Act of Congress, known as the Curtis Act, June 28,
       1898, ratified, with some amendments, an agreement made by the
       commission with the Choctaws and Chickasaws, in April. 1897,
       and with the Creeks in September of that year, to become
       effective if ratified by a majority of the voters of those
       tribes at an election held prior to December 1, 1898. In the
       annual report, for 1899, made by the commission (of which the
       Honorable Henry L. Dawes, of Massachusetts, is chairman, and
       which is often referred to as "the Dawes Commission,") the
       following account of results is given: "A special election was
       called by the executives of the Choctaw and Chickasaw nations
       to be held August 24, and the votes cast were counted in the
       presence of the Commission to the Five Civilized Tribes at
       Atoka, August 30, resulting in the ratification of the
       agreement by a majority of seven hundred ninety-eight votes.
       Proclamation thereof was duly made, and the 'Atoka agreement,'
       so called, is therefore now in full force and effect in the
       Choctaw and Chickasaw nations. Chief Isparhecher of the Creeks
       was slow to call an election, and it was not until November 1,
       1898, that the agreement with that tribe was submitted in its
       amended form for ratification. While no active interest was
       manifested, the full-bloods and many of the freedmen were
       opposed to the agreement and it failed of ratification by
       about one hundred and fifty votes. …

       "The Cherokees now began to realize the sensations of 'a man
       without a country,' and again created a commission at a
       general session of the national council in November, 1898,
       clothed with authority to negotiate an agreement with the
       United States. The earlier efforts of this commission to
       conclude an agreement with that tribe were futile, owing to
       the disinclination of the Cherokee commissioners to accede to
       such propositions as the Government had to offer. The
       commission now created was limited in its power to negotiate
       to a period of thirty days. The United States Commission had
       advertised appointments in Mississippi extending from December
       19, 1898, to January 7, 1899, for the purpose of identifying
       the Mississippi Choctaws, a duty imposed upon the commission
       by the act of June 28, 1898, but on receiving a communication
       from the chairman of the Cherokee Commission requesting a
       conference it was deemed desirable to postpone the
       appointments in Mississippi and meet the Cherokee Commission,
       which it did on December 19, 1898, continuing negotiations
       until January 14, 1899, producing the agreement which is
       appended hereto. In the meantime the Creeks had, by act of
       council, created another commission with authority to
       negotiate an agreement with the United States, and a
       conference was accorded it immediately upon conclusion of the
       negotiations with the Cherokees, continuing to February 1,
       1899, when an agreement was concluded. The agreement with the
       Cherokees was ratified by the tribe at a special election held
       January 31, 1899, by a majority of two thousand one hundred six
       votes, and that with the Creeks on February 18, 1899, by a
       majority of four hundred eighty-five.

       "While these agreements do not in all respects embody those
       features which the commission desired, they were the best
       obtainable, and the result of most serious, patient, and
       earnest consideration, covering many days of arduous labor.
       The commissions were many times on the point of suspending
       negotiations, there having arisen propositions upon the part
       of one of the commissions which the other was unwilling to
       accept. Particularly were the tribal commissioners determined
       to fix a maximum and minimum value for the appraisement of
       lands, while this commission was equally vigorous in its views
       that the lands should be appraised at their actual value,
       excluding improvements, without limitations in order that an
       equal division might be made. The propositions finally agreed
       upon were the result of a compromise, without which no
       agreement could have been reached. The desirability, if not
       the absolute necessity, of securing a uniform land tenure
       among the Five Tribes leads the commission to recommend that
       these agreements, with such modifications and amendments as
       may be deemed wise and proper, be ratified by Congress. …

       "The Choctaw and Chickasaw governments, in a limited way, are
       continued, by agreement, to March 4, 1906, and certain of
       their laws are therefore effective within the territory of
       those tribes. A similar condition exists as to the Seminoles,
       with which an agreement was concluded at the close of the year
       1897. To supply needed laws to replace various tribal statutes
       which had by Congress been made inoperative, the laws of
       Arkansas pertaining to certain matters have been extended over
       Indian Territory. The Federal laws have been made to apply to
       still other subjects, and officials under the Interior
       Department are charged with the enforcement of rules and
       regulations governing still further matters, and so on. So
       complicated and complex a state of affairs does this system of
       jurisprudence present that the people are dazed and often
       unable to determine what is law and who is authorized to
       enforce it. Indeed, none other than an able lawyer can
       reasonably hope to understand the situation, and even he must
       be content to look upon certain phases of it as not being
       susceptible of solution.

       "Conditions are not yet ripe for the immediate installation of
       a Territorial or State government. 'Tis a consummation
       devoutly to be wished,' but wholly impracticable at this time
       for various reasons, not the least of which is found in the
       fact that there are four non-citizens in Indian Territory to
       every citizen. The non-citizen does not own a foot of soil,
       save as provisions have recently been made for the segregation
       and sale of town sites, and with a voice in legislation, the
       non-citizen would soon legislate the Indian into a state of
       innocuous desuetude. On the other hand, it would be manifestly
       unjust and at ill-accord with the spirit of our institutions
       to deny the right of franchise to so great a number of people,
       in all respects otherwise entitled to enjoy that prerogative.
    {265}
       Another very serious obstacle to the establishment of a
       territorial form of government is the lack of uniform land
       tenures. The commission indulges in the hope and belief that
       at no great distant date some method may be devised whereby
       the lands of all the Five Tribes may be subjected to a uniform
       tenure. It will be seen that the legislative feature of the
       popular form of government is not possible at this time, and
       while legislation by Congress for all the petty needs of the
       Territory is impracticable in the highest degree, the more
       urgent requirements of the people must be met by this means
       for the present. The judicial branch is well represented by
       the United States courts. …

       "The commission, in conclusion, most earnestly urges the
       importance of adequate appropriations for pushing to an early
       completion the work contemplated by the various laws and
       agreements under which a transformation is to be wrought in
       Indian Territory. The all-important and most urgent duty now
       devolving upon the Government of the United States incident to
       the translation of conditions among the Five Tribes is the
       allotment of lands in severalty, and the most pressing and
       essential preliminary steps toward that end are the completion
       of citizenship rolls, the appraisement of lands, and the
       subdivision of sections into forty-acre tracts, all of which
       have been already discussed in detail in this report. The
       commission believes that the enrollment of citizens is
       progressing as rapidly as the nature of the work will permit,
       and unless some unforeseen obstacle arises to prevent, the
       rolls in four of the nations will be completed and delivered
       to the Secretary during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1900,
       and very material progress made in the fifth."

          Sixth Annual Report of the Commission
          to the Five Civilized Tribes, 1899,
          page 66-67, and 9-29.

    INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.
       Outbreak in northern Minnesota.

       An alarming outbreak of hostility on the part of some of the
       Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in northern Minnesota
       occurred in October, 1898, provoked, as was afterwards shown,
       by gross frauds and abuses on the part of certain of the
       officials with whom they had to deal. They had been shamefully
       defrauded in the sale of their timber lands, which the
       government assumed to undertake for their benefit; but the
       immediate Cause of trouble appeared to be a scandalous
       practice on the part of deputy marshals, who made arrests
       among them for trivial reasons, conveyed prisoners and
       witnesses to the federal court at St. Paul, in order to obtain
       fees and mileage, and left them to make their way home again
       as they could. The outbreak began on the arrest of a chief of
       the Pillager band of Chippewas, on Bear Island. He was to be
       taken to St. Paul as a witness in a case of alleged
       whiskey-selling; but his followers rescued him. The marshal,
       thereupon, called for military aid, and a company of United
       States infantry was sent to the Reservation. They were
       ambuscaded by the Indians and suffered a loss of 5 killed and
       16 wounded. The Pillager band was joined by Indians from
       neighboring tribes, and all in the region were dangerously
       excited by the event, while the whites were in great dread of
       a general Indian war. But reinforcements of troops were
       promptly sent to the scene, and peace was soon
       restored,—measures being taken to remedy the wrongs of which
       the Indians complained.

    INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.
       The recent Indian policy of the government, and its results.
       Indian schools and education.
       Present Indian population.

       "This, then, is the present Indian policy of the nation,—to
       fit the Indian for civilization and to absorb him into it. It
       is a national work. It is less than twenty-five years since
       the government turned from the policy of keeping him on
       reservations, as quiet as possible, out of the way of
       civilization, waiting, with no excess of patience, for the
       race to fade out of existence and to cease from troubling. It
       was in 1877 that the nation made the first appropriation from
       its own treasury to fit for its own citizenship this portion
       of the human race living under its own flag and constitution,
       but without legal status or constitutional immunities. … The
       first appropriation was a mere pittance of $20,000; it was
       given only after a hard struggle. But the first step met with
       encouragement, and the next year the sum was increased to
       $30,000, and then to $60,000, and in two years more it became
       $125,000. The policy has at last so grown in public confidence
       that, while there is still much discussion of the best methods
       of expenditure, not a word is heard among the lawgivers for
       its abandonment. It has in the meantime so broadened in its
       scope that the appropriations for this work have increased
       from year to year, till this year (1899) it has risen to
       $2,638,390. … There are now 148 well-equipped boarding schools
       and 295 day schools, engaged in the education of 24,004
       children, with an average attendance of 19,671. How near this
       comes to including the whole number of children of school age,
       in a total population of a quarter of a million of Indians,
       every inquirer can form a pretty close estimate for himself.
       No one will deny that, at this rate of progress, the
       facilities for the education of Indian children will soon
       reach, if they have not already reached, those enjoyed by
       their white neighbors in the remote regions of the West. The
       results thus far are of a most encouraging character.

       "But the work does not stop with the rising generation of the
       race; it embraces also the adult Indian. … Soon after the
       beginning of appropriations for Indian schools, Congress, in
       what is called the Severalty Act, provided for every Indian
       capable of appreciating its value, and who chose to take it, a
       homestead of one hundred and sixty acres to heads of families,
       and a smaller number to other members, inalienable and
       untaxable for twenty-five years, to be selected by him on the
       reservation of his tribe. If he prefer to abandon his tribe
       and go elsewhere, he may take his allotment anywhere on the
       public domain, free of charge. No English baron has a safer
       title to his manor than has each Indian to his homestead. He
       cannot part with it for twenty-five years without the consent
       of Congress, nor can the United States, without his consent,
       be released from a covenant to defend his possession for the
       same period. This allotment carries with it also all the
       rights, privileges, and immunities of an American citizen;
       opens to these Indians, as to all other citizens, the doors of
       all the courts; and extends to them the protection of all the
       laws, national and state, which affect any other citizen. Any
       Indian, if he prefers not to be a farmer, incumbered with one
       of these homesteads, may become a citizen of the United
       States, and reside and prosecute any calling in any part of
       the United States, as securely under this law as anyone else,
       by taking up his residence separate and apart from his tribe,
       and adopting the habits of civilized life. Thus every door of
       opportunity is thrown wide open to every adult Indian, as well
       as to those of the next generation.

    {266}

       "This recognition of the home and family as a force in Indian
       civilization became a part of the present policy of dealing
       with the race only twelve years ago. These are some of its
       results: 55,467 individual Indians, including a few under
       former treaty stipulations, have taken their allotments,
       making an aggregate of 6,708,628 acres. Of these, 30,000 now
       hold complete patents to their homes, and the rest are
       awaiting the perfection and delivery of their title deeds. …
       Not alone in these statistics are manifest the evidences of
       permanent advance of the race toward the goal of orderly,
       self-supporting citizenship. Bloody Indian wars have ceased.
       The slaughter of warring clans and the scalping of women and
       children fleeing from burning wigwams are no longer recorded.
       Geronimo himself has become a teacher of peace. The recent
       unfortunate difficulty with the Chippewas in Minnesota, caused
       more by lack of white than of red civilization, is no
       exception. We are at peace with the Indian all along the
       border, and the line between the Indian and the white
       settlements is fast fading out."

          H. L. Dawes, Have we failed with the Indian?
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1899).

       "Indian education is accomplished through the means of
       nonreservation boarding schools, reservation boarding schools,
       and reservation and independent day schools, all under
       complete Government control, State and Territorial public
       schools, contract day and boarding schools, and mission day
       and boarding schools. The Indian school system aims to provide
       a training which will prepare the Indian boy or girl for the
       every day life of the average American citizen. It does not
       contemplate, as some have supposed on a superficial
       examination, an elaborate preparation for a collegiate course
       through an extended high-school curriculum. The course of
       instruction in these schools is limited to that usually taught
       in the common schools of the country. Shoe and harness making,
       tailoring, blacksmithing, masonry work, plastering, brick
       making and laying, etc., are taught at the larger
       nonreservation schools, not, it is true, with the
       elaborateness of special training as at the great polytechnic
       institutions of the country, but on a scale suited to the
       ability and future environment of the Indian. There are
       special cases, however, where Indian boys are, and have been,
       trained so thoroughly that their work compares favorably with
       that of the white mechanic. … Phoenix, Haskell, Albuquerque,
       and other institutions, have well-organized schools of
       domestic science, where the girls are practically taught the
       art of preparing a wholesome meal, such as appears on the
       tables of persons of moderate means. …

       "Nonreservation schools … are as a rule the largest
       institutions devoted to Indian education. As indicated by
       their designation, they are situated off the reservations and
       usually near cities or populous districts, where the object
       lessons of white civilization are constantly presented to the
       pupils. They are recruited principally from the day and
       boarding schools on the reservations. The majority are
       supported by special appropriations made by Congress, and are
       adapted to the teaching of trades, etc., in a more extended
       degree than are schools on the reservations. The largest of
       these schools is situated at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, where
       there are accommodations for 1,000 pupils; the next largest is
       at Phoenix, Arizona, with a capacity for 700; the third, at
       Lawrence, Kansas, and known as Haskell Institute,
       accommodating 600 pupils. These three large schools are types
       of their class, and are not restricted in territory as to
       collection of pupils. Chemawa school, near Salem, Oregon, and
       Chilocco school, near Arkansas City, Oklahoma, are types of
       the medium-sized schools, and each has a capacity of 400
       pupils. The remainder of the schools are of less capacity and
       have not been developed so highly. There are altogether 25 of
       these schools. …

       "There are 81 boarding schools located on the different
       reservations, an increase of 11 over last year. At these
       institutions the same general line of policy is pursued as at
       the nonreservation schools. Frequently located far from the
       centers of civilization, conditions are different, and their
       conduct must be varied to suit their own special environment.
       Many were formerly mission schools and army posts, unsuited to
       Indian school purposes, but by constant modification are being
       brought into general harmony with the system. … Government day
       schools are small schools with capacity for 30 or 40 pupils
       each. As a rule they are located at remote points on the
       reservations, and are conducted by a teacher and a
       housekeeper. A small garden, some stock, and tools are
       furnished, and the rudiments of industrial education are given
       the boys; and the girls are taught the use of the needle in
       mending and sewing, and of the washtub in cleanliness. … There
       were 147 day schools in operation during the year, an increase
       of 5 over last year."

       The number of government schools reported for the year 1900
       was 253, total enrollment, 22,124, average attendance, 17,860;
       contract schools, 32, with an enrollment of 2,806, average
       attendance, 2,451; public and mission schools, 22, with an
       enrollment of 1,521, and an average attendance of 1,257; the
       aggregate being 307 schools, with an enrollment of 26,451, and
       an average attendance of 21,568. "Statistics of the schools
       for the New York Indians are not included in the above, for
       the reason that as they are cared for by the State of New York
       this office has no jurisdiction over them. … The Indian
       population of the United States under the control of the
       Indian Office (excluding the Five Civilized Tribes) was
       187,312 in 1899, which would give a scholastic population of
       between 45,000 and 47,000. Deduct 30 per cent for the sick and
       otherwise disabled, and those in white schools or away from
       the direct control of the office, and it would leave about
       34,000 children for whom educational facilities should be
       provided. There are now 26,000 of them in school, leaving
       about 8,000 unprovided for."

          Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
          1900, pages 15-23.

    {267}

       "Taking the concurrent facts of history and experience into
       consideration, it can, with a great degree of confidence, be
       stated that the Indian population of the United States has
       been very little diminished from the days of Columbus,
       Coronado, Raleigh, Captain John Smith, and other early
       explorers." The number of Indians in the United States in the
       year 1900, according to the report of the Indian Office, was
       272,023. This excludes "the Indians of Alaska, but includes
       the New York Indians (5,334) and the Five Civilized Tribes in
       Indian Territory (84,750)—a total population of 90,084. These
       Indians are often separated from the others in statistics
       because they have separate school and governmental systems."

          Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
          1900, pages 47-49.

    INDONESIAN RACE.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    INDUSTRIAL ARBITRATION.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900; and
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    INDUSTRIAL COMBINATIONS.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS; UNITED STATES.

    INDUSTRIAL COMMISSION, The United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Strike of glassworkers in France.

       A great strike of French glass workers, beginning in the
       summer of 1895, ended the following January in a lockout of
       the men, leaving thousands without means of subsistence.

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
       The great dispute in the British engineering trades.

       "The strike originated in an effort on the part of some of the
       men employed in London to introduce the eight-hour day. As a
       consequence of this movement, the Employers' Federation voted,
       on July 1st, that in case the threatened movement in favor of
       eight hours should be carried out 'notices will immediately be
       given by the members of the associations affiliated to the
       federation that a reduction of hands of 25 per cent. will take
       place of the members of such unions in their employment.' This
       challenge of the employers was quickly taken up by the
       Unionists. The Amalgamated Society at once gave instructions
       that in all cases in which notices of lockout were issued to
       25 per cent. of their members, the remaining 75 per cent.
       should hand in notices to cease work at the same time. The
       result was the inauguration of a dispute, which took in part
       the form of a lockout, in part that of a strike, but which
       from the beginning was carried on with an ominous display of
       bitterness and obstinacy on both sides. The membership of the
       different societies concerned in the dispute was estimated, by
       the Labor Gazette in July, at over 109,000. All of these were
       not, of course, actually on strike. … It seems as if the
       employers had been quite ready to enter into this contest with
       the view of crushing the union, or at least of teaching it a
       lesson; but the result is a very widespread industrial
       conflict, which is producing results far beyond those
       immediately concerned."

          Yale Review
          (November, 1897).

       "The number of work people directly affected by the dispute
       was about 25,000 at the outset, but as the area of the dispute
       widened the number of firms and of workmen involved gradually
       increased, until the lock-out involved 702 firms and 35,000
       workmen directly and 12,500 indirectly. … Though the immediate
       cause of the general dispute was the demand for an eight
       hours' day in London, the real questions at issue between the
       parties had become of a much more far-reaching kind, and now
       involved the questions of workshop control and the limits of
       trade union interference. During October and November
       negotiations under the Conciliation Act took place between the
       Board of Trade and the representatives of the parties with a
       view to arrange a conference between them. As a result of the
       correspondence both sides assented to the following basis for
       a conference suggested by the Board of Trade:

       1. The Federated Employers, while disavowing any intention of
       interfering with the legitimate action of trade unions, will
       admit no interference with the management of their business.
       The Trade Unions on their part, while maintaining their right
       of combination, disavow any intention of interfering with the
       management of the business of the employers.

       2. The notices demanding a 48 hours' week served on the
       Federated Employers in London without previous request for a
       conference are withdrawn.

       3. A conference between representatives of the Federated
       Employers and the Trade Unions concerned in the dispute shall
       be held forthwith. …

       Pending the conference the employers agreed to suspend all
       pending lockout notices, and the Unions not to interfere in
       any way with men in employment. …

       "The sittings were held on November 24th and two following
       days, and again on November 30th and three following days,
       after which an adjournment took place until December 14th in
       order to allow the men to vote as to the acceptance or
       otherwise of the proposals made by the employers. … When the
       Conference resumed its sittings on December 14th the result of
       the ballot of the men was declared to be:—For the terms, 752;
       against, 68,966. Discussion of the proposals was, however,
       resumed and continued over four days by a sub-committee of
       three representatives on each side, who consulted with their
       colleagues when necessary. The terms were somewhat amended. …
       On submitting these amended conditions to the vote of the men
       1,041 voted in favour of their acceptance and 54,933 against.
       The truce which had been arranged over the period of
       negotiations was brought to an end by this vote, and fresh
       notices of lock-out were given in various centres, which
       considerably increased the numbers affected. …

       "On January 13th, however, an important change was made in the
       position of the men. The London Joint Committee, the body
       which took the first actual step in the dispute by ordering
       strike notices to be given in certain London shops, passed the
       following resolution:—That we intimate to the Employers'
       Federation that the demand for an eight hours' day, or
       forty-eight hours' week be withdrawn. That before such
       intimation is given the above resolution to be sent to the
       Executive Councils of the Societies represented on the Joint
       Committee for their approval or otherwise. … This resolution
       received the approval of the trade unions concerned, and the
       withdrawal of the demand for a 48 hours' week was intimated to
       the Employers' Federation, which, however, still insisted on
       the acceptance by the unions of the 'conditions of management
       mutually adjusted at the recent Westminster Conference' as a
       condition of returning to work. The men asked that the
       employers' notes and explanations should be read as part of
       the proposed agreement, and eventually, after renewed
       negotiations between the parties, a provisional agreement was
       arrived at and submitted to the votes of the men, who ratified
       it by 28,588 to 13,727. The final agreement was signed in
       London on January 28th, and work was resumed in the following
       week. …

    {268}

       "Naturally, after so long a stoppage the resumption of work by
       the men was a gradual process, but the number unemployed owing
       to the dispute, including those indirectly affected, sank from
       44,500 at the close of the lock-out to 7,500 at the end of
       February, 2,000 at the end of April, 1,500 at the end of May,
       and 1,000 at the end of June. … Some idea of the indirect
       effects of the stoppage on trades related to those engaged in
       the struggle may be formed from the fact that the percentage
       of unemployed members in trade unions of the ship-building
       group rose from 4.4 per cent. in July, to 14.1 per cent. in
       December."

          Great Britain, Board of Trade (Labour Department),
          Report on the Strikes and Lock-outs of 1897.

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1897.
       Great coal miners' strike in the United States.

       A general strike of the coal miners in the various districts
       of the United States began in July, 1897. The territory
       covered five states and involved about 157,000 men. The
       strikers asked for an advance in wages on the ground that it
       was their right to share in the increase of business
       prosperity and advanced prices. A grievance for which redress
       was asked was that of being obliged to buy at the company
       stores, paying in company's orders, to be deducted from their
       wages. The principal grievance was the 54-cent rate, paid by
       Mr. W. P. De Armitt of the New York and Cleveland Gas Coal
       Company. The men employed by Mr. De Armitt had signed a
       contract to accept a rate 10 cents below that of other
       operators, in return for which he had abolished company
       stores, gave steady employment, and paid promptly in cash. His
       men were satisfied with the arrangement, although the
       prevailing price for mining coal was 64 cents a ton. Most of
       them, however, were finally forced by the organization to join
       the strikers. The strike lasted until September 12, when
       matters were arranged in a convention at Columbus, Ohio, when
       a uniform rate of 65 cents was adopted.

       A tragic feature of the strike occurred at Lattimer,
       Pennsylvania, where a mob of marching miners, resisting the
       sheriff and handling him roughly, were fired upon by armed
       deputies. Eighteen were killed and about forty wounded.

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
       New England cotton mill strike.

       In January a general strike, affecting 125,000 operatives,
       resulted from a reduction in wages in 150 cotton mills of New
       England. By April most of the strikers returned to work at the
       manufacturers' terms.

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1898.
       Coal miners' strike in Illinois.

       This strike, beginning in May, originated in the refusal of
       the mine operators to grant the rate of 40 cents a ton, agreed
       upon after the strike of 1897. The operators refused to
       compromise and the miners were upheld by the United Mine
       Workers. Riots arose in the towns of Pana and Virden upon the
       attempt of the mine owners to import negro workers from the
       south. Governor Tanner, in sending troops to restore order,
       enjoined upon them to protect citizens, but on no account to
       assist mine owners to operate their mines with imported labor,
       The governor's attitude provoked much criticism. A serious
       outbreak occurred on October 12, at Virden, when 14 persons
       were killed and 25 wounded. The strike at Virden was settled
       in November, the mine owners agreeing to the demands of the
       miners. The trouble at Pana lasted until April, when a
       settlement was arrived at.

    INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES, Wide-spread: A. D. 1900.
       Anthracite coal miners' strike in Pennsylvania.

       A great strike of the anthracite mine workers of Pennsylvania,
       which began September 17, practically ended October 17, when
       the Philadelphia and Reading Coal and Iron Company and the
       Lehigh Valley Coal Company agreed to abolish the sliding scale
       in their respective regions and to grant an advance in wages
       of 10 per cent. net, the advance to remain in operation until
       April 1, 1901, and thereafter till further notice. Mr. John
       Mitchell, president of the Mine Workers' National Union, in a
       speech soon after the end of the strike, said that of the
       142,000 men concerned "at first only 8,000 men were in the
       union or organized. Nevertheless, the day the strike began,
       112,000 men laid down their tools; and when the strike ended,
       after 39 days of non-employment, all but 2,000 of them had
       joined the ranks of the union."

    INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION, in the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.

    INITIATIVE IN SWITZERLAND, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

    INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

    INTERCONTINENTAL RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

    INTERNATIONAL ARBITRATION.

          See (in this volume)
          ARBITRATION, INTERNATIONAL.

    INTERNATIONAL CATALOGUING, of Scientific Literature.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE.

    INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

       An important step in promotion of the development of
       international commerce was taken at Philadelphia, in October,
       1899, by the assembling of an International Commercial
       Congress, under the auspices of the Philadelphia Commercial
       Museum and the Franklin Institute, with the co-operation, not
       only of the city and the State, but also of the Congress of
       the United States. Some forty governments, and a great number
       of chambers of commerce and other business organizations were
       represented, and much good was expected from the meeting. It
       adopted resolutions urging co-operative and assimilated action
       by all nations, in the registration of trade marks, in the
       preparation of trade statistics and agricultural reports, and
       in the establishing of the parcels post. It commended the
       Philadelphia Commercial Museum as an example to be imitated;
       urged the construction of an interoceanic canal, recommended
       free trade in artistic works, and pleaded for the pacific
       settlement of international disputes by arbitration.

       At the time of the session of the Congress, a National Export
       Exposition was being held at Philadelphia, under the same
       auspices, with great success.

    {269}

    INTEROCEANIC CANAL.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

    INTEROCEANIC RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    INTER-STATE COMMERCE, American.
       Arbitration of industrial disputes.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    INVENTIONS:
       Comparison of the Nineteenth Century with preceding ages.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: COMPARISON.

    IRADE.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

       ----------IRELAND: Start--------

    IRELAND: A. D. 1890-1900.
       Hopeful work in the organization and systematization
       of Irish agriculture.

       "Can nothing be made of an essentially food-producing country
       situated at the very door of the greatest market for
       food-stuffs that the world has ever seen? Government has at
       last moved in this matter, but, as usual, not before private
       initiation had shamed them into action. Mr. Horace Plunkett
       and his friends went to work ten years ago, pointing out that
       Ireland had natural resources equal or superior to those of
       countries which were driving her few products out of the
       English market, and preached the organisation, the
       co-operation, and the scientific methods of agriculture which
       in those other countries were inculcated and subsidised by
       state agencies. Then the Congested Districts Board, under the
       auspices of Mr. Arthur Balfour, began its beneficent work.
       Then came in 1895 the Recess Committee, on Mr. Plunkett's
       suggestion; and finally, in 1899, the recommendations of that
       Committee's invaluable Report were practically embodied in the
       creation of a Board of Agriculture and Technical Instruction.
       This body has scarcely as yet begun its work, but its main
       business will be to do throughout the whole of Ireland what
       has been done in the least hopeful districts by the Congested
       Districts Board, and over a larger area, but with very
       inadequate means, by the Irish Agricultural Organisation
       Society, of which Mr. Plunkett has been the moving spirit.
       Things are therefore only at their beginning. … The main
       purpose of the Irish Agricultural Organisation Society has
       been not to create new industries but to organize and
       systematise the one already existing—the characteristic Irish
       industry of agriculture. It has done the work which in France,
       Denmark, Canada, and a dozen other countries that can be
       named, is being done by a State department; and the efforts of
       its promoters have brought into being such a department for
       Ireland also. The Society spent in nine years £15,000 of
       subscriptions. This neither can last nor ought to last. It is
       the business of the Department, if it does not supersede the
       Society, to subsidise it."

          Stephen Gwynn,
          A Month in Ireland
          (Blackwood's Magazine, October, 1900, page 573).

       The most effective work done thus far, by the official and
       private agencies above mentioned, appears to have been in the
       organization of co-operative creameries and dairies.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1894.
       Cooling of the Liberal party towards Irish Home Rule.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1896.
       A new Land Act.

       "The celebrated Land Act of 1881, supplemented by Acts in the
       same direction, placed the land of Ireland, as everyone knows,
       under a system of perpetual leases, at State-settled rents,
       renewable every fifteen years; and, in 1896, the time was at
       hand for revising the rents fixed from 1881 onwards, and for
       renewing the leases made during this interval of time. An Act,
       accordingly, was passed through Parliament in order fully to
       accomplish this end; and, incidentally, it dealt with many
       other things connected with the Irish Land System, and with
       the legislation inaugurated in 1881. It enlarged the sphere of
       State-settled rent, bringing within it certain classes of
       tenants which, hitherto, had been excluded from it; it placed
       the law for exempting tenants' improvements from rent, to a
       considerable extent, on a new basis; and it introduced, for
       the first time, what is called the principal of 'compulsory
       purchase' into the system of 'Land Purchase,' so named in
       Ireland, always a favourite policy of Lord Salisbury's
       Governments."

          Judge O'Connor Morris,
          The Report of the Fry Commission
          (Fortnightly Review, November, 1898).

       The new bill (59 & 60 Vict. ch. 47) was carried successfully
       through Parliament by the Government, with skillful management
       on the part of Mr. Gerald Balfour, the Secretary for Ireland,
       after many amendments and much debate. It was a compromise
       measure, reluctantly accepted and satisfying no interest or
       party. The general feeling with which it was passed is
       described as follows: "The practical result of the discussion
       was to show that the bill did not go so far as Mr. T. W.
       Russell, a member of the Government and the representative of
       the Ulster farmers, wished; that the section of the
       Nationalists headed by Mr. Dillon were anxious to throw cold
       water upon it, but afraid to oppose it openly; and that Mr.
       Healy and his friends, as well as the Parnellites, were ready
       to do their best to ensure its passing. But while the
       representatives of the tenants were ready to accept the bill
       as an installment of their claims, they at the same time
       pronounced it, to be inadequate. … The Dillonites were
       unwilling to give the Healyites and the Parnellites the chance
       of taunting them with having lost the bill, whilst the
       landlords hoped for an improvement of the purchase clauses and
       a reform of procedure in the law courts. … The debate on the
       third reading, although not forced to a division, was
       spirited; the landlords opposing it because it was too much of
       a tenant's bill, and Mr. Davitt opposing it because it was too
       much of a landlords' bill. Mr. Dillon and his followers voted
       for it, but in their speeches did all they could to run it
       down, while the Parnellites and Healyites did all in their
       power to support it."

          Annual Register, 1896,
          pages 160-161.

    {270}

    IRELAND: 1896-1897.
       Report of a Royal Commission on the Financial Relations
       between Great Britain and Ireland.

       "At various times since the passing of the Act of Legislative
       Union between Great Britain and Ireland, complaints have been
       made that the financial arrangements between the two countries
       were not satisfactory, or in accordance with the principles of
       that Act, and that the resources of Ireland have had to bear
       an undue pressure of taxation. Inquiries into the truth of
       these allegations have frequently been called for"; but it was
       not until 1894 that provision was made for a thorough
       investigation of the subject. In that year a Royal Commission
       was appointed, with Mr. Childers, ex-Chancellor of the
       Exchequer, at its head, "to inquire into the financial
       relations between Great Britain and Ireland, and their
       relative taxable capacity, and to report:

       (1.) Upon what principles of comparison, and by the
       application of what specific standards, the relative capacity
       of Great Britain and Ireland to bear taxation may be most
       equitably determined.

       (2.) What, so far as can be ascertained, is the true
       proportion, under the principles and specific standards so
       determined, between the taxable capacity of Great Britain and
       Ireland.

       (3.) The history of the financial relations between Great
       Britain and Ireland at and after the Legislative Union, the
       charge for Irish purposes on the Imperial Exchequer during
       that period, and the amount of Irish taxation remaining
       available for contribution to Imperial expenditure; also the
       Imperial expenditure to which it is considered equitable that
       Ireland should contribute."

       The Commission made its "Final Report" in 1896, submitting the
       conclusions on which its members were unanimously agreed, and
       presenting, further, no less than seven differing reports on
       other points upon which agreement could not be reached. The
       summary of conclusions in the unanimous joint report was as
       follows:

       "In carrying out the inquiry we have ascertained that there
       are certain questions upon which we are practically unanimous,
       and we think it expedient to set them out in this joint
       report. Our conclusions on these questions are as follows:

       I. That Great Britain and Ireland must, for the purpose of
       this inquiry, be considered as separate entities.

       II. That the Act of Union imposed upon Ireland a burden which,
       as events showed, she was unable to bear.

       III. That the increase of taxation laid upon Ireland between
       1853 and 1860 was not justified by the then existing
       circumstances.

       IV. That identity of rates of taxation does not necessarily
       involve equality of burden.

       V. That whilst the actual tax revenue of Ireland is about
       one-eleventh of that of Great Britain the relative taxable
       capacity of Ireland is very much smaller, and is not estimated
       by any of us as exceeding one-twentieth."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: C.—8262, pages 1-2).

       The report was keenly criticised in England, and the fact that
       it emanated from a Commission in which the majority were
       partisans of Irish Home Rule was used by the Conservatives to
       disparage its conclusions. A new investigation of the subject
       was called for. The subject came before Parliament in the
       session of 1897,—first in the Lords, and later in the Commons.
       On the 30th of March, Mr. Blake, a member from Ireland, moved
       a resolution in the House of Commons, to the effect that the
       report of the Commission had established the existence of an
       undue burden of taxation on Ireland and made it the duty of
       the Government to propose remedial legislation at an early
       day. The debate which this opened was continued during three
       nights, at the end of which the motion was negatived by a vote
       of 317 to 157.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1898 (July).
       The Local Government Act.

       A bill which had great success, so far as it went, in
       satisfying the representatives of Ireland in the Parliament of
       the United Kingdom, was brought forward there, by the
       Conservative Government, in February, 1898, and carried
       through both Houses in July. It was accepted by the Irish as
       "no substitute for Home Rule," but as a recognized "step in
       that direction." It had been foreshadowed in the Queen's
       Speech at the opening of Parliament, and described as a
       measure "for the organisation of a system of local government
       in Ireland substantially similar to that which, within the
       last few Years, has been established in Great Britain." This
       important Act established County Councils, Urban District
       Councils, Rural District Councils, and Boards of Guardians,
       all elected by ballot every three years, on a franchise
       broader than the Parliamentary franchise, since it gave the
       local suffrage to women. The same Act extended to Ireland the
       provisions of the Act for the relief of agricultural land, and
       contained some other welcome provisions of financial relief.

          61 & 62 Vict. chapter 37.

       "To understand the extent of the change which is now
       determined on … it is necessary first to describe the system
       of Irish Local Government which is about to pass away forever.
       Broadly speaking, that system consisted of three parts, viz.:
       the Grand Jury, the Poor Law Boards, and various forms of
       Municipal Government in towns and cities. … The Grand Jury was
       about the most anomalous and indefensible institution which
       can be conceived. It consisted, usually, of a couple of dozen
       persons chosen from a larger number selected by the High
       Sheriff for the county or the city, as the case might be, the
       High Sheriff himself being the nominee of the Lord Lieutenant,
       who acted on the recommendation of the Superior Court Judges,
       who, in their turn, always recommended some leading landlord
       and magistrate. … The Grand Jury in every Irish county, down
       even to the present year, has always consisted almost entirely
       of members of the landlord class, and mainly of Protestants
       also. To bodies thus constituted was entrusted the control of
       all public roads and other public works of the county, the
       contracts therefor, the management of the prisons, the care of
       the public buildings, the power to contribute to infirmaries,
       lunatic asylums and fever hospitals, the appointment of all
       the paid officials of the county, and the right to levy a tax
       called the county cess, which, of late years, has produced
       considerably more than a million pounds sterling annually.
       Associated with the Grand Juries were smaller bodies, the
       members of which met at 'Presentment Sessions' once or twice a
       year to initiate county works. Those bodies also were
       non-elective, and represented mainly the landlords and
       magistrates of the respective counties. In the old days, these
       Grand Juries became—not unnaturally—not merely nests of jobbery
       and corruption, but an agency of social and political
       oppression. …
    {271}
       For many years past, indeed, the Grand Juries have not been
       open to all those charges. They have not, as a rule, been the
       corrupt jobbers they were forty or fifty years ago. Their
       administration of the business entrusted to them has been
       fairly honest and efficient. But in their constitution they
       have, on the whole, continued to be what they were. …

       "The Boards of Poor Law Guardians have in the course of time
       become more or less popular bodies, and, besides their
       original function of dispensing relief out of the rates to the
       destitute poor, have been invested with the management of so
       many other matters in recent years that their title is now
       really a misnomer. They are, for instance, the sanitary
       authorities in all rural and in some urban districts; they
       have to do with the registration of births, deaths, and
       marriages, and—not to go through the whole list of their
       powers and duties—they have had the administration of the
       Laborers' Acts, under which a good deal has been done, since
       the year 1883, to improve the homes of agricultural laborers.

       "It remains to notice the system of Government in the towns
       and cities. In this case there has been some degree of reality
       in the phrase, 'local self-government'—at least, for the last
       forty or fifty years. Down to 1840 there was no really
       representative system of government in any Irish town or city.
       … Since the year mentioned the corporations have been more or
       less representative, and since 1854 the smaller towns in
       Ireland have been allowed the right to possess municipal
       institutions of a less important, but still representative,
       character. In respect, however, of both the corporations of
       the cities and of the town boards of the smaller civic
       communities, the franchise for municipal purposes has been
       ridiculously restricted. In Dublin, the population exceeds
       300,000; the Parliamentary electorate is upwards of 40,000;
       but the municipal electorate amounts to only about 8,000 or
       9,000; and the same story is true of all the other
       municipalities, except a few which, like Belfast, have by
       special acts of Parliament obtained extensions of the suffrage
       peculiar to themselves.

       "Here, then, was a state of thing's which, assuredly, required
       mending, and, as I have said, innumerable efforts to mend it
       had been made up to last year with no result. Last summer,
       however, the reform now virtually accomplished was announced
       to the House of Commons one afternoon by Mr. Arthur Balfour,
       without anyone having asked for it and without any warning
       whatever. The chief features of the measure may be briefly
       described. In the first place, the ground is cleared by
       absolutely sweeping away the Grand Juries for fiscal purposes.
       Those bodies are still retained for their original
       purpose—that, namely, of dealing with indictments. … With them
       go the Boards of Guardians as they are at present constituted.
       Bodies will still continue to exist under that name, but they
       will be no longer constituted as they are now. … In the place
       of the Grand Juries and the Boards of Guardians there has been
       set up a rather complicated system of County Councils and
       District Councils, these latter being sub-divided into two
       classes—Urban District Councils and Rural District Councils;
       and at this point one provision applicable to all those
       bodies, and also to every Corporation and Town Board in the
       country, may be conveniently mentioned. It is that which
       enacts that the electorate in each case shall be the
       Parliamentary electorate, in addition to peers and to such
       women as would, if they were men, be qualified for the
       Parliamentary franchise. Here is manifestly a great reform in
       itself. … The change is a vast one, in view of the narrow
       foundation on which even the most popular Irish local
       institutions have hitherto rested. It means the transfer of
       power from a class to the people. It means the ousting of what
       used to be the English garrison in Ireland from what it had
       come to regard as its inalienable heritage. It marks the entry
       of the Irish Nation, after ages of weary waiting, into at
       least a considerable portion of its birthright. To the County
       Councils, which will thus repose on a thoroughly popular
       basis, and one of which will be established in every county,
       will be entrusted all the fiscal business of the Grand Juries,
       with one exception. The excepted business is that of assessing
       compensation for malicious injuries."

          J. J. Clancy,
          The Latest Reform in Ireland
          (North American Review, September, 1898).

    IRELAND: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Visit of Queen Victoria.

       For the first time in nearly forty years, Queen Victoria paid
       a visit to Ireland in April, and held court in Dublin for
       three weeks, being cordially received and treated throughout
       with respect by well-mannered crowds. Apparently the visit
       gave satisfaction to most of the Irish people.

    IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Parliamentary elections.
       Triumph of the United Irish League.
       Its absorption of the Nationalist party.
       Its programme.

       The elections to a new Parliament (see, in this volume,
       ENGLAND: A. D. 1900, SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), held in October,
       resulted in a sweeping victory for the United Irish League, a
       new organization formed by Mr. William O'Brien, which,
       according to the "London Times," "has practically absorbed the
       whole of the Irish Nationalist party" and "is the successor in
       title of the old Land League." "Mr. William O'Brien," says the
       "Times," "returned his own followers to Parliament from
       practically every Nationalist constituency in Ireland. … For
       the moment at least all the other successors of Mr. Parnell
       are vanquished or in captivity, and Mr. O'Brien finds himself
       at the head of a party which for the first time in ten years
       has the right to call itself 'united.'"

       On the opening of the Parliament, in the following February,
       the new League was soon brought to its attention by Mr.
       O'Brien, who moved, on the 22d, to amend the Address to the
       King, which was then under discussion, by adding to it the
       following: "Humbly to represent to your Majesty that this
       House has observed that a combination of the agricultural
       classes in Ireland has been formed, under the name of the
       United Irish League, with the object of accomplishing reforms
       which alone, in the opinion of nine-tenths of the
       constitutional representatives of Ireland, can arrest the
       continued depopulation of that country and the decay of its
       only great national industry.
    {272}
       These reforms being, first, the creation of an occupying
       proprietary in substitution for the present unsettled and
       vexatious system of dual ownership of land; and, secondly, the
       utilization of extensive tracts, at present lying practically
       waste in the congested districts, for the purpose of supplying
       holdings of sufficient extent to a hard-working and deserving
       population, who for want of land are compelled to live in a
       condition of chronic privation and even famine on the borders
       of those fertile depopulated areas; that the movement which
       has been carried on for the past three years for the promotion
       of these objects has been marked by the disappearance of those
       crimes of violence and secret conspiracies which were used to
       the discredit of all former agrarian combinations in Ireland,
       and the league, basing itself on the principle that its
       struggle is in the nature of a great economic industrial
       dispute between the tillers of the soil on the one side and
       the rent-owners, supported by a vast capital and territorial
       influence, on the other, has relied for success upon those
       combinations for mutual protection and appeals to public
       opinion which the trade union laws have expressly authorized
       in the cause of disputes between capital and labour of a
       non-agricultural character; that, nevertheless, this House has
       observed that the forces of the Crown have been
       unconstitutionally employed, and public justice has been
       polluted in the interest of one of the parties to the dispute;
       that the right of public meeting has been capriciously
       suppressed; that prosecutions for conspiracy and Whiteboyism
       have been instituted in reference to open and advised appeals
       to public opinion and measures of mutual protection, which are
       indisputably within the right of trade unions in ordinary
       industrial struggles; that the power of contempt of Court has
       been unconstitutionally and oppressively abused for the
       purpose of inflicting prolonged sentences of imprisonment
       without trial; that the right of trial by jury has been
       outraged by the systematic exclusion from the jury-box of all
       jurors sharing the politics or creed of the accused, and the
       empanelling of juries composed exclusively of sympathizers
       with the territorial class, that the liberty of the Press in
       Ireland has been assailed, and influential organs of opinion
       prosecuted in the endeavour to silence public comment on this
       iniquitous system; that grievous and vindictive fines have
       been exacted from districts obnoxious to the landlord interest
       by means of charges for extra police quartered upon peaceful
       populations, and that the people of Ireland have been
       subjected to divers others the like cruel oppressions and
       provocations; and humbly to represent to your Majesty that, it
       being of the highest constitutional import to encourage the
       Irish people to seek the redress of their grievances by the
       fullest freedom of speech and of combination which is
       warranted by the example of the trade unions of Great Britain,
       this House is of opinion that the attacks at present directed
       by the Executive against the rights of free speech and of
       combination in Ireland should cease, and that the legislation
       protecting the trade unions in the exercise of their rights of
       combination against capital and non-union labour should be
       extended to all agricultural combinations of a similar
       character in that country."

       In his speech supporting the amendment Mr. O'Brien charged
       that, "there being no real crime in Ireland, the Executive
       there had made crime of perfectly legitimate actions, treating
       the people as if the object was to goad them into conspiracy
       and violence. The record of the league was virtually a
       crimeless one, it had carried on its work now for three years
       without any of those blood-curdling incidents which coercion
       Ministers used to smack their lips over in that House. … The
       league, which had been tested by time and had proved its power
       at the general election, had started and carried on in Ireland
       an irresistible agitation for the suppression, for the
       abolition of landlordism, and had elicited in the King's first
       Speech a promise, such as it was, of another land Bill,
       although two years ago that House was assured that there was
       no longer an Irish land question."

       An extensive combination, he said, was going on in Ireland
       against the taking of evicted farms, and "what form of trade
       unionism could be more legitimate?" But charges of
       intimidation and conspiracy; he claimed, were trumped up, and
       juries were packed, for the suppression of this movement,
       though it went no farther than trades unions in England could
       go with no interference. "The Irish people exercised the right
       of combination in the United Irish League, and they would
       continue to exercise it whether the Government liked it or
       not, in order to obtain the land on conditions that would give
       its cultivators a living wage. In the ranks of the
       organization were 500,000 farmers and labourers, representing
       with their families three-fourths of the population of
       Ireland. Their object was to parcel out the vast grazing lands
       lying derelict among the cottagers who were starving on their
       verge. A department of the Government was actually engaged in
       carrying out the programme of the league, but at such a
       snail's pace that it would take centuries to make any
       impression upon the mass of misery which existed in the
       country."

       After several hours of debate the amendment to
       the Address was rejected by 203 votes against 109.

       ----------IRELAND: End--------

    IRON, Combinations in the production of.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    IRON GATES OF THE DANUBE, Opening of the.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

    ISLE DU DIABLE.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899.

    ISRAEL, The People of:
       Discovery of the sole mention of them in Egyptian inscriptions.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    ISTHMIAN CANAL, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

    ISTHMIAN RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    ITAGAKI, Count: Leader of the Japanese Liberal party.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

    {273}

       ----------ITALY: Start--------

    ITALY: Recent archæological explorations.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

    ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Accusations against the Crispi Ministry.
       Fresh offense to the Vatican.
       Disastrous war with Abyssinia.
       Fall of Crispi.

       In elections to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, which took
       place in May, 1895, the government, under Signor Crispi, was
       accused of audacious practices, striking the names of opposed
       electors from the voting lists, to the number, it is said, of
       several hundreds of thousands, and contriving otherwise to
       paralyze the opposition to itself. The result of the elections
       was the return of 336 government candidates, against 98 of
       other parties. An attempt to obtain an official return of all
       the deputies who were receiving pay from the State, directly
       or indirectly, was skilfully baffled by Signor Crispi, and
       remained a matter of rumor and guess. In September, the
       government gave fresh offense to the Vatican by an imposing
       celebration of the 25th anniversary of the entry of the
       Italian troops into Rome, with a display of the flag of
       free-masonry. Hostility of France and Russia to Italy was made
       acute "by the renewal, on the return of Lord Salisbury to
       office in 1895, of an agreement between England, Austria and
       Italy for common action in the Eastern question, originally
       made in 1887. In virtue of this agreement Italy sent her fleet
       to the Aegean to support Great Britain at the opening of the
       Armenian question [see, in this volume, TURKEY: A. D. 1895,
       and after], and the consequence was that France and Russia put
       pressure on Abyssinia to renew hostilities against Italy. This
       new campaign Crispi was ill-prepared to meet, as he had
       detailed a corps d'armée for an expedition to Asia Minor in
       conjunction with the naval preparations, and the strength of
       the forces under arms did not enable the minister of war to
       detach another corps to Erythrea. To complete the difficulties
       of the position, a coolness arose between the Emperor of
       Germany and the government of Crispi, the latter having
       notified the German government that he should at the proper
       time denounce the Treaty of the Triple Alliance with the
       object of providing better security for Italian interests in
       Africa. The Emperor in reply advised the King of Italy that
       Crispi was becoming importunate and must be got rid of. This
       defection probably determined the fall of Crispi. It gave such
       strength to the opposition at home, that the intrigues of the
       Court and military circles succeeded in paralyzing all his
       military plans, and especially in preventing him from
       superseding Baratieri, now recognized as incompetent for the
       enlarged operations which were in view. The King refused to
       consent to the suppression until it became imperative through
       the increase of the force to a point at which a superior
       officer was necessitated by the regulations, when Baldissera
       was appointed to the superior command. But before Baldissera
       could enter on his command, Baratieri, against the distinct
       orders of the government, attacked with a force of 14,000 men
       the impregnable positions near Adowah which Menelek held with
       80,000. He was met by the most crushing defeat that Italy has
       had to undergo in modern times. Out of the total force no less
       than 6,000 perished.

       "The history of this affair still remains more or less a
       secret, the court-martial which followed being rather
       calculated to bury than expose the facts of the case, but the
       immediate effect was to induce the ministry to resign without
       waiting for the assembling of parliament. The magnitude of the
       disaster made it evident that, considering the Italian
       temperament and its tendency to panic, the responsibility for
       it would be visited on the ministry, though it was only
       responsible in so far as it had submitted to the Royal
       decision deferring the recall of Baratieri. The King,
       unwilling to accept the programme of Rudini, gave the
       formation of the new ministry to General Ricotti, a Senator,
       Rudini taking the portfolio of home affairs (March, 1896). …
       The scheme of army reorganization proposed by Ricotti, which
       aimed at improving the efficiency of the force by devoting
       money rather to the instruction of the rank and file than to
       the maintenance of superfluous officers, was opposed, … the
       law was defeated in the chamber, and Ricotti gave place to
       Rudini as President of the Council. The rejection of Ricotti's
       plan was a triumph for the Franco-Russian party, which had
       re-assumed the direction of foreign affairs. Africa, under
       this policy, being excluded from the Italian sphere of action,
       peace was made with Menelek [October 26, 1896] on terms which
       practically implied withdrawal from Erythrea to the port of
       Massowah. This measure satisfied the exigencies of the old
       Right, while the Radicals were conciliated by the exclusion
       and proscription of Crispi and by the understanding with
       France, as well as by the reversal of the repressive policy
       towards the extreme members of their party. Thus the year 1897
       saw Italy reduced to inertia abroad and apathy within."

          W. J. Stillman,
          The Union of Italy,
          chapter 15
          (Cambridge: University Press).

       The peace made with King Menelek in 1896 ended the Italian
       claim to a protectorate over Abyssinia, which seems never to
       have had any basis of right. It started from a treaty
       negotiated in 1889, known as the Treaty of Uchali, which
       purported to be no more than an ordinary settlement of
       friendly relations, commercial and political. But the
       convention contained a clause which is said to have read in
       the Amharic (the court and official language of Abyssinia),
       "the King of Abyssinia may make use of the government of the
       King of Italy in all matters whereon he may have to treat with
       other governments." In the Italian version of the treaty, the
       innocent permissive phrase, "may make use," became, it is
       said, an obligatory "agrees to make use," &c., and was so
       communicated to foreign governments, furnishing grounds for a
       claim of "protection" which the Abyssinians rejected
       indignantly. Hence the wars which proved disastrous to Italy.

    ITALY: A. D. 1897.
       Dissolution of the Chamber.
       Election of Deputies.
       Reconstruction of the Ministry.

       Early in the year a royal decree dissolved the Chamber of
       Deputies, and elections held in March gave the Rudini Ministry
       a large majority. The Catholic party refrained almost entirely
       from voting. But divisions arose in the course of the year
       which brought about a reconstruction of the Cabinet in
       December, Signor Rudini still being at the head. An important
       event of the year was the resolution of the Italian government
       to evacuate Kassala, on the Abyssinian frontier, directly
       eastward from Khartum. The Italians had taken it from the
       Mahdists in 1894. It now became part of the Anglo-Egyptian
       territory.

    {274}

    ITALY: A. D. 1898.
       Arbitration Treaty with Argentine Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          ARGENTINE REPUBLIC: A. D. 1898.

    ITALY: A. D. 1898 (March-June).
       Report on charges against Signor Crispi.
       His resignation from Parliament and re-election.
       Change of Ministry.

       In March, a special commission, appointed the previous
       December, to investigate certain serious charges against the
       ex-Premier, Signor Crispi, reported his culpability, but that
       nothing in his conduct could be brought for trial before the
       High Court. The charges were connected with a scandalous
       wrecking of several banks, at Rome, Naples, and elsewhere,
       which had occurred during Signor Crispi's administration, and
       which was found to be due to political extortions practiced on
       those institutions by members and agents of the government.
       Personally, it did not appear that the ex-Premier had profited
       by what was done; but his wife seemed to have been a large
       recipient of gain, and moneys wrung from the banks had been
       used for party political purposes and for the government
       secret service fund. On the report made by the commission
       Signor Crispi resigned his seat in Parliament, and was
       promptly re-elected from Palermo by an overwhelming majority.
       In May, the Ministry of the Marquis di Rudini, much weakened
       by the troubled state of the country, was reconstructed, but
       only to hold its ground for another month. On the 17th of
       June, upon a threatened vote of want of confidence, it
       resigned, and, on the 28th, a new Liberal Ministry took
       office, with General Pelloux at its head.

    ITALY: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
       Bread riots in the south and
       revolutionary outbreaks in the north.

       "May 1898 will be remembered for a long time in Italy, and one
       may wish that the eventful month may mark the turning-point in
       political life of the new kingdom. The revolt was general, the
       explosion broke out almost suddenly, but long was the period
       of preparation. 'Malcontento' is quite a household word in
       Italy—and the Italians had more than one reason to be
       dissatisfied with their national government. The rise in the
       price of bread, as a consequence of the Hispano-American war,
       was the immediate, but by no means the only, cause of the
       uprising which darkened the skies of sunny Italy for several
       days. The enormous taxation imposed upon a people yet young in
       its national life, in order to carry out a policy far too big for
       the financial means of the country; the failure in the attempt
       to establish a strong colony in the Red Sea; the economic war
       with France; the scanty help Italy received from her allies in
       time of need; the political corruption, unchecked when not
       encouraged by those who stood at the helm of the State; the
       impotence of the Chambers of Deputies to deal with the
       evil-doers as the claims of justice and the voice of the
       people required, all these evils have prepared a propitious
       ground for the agitators both of the radical and reactionary
       parties.

       "The Bread Riots began towards the end of April, and in a few
       days they assumed a very alarming aspect, especially in the
       small towns of the Neapolitan provinces, inhabited by people
       ordinarily pacific and law-abiding. The destruction of
       property was wanton and wide-spread, women careless of their
       lives leading the men to the assault. In many cases the riots
       soon came to an end; in others the immediate abolition of the
       'octroi' did not produce the desired effect. … There was no
       organization in the Neapolitan provinces; the riots were
       absolutely independent of one another, but they were
       originated by the same cause—misery; they aimed at the same
       object—a loud protest by means of devastation; they all ended
       in the same way—viz., after two or three days the soldiers
       restored order, the dead were buried, and the ringleaders
       taken to prison to be dealt with by the military court. In the
       north, at Milan, the uprising was of quite a different
       character. In the south of Italy it was truly a question of
       bread and bread alone. In Central Italy it was a question of
       work, in Lombardy a truly revolutionary movement. The
       Neapolitan mob shouted for bread and bread alone, some asking
       for cheaper bread, some others for 'free bread.' In Tuscany
       the cry was, 'Pane o Lavoro!' (bread or work). In Lombardy
       quite another trumpet was sounded: 'Down with the Government!
       Down with the Dynasty!'

       "The Milanese, of all the people of Italy, have plenty of work
       and bread, and it is admitted by all that bread had nothing to
       do with the revolt of Milan. I have studied this movement from
       its inception, and my conclusion is that the revolt broke out
       long before it was expected, thus making the discomfiture more
       certain. The great majority of the population of Milan was,
       and is, conservative and loyal to the King, although not
       pleased with the doings of the Government. Only a minority,
       but a very noisy and active minority, is against monarchical
       institutions. For some time past the revolutionary party of
       Milan have made no mystery of their political aspirations
       towards the establishment of a Milanese republic, to be called
       'Republica Ambrogiana.' … Milan is also the headquarters of
       Socialism and Anarchism. Socialists and Republicans once upon
       a time were implacable foes. Many a battle they fought one
       against the other; but since 1886 the two have come to love
       each other more, or to hate each other less, whichever it may
       be; and towards the end of 1895 they entered into partnership
       against their common enemy—Crispi! Then the Anarchists came
       in. Decent Republicans and timid Socialists were rather averse
       to ally themselves with anarchy; the very name was loathsome
       to them. However, this natural mistrust soon disappeared, and
       the Anarchists were welcomed into the dual alliance. Still
       another element was to enter—the clerical party. … The
       clericals have not a special cry of their own. They satisfied
       themselves by rubbing their hands and saying: 'Down it goes at
       last.' Little they knew that not the dynasty, not united Italy
       was then going down, but society itself. … A friend of mine,
       who was in the midst of the revolt, assures me that its
       importance has been very much exaggerated in the first reports
       sent abroad; and from the official documents, since published,
       it appears that about 90 barricades were erected, and some 20
       houses ransacked to provide the necessary material to build
       them. The number of the killed amounted to 72, and that of the
       seriously wounded to 63. On Monday evening [May 9] order was
       restored in Milan. … On Wednesday morning shops and factories
       were reopened, but it will take years to undo the mischief
       done on May 7, 8, and 9, 1898. All are sadder now; one may
       hope that they will be wiser also. The agitators, the deluded,
       the masses, the governing classes, the Government, all have
       had their lesson."

          G. D. Vecchia,
          The Revolt in Italy
          (Contemporary Review, July, 1898).

    {275}

    ITALY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    ITALY: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Parliamentary disorder, leading to arbitrary government.
       Assassination of King Humbert.

       Much feeling was excited in Italy by the agreement between
       Great Britain and France which practically awarded most of the
       Sahara Hinterland of Tripoli (a possession long hoped for and
       expected by the Italians), as well as that of Tunis, Algiers,
       and Morocco, to France (see, in this volume, NIGERIA). The
       government was accused of want of vigor in opposing this, and
       was held responsible, at the same time, for the humiliating
       failure of an attempt to secure a share of spoils in China, by
       lease of Sammun Bay. The resignation of the Ministry was
       consequent, early in May; but the King retained General
       Pelloux at the head of the government, and new associates in
       his cabinet were found. The Chamber of Deputies became
       unmanageable; obstruction, very much in the Austrian manner,
       was carried to such an extent that Parliament was prorogued.
       The King then, by royal decree, conferred extraordinary powers
       on the Ministry, suspending, at the same time, rights of meeting
       and association, to suppress political agitation, and taking,
       in fact, a serious backward step, toward government outside of
       constitutional law. Liberals of all shades, and, apparently, many
       constitutional Conservatives, were alarmed and outraged by
       this threatening measure, and, when Parliament was reconvened,
       the proceedings of obstruction were renewed with more persistency
       than before. The government then attempted an arbitrary
       adoption of rules to prevent obstruction; whereupon (April 3,
       1900) the entire Opposition left the House in a body. The
       situation at length became such that the King adjourned the
       Parliament sine die, on the 16th of May, and a new Chamber of
       Deputies was elected on the 3d of the month following. The
       Opposition was considerably strengthened in the election, and
       the Ministry of General Pelloux, finding itself more helpless
       in Parliament than ever, resigned on the 18th of June. A new
       Cabinet under Signor Saracco was formed.

       On the 29th of July, 1900, King Humbert was assassinated by an
       Italian anarchist, named Angelo Bresci, who went to Italy for
       the purpose, from Paterson, New Jersey, in the United States,
       where he had latterly been living. The King was at Monza, and
       had been distributing prizes at a gymnasium. At the close of
       the ceremony, as he entered his carriage, the assassin fired
       three shots at him, inflicting wounds from which the King died
       within an hour. The murderer was seized on the spot, tried and
       convicted of the crime. He received the severest penalty that
       Italian law could inflict, which was imprisonment for life.
       The son who succeeds King Humbert, Victor Emmanuel III., was
       in his thirty-first year when thus tragically raised to the
       throne. He is weak in body, but is reputed to have an
       excellent mind. He was wedded in 1896 to Princess Helene of
       Montenegro.

    ITALY: A. D. 1900.
       Military and naval expenditure.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    ITALY: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Exposure of the Mafia.

       Circumstances came to light in the course of the year 1899
       which compelled the government to enter upon an investigation
       of the doings of the Sicilian secret society known as the
       Mafia. This resulted in the arrest of a number of persons,
       including a Sicilian member of the Chamber of Deputies, named
       Palizzolo, charged with complicity in the murder, seven years
       before, of the Marquis Notarbartolo, manager of the Bank of
       Sicily at Palermo. The accused were brought to Milan for
       trial, which took place in January, 1900, and the disclosures
       then Made showed that Sicily had long been terrorized and
       tyrannized, in all departments of affairs, by a few men who
       controlled this murderous secret organization, Palizzolo
       being, apparently, the head of the fiendish crew. One of the
       ministers in the Italian government, General Mirri, Secretary
       of War, was found to have had, at least, some scandalous
       understandings with the Mafia, and he was forced to resign.

    ITALY: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    ITALY: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    ITALY: A. D. 1900 (July-September).
       An Italian view of the state of the country.

       "Appearances, it is well known, are often deceptive, and the
       present condition of Italy is a case in point. Discontent is
       not a new thing for the Italian mind to be agitated by, but
       there is an enormous difference between being discontented
       with the Government of the day and being dissatisfied with the
       national institutions. Italians have a quick perception and
       are extremely impulsive; they often act suddenly and on the
       impression of the moment, but they are also apt to fall into a
       state of lethargy, during which the will of the nation is very
       weak, both as a stimulus to good government and as repressive
       of that which is bad. There are, however, times in which this
       will asserts itself. Italy is just passing through one of
       these lucid intervals.

       "The assassination of King Humbert seems to have awakened the
       whole nation from a long sleep. Those who thought there was no
       affection left for monarchical institutions in Italy must have
       experienced a very depressing disappointment. For forty-eight
       hours there was no king at all in Italy. King Humbert was dead
       and his successor was somewhere on the high seas, but nobody knew
       exactly where, yet not a single disorderly movement was
       noticed anywhere. Clericals, Socialists, Republicans, the
       three declared enemies of the monarchy, entirely disappeared
       from the scene during the crisis.
    {276}
       If anyone of these parties, which during the last period of
       national lethargy had grown more audacious and bolder, had
       only attempted to assert itself, the Italian public 'en masse'
       would have revolted against it, and performed one of those
       acts of summary justice of which the history of Italy
       furnishes abundant examples. I think this absence of disorder
       of any kind is the most convincing proof that can be adduced
       in favour of the present state of things in Italy. Surely, if
       the people had been nursing in their hearts a general revolt,
       that was the moment for action.

       "Of course a few anarchists here and there have rejoiced over
       the crime of their comrade; however, I venture to assert that
       it is not quite correct to call Italy the hotbed of anarchy.
       It is true that many of the most fierce anarchists are Italian
       by birth; but anarchism did not originate in Italy, it was
       imported there. France and Russia had—under another
       name—anarchists long before the name of any Italian was ever
       connected with anarchism. … Political education is still in
       Italy of very poor quality—truthfully speaking, there is none.
       Even the anarchists go elsewhere to perfect their education.
       The assassins of Carnot, of the Empress Elizabeth, and of
       Canovas, had their political education perfected in Paris or
       in London. Italy does not export political murderers, as was
       very unkindly said on the occasion of the assassination of the
       Empress of Austria. Italy at the worst exports only the rough
       material for the making of anarchical murderers. Even the
       assassin of King Humbert belongs to this category. He left
       Italy with no homicidal mania in him. He was not then a wild
       beast with a human face, to make use of an expression uttered
       by Signor Saracco, the Premier of Italy. The anarchist clubs
       of Paris, London, and New York were his university colleges."

          G. D. Vecchia,
          The Situation in Italy
          (Nineteenth Century Review, September, 1900).

    ITALY: A. D. 1901.
       Fall of the Saracco Ministry.
       Formation of a Liberal Cabinet under Signor Zanardelli.
       Census of the kingdom.

       The Saracco Ministry, which took direction of the government
       in June, 1900, was defeated on the 6th of February, 1901, and
       compelled to resign. An extraordinarily heavy vote (318 to
       102) was cast against it in condemnation of its conduct in
       matters relating to a "Chamber of Labor" at Genoa. First, it
       had ordered the dissolution of that body, as being subversive
       in influence, and then, when a "strike" occurred in Genoa, as
       the consequence, it receded from its action and reconstituted
       the Chamber. By the first proceeding it had disgusted the
       Conservatives; by the second the Radicals, and by its
       indecision the Moderates. They combined to overthrow it. With
       some difficulty a new Cabinet was formed containing Liberals
       of various shades, with Signor Zanardelli, a veteran
       republican of the Garibaldi generation, at its head. A writer
       who has frequently discussed foreign politics with a good deal
       of knowledge in the columns of the "New York Tribune," over
       the signature "Ex-Attache," believes that Zanardelli is
       committed "to anti-clerical legislation of the most drastic
       and far reaching character," and "may be depended upon to
       proceed against the Vatican with a vigor unprecedented in the
       annals of united Italy. And there will be," he thinks, "no
       attempt on the part of Victor Emmanuel to hold him in leash.
       Existing laws will be enforced to the utmost against the
       Papacy, while new measures may be looked for to restrict
       further the activity of the Church as a factor in political
       life, to extend the control of the government over all
       ecclesiastical enterprises and undertakings and to emphasize
       the fact that all Italians, no matter whether they form part
       of the Papal Court or not, are Italian citizens, as well as
       subjects of the Italian crown, and required to obey the laws
       and to fulfil their obligations as such."

       A Press despatch from Rome, in February, announced that "the
       result of the first Italian census in 20 years has proved a
       surprise. It shows that the population is 35,000,000, while it
       was not expected that it would exceed 31,000,000. The ratio of
       increase is greater than in any other European country. This
       is ascribed to improved sanitation. The birthrate continues
       high. It is estimated that 5,000,000 Italians have gone to the
       United States and South America."

       ----------ITALY: End--------

    ITO, Marquis:
       Administration and political experiments.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898; 1898-1899;
          and 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    J.

    JACKSON-HARMSWORTH EXPEDITION, Return of the.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPEDITION, 1897.

    JAMAICA: A. D. 1898.
       Industrial condition.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    JAMAICA: A. D. 1899.
       Financial crisis and conflict between
       the Governor and the Legislative Assembly.

       A crisis in the financial circumstances of the Colony,
       consequent on expenditures exceeding revenue for several
       years, was reached in 1899, and led to a serious conflict of
       views between the Governor and the Legislative Assembly. The
       latter is constituted of members partly elected and partly
       appointed by the Governor. The elected members of the Assembly
       had been in the majority, hitherto, but the Governor possessed
       authority to add to the nominated membership, and he exercised
       that authority, as a means of obtaining action on a tariff
       bill which he held to be a necessary measure. He did so under
       instructions from the British Colonial Secretary. Before this
       occurred, an agent of the Colonial Office, Sir David Barbour,
       had been sent to Jamaica to report on the financial situation.
       His report, submitted in June, besides recommending financial
       remedies, contained some references to the political
       constitution of the colony—among them these:

    {277}

       "The peculiar constitution of the Government had … an
       influence in bringing about, or aggravating the present
       financial difficulties: When it was apparent that either more
       revenue must be raised or expenditure must be reduced, the
       Government was in favour of increasing taxation, while the
       elected members of the Legislative Council pressed for
       reductions of expenditure. From the nature of the
       Constitution, the Government was practically unable to carry
       proposals for increased taxation in opposition to the votes of
       nine elected members, while the elected members could not in
       any satisfactory manner enforce reduction of expenditure. The
       present state of things shows that both increase of taxation
       and reduction of expenditure were necessary, but though there
       has been much friction in recent years, and great loss of time
       in the Legislative Council, neither increase of taxation nor
       reduction of expenditure was effected in any degree at all
       adequate to avert the difficulties which were approaching. …
       The Home Government are, in the last resort, responsible for
       the financial condition of Jamaica, while, under ordinary
       circumstances, the Colonial Office exercises at present no
       real direct and immediate control over the finances. … It may
       be taken for granted that under any circumstances Her
       Majesty's Government would be unwilling to see the Colony sink
       into a condition of insolvency without an effort for its
       relief, and as the ultimate responsibility must, therefore,
       rest on Her Majesty's Government it would seem better to
       exercise the power of control, while it is still possible to
       apply a remedy, rather than to wait until the mischief can
       only be redressed at the cost of the British taxpayer. On the
       other hand, as no real responsibility can be enforced on the
       Elected Members, it seems necessary to give the Governor some
       practicable means of enforcing his policy, and I would suggest
       that this might be done by keeping the number of nominated
       Members at its full strength so that in case of need the
       Governor would only have to make the necessary declaration,
       and would not have to go through the preliminary operation of
       adding to the number of nominated Members."

       On the 22d of August, the report of Sir David Barbour was
       reviewed at length by the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,
       in a despatch to Governor Hemming, and the above
       recommendations were substantially approved and made
       instructions to the Governor. "Two plain facts in connection
       with this matter," said the Colonial Secretary, "must force
       themselves upon the attention of all who study the question,
       still more of all who are called upon to find a solution of
       it. The first is, that 'the Home Government,' in Sir David
       Barbour's words, 'are in the last resort responsible for the
       financial condition of Jamaica.' The second is that as a
       'working compromise,' the existing system has failed. It is a
       compromise, but it has not worked. I am not now so much
       concerned with principle as with practice. As a machine for
       doing the work which has to be done the present system has
       failed. It is in fact impossible, except where tact and
       goodwill and friendly feeling exist in an unusual degree, for
       the government of a country to be carried on when those who
       are responsible for it are in a permanent minority in the
       Legislature. I decline to allow the Jamaica Government to
       remain in that position any longer, not merely because it is
       unfair to them, but also because, recognizing the ultimate
       responsibility of Her Majesty's Government for the solvency of
       the Colony, I must ensure that the measures which they may
       consider necessary are carried out. I must instruct you,
       therefore, before the Legislative Council is again summoned,
       to fill up the full number of nominated members and to retain
       them, using at your discretion the power given you by the
       Constitution to declare measures to be of paramount
       importance. You will give the Council and the public to
       understand that this step is taken by my express instructions.
       It is my hope that the Elected Members will recognise that my
       decision is based on public grounds, and has become
       inevitable, that they will loyally accept it, and co-operate
       with me and with you for the good of the Colony."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command:
          Jamaica, 1899 [C.-9412] and 1900 [Cd.-125]).

       ----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: Start--------

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       Administrator of Rhodesia.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895.

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       Raid into the Transvaal.
       Surrender.
       Trial in England.
       Imprisonment.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       The German Emperor's message to President Kruger
       concerning the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       Investigation of the Raid by the Cape Colony Assembly.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       Indemnity for the Raid claimed by South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D.1897 (FEBRUARY).

    JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.:
       British Parliamentary investigation of the Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

       ----------JAMESON, Dr. Leander S.: End--------

       ----------JAPAN: Start--------

    JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.
       Rise of Parliamentary parties.
       Working of Constitutional Government.

       "When the Emperor's nominal authority was converted into a
       reality by the overthrow of the Shogun in 1868, the work was
       largely due to the four clans of Satsuma, Choshu, Hizen, and
       Tosa. Their aim was to destroy the Shogunate and to create an
       Imperial Government, and though many other motives actuated
       them, these were the two main ideas of the revolution which
       grew in importance and left political results. No sooner,
       however, was the Imperial Government established than it was
       found that the Satsuma clan was strongly divided. There were
       within it a party in favour of reform, and another party, led
       by Shimazu Saburo and Saigo Takamori, who clung to old
       traditions. The sword had not yet given place to the
       ballot-box, and the result of a bloody contest was the
       annihilation of the reactionaries. There remained, therefore,
       the Satsuma men loyal to the Emperor and to the absolute
       government of 1868, and with them the Choshu, Hizen, Tosa, and
       other clans. Some of these clans had not always been friendly
       in the past. They found it difficult to work together now.
       Marquis Ito has observed that Japanese politicians are more
       prone to destroy than to construct, and an opportunity to
       indulge this proclivity soon presented itself.
    {278}
       Although the four clans were equally pledged to secure
       representative government eventually, jealousy of one another
       drove two of them to take up this cry as a pretext for
       dissolving the alliance. The Tosa clan, now represented by
       Count Itagaki, seceded accordingly in 1873, and the Hizen
       clan, represented by Count Okuma, followed its example eight
       years afterwards. The former organised a party called the
       Fuyu-to, or Liberals, and the latter the Kaishin-to, or
       Progressives. The two remaining clans of Satsuma and Choshu
       were called for shortness the Sat-Cho. Such was the origin of
       parliamentary parties in Japan. There was no political issue
       at stake; the moving cause was simply clan jealousy, and hence
       it was that Hizen and Tosa did not join hands, though both
       strenuously opposed the Sat-Cho Government and each posed as
       the friend of the people. Consequently, when the first Diet
       met, in November, 1890, the Sat-Cho Ministry, with Marquis
       Yamagata as Premier, found itself face to face with a bitter
       and, it must be added, an unscrupulous opposition."

          H. N. G. Bushby,
          Parliamentary Government in Japan
          (Nineteenth Century, July, 1899).

       "The history of the Japanese Parliament [see CONSTITUTION OF
       JAPAN, in volume 1], briefly told, is as follows: The first
       Diet was opened in November, 1890, and the twelfth session in
       May, 1898. In this brief space of time there have been four
       dissolutions and five Parliaments. From the very first the
       collision between the Government and the Diet has been short
       and violent. In the case of the first dissolution, in
       December, 1891, the question turned on the Budget estimate,
       the Diet insisting on the bold curtailment of items of
       expenditure. In the second dissolution, in December, 1893, the
       question turned on the memorial to be presented to the Throne,
       the Opposition insisting in very strong terms on the necessity
       of strictly enforcing the terms of treaties with Western
       Powers, the Diet regarding the Cabinet as too weak-handed in
       foreign politics. The third dissolution, in June, 1894, was
       also on the same question. The Cabinet, in these two latter
       cases, was under the presidency of Marquis Ito (then Count),
       and was vigorously pushing forward negotiations for treaty
       revision, through the brilliant diplomacy of Count Mutsu, the
       Foreign Minister. This strict-enforcement agitation was looked
       upon by the Government as a piece of anti-foreign agitation—a
       Jingo movement—and as endangering the success of the
       treaty-revision negotiations. In fact, the revised treaty with
       Great Britain was on the latter date well-nigh completed, it
       being signed in July following by Lord Kimberley and Viscount
       Aoki. It was at this stage that the scepticism of foreign
       observers as to the final success of representative
       institutions in Japan seemed to reach its height. … Marquis
       Ito and some of the most tried statesmen of the time were out
       of office, forming a sort of reserve force, to be called out
       at any grave emergency. But great was the disappointment when
       it was seen that after Marquis Ito, with some of the most
       trusted statesmen as his colleagues, had been in office but
       little over a year, dissolution followed dissolution, and it
       seemed that even the Father of the Constitution was unable to
       manage its successful working. … There is no question that the
       Constitutional situation was at that time exceedingly critical.

       "But when the war broke out the situation was "But when the
       war broke out the situation was completely changed. In the
       August following the whole nation spoke and acted as if they
       were one man and had but one mind. In the two sessions of the
       Diet held during the war the Government was most ably
       supported by the Diet, and everybody hoped that after the war
       was over the same good-feeling would continue to rule the
       Diet. On the other hand, it was well known that the Opposition
       members in the Diet had clearly intimated that their support
       of the Government was merely temporary, and that after the
       emergency was over they might be expected to continue their
       opposition policy. Sure enough, many months before the opening
       of the ninth session, mutterings of deep discontent,
       especially with reference to the retrocession of the Liaotung
       peninsula, began to be widely heard, and it was much feared
       that the former scenes of fierce opposition and blind
       obstruction would be renewed. However, as the session
       approached (December, 1896), rumours were heard of a certain
       'entente' between the Government and the Liberal party, at
       that time the largest and the best organised in the country.
       And in the coming session the Government secured a majority,
       through the support of the Liberals, for most of its important
       Bills.

       "Now this 'entente' between Marquis Ito and the Liberals was a
       great step in advance in the constitutional history of the
       country, and a very bold departure in a new direction on the
       part of the Marquis. He was known to be an admirer of the
       German system, and a chief upholder of the policy of Chozen
       Naikaku, or the Transcendental Cabinet policy, which meant a
       Ministry responsible to the Emperor alone. Marquis Ito saw
       evidently at this stage the impossibility of carrying on the
       Government without a secure parliamentary support, and Count
       Itagaki, the Liberal leader, saw in the Marquis a faithful
       ally, whose character as a great constructive statesman, and
       whose history as the author of the Constitution, both forbade
       his ever proving disloyal to the Constitution. The 'entente'
       was cemented in May following by the entrance of Count Itagaki
       into the Cabinet as the Home Minister. On the other hand, this
       entente' led to the formation of the Progressist party by the
       union of the six Opposition parties, as well as to the union
       of Count Okuma, the Progressist leader, and Count Matsugata,
       leader of the Kagoshima statesmen. Their united opposition was
       now quite effective in harassing the administration. At this
       stage certain neutral men, particularly Count Inouye,
       suggested compromise, offering a scheme of a Coalition
       Cabinet. … But Count Itagaki was firm in opposing such a
       compromise, saying it was tantamount to the ignoring of party
       distinction, and as such was a retrogression instead of being
       a forward step in the constitutional history of the country.
       He finally tendered his resignation. When Marquis Ito saw that
       the Count was firm in his determination, he, too, resigned,
       saying that he felt so deeply obliged to the Liberals for
       their late parliamentary support that he would not let the
       Count go out of office alone. Thus fell the Ito Ministry after
       five years' brilliant service.

    {279}

       "The new Cabinet, formed in September, 1896, had Count
       Matsukata for Premier and Treasury Minister; Count Okuma for
       Foreign Minister; and Admiral Kabayama, the hero of the Yaloo
       battle, for Home Minister. There were at this time three
       things that the nation desired. It wanted to be saved from the
       impending business depression. It wished to see Japanese
       Chauvinism installed at the Foreign Office, and the shame of
       the retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula wiped off. It
       hoped, lastly, to see a Parliamentary Government inaugurated
       and all the evils of irresponsible bureaucracy removed. The
       statesmen now installed in office aspired to satisfy all these
       desires, and they were expected to work wonders. But,
       unfortunately, the Cabinet lacked unity. … Early in the fall
       [of 1897] Count Okuma resigned office, saying that he felt
       like a European physician in consultation over a case with
       Chinese doctors. … Count Okuma led away the majority of the
       Progressist party, and the Government was left with but an
       insignificant number of supporters. As soon as the Diet met,
       the spirit of opposition manifested was so strong that the
       Ministers asked the Emperor to issue an edict for dissolution.
       It was expected that the government would at once appeal to
       the country with some strong programme. But to the
       astonishment of everybody the Ministry resigned the very next
       day. In the midst of the general confusion which followed,
       Marquis Ito's name was in the mouth of everybody. He was
       unanimously hailed as the only man to bring order into the
       political situation. In January following [1898] the new
       Cabinet was announced with Ito for Premier, Count Inouye for
       the Treasury, and Marquis Saionji, one of the best cultured,
       most progressive, and, perhaps, also most daring of the
       younger statesmen, for Education Minister."

          Tokiwo Yokoi,
          New Japan and her Constitutional Outlook
          (Contemporary Review, September, 1898).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1895.
       The war with China.
       Treaty of Shimonoseki.
       Korean independence secured.
       Part of Feng-tien, Formosa and the Pescadores ceded by China.
       Relinquishment of Feng-tien by Japan.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1896.
       Affairs in Formosa.
       Retirement of Marquis Ito.
       Progressists in power.
       Destructive sea-wave.

       Serious risings of the Chinese in Formosa against the newly
       established Japanese rule in that island were said to have
       been caused by insolent and atrocious conduct on the part of
       the Japanese soldiery. Possibly a decree which prohibited the
       importation of opium into Formosa, and which placed the
       medicinal sale of the drug under close restrictions, had
       something to do with the discontent. In Japan, the able
       statesman, Marquis Ito, was made unpopular by his yielding of
       the Liao Tung peninsula (in the Fêng-tien province of
       China,—see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895), under
       pressure from Russia, Germany and France. He retired from the
       government, and Count Matsukata became Premier in September,
       with a cabinet of the Progressist (Kaishinto) party, which
       advocated resistance to Russia, and opposition generally to
       the encouragement of foreign enterprises in Japan. A frightful
       calamity was suffered in June, when a prodigious wave, probably
       raised by some submarine volcano, overwhelmed a long stretch
       of northeastern coast, destroying some 30,000 people, and
       sweeping out of existence a number of considerable towns.

          Annual Register, 1896.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1897.
       New tariff.

       A new tariff, regulating the customs duties levied in all
       cases wherein Japan is not bound by treaty stipulations, was
       adopted in March, 1897. The duties imposed range from 5 to 40
       per cent., ad valorem, the higher being laid upon liquors and
       tobacco. The "Japan Gazette" is quoted as saying in
       explanation: "The statutory tariff fixes the duties to be
       collected on every article imported into Japan from countries
       that have not concluded tariff conventions with her, or that
       are not entitled to the most-favored-nation treatment in
       regard to the tariff. Spain, Portugal, Greece, and many other
       countries have no tariff conventions with Japan and no
       favored-nation clause, in regard to tariff, in their new
       treaties with this country. The United States, Belgium,
       Holland, Russia, and others have the favored-nation clause and
       will get the benefit of the lesser duties on items named in
       the different mentioned tariffs. There will, therefore, be two
       columns of figures in the printed general tariff list, showing in
       the first column the duties on the articles named in the
       conventional tariffs, and in the second column the duties on
       the same articles imported from countries that have no tariff
       convention with Japan, and that are not entitled to
       favored-nation treatment. For instance, most textile articles
       are subject to a duty of 10 per cent in the conventional
       tariff column and to a duty of 15 per cent in the statutory
       column."

          United States Consular Reports,
          July and September, 1897,
          pages 475 and 91.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (October).
       Introduction of the gold standard.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (MARCH).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Treaty with the United States and Russia to suspend pelagic
       sealing.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Contentions with Russia in Korea.

          See (in this volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.
       The struggle between clan government and party government.

       "When, in January 1898, Marquis Ito made an attempt to win the
       country back to non-party government and efficiency by forming
       an independent Ministry in defiance of the Liberal demands, he
       was acting no doubt from no mere clan instinct, but, as he
       conceived, in the highest interests of the realm. His
       experiment was not destined to succeed. In the general
       election of March 1898, 109 Progressives and 94 Liberals were
       returned as Representatives in a House of 300. A common hunger
       for office and a common sense of humiliation at their
       treatment by the greater statesmen of the clans united the two
       parties under one banner as they had not been united since 1873.
       At last they took up in earnest the crusade against clan
       government, which, logically, they should have commenced
       together exactly a quarter of a century before. They called
       their coalition the 'Kensei-to,' or Constitutional Party.
       Japan is a country of rapid progress, but she is lucky that
       for twenty-five years the formation of the Kensei-to was
       deferred while she was content to be guided through difficult
       times by clansmen more skilled in statecraft than the usurient
       nobodies who were kicking at the heels of Counts Okuma and
       Itagaki.

    {280}

       "Meanwhile Marquis Ito had to decide how he would act. He had
       tried to govern with the help of a party and had partially
       succeeded. He had tried to govern without one, and had
       discovered that it was impossible. The two parties could no
       longer be played off one against the other. They were united,
       and with fifty new recruits formed the Kensei-to, 253 strong.
       There remained only nineteen clan government sympathisers,
       calling themselves National Unionists, and twenty-eight
       Independents. In these difficult circumstances Marquis Ito's
       decision was a bold one, and in its consequences far-reaching.
       He advised that Count Okuma, the Progressive leader of the
       Kensei-to should be summoned to form a Cabinet in conjunction
       with his Liberal colleague, Count Itagaki. His advice was
       followed by the Emperor, but with the significant condition
       that the Ministries of War and the Navy were to be retained by
       clansmen. The Emperor was not disposed to allow constitutional
       experiments in these departments. On the 28th of June 1898,
       Marquis Ito resigned, and on the 30th the Okuma-Itagaki
       Cabinet was formed.

       "It now seemed to many that the death-blow had been given to
       clan government, and that at last the era of government by
       party had commenced. … The elements of which the Kensei-to was
       composed were the two great ones of the Progressives, led by
       Count Okuma, and the Liberals, led by Count Itagaki. These two
       parties acted together in a condition of veiled hostility.
       There was coalition without any approach to amalgamation. A
       common hunger for office, a common dislike for clan
       government, obscured for a little while a mutual jealousy and
       distrust. Meanwhile the Kensei-to as a whole, and both wings
       of it, were divided into endless clubs, cliques, and
       associations. Our own Temperance, Colonial, Church, and China
       parties are affable and self-effacing in comparison. Thus, to
       name only a few of the political divisions of the Kensei-to,
       there were the territorial associations of the Kwanto-kai (led
       by Mr. Hoshi), the Hokuriku-kai (led by Mr. Sugita), the
       Kyushu Kurabu (led by Mr. Matsuda), the Tohoku-dantai, the
       Chugoku-kai, and the Shigoku-kai; there were the Satsuma
       section, the Tosa section, the Kakushinto, the Young
       Constitutionalists, the Senior Politicians (such as Baron
       Kusumoto, Mr. Hiraoka, the chief organiser of the coalition,
       and others), the Central Constitutionalist Club, and so forth.
       Each clique had its private organisation and animosities; each
       aspired to dictate to the Cabinet and secure portfolios for
       its members in the House. They combined and recombined among
       themselves. … Clearly, however loyally the two leaders wished
       to work together, each must find it impossible in such
       circumstances to preserve discipline among his own followers.
       Indeed, the leaders scarcely tried to lead. … It was
       impossible to carry on the Government under such conditions.
       The Okuma-Itagaki Cabinet fell, and Field Marshal the Marquis
       Yamagata, Premier of the first Japanese Ministry, was summoned
       by the Emperor. Once more a clan Ministry, independent of
       party, was formed; once more it seemed as though party
       government was to be indefinitely postponed. … Marquis
       Yamagata formed his Ministry in November 1898, on strictly
       clan lines. … Being an old soldier, he wisely determined to
       profit by experience and seek an ally. No one knew better than
       himself the need of passing the Land Tax Bill, on which the
       efficiency of the national defence and the future of Japan
       depended. … It was natural, therefore, for him to approach the
       Liberals, who had shown themselves favourable to an increase
       of the Land Tax. … On the 27th of November the support of the
       Liberals was assured, an event which prompted the 'Jiji' to
       express its joy that Marquis Yamagata had become a party man,
       leaving 'the mouldy, effete cause of the non-partisan
       Ministry.' The Government party consisted now of the National
       Unionists (in favour of clan government' and loyal followers
       of Marquis Yamagata), the Liberals, and a few so-called
       Independents (who, of course, speedily formed themselves into
       a club), giving the Government a majority of about fifteen or
       twenty votes in the House. …

       "The first session of Marquis Yamagata's second Ministry will
       always be remembered in Japan because the Land Tax Bill was
       successfully passed through both Houses. … But the most
       important episode of the session, from a parliamentary point
       of view, was a remarkable act of self-denial on the part of
       the Liberals. In March of this year [1899] they agreed not to
       demand office from Marquis Yamagata for any of their number,
       though they were to be free to accept such offices as he might
       of his own bounty from time to time be able to offer them. If
       this unprecedented pledge be loyally adhered to, it marks a
       very great stride towards effective party government in the
       future. … The hope of the Liberals now lies, not in the
       immediate enjoyment of the sweets of office, but in winning
       over Marquis Ito to their party. If he were to show the way,
       it is probable that many more of the leading clan statesmen
       would take sides, in which case, to adopt Mr. Bodley's phrase,
       political society would be divided vertically as in England, not
       horizontally as in France, and either party on obtaining a
       majority in the House would be able to find material in its
       own ranks for an efficient Cabinet. At present neither is in
       that happy position."

          H. N. G. Bushby,
          Parliamentary Government in Japan
          (Nineteenth Century, July, 1899).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (July).
       Release from the treaties with Western Powers
       which gave them exterritorial rights.
       Consular jurisdictions abolished.

       "Japan has been promoted. The great sign that Europe regards a
       Power as only semi-civilised is the demand that all who visit
       it, or trade in it, should be exempted from the jurisdiction
       of the local Courts, the Consuls acting when necessary as
       Judges. This rule is maintained even when the Powers thus
       stigmatised send Ambassadors, and is, no doubt, very keenly
       resented. It seems specially offensive to the Japanese, who
       have a high opinion of their own merits, and they have for
       seventeen years demanded the treatment accorded to fully
       civilised States. As the alliance of Japan is now earnestly
       sought by all Europe this has been conceded, and on Monday,
       July 17th, the Consular jurisdiction ceased. (Owing to some
       blunder, the powers of the French and Austrian Consuls last a
       fortnight longer, but the difference is only formal.) The
       Japanese are highly delighted, and the European traders are
       not displeased, as with the Consular jurisdictions all
       restrictions on trading with the interior disappear."

          The Spectator
          (London), July 22, 1899.

    {281}

       The early treaties of Japan with Western Powers, which gave
       the latter what are called rights of extra-territoriality, or
       exterritoriality, for all their subjects (the right, that is,
       to administer their own laws, by their own consular or other
       courts, upon their own subjects, within a foreign country),
       were modified in 1894. Japan then became free to extinguish
       the foreign courts on her soil at the end of five years, upon
       giving a year's notice, which she did as stated above. Her
       government has thus attained a recognized peerage in
       sovereignty with the governments of the Western world. At the
       same time, the whole country has been thrown open to foreign
       trade—restricted previously to certain ports.

       In careful preparation of the Japanese people for this
       important change in their relations with the foreign world,
       the following imperial rescript was issued at the end of June,
       1899: "The revision of the treaties, our long cherished aim,
       is to-day on the eve of becoming an accomplished fact; a
       result which, while it adds materially to the responsibilities
       of our Empire, will greatly strengthen the basis of our
       friendship with foreign countries. It is our earnest wish that
       our subjects, whose devoted loyalty in the discharge of their
       duties is conspicuous, should enter earnestly into our
       sentiments in this matter, and, in compliance with the great
       policy of opening the country, should all unite with one heart
       to associate cordially with the peoples from afar, thus
       maintaining the character of the nation and enhancing the
       prestige of the Empire. In view of the responsibilities that
       devolve upon us in giving effect to the new treaties, it is
       our will that our ministers of state, acting on our behalf,
       should instruct our officials of all classes to observe the
       utmost circumspection in the management of affairs, to the end
       that subjects and strangers alike may enjoy equal privileges
       and advantages, and that, every source of dissatisfaction
       being avoided, relations of peace and amity with all nations
       may be strengthened and consolidated in perpetuity."

       Obedient to this command, the Minister President of State,
       Marquis Yamagata, published the following instruction on the
       1st of July: "The work of revising the treaties has caused
       deep solicitude to His August Majesty since the centralization
       of the Government, and has long been an object of earnest desire
       to the people. More than twenty years have elapsed since the
       question was opened by the dispatch of a special embassy to
       the West in 1871. Throughout the whole of that interval,
       numerous negotiations were conducted with foreign countries
       and numerous plans discussed, until finally, in 1884, Great
       Britain took the lead in concluding a revised treaty, and the
       other powers all followed in succession, so that now the
       operation of the new treaties is about to take place on the
       17th of July and the 4th of August.

       "The revision of the treaties in the sense of placing on a
       footing of equality the intercourse of this country with
       foreign states was the basis of the great liberal policy
       adopted at the time of the restoration, and that such a course
       conduces to enhance the prestige of the Empire and to promote
       the prosperity of the people is a proposition not requiring
       demonstration. But if there should be anything defective in
       the methods adopted for giving effect to the treaties, not
       merely will the object of revision be sacrificed, but also the
       country's relations with friendly powers will be impaired and its
       prestige may be lowered. It is, of course, beyond question
       that any rights and privileges accruing to us as a result of
       treaty revision should be duly asserted. But there devolves
       upon the Government of this Empire the responsibility, and
       upon the people of this Realm the duty, of protecting the
       rights and privileges of foreigners, and of sparing no effort
       that they may one and all be enabled to reside in the country
       confidently and contentedly. It behooves all officials to
       clearly apprehend the august intentions and to pay profound
       attention to these points."

       With still finer care for the honor and good name of Japan,
       the following instruction to schools was published on the same
       day by Count Kabayma, the Minister of State for Education:
       "The schools under the direct control of the Government serve
       as models to all the public and private educational
       institutions throughout the country. It is therefore my
       earnest desire that the behavior of the students at such
       schools should be regulated with notably strict regard to the
       canons of propriety, so that they may show themselves worthy
       of the station they occupy. The date of the operation of the
       revised treaties is now imminent, and His Imperial Majesty has
       issued a gracious rescript. It may be expected that the coming
       and going of foreigners in the interior of the country will
       henceforth grow more frequent, and if at such a time students
       be left without proper control, and suffered to neglect the
       dictates of propriety by cherishing sentiments of petty
       arrogance and behaving in a violent, outrageous, or vulgar
       manner, not only will the educational systems be brought into
       discredit, but also the prestige of the country will be
       impaired and its reputation may even be destroyed. For that
       reason I have addressed an instruction to the local governors
       urging them to guard against any defects in educational
       methods, and I am now constrained to appeal to the Government
       schools which serve for models. I trust that those upon whom
       the functions of direction and teaching devolve, paying
       respectful attention to the august intention, will discharge
       their duties carefully towards the students, and, by securing
       the latter's strict adherence to rules, will contrive that
       they shall serve as a worthy example to the schools throughout
       the country."

          United States Consular Reports,
          October, 1899, page 285.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (August).
       Prohibition of religious instruction in the government schools.

       Some important regulations for the national schools were
       promulgated in August by the Minister of Education, having the
       effect, probably intended, of discouraging attendance at the
       Christian mission schools, and stimulating a preference for
       the schools of the national system. They forbade religious
       exercises or instruction in any schools that adopt the
       curriculum of the national schools, while, at the same time,
       they allow admission from no others to the higher schools of
       the national system without examination. Students in the
       middle schools of the national system are exempted from
       conscription, while others are not. That the aim in this
       policy is to strengthen the national schools, rather than to
       interfere with religious freedom, seems probable.

    {282}

    JAPAN: A. D. 1899 (December).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1000 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (July)
       Failure of attempts to entrust the Japanese government
       with the rescue of the foreign Legations at Peking.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-JULY).

    JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (August-October).
       The new party of Marquis Ito.

       The letters of the Tokio correspondent of the London "Times"
       describe interestingly the genesis of a new party of which
       Marquis Ito has taken the lead, and which took control of the
       government in October, 1900. Various parties, the career of
       which the writer reviews, had been formed in opposition to the
       veteran statesmen who continued to hold the reins of government
       after constitutional forms were introduced in 1880. But very
       few of the party politicians who constructed these parties,
       says the writer, had held high office. "They were without the
       prestige of experience. To put such men on the administrative
       stage while the gallery was occupied by the greybeards—the
       'Meiji statesmen,' as they are called—who had managed the
       country's affairs since the Restoration, would have seemed a
       strange spectacle in the eyes of the nation. The Meiji
       statesmen, however, persistently declined to be drawn into the
       ranks of the political parties. They gave the latter plenty of
       rope; they even allowed them to administer the State, which
       essay ended in a fiasco; and they took them into alliances
       which served chiefly to demonstrate the eagerness of these
       politicians for office and emoluments. But there was no
       amalgamation. The line of demarcation remained indelible. …

       "The political parties, discovering the impossibility of
       becoming a real power in the State without the coöperation of
       the Meiji statesmen, asked Marquis Ito to assume their
       leadership. Marquis Ito may be said to possess everything that
       his country can give him. He has the unbounded confidence of
       his Sovereign and his countrymen; he is loaded with titles and
       honours, and a word from him can make or mar a Ministry. It
       seems strange that such a man should step down from his
       pedestal to become a party leader; to occupy a position which
       can bring no honour and must at once create enemies. Yet
       Marquis Ito has consented. He issued his manifesto. It is in
       two respects a very remarkable document. First, it tells the
       politicians that their great fault has been self-seeking; that
       they have set party higher than country; office and emolument
       above public duty and political responsibility. Secondly, it
       informs them in emphatic terms that Parliamentary Cabinets are
       unconstitutional in Japan; that "Ministers and officials must
       be appointed by the Sovereign without any reference to their
       party connexions. The politicians who place themselves under
       Marquis Ito's leadership must eschew the former failing and
       abandon the latter heresy. It would be impossible to imagine a
       more complete reversal of the tables. The men who, ten years
       ago, asked the nation to condemn the Meiji statesmen on a
       charge of political self-seeking are now publicly censured by
       the chief of these statesmen for committing the very same sin
       in their own persons; and the men who for ten years have made
       Parliamentary Cabinets the text of their agitation now enrol
       themselves in a party which openly declares such Cabinets to
       be unconstitutional."

       The new party calls itself the "Association of Friends of the
       Constitution" (Rikken Seiyukai). "In its ranks are found the
       whole of the Liberals, and many members of the Diet who had
       hitherto maintained an independent attitude, so that it can
       count on 152 supporters among the 300 members of the Lower
       House. … The Opposition, the Progressists, command only 90
       votes, and the remainder of the House is composed mainly of
       men upon whose support the Cabinet can always reckon. In fact,
       now for the first time since the Diet opened, does the
       direction of State affairs come into the hands of Ministers
       who may rest assured of Parliamentary cooperation."

       Marquis Yamagata, who had conducted the administration for
       nearly two years, resigned in October, and Marquis Ito brought
       his new party into power. His Cabinet "does not include one of
       the elder statesmen—the 'clan statesmen'—except the marquis
       himself. Among the seven portfolios that have changed
       hands—those of War and of the Navy are still held as before—
       three have been given to unequivocal party politicians,
       leaders of the Liberals, and four to men who may be regarded
       as Marquis Ito's disciples. … The Yamagata Cabinet consisted
       entirely of clan statesmen and their followers. The Ito
       Cabinet has a clan statesman for leader and his nominees for
       members. It may be called essentially a one man Ministry, so
       far does the Premier tower above the heads of his colleagues."

    JAPAN: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Strategic importance of Korea.
       Interest in the designs of Russia.

          See (in this volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1900.

    JAPAN: A. D. 1901.
       Movement to erect a monument to commemorate the
       visit of Commodore Perry.

       A movement in Japan to erect a monument at Kurihama, the
       landing place of the American expedition, commanded by
       Commodore Matthew C. Perry, which visited Japan in 1853 and
       brought about the opening of that country to intercourse with
       the western world (see, in volume 3, JAPAN: A. D. 1852-1888),
       was announced to the State Department at Washington by the U.
       S. Consul-General at Yokohama, in March, 1901. The undertaking
       is directed by the "American Association of Japan," of which
       the Japanese Minister of Justice is President, and its purpose
       is to commemorate an event which the Association, in a
       published circular, declares to be "the most memorable" in the
       annals of Japan. The language of the circular, in part, is as
       follows: "This visit of Commodore Perry was in a word the
       turning of the key which opened the doors of the Japanese
       Empire to friendly intercourse with the United States, and
       subsequently to the rest of the nations of Europe on similar
       terms, and may in truth be regarded as the most memorable
       event in our annals—an event which paved the way for and
       accelerated the introduction of a new order of things, an
       event that enabled the country to enter upon the unprecedented
       era of National ascendancy in which we are now living.
    {283}
       Japan has not forgotten—nor will she ever forget—that next to
       her reigning and most beloved sovereign, whose high virtues
       and great wisdom are above all praise, she owes, in no small
       degree, her present prosperity to the United States of
       America, in that the latter rendered her a great and lasting
       service already referred to. After the lapse of these
       forty-eight years, her people, however, have come to entertain
       but an uncertain memory of Kurihama, and yet it was there that
       Commodore Perry first trod on the soil of Japan and for the
       first time awoke the country from a slumberous seclusion of
       three centuries—there it was where first gleamed the light
       that has ever since illumined Japan's way in her new career of
       progress."

       ----------JAPAN: End--------

    JESUS, Discovery of a fragment of the Logia or Sayings of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

       ----------JEWS: Start--------

    JEWS:
       Discovery of the sole mention of the people of Israel in
       Egyptian inscriptions.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    JEWS:
       General results of recent archæological research as affecting
       our knowledge of the ancient Hebrews.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: IN BIBLE LANDS.

    JEWS: A. D. 1897:
       Freedom of residence in Russia given
       to the university educated.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

    JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.
       The Zionist movement.

       "The three closing days of August [1897] saw a congress at
       Basle concerning the significance of which friends and foes
       alike seem already pretty well agreed. It was the Congress of
       Zionists. Zionists! Until then that word was almost unknown to
       the public at large. Zionism virtually made its bow to the
       Gentile world at Basle, and disclosed for the first time what
       its aims and its needs were. … It was in my work, 'The Jewish
       State,' which appeared a year and a half ago, that I first
       formulated what the Congress at Basle virtually adopted as an
       axiom. In the terms of that definition: 'Zionism has for its
       object the creation of a home, secured by public rights, for
       those Jews who either cannot or will not be assimilated in the
       country of their adoption.'

       "Nothing was more instructive at the Basle Congress than the
       vigour—I might almost say violence—with which the
       representatives of the great Jewish strata of population
       resisted any attempt to limit the guarantees for a State based
       on public rights. The executive appointed to draw up a
       programme had proposed 'a legally secured home.' The
       delegates, however, were not satisfied, and clamoured for an
       alteration to 'secured on the basis of international rights.'
       It was only by adopting the intermediary expression 'public
       rights' that an agreement was arrived at. The significance of
       this logomachy is, that what the Jews desire is not to acquire
       more tracts of land, but a country for the Jewish people, and
       to emphasise that desire in terms as plain as possible without
       wounding certain legitimate and sovereign susceptibilities. We
       can acquire land any day in our private right everywhere. But
       that is not the point with Zionists. In our case we have
       nothing to do with private rights. That will come later—as
       well as the land speculators—once our movement has achieved
       success. What the Zionists are alone directing their attention
       to is the 'public rights' idea. In that they hope to find a
       remedy for the old evil. Were I to express myself
       paradoxically, I should say that a country belonging to the
       Jews on the basis of public rights, even though down to the
       very last parcel it was the legally secured property of
       non-Jews, would mean the final solution of the Jewish
       question. … We have held a gathering at Basle before the whole
       world, and there we saw the national consciousness and the
       popular will break forth, at times like a convulsive upheaval.
       To Basle came Jews of all countries, of all tongues, of all
       parties, and of all forms of religious confession. There were
       more than 200 representatives of the Jewish people—most of
       them delegates for hundreds and thousands. Men from Roumania
       alone brought over 50,000 signatures of those who had sent
       them there. There surely was never such a motley assembly of
       opinions in such a narrow space before. On the other hand,
       there would certainly have been more conflict of opinion in
       any other deliberative assembly than there was in this. …

       "It would … appear to be to the interest of Turkey to come to
       an arrangement with the Jews. But, what are the interests
       which other Governments would have in assisting the
       realisation of a legally guaranteed Jewish home? The interest
       would vary with each country, but it is present in some form
       or other everywhere. It would mean the drawing off of an
       unhappy and detested element of population which is reduced
       more and more to a condition of despair, and which, scattered
       over the face of the earth, and in a state of unrest, must
       perforce identify itself with the most extreme parties
       everywhere. Governments and all friends of the existing order
       of things cannot bring themselves to believe that, by helping
       us in the solution we propose, they could give peace to an
       element which has been driven to revolution and rendered
       dangerous through its dispersion. That a highly conservative
       people, like the Jews, have always been driven into the ranks
       of revolutionists is the most lamentable feature in the
       tragedy of our race. Zionism would mean an end to all that. We
       should see results accrue for the general condition of
       mankind, the full benefits of which we cannot even guess.
       There are, of course, a great number of existing political
       difficulties to be overcome, but these, given the necessary
       good will, might be surmounted."

          Theodor Herzl,
          The Zionist Congress
          (Contemporary Review, October, 1897).

    {284}

       "The programme of the Philo-Zionists as defined in their
       printed constitution is as follows:

       (a) To foster the national idea in Israel.

       (b) To promote the colonization of Palestine and neighbouring
       territories by Jews, by establishing new colonies and
       assisting those already established.

       (c) To diffuse the knowledge of Hebrew as a living language.

       (d) To further the moral, intellectual, and material status of
       Israel.

       The English Association, known as the Chovevi Zion, is
       presided over by Colonel Albert Edward Goldsmid, Assistant
       Adjutant-General of Her Majesty's Forces; it has 35
       established 'Tents' spread through the length and breadth of
       the United Kingdom. … Similar associations have been
       established in America, Germany, France, Russia, Austria,
       Denmark, Switzerland, and other countries; and there is a
       central committee meeting at Paris, where the organisation of
       new colonies and development of existing ones in the Holy Land
       is systematically carried out. Even before these associations
       had been called into existence Baron Edmond de Rothschild of
       Paris, encouraged by the success of the agricultural schools
       at Jaffa, founded by the late Charles Netter, had devoted his
       vast influence and his open purse to the work; and there is a
       separate administration in Palestine charged with the control
       and management of what are known as 'the Baron's colonies.'

       "To-day we have in Palestine between twenty and thirty
       distinct colonies or communities spreading along the coast
       from Askalon in the south to Carmel in the north, and along
       the Jordan from the Waters of Meron to the Sea of Galilee in
       the east. The population of these colonies varies from 100 to
       700 souls, and they may safely be estimated to number 10,000
       souls in all, independently of the large number of Jewish day
       labourers from neighbouring towns and villages, to whom they
       give occasional employment. There are 50,000 more Jews—mostly
       refugees—in the various Holy Cities, and the immediate problem
       is to get these—or the better part of them—also on the land.
       The current language of the colonists is the Hebrew of the
       Bible, although many of them have acquired the native Arabic,
       and also French, which is taught in their schools. They have
       their places of worship, their houses of study, their modest
       institutes, their public baths, and in fact the counterpart in
       small of all the features of the model European village: and
       they have, thanks to the Baron and the Philo-Zionists'
       Associations, the most modern appliances and complete
       installations for the prosecution of their agricultural
       works."

          Herbert Bentwich,
          Philo-Zionists and Anti-Semites
          (Nineteenth Century, October, 1897).

       "At the beginning of March, 1898, an important Conference was
       held in London, attended by delegates from nearly 50
       societies, representing 10,000 English Zionists, and
       resolutions were passed adopting the International programme,
       and making provisions for a federation of all the English
       Zionist bodies. Similar conferences were held in New York, in
       Berlin, in Galatz (Roumania), and other great centres; and
       local federations were everywhere formed to give greater
       strength and solidity to the general organization. At the
       second International Congress, which was held at Basle in
       August, 1898, and was attended by an imposing body of more
       than 500 delegates, the Executive Committee were able to
       report that the 'Basle programme' had received the support of
       913 Zionist organizations (out of which over 700 had sprung up
       since the first Congress), it being calculated that these
       represented at least a quarter of a million of active members.
       The Congress had become the authorised representative and
       exponent of the people's wishes, and the Zionists had become a
       power to be reckoned with in any settlement of the Jewish
       question. Prominent among the attendants at this world
       gathering were the Rabbis—crown officials from orthodox Russia
       and Poland, as well as the elect of reform congregations from
       America—who took an active interest in the settlement of the
       programme of work for the ensuing year, which was the main
       business of the meeting."

          H. Bentwich,
          The Progress of Zionism
          (Fortnightly Review, December, 1898).

       At the International Zionist Congress which assembled in
       London on the 13th of August, 1900, the report of the
       executive committee on the progress which the movement has
       made showed as follows: "In Russia there are at least 100,000
       members of Zionist societies; in England the movement is
       supported by 38 societies, as against 16 last year, and all
       these societies have increased membership. Thanks to the work
       of the English Zionist Federation Zionism has made great
       headway in England. In the United States there are 135
       societies, as against 102 last year. Notwithstanding the war
       in South Africa, the contributions towards the expenses of the
       movement have been well maintained. Having regard to the
       returns received by the executive committee the reporter felt
       no hesitation in saying that to-day the vast majority of the
       Jewish nation were in favour of Zionism."

          London Times,
          August 15, 1900.

       Late in December, 1900, it was announced at Vienna that the
       Sultan had issued or renewed a decree, according to which the
       Jews are forbidden to remain in Palestine for longer than
       three months. This measure, which applies both to traders and
       pilgrims, further prohibits the acquisition by Jews of landed
       property. It was suggested that the wholesale exodus of Jews
       from Russia and their recent emigration from Rumania gave rise
       to the apprehension that they might overcrowd Palestine. This
       apprehension is said to have been strengthened by the
       increasing activity of the Zionists, who are suspected in
       certain circles in Constantinople of pursuing distinct
       political ends. According to another suggestion, Russia had
       grown jealous of the Jewish colonization of Palestine, fearing
       it to be in the interest of German policy, and had used
       influence to check it.

       "Viewed merely on its prosaic side, Zionism is by no means a
       visionary scheme. The aggregation of Jews in Palestine is only
       a matter of time, and it is better that they should be
       aggregated there under their own laws and religion, and the
       mild suzerainty of the Sultan, than under the semi-barbarous
       restrictions of Russia or Roumania, and exposed to recurrent
       popular outbreaks. True, Palestine is a ruined country, and
       the Jews are a broken people, but neither is beyond
       recuperation. Palestine needs a people, Israel needs a
       country. If, in regenerating the Holy Land, Israel could
       regenerate itself, how should the world be other than the
       gainer? In the solution of the problem of Asia, which has just
       succeeded the problem of Africa, Israel might play no
       insignificant part. Already the colony of Rishon le Zion has
       obtained a gold medal for its wines from the Paris Exposition,
       which is not prejudiced in the Jew's favor.
    {285}
       We may be sure the spiritual wine of Judæa would again pour
       forth likewise that precious vintage which the world has drunk
       for so many centuries. And as the unscientific activities of
       the colonization societies would have paved the way for the
       pastoral and commercial future of Israel in its own country,
       so would the rabbinical sing-song in musty rooms prove to have
       been but the unconscious preparation of the ages for the
       Jerusalem University.

       "But Palestine belongs to the Sultan, and the Sultan refuses
       to grant the coveted Judæan Charter, even for dangled
       millions. Is not this fatal? No, it matters as little as that
       the Zionists could not pay the millions, if suddenly called
       upon. They have barely collected a quarter of a million (in
       English pounds). But there are millionaires enough to come to
       the rescue, once the charter was dangled before the Zionists.
       It is not likely that the Rothschilds would see themselves
       ousted from their familiar headship in authority and
       well-doing, nor would the millions left by Baron Hirsch be
       altogether withheld. And the Sultan's present refusal is
       equally unimportant, because a national policy is independent
       of transient moods and transient rulers. The only aspect that
       really matters is whether Israel's face be, or be not, set
       steadily Zionwards,—for decades and even for centuries. Much
       less turns on the Sultan's mind than on Dr. Herzl's. Will he
       lose patience? for leaders like Herzl are not born in every
       century."

          I. Zangwill,
          The Wandering Jew and the New Century
          (Sunday School Times, January 12, 1901).

    JEWS: A. D. 1899.
       In Palestine.

       "In view of the impetus given the Zionist movement by the
       second Zionist congress, held at Basel in September, and also
       by the Palestine journey of Emperor Wilhelm II, the present
       status of Jews in Palestine becomes a matter of general
       interest. Out of a total population in Palestine of some
       200,000 souls, about 40,000 are Jews, as against 14,000 twenty
       years ago. In Jerusalem, there are 22,000 Jews, half of whom
       have immigrated from Europe and America and are called
       Asehkenazim to distinguish them from the oriental Israelites,
       the Sephardists. Nine hundred and sixty families, numbering
       about 5,000 souls, inhabit the twenty-two Jewish colonies in
       Palestine which have been founded and subsidized by Europeans
       —ten by Baron Edmond de Rothschild, representing the Alliance
       Israélite Universelle; the rest by the Jewish Colonization
       Association and by the Odessa Company.

       "The idea of gathering in Palestine homeless Jews scattered
       all over the globe was championed in the forties by Moses
       Montefiore, but with indifferent success. In the eighties,
       however, the immigration of Jews to Palestine assumed
       significant proportions. Of the twenty-two present colonies,
       the 'Jacob Memorial' is the largest, supporting more than
       1,000 souls. It boasts a graded school (five teachers), a
       synagogue, etc., and 4,000 acres of land under cultivation, on
       which are raised fruit (chiefly grapes), honey, and mulberry
       leaves, the rearing of silkworms being a leading industry. The
       'First to Zion' is another quite important colony, owning
       2,000 acres of land. Some forty two-storied stone dwelling
       houses greet the eye of the approaching stranger; also a
       school house with a Hebrew library, a synagogue, and a
       hospital. One million five hundred thousand vines and 25,000
       olive, almond, orange, and mulberry trees belong to this
       colony, which also possesses famous wine cellars. The 'Hope of
       Israel,' a mile beyond Yafa, in the plains of Sharon, is
       perhaps best known for its agricultural school, in which one
       hundred or more pupils are taught gardening. Recently, a high
       school for Jewish girls was established in Yafa. The 'Head
       Corner Stone,' amid the hills beyond Tiberias, with
       snow-capped Hermon in the background, is another quite
       prosperous Jewish colony in Palestine. Being near the source
       of the Jordan, water is plentiful; and its situation, high up
       above the level of Lake Gennesareth, insures fair climatic
       conditions. In the 'Door of Hope,' dairy farming is profitably
       followed and experiments made in tea planting. This colony is
       said to have 1,000,000 vines.

       "Entirely irrespective of whether or not the Zionists will
       succeed in awakening in the Jewish people a national spirit
       and forming a Judean monarchy or republic, with its parliament
       in Jerusalem and its representation in foreign capitals, the
       present agitation makes for the development of a country which
       is but a shadow of its former self, and which will generously
       respond to modern influences. The Sultan seems quite disposed
       to grant railway, harbor, and other franchises, and it is
       possible that the new Jewish Colonial Bank, the organization
       of which was decided upon in Basel, will be permitted, under
       certain guaranties, to play an important part in the
       industrial advancement and growth of Palestine. The movement
       is furthermore bringing out new qualities in the Jews residing
       in Palestine. They are no longer content with studying the
       Talmud and living on charity, but are waking to the fact, as
       the Hebrew would put it, that to till the ground is worship of
       God.

       "It should not be inferred from statements here made that
       peace and prosperity have suddenly become the lot of the Jews
       in Palestine. Only a few days ago, Rev. William King Eddy, of
       Sidon, returned from beyond the Jordan, and he informs me that
       a Jewish colony situated not far from El Mzerib (on the
       caravan route from Damascus to Mekka) was recently attacked by
       predatory Bedouin tribes. The settlers were all driven away,
       their gardens and crops destroyed. Even a road built by the
       Jews to connect their frontier colony with older ones in
       Galilee, west of the river, was at least partially
       obliterated. Taxes are more oppressive than ever, officials
       are corrupt, and prohibitive measures regarding immigration
       are still in force, although inadequate. I think, however, I
       am justified in saying that the prospects are brighter than
       ever for the Jews in Palestine and for Palestine itself.
       European influence has obtained a foothold in the country, and
       the tide of modern ideas can not be long debarred. Only four
       or five weeks ago, an English company announced its
       determination to build a broad-gauge railway from the sea at
       Haifa through the very heart of Samaria and Galilee to
       Damascus and on to Bagdad, and active operations have already
       commenced."

          G. B. Ravndal,
          United States Consul at Beirut
          (United States Consular Reports, April, 1899, page 691).

    {286}

    JEWS: A. D. 1901.
       Turkish order regulating visits to Palestine.

       A Press telegram from Washington, February 16, 1901, states
       that "Consul Merrill, at Jerusalem, has reported to the State
       Department that the Turkish Minister of the Interior at
       Constantinople has issued an order relative to Jews who visit
       Palestine, which went into effect on January 29. The order
       applies to an Jews who come to Palestine from other countries
       as pilgrims or visitors. The conditions of the order are as
       follows: On arriving at Joppa the visitor must deliver his
       passport to the Turkish authorities and receive therefor a
       Turkish document. The visitor is allowed to stay in the
       country three months, when he must leave, surrendering the
       Turkish permit and receiving his own. Foreign consuls are to
       compel the Jews who overstay the three months' period to leave
       Turkey."

       ----------JEWS: End--------

    JOAN OF ARC, The Beatification of.

       The beatification of Joan of Are, recommended by the
       Congregation of Rites, at Rome, was pronounced by the Pope,
       January 28, 1894.

    JOHANNESBURG: Origin.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

    JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Revolutionary conspiracy of Uitlanders.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

    JOHANNESBURG: A. D. 1900.
       Taken by the British forces.

          See (in this volume))
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 MAY-JUNE).

    JOINT HIGH COMMISSION, Anglo-American.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    JOLO, The Sultan of.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

    JONES, Samuel M., Mayor of Toledo.

          See (in this volume)
          TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.

    JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:
       In the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    JOUBERT, General Pietrus Jacobus:
       Death.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

    JUBILEE, The Diamond, of Queen Victoria.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

    JUBILEE OF THE HOLY YEAR 1900, Proclamation of the Universal.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.

    JU JU SACRIFICE.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1807.

    K.

    KAFIRISTAN: Its conquest by the Afghans.

          See (in this volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1896.

    KAGAYAN, or CAGAYAN, The American acquisition of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    KAIRWAN: Opened to tourists.

          See (in this volume)
          TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.

    KAISER WILHELM II.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY.

    KAISER WILHELM SHIP CANAL, The.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

    KAMERUNS, The: Cost of maintenance.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1809 (JUNE).

    KANG YEU-WEI, Chinese reformer.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

    KAPILAVASTU, Discovery of the ruins of.

          See (in this volume)
          BUDDHA.

    KARNAK, Fall of eleven columns of the temple of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: FALL OF KARNAK COLUMNS.

    KASSALA, Italian evacuation of.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1897.

    KATIPUNAN, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

    KEARSARGE, Loss of the.

          The United States cruiser Kearsarge, destroyer of the
          Alabama, was totally wrecked, February 2. 1894, on
          Roncadore Reef, off the Mosquito coast, her crew being
          saved.

    KENGI.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    KENTUCKY: A. D. 1895-1900.
       Political conflicts.
       Assassination of Governor Goebel.

       In 1895 a Republican Governor, William O. Bradley, was elected
       in Kentucky by a majority of nearly 9,000 votes. In 1896 the
       conflict of political parties became fierce and dangerous, on
       the occasion of the election of au United States Senator to
       succeed the Democratic incumbent, J. C. S. Blackburn, whose
       term would expire March 3d, 1897. On joint ballot in the
       Legislature the Republicans and Democrats had 68 votes each,
       and the Populists had 2,—the latter thus bolding a balance of
       power: But the two Populist members were divided, and the
       Democrats could not act together, owing to the division in
       their party on the money question. The "sound-money" Democrats
       refused support to Senator Blackburn, who obtained the caucus
       nomination of his party for re-election, and their votes were
       scattered. The Republicans were united on a candidate, and
       secured one of the Populist votes, but needed one more to give
       them a majority. They attempted to win the needed vote by
       unseating a Democrat in the Lower House whose seat was
       contested; but the Democrats promptly neutralized their move
       by unseating two Republicans in the Upper House. The passions
       excited by the factious contest had by this time become so
       violent and threatening that in March, 1897, the Governor of
       the State deemed it necessary to call out several companies of
       militia to preserve peace at Frankfort. In the end, the
       Legislature adjourned without electing an United States
       Senator; but a special session was called and the election
       accomplished, on the 28th of April, William J. Deboe,
       Republican, winning the senatorial seat.

    {287}

       In the following year (1898) the Democrats secured strong
       majorities in both branches of the Legislature, and, under the
       lead of Senator William Goebel, passed an election bill which was
       bitterly denounced as a contrivance for fraud. It created a
       State election board, appointed by the existing Legislature
       for four years, which board should name three commissioners in
       each county, by whom all election and registration officers
       should be chosen. Notwithstanding this provision of partisan
       returning officers, the Democrats were so divided on the
       silver question in the gubernatorial election of 1899, and
       further weakened by personal hostilities which Goebel, who
       became their candidate for governor, had stirred up, that the
       official returns of the election gave William S. Taylor, the
       Republican candidate, a plurality of more than 2,000 votes
       over Goebel. There had been fear of riot in Louisville on
       election day, and the Governor had called out State troops to
       preserve order. The defeated party claimed that military
       interference in that city had made the election illegal, and
       demanded that the returns from Louisville should be thrown
       out. On both sides there were accusations of fraud, and a
       dangerous state of political excitement ensued again. But two
       of the three members (all Democrats) of the State Board of
       Election Commissioners decided that Taylor, the Republican
       candidate, had been lawfully elected, and he was inaugurated
       Governor on the 12th of December. Goebel and his partisans,
       refusing to accept the decision, determined to unseat Governor
       Taylor, by authority of the Legislature, in which they
       controlled a considerable majority of votes.

       The Legislature met and organized on the 1st of January, 1900.
       The Governor prepared to defend his possession of the office
       by summoning troops of the State Guard from the strong
       Republican districts of the mountain region, and 1,000 or more
       armed men arrived in Frankfort on the 25th. There had been
       fighting between the two parties already, and the situation
       now became desperately strained. Some kind of a bloody outcome
       seemed inevitable, but no one could anticipate the barbarous
       tragedy which ensued. As Senator Goebel was walking to the
       state house, on the 30th of January, he was shot from one of
       its windows, by a hidden assassin, receiving a wound from
       which he died February 3d. The Legislature at once closed its
       investigation of the election, and voted to recognize the
       dying William E. Goebel as Governor, with J. C. W. Beckham as
       his Lieutenant and the successor to the office in the event of
       his death. Governor Taylor issued an address to the people of
       the State, denouncing the murder and enjoining the
       preservation of order. At the same time he proclaimed an
       adjournment of the Legislature, closed the State House against
       it, and summoned its members to reassemble on the 6th of
       February, not at Frankfort, but at the distant small mountain
       town of London. Goebel, on his death-bed, took the oath of
       office, and issued orders dismissing Governor Taylor's
       Adjutant-General, appointing another in his place, and
       commanding the force at Frankfort to return to their homes.

       The President of the United States was applied to by Governor
       Taylor for recognition and support, but decided that he had no
       authority to interfere. The supporters of Goebel applied with
       more effect to the Circuit Court of Kentucky, which issued a
       writ enjoining Governor Taylor from the use of armed force to
       prevent the Legislature from meeting. A clerk who succeeded in
       serving the writ by tacking it on the door of the Governor's
       office was seized and held prisoner by the military, and a
       writ of habeas corpus requiring his deliverance was disobeyed
       for several days. All authority was breaking down, and a state
       of political chaos being produced. To save the State from
       actual anarchy and civil war, a conference of leaders in both
       parties was held at Louisville, February 5, and an agreement
       reached to withdraw troops from the capital, allow the
       Legislature to meet there, and abide by its action, with
       promise to repeal the obnoxious election law. Governor Taylor
       refused acceptance of the agreement. He dismissed the troops,
       however, on the 12th, and called the Legislature to meet at
       the capital. The Democratic members of that body were holding
       meetings at Louisville, the Republican members at London. The
       latter obeyed the call to Frankfort, while the former
       continued at Louisville, both fragments claiming to be the
       Legislature of the State. A petition to the United States
       Circuit Court, for injunctions against the Democratic
       claimants for certain of the minor State offices, was denied
       by Judge Taft on the 14th.

       On the 21st, Republican and Democratic leaders came to another
       agreement, that the gubernatorial question should be settled
       in the courts,—first in those of the State, and then carried
       by appeal to the Supreme Court of the United States. This
       agreement prevailed, and the case, as between Governor Taylor
       and Governor Beckham (declared to be Governor by a majority of
       the members of the Legislature after Governor Goebel's death)
       was peacefully adjudicated in favor of the latter. The Circuit
       Court of the State recognized the Legislature's decision of
       the election as final; the Court of Appeals, with only one of
       three Republican judges dissenting, did the same, April 6. On
       April 30 the case was argued, on appeal, before the Supreme
       Court of the United States, and on the 21st of May that
       tribunal decided that it had no jurisdiction. This ended
       attempts to dispute the authority of Governor Beckham.

       Strenuous efforts were being made to implicate his competitor,
       Mr. Taylor, as accessory to the murder of Goebel. Several
       persons had been arrested and put on trial for that crime,
       including Caleb Powers, the Secretary of State in Governor
       Taylor's fallen government, from the window of whose office it
       was claimed that the cowardly shot had been fired. The trials
       were scandalized by confessions of perjury and charges and
       counter-charges of subornation on the part of witnesses. In
       August, Powers was found guilty and sentenced to imprisonment
       for life. Subsequently, Henry E. Youtsey received the same
       sentence, while James Howard was condemned to death. Appeals
       were taken in each case. Mr. Taylor, under indictment as an
       accomplice, had left the State, and a requisition for his
       rendition was refused by the Governor of Indiana, where he
       sojourned. He indignantly denied all knowledge of the alleged
       conspiracy to kill his competitor, but claimed that a fair
       trial could not be secured to him if he was placed in the
       power of his political enemies.

    {288}

       In October, a new election law was passed by the Legislature
       and signed by the Governor. It provides that, of the three
       State Election Commissioners, one is to be taken from each of
       the dominant parties, upon the recommendation of the State
       Central Committee, and the Clerk of the Court of Appeals, an
       elective officer, is to act as umpire. The Commissioners are
       to be appointed by the Governor. They are to appoint the
       county boards, one from each party, with the Sheriff as
       umpire. All the boards are to have only ministerial powers,
       and the law gives the right of appeal in all cases of contests
       to the courts except in the case of Governor and
       Lieutenant-Governor, which must be tried by the Legislature,
       as the constitution prescribes. The Goebel law made the boards
       supreme. The new law also provides for an equitable division
       of election officers.

    KHAIBAR:
       Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    KHALIFA, The.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

    KHARTUM, Destruction of.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    KHARTUM, Gordon Memorial College.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1899.

    KIANG-HUNG: Cession to France.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895 (MARCH-JULY).

    KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1897.
       Seizure by Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

    KIAO-CHAU: A. D. 1899.
       Cost of maintenance.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    KIEL:
       Opening of the Baltic Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE).

    KIENNING, Anti-missionary riot at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899.

    KIMBERLEY, Siege of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
          and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    KINGSHIP BY DIVINE RIGHT:
       German revival of the doctrine.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1899.

    KIS, The city of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
       Sirdar of the Egyptian army.
       Expedition to Dongola.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
       Final campaigns against the Dervishes.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1897-1898.

    KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
       Dealing with the French expedition at Fashoda.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    KITCHENER, Major-General Sir Herbert (afterwards Lord):
       In the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

    KLONDIKE GOLD FIELDS, The.

       "Many years ago gold was known to exist on the Yukon. The
       Hudson Bay Company's men tested the bars of the main river,
       and found 'the color,' but not in sufficient quantity to
       warrant working. The reason is, that, in the disintegration of
       the rocks by the smaller streams and the action of frost and
       melting snow, the metallic burden of the waters is dropped in
       the causeway of the smaller tributaries; only the finest float
       gold and the lighter sand and gravel being carried as far as the
       Yukon itself. In 1880, after years of fruitless search on the
       main stream, a body of prospectors under the protection of
       Captain (now Admiral) Beardsley, United States Navy, landed at
       the head of Lynn Canal, crossed the divide, and proceeded to
       explore the head-waters. Not much being found at first in
       Canadian territory, the prospectors descended the river to the
       region near the lower end of the Upper Ramparts. In this
       region lies the boundary, formed by the one hundred and
       forty-first degree of west longitude from Greenwich. Here the
       Yukon receives from the southwest a tributary called
       Forty-Mile Creek. A few miles of the lower part of this creek,
       including its mouth, are on the Canadian side of the line: the
       head-waters—on which the gold is chiefly found—are, for the
       most part, on the American side. In this vicinity the first
       substantial deposits were discovered, many of which are still
       worked. …

       "The site of the new diggings—which have produced an
       excitement recalling the 'Fraser River rush' of 1857—is on a
       stream tributary to the Yukon from the northeast, wholly in
       Canadian territory, and entering the main river about fifty
       miles eastward from the boundary. Here a mining camp, called
       Dawson City,—after the head of the Dominion Geological
       Survey,—has been established. … The stream above referred to
       has been named the Klondyke,—signifying 'reindeer': on some of
       the older maps it is designated Reindeer River. It is said
       however that the name should really be Throndak,—a Tinneh term
       meaning 'plenty of fish.' The existence of gold on this stream
       and its branches appears to have been first made known by
       Indians. One of the first prospectors to locate upon it with
       success was J. A. Carmich, who staked out his claim in August,
       1896, and with two helpers, in a few weeks, washed out over
       $14,000."

          W. H. Dall,
          Alaska and the New Gold-Field
          (Forum, September, 1897).

    KNIGHTHOOD: Victorian Order.

          See (in this volume)
          VICTORIAN ORDER.

    KNOSSOS, Archæological excavations at.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    KOKANG: Cession to Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

    KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.
       Nominal independence of Korea.
       Japanese influence supplanted by Russian.

       On the 7th of January, 1893, the independence of Korea (see,
       in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895) was formally
       proclaimed at Seoul. For a time, Japanese influence
       prevailed, and the party favorable to it controlled affairs.
       But Russian jealousy gave encouragement to the opposing
       faction, headed by the queen, and the latter succeeded at
       length in thwarting most of the aims of the Japanese. The
       result was a revolutionary conspiracy in October, carried out
       by a murderous band which broke into the palace and killed
       three women, one of whom was supposed to be the queen. The
       assassins were dressed in Japanese costume, and were said to
       belong to the "soshi," or hireling cutthroats, of that
       country; but the Japanese government indignantly repudiated
       the crime, recalled and arrested its Minister, who was
       suspected of complicity, and forbade its subjects to enter
       Korea without special permission. Russian influence,
       nevertheless, became dominant soon after; the king yielded to
       it completely, and obtained riddance of opposing ministers
       with Russian support. In the end, Russia and Japan came to an
       agreement, nominally establishing a joint protectorate over
       Korea; but practically the Japanese seemed to be fairly
       shouldered out.

    {289}

       In the later part of 1897, the Russian Minister to Korea
       brought about the dismissal of an English official, Mr. Brown,
       who had been the financial adviser of the Korean government
       and its commissioner of customs, putting a Russian in his
       place, and secured a written agreement that none but Russians
       or Koreans should fill that important post in future. The
       vigorous remonstrance of the British government, however,
       caused this action to be reversed.

       Russia and Japan came to a new understanding in 1898, more
       favorable to the interests of the latter in Korea. This was
       embodied in a protocol, signed at Tokyo on the 25th of April,
       1898, in terms as follows:

       "I. That the Governments of Japan and Russia, recognizing the
       sovereignty and complete independence of Korea, shall in no
       way directly interfere with the domestic government of that
       country.

       II. That in order to avoid misunderstandings in the future,
       whenever either Japan or Russia is applied to by Korea for
       advice or assistance, neither contracting party shall take any
       steps toward the appointment of military instructors or
       financial advisers without previous consultation with the
       other.

       III. That Russia, recognizing the great progress made in
       commercial and industrial enterprises by Japan in Korea, and
       the great number of Japanese subjects residing in the
       settlements, will do nothing to injure the development of the
       commercial and industrial relations between Japan and Korea."

          United States Consular Reports,
          August, 1898, page 591.

       A reform party had begun to manifest influence at this time,
       even aspiring to representative institutions in the
       government. Various progressive measures were undertaken in
       1898; the gold monetary standard was adopted; American
       engineers were engaged to plan roads, bridges, etc., and new
       ports were opened.

    KOREA: A. D. 1900.
       Strategic importance of Korea to Russia and Japan.
        Japanese jealousy of Russian encroachments in
        Manchuria and its grounds.

        "Considerable as are the material interests which Japan is
        building up in Korea, it is still from the strategical point
        of view that she is most deeply concerned with the future of
        the Korean peninsula, which, in the hands of a great military
        Power like Russia, would be a permanent threat to her safety.
        And the Japanese appear to be firmly convinced that, when
        once Russia is firmly seated in Northern China, she must
        inevitably seek to absorb Korea. In any other hands but her
        own the Korean peninsula would always be a wedge
        inconveniently driven in between her older acquisitions on
        the Pacific seaboard and her more recent acquisitions in the
        Gulf of Chi-li, nor could she regard her strategical position
        in the Far East as thoroughly secured so long as she did not
        command one shore of the straits through which lies the
        natural waterway between her two naval bases at Vladivostok
        and at Port Arthur. … Port Arthur is situated practically on
        an inland sea to which the approaches can be dominated not
        only by positions already in the hands of other European
        Powers, such as Wei-hai-wei and Kiaochau, but by the Korean
        peninsula and islands as well as by the Japanese archipelago,
        from Tsushima down to Formosa. With Port Arthur as her main
        base Russia's position as a naval Power in the Far East would
        be subject to natural limitations not altogether unlike those
        which hamper her in the Black Sea and the Baltic.

       "Considered in this light the question of Russian
       aggrandisement in Northern China is so closely interwoven with
       that of the future of Korea that it must necessarily wear a
       much more serious aspect for Japan than for any other Power
       —so serious, indeed, that not a few Japanese deem the time to
       be close at hand when Japan should retort upon Russia in
       precisely the same terms which the latter used in 1895 and
       demand the evacuation of territories where her presence must
       be a permanent threat to the independence of the Chinese
       Empire and the peace of the Far East."

          London Times,
          Tokio Correspondence, December 27, 1900.

    KOTZE, Chief-Justice:
       Conflict with President Kruger of the Transvaal.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1897 (JANUARY-MARCH);
          and 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    KROONSTAD:
       Temporary seat of Orange Free State government.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

    KRUGER: President Stephanus Johannes Paulus.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

    KUANG HSU, Emperor of China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-SEPTEMBER), and after.

    KUMASSI, or COOMASSIE:
       Occupation by the British.
       Siege and relief.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    KURAM, The:
       Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    KURRAM VALLEY, British-Indian war with tribes in the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    KWANGCHOW WAN, Lease of, to France.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AUGUST).

    KWANG-SI, Rebellion in.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    {290}

    L.

    LABOR COLONIES: In Australia.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

    LABOR CONFLICTS.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

    LABOR LEGISLATION:
       Compulsory insurance in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

    LABOR LEGISLATION:
       Eight-hours day in Utah.

          See (in this volume)
          UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

    LABOR LEGISLATION:
       New Zealand Labor Laws.

          See (in this volume))
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.

    LABOR LEGISLATION:
       Workmen's Compensation Act in Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

    LABOR LEGISLATION:
       The United States Industrial Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    LABRADOR, Recent exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1893-1900, 1896.

    LABYRINTH, The Cretan:
       Its supposed discovery.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    LADRONE ISLANDS:
       Sale by Spain to Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

    LADYSMITH, Siege of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER);
          and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    LAGAS, The ancient city of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    LAGOS.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

    LA GUASIMA, Battle at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    LAKE SUPERIOR CONSOLIDATED IRON MINES:
       In the United States Steel Corporation.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX.

    LAND BILL, Irish (1896).

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1896.

    LAND SYSTEM, The New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND; A. D. 1891-1900.

    LAND TAXATION:
       In Australia and New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

    LANDLORDS, Irish, New League against.

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

    LATTIMER,
       Conflict of striking coal miners with sheriffs' deputies at.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

    LAURIER, Sir Wilfrid:
       Prime Minister of Canada.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1890-1896, and after.

    LAWS OF WAR.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    LAWTON, General Henry W.:
       Command at Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

    LAWTON, General Henry W.:
       Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    LAWTON, General Henry W.:
       Death.

          See (in this volume) PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

    LECHER, Dr.:
       Twelve-hours speech.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    LEE, General Fitzhugh:
       U. S. Consul-General at Havana.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY);
          and (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    LEE, General Fitzhugh:
       Command at Havana.
       Report.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    LEICHAU PENINSULA, Leases in, to France.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-AuGUST).

    LEO XIII., Pope,

          See PAPACY.

    LÈSE MAJESTÉ.

       A hurt to Majesty.
       Any offense or crime against the sovereign.
       For lèse majesté in Germany,

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898; and 1900 (OCTOBER).

    LEX FALKENHAYN, The.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    LEX HEINZE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    LEXOW INVESTIGATION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY; A. D. 1894-1895.

    LIAOTUNG PORTS: A. D. 1895.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty relating to.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895.

          See, also, references from PORT ARTHUR;
          TALIENWAN; and FÊNG-TIEN PENINSULA.

    LIBRARIES, The gifts of Mr. Andrew Carnegie to.

       Of neither the manifold items nor the stupendous total of the
       gifts made by Mr. Andrew Carnegie for the founding or for the
       assistance of public libraries in America and Great Britain is
       there any authentic account; but a tentative record of them,
       compiled mainly from the news columns of the "Library
       Journal," and published, on the 17th of March, 1901, in the
       "Buffalo Illustrated Express," is probably not far from
       correct. It begins in 1881, with the founding of a public
       library at Dunfermline, Scotland, the birthplace of Mr.
       Carnegie, who then gave for it $40,000. Two years later, he is
       said to have given $50,000 to a library at Inverness. In 1885
       the New York Free Circulating Libraries were helped by him to
       the extent of $5,000. In the following year his benefactions
       were raised to their larger scale by his gift of $250,000 to
       the Free Public Library of Edinburgh; besides which he gave
       $28,000 to the Workmen's Library of the Keystone Bridge Works,
       and smaller donations elsewhere. In 1889 he founded the
       Carnegie Library at Braddock, Pennsylvania, at a cost of
       $300,000.
    {291}
       In 1890 he contributed $325,000 to the founding of the
       Carnegie Free Public Library at Allegheny, Pennsylvania, which
       the city undertook to support; he replaced the Cambria
       Library, which the great flood at Johnstown had destroyed,
       expending $65,000 in that kindly work; gave $40,000 to a
       library at Fairfield, Iowa, and $9,000 to another at Augusta,
       Maine. Five thousand dollars to a library in Airdrie, $50,000
       to one in Ayr, and $2,500 to a third at Jedburgh, all three in
       Scotland, are the gifts recorded in 1893 and 1894.

       In 1895 Mr. Carnegie seemed to be crowning his munificence by
       the creation, at Pittsburg, of the great institution,
       combining library, art gallery, and museum, on which, between
       that year and 1899 he is said to have expended no less than
       $3,860,000. In the same year he founded a small library at
       Wick, in Scotland. In 1897 the donations appear to have been
       small. In 1898 Dumfries, in Scotland, received for a public
       library $50,000 from his open purse, and $250,000 went from it
       to the creation of the Carnegie Library at Homestead,
       Pennsylvania, the seat of the Carnegie works.

       Hitherto the stream of Mr. Carnegie's bounty to public
       libraries had been a rivulet: it now, in 1899, began to pour
       like the fertilizing flood of the Nile, and that first
       twelvemonth of the amazing tide was celebrated by American
       librarians, at the annual meeting of their Association, as
       "the Carnegie year." In reality, it but opened a series of
       "Carnegie years," which have filled the period since, and may
       still go on. As compiled by the "Express," supplemented by a
       later record in the "Library Journal" for April, 1901, the
       list of the library gifts and offers of Mr. Carnegie, from the
       beginning of 1899 until March, 1901, includes $5,200,000,
       tendered to the city of New York for branches to its Public
       Library (see below); $1,000,000 tendered to St. Louis;
       $350,000 to the city of Washington; $260,000 to Syracuse;
       $125,000 each to Atlanta and Louisville; $100,000, or $150,000
       (there seems to be uncertainty as to the sum) to Seattle;
       $100,000 each to Richmond, Conneaut, Grand Rapids, Ottawa,
       Ont., and the State College in Pennsylvania; $75,000 each to
       Lincoln, Nebraska, Springfield, Illinois, Davenport, Iowa,
       Tacoma, Washington, and the Bellevue Medical College, New
       York; $50,000 each to San Diego, Oakland, Duluth Sedalia, East
       Liverpool, Ohio, Steubenville, Sandusky, Connellsville,
       McKeesport, Beaver, Beaver Falls, Tyrone, Pennsylvania,
       Clarion, Oil City, Fort Worth, Dallas, Cheyenne, Dubuque,
       Ottumwa, Emporia College, East Orange, York, Coal Center and
       Wilkinsburg, Pennsylvania, Chattanooga, Houston, San Antonio,
       Vancouver, British Columbia., Aurora, Illinois, Lewiston,
       Maine, Niagara Falls, Yonkers, Canton, Ohio, Montgomery,
       Alabama, Marion, Indiana, Galesburg, Illinois, Schenectady,
       New York, and Hawick, Scotland; besides a great number of
       lesser sums, ranging from a few hundred dollars to $40,000.
       The total of the library gifts and proffers of Mr. Carnegie,
       from the beginning to March, 1900, is thought to exceed
       $23,000,000.

       To many other educational institutions Mr. Carnegie has been
       munificently generous, giving, for example, $500,000 for the
       Manual Training School of Cooper Institute, New York; $250,000
       to Birmingham University; $50,000 to the engineering
       laboratory of Stevens Institute, Hoboken; $50,000 to the
       Edinburgh Technical School, and making other gifts of like
       kind.

    LIBRARY,
       New York Public, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations.
       Andrew Carnegie's offered gift.

       "The New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden
       Foundations, was formed by the consolidation, on the 23d of
       May, 1895, of the three corporations, 'The Trustees of the
       Astor Library,' originally incorporated January 18, 1849, 'The
       Trustees of the Lenox Library,' originally incorporated
       January 20, 1870, and 'The Tilden Trust,' originally
       incorporated March 26, 1887. … In the agreement for
       consolidation it was provided that the name of the new
       corporation should be 'The New York Public Library, Astor,
       Lenox and Tilden Foundations'; that the number of its trustees
       should be twenty-one, to be selected from the thirty-three
       members of the separate boards; and that 'the said new
       corporation shall establish and maintain a free public library
       and reading room in the city of New York, with such branches
       as may be deemed advisable, and shall continue and promote the
       several objects and purposes set forth in the respective acts
       of incorporation of 'The Trustees of the Astor Library,' 'The
       Trustees of the Lenox Library,' and the 'Tilden Trust.' … In
       December, Dr. John Shaw Billings, United States Army
       (retired), was chosen Director, but he did not enter fully
       upon his duties until June, 1896. …

       "At the time of the consolidation the Astor library owned its
       site and buildings, had an endowment fund of about $941,000,
       producing an annual income of about $47,000, and contained
       267,147 volumes. The Lenox library owned its site and
       building, had an endowment fund of $505,500, producing an
       annual income of $20,500, and contained about 86,000 volumes.
       The Tilden Trust possessed Mr. Tilden's private library,
       containing about 20,000 volumes, and an endowment fund
       estimated at $2,000,000, making the total number of volumes in
       the New York Public Library 373,147, and the total endowment
       fund about $3,446,500. … The joint libraries now contain about
       500,000 volumes and 175,000 pamphlets."

       Immediately upon the completion of the consolidation of the
       three libraries, the city of New York was asked to provide a
       suitable building for the great institution contemplated, and
       the ground covered by the old reservoir, on Fifth Avenue,
       between Fortieth and Forty-second Streets, was suggested as an
       advantageous site. "The result of this appeal, which met with
       cordial public support, was that an act was passed by the
       legislature and approved May 19, 1897, giving the necessary
       authority to the city to issue bonds for the construction of a
       library building, the result of which was that on November 10,
       1897, the plans prepared by Messrs. Carrère & Hastings, of New
       York City, were selected and approved, and were laid before
       the Board of Estimate and Apportionment of the City of New
       York on December 1, 1897. These plans were approved by the
       Board of Estimate and on December 8 a contract was entered
       into between the City of New York and the New York Public
       Library, by which the library building to be erected upon
       Bryant Park was leased to the New York Public Library. … The
       sketch plans provide for a building about 350 feet in length
       and about 250 feet in width from east to west, giving shelving
       for about 1,500,000 volumes and seating capacity for about 800
       readers in the main reading room. …

    {292}

       "Plans and specifications for the removal of the Forty-second
       Street reservoir and laying the foundations for the new
       building having been approved the contract for this work was
       awarded to Mr. Eugene Lentilhon, and the work of removing was
       begun on June 6th, 1899."

          Handbook to the New York Public Library, 1900.

       In October, 1900, it was stated in the newspapers of the city
       that Mayor Van Wyck, Controller Coler, and the other members
       of the Board of Estimate had come to an understanding
       regarding the consolidation of all the libraries of the
       Greater New York under the New York Public Library. "It was
       announced officially that all the smaller libraries would be
       allowed about the same amount of money for maintenance this
       year as was allowed last year. A practical plan of
       consolidation will be perfected, and when the matter comes up
       before the Board of Estimate next year it was agreed that the
       libraries would be put under one head. … It is proposed to
       spend $5,000,000 on the New York Public Library now in course
       of erection in Bryant Park on the site of the old reservoir.
       It will be four years before the building can be completed.
       Controller Coler's idea is to gradually merge the smaller
       libraries so that when the new building is completed New York
       will have the largest and best equipped library for sending
       out books of any city in the world."

       On the 12th of March, 1901, Mr. Andrew Carnegie addressed the
       following letter to Dr. Billings, the Director of the New York
       Public Library, making a proposal of unparalleled munificence:
    "Dear Dr. Billings: Our conferences upon the needs of greater New
       York for branch libraries to reach the masses of the people in
       every district have convinced me of the wisdom of your plans.
       Sixty-five branches strike one at first as a very large order,
       but as other cities have found one necessary for every sixty
       thousand or seventy thousand of population, the number is not
       excessive. You estimate the average cost of these libraries
       at, say, $80,000 each, being $5,200,000 for all. If New York
       will furnish sites for these branches for the special benefit
       of the masses of the people, as it has done for the central
       library, and also agree in satisfactory form to provide for
       their maintenance as built, I should esteem it a rare
       privilege to be permitted to furnish the money as needed for
       the buildings, say, $5,200,000. Sixty-five libraries at one
       stroke probably breaks the record, but this is the day of big
       operations, and New York is soon to be the biggest of cities.
          Very truly yours, ANDREW CARNEGIE."

       In communicating this extraordinary proposal to the New York
       Public Library Board, Dr. Billings made the following
       statement of the plan contemplated in the suggestions he had
       made:

       "In the conferences referred to by Mr. Carnegie the
       suggestions which I have made have related mainly to a free
       public library system for the boroughs of Manhattan and The
       Bronx. I have stated that such a system should include the
       great central reference library in Forty-second street and
       Fifth avenue, about forty branch libraries for circulation,
       small distributing centres in those public school buildings
       which are adapted to such purpose, and a large travelling
       library system operated from the central building. Each of the
       branch libraries should contain reading rooms for from 50 to 100
       adults and for from 75 to 125 children, and in these reading
       rooms should be about 500 volumes of encyclopædias,
       dictionaries, atlases and large and important reference books.
       There should be ample telephone and delivery arrangements between
       the branches and the central library.

       "To establish this system would require at least five years.
       The average cost of the branch libraries I estimated at from
       $75,000 to $125,000, including sites and equipment. The cost
       of maintaining the system when completed I estimated at
       $500,000 a year. The circulation of books for home use alone
       in these boroughs should amount to more than 5,000,000 of
       volumes a year, and there should be at least 500,000 volumes
       in the circulation department, with additions of new books and
       to replace worn out books of at least 40,000 a year.

       "With regard to the other boroughs of greater New York I have
       made no special plans or estimates, but have said that about
       twenty-five libraries would be required for them."

    LIBRARY, The Temple, of ancient Nippur.

          See (in this vol.)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    LIBRARY, The U. S. House of Representatives:
       Its management under the spoils system.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

    LIBRARY OF CONGRESS, at Washington.
       The new building.

       "By the act of April 15, 1886, the present site, one-quarter
       of a mile south of east from the Capitol, was selected, its
       acquisition by the United States provided for, and the
       construction of a building authorized. During this long period
       of discussion many schemes for attaining the desired end,
       including a variety of plans for enlarging and occupying the
       Capitol and many different sites in the city of Washington,
       were considered. Several times did the legislation reach an
       advanced state and fail through the pressure of more absorbing
       interests. Finally the law referred to adopted sketch plans that
       had been prepared by Messrs. Smithmeyer and Pelz, a firm of
       Washington architects, but it fixed no limit of cost, nor did
       it specify the materials of construction or character of
       execution of the design other than to stipulate that the
       building should be fireproof. A commission, composed of the
       Secretary of the Interior, the Librarian of Congress, and the
       Architect of the Capitol, was designated to conduct the
       construction of the building. The site, comprising two city
       squares—nearly nine acres, within the city building lines and
       with the included streets—was purchased of the private owners,
       the ground cleared of some seventy buildings occupying it, and
       by the summer of 1888 about one-half of the foundation
       footings for the building were laid. During that year,
       however, Congress became dissatisfied with the progress that
       had been made and the uncertainties involved in the operation
       of the inadequate original law, and accordingly, on October 2,
       modified it and lodged the entire control of the work, including
       the preparation of new plans at a limited cost, in the hands
       of Brigadier General Thomas Lincoln Casey, Chief of Engineers
       of the United States Army. He immediately placed the writer in
       local charge.
    {293}
       On March 2, 1889, Congress enacted that the building should be
       erected at a total cost of $6,500,000, including previous
       expenditures, according to a plan that had been prepared and
       submitted by General Casey, pursuant to the previous act of
       October 2, 1888. This plan was based on that adopted by the
       original act, and provided a building of similar form,
       dimensions, and architecture. The project embodied the
       principal materials of construction and a detailed estimate of
       the cost. Under these auspices operations were begun in the
       spring of 1889 where the operations had left off the year
       before, and the construction thence proceeded without
       interruption until the building was finally completed, in the
       spring of 1897. It was 470 feet in length by 340 feet in
       width, having three stories and a subbasement, and fronts
       west—toward the Capitol. … The foundations of the building are
       of hydraulic cement concrete, 6 feet deep in ground which is a
       mixture of clay and sand of very uniform character. The cellar
       walls are of hard red brick; the exterior face of the
       superstructure of a fine grained light blue granite from
       Concord, New Hampshire; the stone of the rotunda and the
       trimmings of the court walls a light blue granite from near
       Woodstock, Maryland; the facing of the court walls enameled
       brick from Leeds, England; and the backing and interior walls
       as well as all of the vaulting of the basement and first
       stories are of hard red brick. Most of the floors that are
       flat ceiled are of terra cotta, and this material also forms
       the covering and filling of the roofs and main dome, of which
       the supporting members are of rolled steel in beams, girders,
       and trusses. All of the floors are leveled up with concrete
       and surfaced with tiles, terrazzo, or mosaic in the public
       spaces, while in the office and working rooms they are covered
       with a carpet of southern pine boards. The most important of
       the strictly useful features of the building are the book
       stacks, of which the design is largely original. The problem
       was new, not only through the capacity to be provided but the
       numerous other conditions to be met, such as light,
       ventilation, adjustability to several uses, communication,
       immunity from fire, cleanliness, durability, and simplicity.
       It was also necessary that rapid mechanical transmission of
       books between the shelving and the reading room should be
       provided, coupled with a quick and reliable means of
       communication, both written and oral. … The book carrier is a
       pair of parallel, endless chains, running in a vertical shaft
       in the middle of the stack; thence in a horizontal duct in the
       cellar to a point below the central desk of the reading room,
       where it turns upward and ascends vertically to the delivery
       outlet at the desk. A series of equidistant book trays,
       eighteen in number, are suspended between the chains. The
       machine runs continuously and automatically takes on and
       delivers books of the size of a quarto or less at its reading
       room terminal and at each of the stack stories. The speed of
       the carrier is about 100 feet per minute. The pneumatic
       message tube is also convenient as a speaking tube. The great
       rotunda or public reading room of the building, the main
       staircase hall or foyer, the private reading rooms for the
       members of Congress, the Librarian's office, the corridors
       communicating with these, and the exhibition halls as well as
       many portions of the exterior walls, especially the west main
       pavilion, have received a good degree of artistic treatment
       and embellishment, but all within strict architectural
       requirements. Some forty sculptors and mural painters, about
       equally divided in numbers, furnished the principal works of
       art under the architects' supervision and direction. Many
       appropriate quotations and names are inscribed on the walls in
       the architectural tablets, friezes and panels, adding to the
       general impressiveness and interest of the building. In all
       ways and from all points of view the library building is
       eminently instructive as an example of good design, good
       appointment for its great purpose, good building and good
       administration in the execution, and therefore the more
       appropriate to house the nation's library. The unusual success
       of the undertaking under Government auspices is almost wholly due
       to the selection of a known competent, sturdy, and faithful
       individual such as General Casey was, and giving him the sole
       charge directly under Congress without an executive superior
       liable to interfere and cause delays. The work went on
       quietly, but with energy; and was completed within the
       originally estimated time and well within the legal limit of
       cost. The total cost of the building was $6,344,585.34—that of
       the site, $585,000."

          Bernard R. Green,
          The Building for the Library of Congress
          (Annual Report Smithsonian Institution, 1897, page 625).

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Negotiation of peace with Japan.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Tour in Europe and America.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1896.

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Charged with being in Russian pay.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Acting Viceroy at Canton.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (DECEMBER).

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Attempt to open negotiations with allied Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

    LI HUNG-CHANG:
       Chinese Plenipotentiary to negotiate with the allied Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    LIKIN, The Chinese taxes called.

       "Chinese tariff rates, where they exist, average about 5 per
       cent ad valorem. Many articles are admitted free of duty, and
       on some the rates are higher than 5 per cent, but in general
       terms this is about the average rate. To this, however, there
       is a material addition where the goods are intended for
       interior points. The Chinese Government, while it collects a
       part of its revenue from customs, relies largely upon the
       provinces to supply revenue, and arbitrarily names each year
       the sum which each province must supply, leaving to the
       officers of that province the methods by which this is
       obtained. The consequence is that each province is permitted
       to collect a tax on goods entering it from the adjacent
       provinces, and this custom has been extended to the
       subdivision of the provinces, so that goods in transit are
       frequently compelled to pay taxes every few miles. As a
       consequence, the interior taxes, known as 'likin,' became not
       only the terror of importers, but sometimes almost
       prohibitory. So serious was this system in its effects upon
       attempts to introduce foreign goods that, upon the insistence
       of foreign ministers, the Chinese Government announced that an
       addition of 50 per cent to the rates paid at the custom-houses
       would insure passage of the goods to any point in the interior
       without the exaction of likin taxes.
    {294}
       This was gladly accepted by foreigners desiring to do business
       in the interior of China. The additional 50 per cent on duties
       was paid and 'transit passes' issued for the goods in question,
       purporting to authorize their free transit to any point in the
       Empire. Actual experience, however, shows that these transit
       passes do not always accomplish what was expected. … Every 8
       or 10 miles along the principal waterways or caravan routes a
       likin station is found, where a tax is levied upon some
       article or articles carried through by boat, pack animal, or
       wheelbarrow. At some points every article is taxed. This is
       the usual rule at the gates of cities. In some cases the tax
       is as little as 2 per cent ad valorem; in others, such as
       silk, satin, and native opium, much more, amounting at times
       to 6, 8, or even 10 per cent. Between Shanghai and Soochow, a
       distance of 84 miles, there are 8 likin stations. At the first
       and last stations all goods are dutiable; at the rest all
       goods must be examined, and there is scarcely a single article
       that does not in that distance pay at least three taxes. It is
       easily seen that under such a system foreign goods cannot be
       carried very far from the coast before their prices become
       prohibitive for ordinary people."

          United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
          March, 1899, pages 2188, 2231.

    LINCOLN PARTY, The.

          See (in this volume).
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER),
          SILVER REPUBLICAN.

    LIQUID AIR, The production of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    LIQUOR SELLING, The regulation of.
       Abolition of the Army Canteen.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    LIQUOR SELLING:
       Dispensary Laws.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899;
          NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899;
          SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899; and
          ALABAMA: A. D. 1899.

    LIQUOR SELLING:
       International convention respecting the
       liquor traffic in Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    LIQUOR SELLING:
       The question in American politics.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    LIQUOR SELLING:
       The Raines Liquor Law.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

    LISCUM, Colonel Emerson H.:
       Death.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

    LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

       A name given by its opponents to the section of the Liberal
       party in Great Britain which condemns the boundless
       enlargement of British annexations, protectorates and spheres
       of influence in all parts of the world, and which is critical
       of expansive and imperialistic wars.

    LIU KUN-YI, Viceroy at Nanking:
       Admirable conduct during the Chinese outbreak.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    LOCH, Sir H. B.:
       British High Commissioner in South Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

    LOCKOUTS.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

    LOG OF THE MAYFLOWER, The so-called.

          See (in this volume)
          MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

    LOGIA, Discovery of a fragment of the.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT; DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

    LOMBOK.

          See (in this volume)
          DUTCH EAST INDIES.

    LONDON: A. D. 1894.
       The Tower Bridge.

       The Tower Bridge was formally opened on the 30th of June,
       eight years after the beginning of the work. Its cost was
       £1,250,000.

    LONDON: A. D. 1897.
       Great fire.

       On November 19, 1897, occurred one of the largest fires in
       London since 1606. Beginning in Aldersgate, it spread over six
       acres of a densely populated quarter, destroying over 100
       warehouses and buildings. The loss was estimated at
       £2,000,000.

    LONDON: A. D. 1899.
       The London Government Act.

       "The London Government Act is the most important measure
       passed by Lord Salisbury's Government during the year 1899;
       indeed, in some respects it is the most valuable reform
       carried by the Parliament which [expired in 1000]. There was
       urgent need for such a measure. The machinery of London
       Government was hopelessly out of gear. It was both cumbrous
       and intricate; it was controlled by a network of small local
       authorities whose duties were ill-defined and often clashed
       with each other. There was no uniformity or harmony in the
       system." The old Roman wall, "built somewhere between A. D.
       350 and A. D. 370 … played a most important part in the
       history of London; and, indeed, it had a large share in
       creating the problems with which Mr. Balfour had to deal in
       1899. Little did its unknown builder dream that his wall, so
       admirable in itself, would cause us trouble fifteen centuries
       after his death. But such is the fact. He was a wise man, this
       nameless benefactor of the infant municipality; he took care
       that the wall should be thoroughly well built; and he allowed,
       as he thought, ample room for later growth. The exact position of
       this wall is well known to antiquaries. Many portions of it
       still remain; it included in its ambit about a square mile of
       territory, with wells and trees, gardens and pastures,
       bordering on the great Roman roads. For a thousand years or
       more this area was sufficient for all purposes. … So far as we
       now can guess, it was not till the 16th century that any
       Londoner felt cramped within the wall and craved more
       elbow-room. Gradually the City expanded, and at first it
       incorporated its extra-mural parishes, such as Bishopsgate and
       Farringdon Without. The borough of Southwark was supposed for
       some purposes to be annexed to the City; it was till last year
       by a fiction regarded as a ward of the City—the ward of Bridge
       Without. To this extent, then, the City spread outside its
       wall. But here its natural expansion stopped. … The City
       proper remained a compact town, well organized and well
       governed, but the suburbs were treated as mere country
       villages; their only local authority was the parish vestry,
       and its only officers the churchwardens and the overseers.

    {295}

       "This state of things obviously could not last. It soon became
       impossible for the parishioners to assemble in the vestry; no
       room, indeed, would hold them. First one parish and then
       another applied to Parliament for an Act creating what was
       called a 'select vestry,' and many representative bodies were
       thus formed with diverse and very miscellaneous powers. …
       Where the parishes were small, instead of a select vestry a
       district board was formed, under which several small parishes
       were grouped. And so when the London Government Act was passed
       there were 78 parishes and extra-parochial places within the
       county, but outside the City of London. … These vestries and
       boards were the sanitary authorities for their respective
       areas: they superintended the removal of nuisances, and the
       lighting, paving, watering, and cleansing of the streets; they
       also attended to some minor works of drainage, ancillary to
       the main system. … In 1855, the Metropolitan Board of Works
       was created to control the main drainage, to carry out
       improvements, to regulate the streets and bridges, and to
       maintain and manage the Fire Brigade. But its members were
       elected on a vicious system—by the various vestries and
       boards, and not directly by the ratepayers. … Its place was
       taken [in 1888] by the London County Council. But besides
       these vestries, local boards, district boards, and the
       Metropolitan Board, it was deemed necessary from time to time
       to create many minor authorities to meet various pressing
       needs; such were the Metropolitan Asylums Board, the Thames
       Conservators, the Lee Conservators, the commissioners of baths
       and washhouses, the commissioners of free libraries, the
       burial boards, &c., in addition to 30 boards of guardians and
       the London School Board. As the population of London outgrew
       its existing institutions, the defects and shortcomings were
       remedied by patchwork. …

       "From this position of affairs we have been rescued by two
       important measures, … the Local Government Act, 1888, and the
       London Government Act, 1899. … The Local Government Act of
       1888 abolished the Metropolitan Board of Works: it created the
       administrative county of London; it called into existence the
       London County Council. The London Government Act of 1899 has
       done still more for London. It has abolished some 127 local
       authorities, whose place will be taken by the 28 borough
       councils which must be elected on November 1. The London
       County Council, the City Corporation, the Metropolitan Asylums
       Board, the boards of guardians, and the London School Board
       remain practically untouched. But 73 vestries, 12 district
       boards, the Woolwich Local Board of Health (the last of its
       race), 12 burial boards, 19 boards of library commissioners,
       and 10 boards of baths and washhouses commissioners, for all
       purposes of civic government, cease to exist."

          London Times, October 16, 1900.

    LONDON CONVENTION (British-Boer), of 1884.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

    LONGEVITY, Human:
       The Nineteenth Century increase of.

          See (in this vol.)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE LENGTHENED AVERAGE.

    LOOTING, in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16, and 15-28).

    "LOS VON ROM" MOVEMENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1900.

    LOUBET, Émile: Election to the Presidency of the French Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898.
       New State Constitution.
       An educational qualification of the suffrage which applies
       to all negroes and few whites.

       The framing of a new constitution for the State was completed
       in May. Its distinctive feature is an educational
       qualification of the suffrage which does not apply to men who
       were qualified in any State to vote at the beginning of the
       year 1867, nor to the sons and grandsons of such men, nor to
       foreigners naturalized before the 1st of January, 1898. The
       amendment is as follows:

       "SECTION 3.
       He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and shall
       demonstrate his ability to do so when he applies for
       registration, by making, under oath administered by the
       registration officer or his deputy, written application
       therefor, in the English language, or his mother tongue, which
       application shall contain the essential facts necessary to
       show that he is entitled to register and vote, and shall be
       entirely written, dated, and signed by him, in the presence of
       the registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or
       suggestion from any person or memorandum whatever, except the
       form of application hereinafter set forth: Provided, however,
       That if the applicant be unable to write his application in
       the English language, he shall have the right, if he so
       demands, to write the same in his mother tongue from the
       dictation of an interpreter; and if the applicant is unable to
       write his application by reason of physical disability, the
       same shall be written at his dictation by the registration
       officer or his deputy, upon his oath of such disability. The
       application for registration, above provided for, shall be a
       copy of the following form, with the proper names, dates, and
       numbers substituted for the blanks appearing therein, to wit:

       "I am a citizen of the State of Louisiana. My name is --. I
       was born in the State (or country) of --, parish (or county)
       of --, on the -- day of --, in the year --. I am now -- years
       -- months and -- days of age. I have resided in this State
       since --, and am not disfranchised by any provision of the
       constitution of this State.

       "SECTION 4.
       If he be not able to read and write, as provided by section 3
       of this article, then he shall be entitled to register and
       vote if he shall, at the time he offers to register, be the
       bona fide owner of property assessed to him in this State at a
       valuation of not less than $300 on the assessment roll of the
       current year, if the roll of the current year shall then have
       been completed and filed, and on which, if such property be
       personal only, all taxes due shall have been paid.

       "SECTION 5.
       No male person who was on January 1, 1867, or at any date
       prior thereto, entitled to vote under the constitution or
       statute of any State of the United States, wherein he then
       resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less
       than 21 years of age at the date of the adoption of this
       constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was
       naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1898, shall be
       denied the right to register and vote in this State by reason
       of his failure to possess the educational or property
       qualifications prescribed by this constitution: Provided, He
       shall have resided in this State for five years next preceding
       the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall
       have registered in accordance with the terms of this article
       prior to September 1, 1898; and no person shall be entitled to
       register under this section after said date."

    {296}

    LOW, Seth:
       Citizens' Union candidate for Mayor of Greater New York.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER.)

    LOW, Seth:
       American commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    LÜBECK: A. D. 1900.
       The Elbe and Trave Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    LUDLOW, General William:
       Military Governor of Havana.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    LUEGER, Dr.:
       Anti-Semitic agitation in Vienna.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    LUXEMBOURG: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    LUZON.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

    LYNCH LAW, in the United States.

       Statistics, compiled by the "Chicago Tribune," of the cases of
       mob-murder, called "lynchings," which were reported in the
       newspapers as having occurred in the United States during the
       year 1899, showed a total of 107, being 20 less than a similar
       record for 1898 had shown. Of the reported cases, 3 were in
       Kansas, 1 in Pennsylvania, and 103 in Southern States. Georgia
       led in the latter list, being credited with 20 executions
       under lynch law. Mississippi followed with 14, Louisiana with
       13, Arkansas with 11, and other States of the South with
       lesser numbers. Of the victims (mostly colored) 44 were
       accused of murder; 11 of complicity in murder; 11 with rape or
       attempted rape; 1 with rape and murder.

       The "Political Science Quarterly," in its Record of Political
       Events between November 11, 1897, and May 10, 1898, cites 31
       incidents of lynching, exclusive of a mob-murder committed at
       Lake City, South Carolina, where a negro postmaster and one of
       his children were killed, his wife and three other children
       wounded, and their house burned down. Of these incidents, 23
       were reported from the South, the victims in every case being
       black; 8 were from northwestern States, the victims being
       white.

       For 1897, the "Buffalo Express" compiled statistics of
       reported lynchings from its news columns, which showed 38
       between January 1 and June 8, and 77 during the remainder of
       the year, making a total of 115.

    M.

    MACARTHUR, General:
       Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    MACDONALD, Sir Claude:
       British Minister at Peking.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY), and after.

    MACEDONIA, Impending revolt in.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    MACEO, Antonio:
       Death of the Cuban leader.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    MACHADADORP:
       Temporary seat of Transvaal government.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR): A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

    MACKENZIE, The district of.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1895.

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Election and reelection to the Presidency of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Administration.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH), and after.

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Message on the condition of Cuba in 1897.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Message on the destruction of the battleship Maine.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Message asking for power to intervene in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Message announcing state of war with Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Civil Service order in 1899.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Negotiation of peace with Spain.
       Instructions to and correspondence with Commissioners at Paris.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    MCKINLEY, William:
       Instructions to the military commander and
       to the two commissions in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
          A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY);
          1899 (JANUARY); and 1900 (APRIL).

    MADAGASCAR.

       The island of Madagascar, which stretches through more than
       thirteen degrees of latitude, in close neighborhood to the
       eastern African coast, opposite Mozambique, though often
       called "the great African island," is more Malayan than
       African in its population. The dominant tribe is the Hova. For
       more than a century the French have been covetous of the
       island, and since 1883, when they opened a war with its Hova
       rulers, they have pursued a steady policy toward the end of
       making it their own. The result of the war of 1886 was a
       treaty under which the French claimed a certain protectorate
       or control of Malagasy foreign relations,—a claim concerning
       which there remained much dispute. In 1890 the British
       government recognized the French protectorate, but the native
       government continued steadily to refuse acknowledgment that
       the treaty had given any such rights.

    {297}

    MADAGASCAR:
       Subjugation of the island by the French.
       Anti-foreign and anti-Christian risings.
       Revival of idolatry.
       Final possession of the island by France proclaimed.
       Submissive Declaration of the Queen.

       In 1894 the French government took decisive measures looking
       toward the subjugation of the island, and, early in 1895, a
       strong expedition under General Duchesne was landed on the
       coast. The Malagasy were much divided among themselves, and
       they were poorly prepared for war. They made feeble resistance
       to the invaders; but the latter had a difficult and costly
       campaign, notwithstanding, on account of the nature of the
       country and the absence of roads, which they were obliged to
       construct as they advanced. They are said to have lost only 20
       men killed in action, but 6,000 by disease. They reached
       Antananarivo, the Hova capital, at the end of September.
       "Immediately on the arrival of General Duchesne a treaty was
       signed by the Malagasy authorities, by which the whole power
       of the country was ceded to the French. The queen remained in
       her place, and the Hova Prime Minister was also allowed to be
       nominally at the head of affairs. Part of this arrangement was
       found impracticable after a short time; the Prime Minister had
       enjoyed unlimited power for too long a period to accept a
       subordinate position, and General Duchesne was forced to
       remove him. According]y, he was taken to a house of his own at
       a short distance from the capital, where he was kept under
       surveillance for two or three months, but as he was still
       supposed to be plotting he was deported to Algiers, in which
       country he died after a very short exile.

       "It seemed at first as if the change of masters in the island
       was to be accomplished without any serious disturbance. … In
       the early part of November (1895), however, this satisfactory
       state of affairs was rudely interrupted. A paltry quarrel
       between two clans about a piece of ground, which each claimed,
       gradually developed into a serious rising. The two parties
       came to an understanding by agreeing to make an attack upon
       the Europeans. As soon as General Duchesne was informed of
       what had been happening to the south-west of the capital, he
       sent a column … with orders to punish the insurgents and to
       pacify the district. … The resistance on the part of the
       natives was vigorous, and for a time well sustained. …
       Discipline and Lebel rifles, however, were more than a match
       for all their efforts, and after a loss of about 150 men they
       desisted. … One distressing feature in the insurrection was
       the revival of idolatry, which was thought to be extinct in
       Imerina, but which evidently has been scotched and not killed.
       Almost the first move on the part of the rebels had been to
       reinstate a local idol called Ravololona, and the performance
       of certain acts of worship in the presence of the idol was
       considered the mark of a good patriot. Naturally under these
       circumstances the teachers and the more prominent Christians
       in the various churches and chapels were objects of dislike
       and hatred, and in the disaffected district these men with
       their wives and families had to fly for their lives. It is
       useless to shut one's eyes to facts; a considerable number of
       those who were held in esteem by the missionaries failed to
       stand the test of persecution, and if not guilty of actually
       worshipping idols were actively in league with those who did
       so. … After the suppression of this first outbreak matters
       remained quiet in Imerina for some months. …

       "The next serious event in the island was an outbreak of a
       different character. With the exception of the Hova, few if
       any of the tribes were thought to be opposed to French rule. …
       The Hova were as much hated as they were feared, and, from
       whatever quarter it might come, release from their rule would
       be welcome. The arrival of the French was the long-wished-for
       moment; but news spreads slow]y in Madagascar, and though the
       Hova power came to an end at the beginning of October, it was
       not realised on the coast until the new year [1896]. When,
       however, it was known that the French were masters of the
       country the explosion came. The two large tribes of the
       Betsimisaraka and the Taimoro on the east rose against the
       Hova, and ruthlessly killed them wherever they could catch
       them. … The buildings used as churches and schools were also
       burnt, for, as the greater part of the teachers came from
       Imerina, religion and education were associated with the Hova.
       In one or two instances Europeans were murdered, but only when
       they were mixed up with the Hova."

          F. A. Gregory,
          The French in Madagascar
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1897).

       Formal possession of the island was now proclaimed, and, on
       the 18th of January, 1896, the submissive queen signed the
       following "Declaration": "Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar,
       having been made acquainted with the Proclamation taking
       possession of the Island of Madagascar by the French
       Government, declares her acceptance of the following
       conditions:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The Government of the French Republic shall be represented at
       the Court of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar by a
       Resident-General.

       "ARTICLE II.
       The Government of the French Republic shall represent
       Madagascar in all relations with foreign Powers. The
       Resident-General shall be intrusted with the conduct of
       relations with the Agents of foreign Powers; and all questions
       affecting foreigners in Madagascar shall be dealt with through
       him. The French Diplomatic and Consular Agents abroad shall be
       charged with the protection of Malagasy subjects and
       interests.

       "ARTICLE III.
       The Government of the French Republic reserve to themselves
       the right of maintaining in Madagascar the armed forces
       necessary for the exercise of their authority.

       "ARTICLE. IV.
       The Resident-General shall control the internal administration
       of the island. Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar undertakes
       to introduce such reforms as the French Government shall deem
       expedient for the economic development of the island, and for
       the advancement of civilization.

       "ARTICLE. V.
       The Government of Her Majesty the Queen of Madagascar
       undertake to contract no loan without the authorization of the
       Government of the French Republic.

       (Signed) RANAVALOMANJAKA, Mpanjakany Madagascar."

       On the 11th of February the following "Notification" was
       officially communicated to all the Powers: "In consequence of
       difficulties which have arisen in Madagascar, the Government
       of the Republic, in the exercise of their Protectorate, have
       been obliged to intervene by force of arms in order to make
       their rights respected, and to obtain guarantees for the
       future. They have thus been obliged to occupy the island with
       their troops, and to take final possession thereof."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Africa, No.8, 1897).

    {298}

       About this time, "M. Laroche, the first Resident-General,
       arrived at the capital and began to organise the government of
       the country. A new Prime Minister was appointed, in whose name
       laws might be issued, for it had been settled that the
       administration should be indirect, that is to say conducted
       through the medium of the natives. A considerable number of
       regulations were promulgated, affecting the development of the
       industries of the country, the granting of concessions, and
       the education of the natives. Most of these were much too
       elaborate to be useful, and up to the present time nearly all
       of them have remained a dead letter. Some may be useful when
       the insurrection has been quelled, when the country is such as
       to invite capitalists, and when schools have been
       re-established. In March there were again signs of trouble,
       though at first these were faint and perhaps too far off to
       attract the serious attention of the authorities. …

       "A petty disturbance in the beginning, fomented for private
       purposes and fostered by an appeal to patriotic feeling, has
       developed into a formidable insurrection. I say formidable,
       but I do not mean to give the idea that the insurrection is
       formidable from a military point of view. … But from
       industrial, educational, and religious points of view, the
       rebellion has been a complete success, and however soon it may
       be suppressed, the progress of the country in some parts has
       been thrown back for years, a large tract reduced to
       desolation, and the inhabitants to little better than savages.
       This destruction has been effected in five months, for,
       beginning in May, it has spread over the whole of Avaradrano,
       Vonizongo, part of Imarovatana, and Vakin Ankaratoa, four out
       of the six divisions of Imerina. … To mark the, anti-European
       character of the rising, the churches were burnt without
       distinction, and in some places leper hospitals were
       destroyed, and their unhappy inmates rendered houseless. The
       English and Norwegian missions have suffered the most
       severely. It is impossible to estimate correctly the number of
       churches and chapels that have been burnt, but at the lowest
       computation it must amount to 600. … As in the West,
       idol-worship was practised, the idol in this case being
       Ramahavaly, the war-god or goddess; the pillaging of houses
       and property became almost universal, and soon it came to pass
       that no one was safe unless he either joined the insurgents or
       paid them to leave him unmolested. …

       "The greatest move in the organisation of the country is the
       abolition of slavery throughout the island. This was
       proclaimed in the official gazette issued on the 27th of
       September [1896] by decree of the Resident-General. It was
       wholly unexpected at the time, though there had been rumours
       two or three months previously to the effect that the step was
       contemplated, but would be effected gradually. Naturally, it
       fell upon the Hova like a clap of thunder, and, as the law was
       published on a Sunday, some worthy folk found themselves, on
       their return from service, without a slave to cook the dinner.
       … It would have been better to have proceeded more slowly to
       the desired end; to have made an children born after a fixed
       day free; and to have made the redemption of the rest, either
       by themselves or by others, cheap and easy. However, it has
       been decided otherwise, and certainly the state of the country
       is such as to justify any measure, for, when everything is in
       a state of upheaval the exact amount of pressure is of small
       importance. In addition to this it must be remembered that in
       consequence of the outbreak Madagascar has been declared a
       French colony, and that this carries with it the abolition of
       the status of slavery. While, then, the greater number of
       Europeans who know Madagascar would have preferred that
       slavery should have been abolished by degrees, few would be
       prepared to say that it was altogether a mistake."

          F. A. Gregory,
          The French in Madagascar
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1897).

       An Act for the annexation of Madagascar was passed by the
       French Chamber and Senate in the early summer of 1896, with a
       declaration for the immediate abolition of slavery. In the
       following year Queen Ranavalomanjaka was banished to the
       French Island of Reunion, and in 1899 she was removed to a
       more distant and more cruel exile in Algiers.

    MAFEKING, Siege of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MARCH-MAY).

    MAFIA, Exposure in Italy of the.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

    MAHAN, Captain Alfred T.:
       American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    MAHDI, The death of the.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    MAINE, The battle-ship:
       Destruction in Havana harbor.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    MAJESFONTEIN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    MALAGASY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR.

    MALAKAND, Attack by Swat tribes on.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    MALARIA, Discovery of the secret of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    MALAYAN RACE.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    MALOLOS:
       The seat of Aguinaldo's government in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    MANCHESTER SHIP CANAL.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, MANCHESTER SHIP.

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1895-1900.
       Trans-Siberian Railway.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895; and
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

    {299}

    MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Chinese Boxer attack on the Russians and
       savage Russian retaliation.
       Russian occupation of Niu-chwang.
       Russo-Chinese negotiations concerning the province.
       Distrust of Russian designs.

       The Boxer outbreak in and around Peking, in the early summer
       (see, in this volume, CHINA: A. D. 1900-MAY-JUNE, and after),
       was followed, in July, by an attack on the Russians in
       Manchuria, along the line of the Manchurian branch of their
       Trans-Siberian Railway (see, in this volume, RUSSIA IN ASIA),
       and on the Amur. The retaliation of the Russians appears to
       have been simply ferocious. Professor G. Frederick Wright, who
       was travelling in Manchuria at the time, gives a sickening
       account of what he saw on the Amur, above Blagovestchensk, in
       a letter written, August 6, from Stretensk, Siberia, to "The
       Nation," of New York. The Chinese fort at Aygun, on the
       Manchurian side of the Amur, began, without warning, on the
       14th of July, he writes, "to fire upon passing steamboats,
       and, on the 15th, fire was opened upon Blagovestchensk, and
       some Russian villages were burned opposite the fort. The
       actual injury inflicted by the Chinese was slight; but the
       terror caused by it was indescribable, and it drove the
       Cossacks into a frenzy of rage. The peaceable Chinese, to the
       number of 3,000 or 4,000, in the city were expelled in great
       haste, and, being forced upon rafts entirely inadequate, were
       most of them drowned in attempting to cross the river. The
       stream was fairly black with their bodies. Three days after,
       we counted hundreds of them in the water. In our ride through
       the country to reach the city on Thursday, the 19th, we saw as
       many as thirty villages and hamlets of the Chinese in flames.
       One of them was a city of 8,000 or 10,000 inhabitants. We
       estimated that we saw the dwellings of 20,000 peaceable
       Chinese in flames that awful day, while parties of Cossacks
       were scouring the fields to find Chinese, and shooting them
       down at sight. What became of the women and children no one
       knew; but there was apparently no way for them to escape to a
       place of safety. On our way up the river for 500 miles above
       the city, every Chinese hamlet was a charred mass of ruins.
       The large village of Motcha was still smoking, and we were
       told that 4,000 Chinese had been killed. We do not mention
       these facts to excite prejudice against the Russian
       authorities or against the Cossacks. This work of devastation
       has not been ordered by those high in authority. It is rather
       the result of mob violence such as instigates the promoters of
       lynch law in the Southern States, or, more nearly, such as has
       from time immemorial animated the pioneers in America against the
       Indians. The wholesale destruction, both of property and of
       life, was thought to be a military necessity. The wives and
       children of the Cossacks were in terror."

       Russian troops were poured into Manchuria in vast numbers, and
       however much or little there may have been of the Boxer
       movement, it was crushed with merciless rigor. A letter from
       the Manchurian treaty port of Niu-chwang, on the Liao-tung
       Gulf, written August 13, to the "London Times," describes the
       Russian occupation of that town and region, in the previous
       week. After some 1,500 or 2,000 Chinese soldiers and
       civilians, in flight from the town, had been intercepted and
       killed, "the Russian general," says the writer, "was about to
       order a general assault on the town when the foreign residents
       interceded, as there were no longer any soldiers or 'Boxers'
       left. He declared his intention was to kill all, as it was
       impossible to distinguish between soldiers, 'Boxers' and
       civilians. Some foreigners then went down into the city and
       brought up the principal merchants, who were given until 10 a.
       m. to deliver up all the guns in the town. This, of course,
       they could not and did not do, so some foreign residents
       offered to enter the city with the Russian soldiers, and
       guaranteed peaceful occupation. This offer was accepted, and
       the town was spared enormous loss of life, though there was a
       certain amount of looting, and a few people were bayoneted in
       the outlying houses. Outside the walls men, women, and
       children were killed, and from all sides came reliable reports
       of violation of women. There is no possible doubt about the
       truth of these reports. The Russians are carrying out a policy
       of destruction of property and extermination of the people.
       Kai-chau, the district city, 24 miles south of this port, and
       nearly all the villages have been burnt and the inhabitants
       killed. The soldiers, both infantry and Cossacks, have been
       allowed to do what they like for some days."

       The same correspondent goes on to say: "The Russians hoisted
       their naval flag over the Custom-house at 7.30 p. m. on August
       4. Neither in the attack and bombardment of the town nor in
       hoisting their flag did they consult any of the foreign
       Consuls or the commanders of the two Japanese gunboats in
       port. Admiral Alexeieff arrived on the 5th and issued a
       circular announcing the occupation of the treaty port by
       Russian military forces. … What the other Powers will say to
       the seizure of a treaty port and hoisting of only one flag
       remains to be seen." The "one flag" seems to have been still
       waving over Niu-chwang as late as the 15th of February, 1901,
       since a member in the British House of Commons, on that day,
       arraigning his government for want of vigor in China, said
       that "though British people traded with Niu-chwang to the
       extent of three millions sterling a year, the port was now
       under the civil and military administration of Russia alone.
       He should like to know what undertaking his Majesty's
       Government had obtained that Russia would speedily evacuate
       Niu-chwang, and that the administration of the port would
       revert to the hands of the Chinese Government.

       A few days later, the Under Secretary of State for Foreign
       Affairs, Viscount Cranborne, said in reply to this statement:
       "We made proper inquiry from our representative, and he
       assured us that any agreement which exists between Russia and
       China in respect to Manchuria is in the nature of a 'modus
       vivendi,' consisting merely in the simultaneous presence of
       the Russian and Chinese forces in Manchuria, and in order to
       prevent disturbances on their frontier. He assured us that the
       occupation of the railway is of a purely temporary character,
       and that, although a guarantee is expected by the Russian
       Government that upon their withdrawal the disturbances shall
       not breakout again, yet that guarantee will not take the form
       of an acquisition of territory or of a virtual or actual
       protectorate in Manchuria. … In respect to Niu-chwang we have
       received assurances at least equal to those which have been
       given us in respect to the province of South Manchuria. We
       understand the Russians are prepared to restore Niu-chwang at
       the end of their occupation precisely to its former
       condition."

    {300}

       For the time being, however, the Russians seem to have
       established in practice a very real protectorate over the
       province of Fêng-tien, in Southern Manchuria, by an agreement
       between the Russian governor of the territory leased from
       China in the Liao-tung peninsula and the Chinese Tartar
       general of Fêng-tien, signed on the 11th of November, 1900.
       The general terms of this agreement were reported late in
       December, and excited much uneasiness as to Russian designs.
       The full text was communicated to the "London Times," in the
       February following, by its Peking correspondent, with the
       information that the Tartar general who signed it, in
       transmitting a copy to Li Hung-chang, "states that grief
       pierces his very soul, but what alternative has he?" The
       agreement required the Tartar general to disband his troops
       and disarm them, on account of the rebellions which had
       occurred among them; to deliver up all munitions of war and
       dismantle all forts and defences, and to give full information
       of all important measures taken by him to a Russian resident
       who should be stationed at Mukden, with "general powers of
       control."

       Late in February, 1901, it was ascertained that the Russian
       Minister at Peking, M. de Giers, was negotiating a more
       definite and binding convention relative to Manchuria with the
       Chinese imperial government, as represented by Li Hung-chang;
       and, on the 7th of March, the Peking correspondent of the
       "London Times" telegraphed to that journal what claimed to be
       a translation of the full text of the treaty, as follows:

       "I. The Emperor of Russia, being desirous to manifest his
       friendly feelings, agrees to restore Manchuria completely to
       China without keeping in mind the fact of the recent warfare
       in that province. The Chinese administration shall be restored
       in all respects to the 'status quo ante.'

       "II. China granted to the railway company, as stipulated in
       Article VI. of the Eastern China Railway Concession, the right
       of guarding the line with troops, but the country being still
       in disorder and the number of troops being insufficient, it
       has been found necessary to station a body of troops in the
       province, which will be withdrawn as soon as peace and order
       are restored and the provisions of the last four articles of
       the present convention are carried out.

       "III. In case of emergency, the Russian troops stationed in
       the province shall render all possible assistance to China to
       suppress any disturbances.

       "IV. The recent attacks against Russia having been conducted
       principally by regular troops, China agrees not to organize
       any army before the completion of the railway and the opening
       thereof for traffic. When China subsequently organizes her
       military forces, the number of troops shall be fixed in
       consultation with Russia. The importation of arms and
       ammunition into Manchuria is prohibited.

       "V. In order to safeguard the province, China shall
       immediately dismiss such Governors-General and high local
       officials as have committed improper acts in connexion with
       foreign relations against which Russia would protest. China
       can organize infantry and cavalry in Manchuria for police
       purposes, but the number shall be fixed in consultation with
       Russia. Artillery should be excluded, and arms given to no
       subjects of any other Power employed in connexion with the
       exercise of functions.

       "VI. China, as previously agreed, shall not employ the
       subjects of any other Power for training her naval and
       military forces in the northern provinces.

       "VII. In order to maintain peace and order, the local
       authorities, residing in the vicinity of the neutral zone
       provided for by the fifth article of the convention relating
       to the lease of the territory of Leao-tong, shall establish
       special regulations suitable to the circumstances, and shall
       relinquish the administrative autonomy of Kin-chau, which is
       reserved to China by Article IV. of the special convention.

       "VIII. China shall not grant, without the consent of Russia,
       to any other Power or their subjects advantages relative to
       mines, railways, or other matters in the Russo-Chinese
       Frontier provinces—namely, Manchuria, Mongolia, Kashgar,
       Yarkand, Khotan, and Turkestan; neither shall she construct
       her own railways in those provinces without the consent of
       Russia. Leases of land outside Niu-chwang shall not be granted
       to the subjects of any other Power.

       "IX. China being under obligations to pay the war expenses of
       Russia and the claims of the various other Powers, the amount
       of Russia's indemnity, and the terms of payment and the
       security for it, shall be adjusted conjointly with the other
       Powers.

       "X. Indemnities shall be paid and compensation granted for the
       destruction of railway property and to the employés of the
       company. Losses accruing from delay in the work shall be
       adjusted between China and the railway company.

       "XI. When the indemnities for the various damages shall have
       been agreed upon between China and the company the whole or
       part of the amount of such indemnities should be met by
       advantages other than pecuniary compensation—that is, either
       by revision of the existing agreement relating to the railway
       or by the grant of new advantages.

       "XII. China shall, as previously agreed, grant to Russia a
       concession for the construction of a railway from the main or
       branch line of the Manchuria Railway towards Peking and to the
       Great Wall."

       Notwithstanding the very positive agreement contained in the
       first article of this treaty, that the Emperor of Russia will
       "restore Manchuria completely to China," the publication of
       its terms excited new and greater distrust of the designs and
       the action of the Muscovite Power. It was seen that Chinese
       authority, for the time being, would be pushed out of
       Manchuria so completely, and that of Russia would be
       established so firmly, that any future restoration of the
       former was improbable, to say the least. Moreover, the entire
       exclusion of all people except Russians from any share in the
       development of Manchurian resources was exceedingly offensive
       to the money-making desires with which the whole western world
       is looking toward the great decaying empire of the East. That
       such an exclusion should extend beyond Manchuria, even to
       Mongolia, Kashgar, Yarkand, Khotan and Turkestan, as set forth
       in the above report of the pending treaty, was an idea at
       which capitalistic circles in Europe and America stood aghast.
    {301}
       Very soon there was denial that the exclusiveness asked for by
       the modest Russian went farther than the bounds of Manchuria;
       but, even as thus limited, it roused strenuous protest from
       the Press of the western world, if not from the governments.
       What diplomatic action was taken by the Powers in general is
       not known at the time of this writing; but the United States
       remonstrated to China (see CHINA: A. D. 1901, MARCH-APRIL,),
       and, as stated by the British Foreign Minister, Lord
       Lansdowne, in Parliament, on the 28th of March, the British
       and German governments did the same. The Chinese government
       was nerved accordingly to resist the Russian demands, though
       Li Hung-chang appears to have urged submission to them. The
       contemplated treaty was not signed.

       Before and after this determination the Russian government
       maintained that it had no ulterior designs in the arrangement
       it sought with China. Lord Lansdowne, in the speech to
       Parliament referred to above, spoke as follows of the
       assurances he had received from Count Lamsdorff, the Russian
       Foreign Minister: "He told us that it was the object of the
       Russian Government 'to arrange with the local civil
       authorities the terms of a "modus vivendi" between them for
       the duration of the simultaneous presence of Russian and
       Chinese authorities in Southern Manchuria, the object being to
       prevent the recurrence of disturbances in the vicinity of the
       Russian frontier and to protect the railway from the Russian
       frontier to Port Arthur.' And he told us that his government
       had 'no intention of seeking this guarantee in any acquisition
       of territory or of an actual or virtual protectorate over
       Manchuria.'"

       Similar assurances are reported to have been given to the
       American government, on the 4th of April; and, for the time
       being at least, the Manchurian question has ceased to be
       disturbing to the "Concert of the Powers."

    MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

       The following information concerning Manchuria and Mongolia is
       taken from notes made in 1897 by Colonel Browne, Military
       Attache to the British Legation at Peking: "The area of
       Manchuria is computed to contain no less than 362,310 square
       miles, or just three times as large as that of Great Britain
       and Ireland. It is divided into three provinces, of which the
       most southerly, Feng-tien or Shên-king, with its capital at
       Mukden, has for several hundred years formed an integral part
       of the Chinese Empire, and is consequently more opened up and
       more densely inhabited than the two northern provinces, which
       were regarded until the beginning of this century as waste
       lands, outside the pale of civilization, fit only for the
       transportation of criminals. Though the old palisades have
       long disappeared, their trace still marks the boundary between
       Manchuria and Mongolia, and the gateways on the main roads are
       still used as posts for the collection of transit dues. These
       places may be recognized by the termination 'mên' (a gate),
       such as Fa-k'u-mên, Fa-ta-ha-mên. The province of Kirin and
       its capital bear the same name, while the huge northern
       province of Hei-lung-chiang has its seat of government at
       Tsi-tsi-har. It is generally said that the Governor of
       Fêng-tien (Mukden) occupies somewhat the position, as regards
       the two northern provinces, as a viceroy in China holds
       towards the provinces comprised in his Viceroyalty, but this
       does not appear to be so, except in his capacity as High
       Commissioner for the defence of the three Manchurian
       provinces. The Governors of the three provinces are styled in
       the official Gazette by the same title of Military Governor of
       the Provincial Capital and Tartar General of the Province, but
       the Governor of Fêng-tien holds the more honourable post,
       because Mukden is an Imperial city, within its walls is an
       Imperial Palace, without its walls the tombs of the founders
       of the Manchu dynasty. It has also, in miniature, Boards
       similar to those at the capital for regulating ceremonies,
       punishments, and civil appointments; in short, all the
       theoretical paraphernalia to carry on the government of the
       country, should the Emperor visit this quarter of his
       dominions. … The great grain and bean producing area in the
       three provinces is contained in a strip of country, extending
       from the Treaty Port of Newchwang to 30 miles north of
       Pei-tuan-lin-tzu. To the west of this belt of arable are the
       Mongolian steppes, all in grass, but fading away into sand as
       they merge in the great desert of Gobi; to the east is a hilly
       or mountainous region, in which the only large cultivated area
       is that watered by the River Hwei-fa, an affluent of the Upper
       Sungari; elsewhere the cultivated areas are small, such as
       those at Mergen, Tsi-tsi-har, the Valley of the Yen, and at
       Sansing, Ninguta, Hun-chun, and Omoso. Exclusive of patches of
       cultivation in remote districts and valleys, the great
       cultivated area may be estimated to amount to 16,000 square
       miles, or about one twenty-fourth of the total area of the
       country. To what extent under improved communications,
       drainage, and more favourable conditions generally, the
       cultivated area is capable of expansion, it is difficult to
       say. … The population of Manchuria has been variously
       estimated from a few millions by the Chinese to as much as
       25,000,000 by Europeans. A Russian engineer, who has travelled
       all over the country, estimates it as between 10,000,000 and
       15,000,000. … Before I received these figures I had arrived at
       a somewhat similar result by taking the cultivated area at 700
       per square mile which gives a population of 11,250,000, and
       assuming 2,500,000 scattered throughout the more remote
       districts, or a population in all of about 14,000,000. What
       proportion of these are Manchus is also a vexed question to
       which no definite answer can be given. Certainly the Manchus
       are in the minority, for though there are several towns almost
       wholly Chinese, I know of no town in which it is not
       acknowledged that the Chinese form more than half the
       population. The Manchus are nearly all concentrated in towns;
       there are Manchu villages, but they are small, possibly their
       numbers amount to between 2,000,000 and 3,000,000, or about 20
       per cent. of the population. The chief appointments in
       Manchuria are, without exception, held by Manchus, the
       descendants of the conquerors of China. In four centuries of
       ease and sloth they have lost the wild courage, the spirit of
       adventure that inspired them to overrun China, and the
       hardihood and skill at arms that brought success to their
       venture. But if they have lost the warlike instincts of their
       savage ancestors, they have retained all their pride, their
       ignorance, their cruelty, and their superstition. All these
       qualities a Manchu possesses far in excess of the liberal
       share that nature has bestowed on the Chinese.
    {302}
       It is true that skill at arms still nominally opens the door
       to military preferment, but such arms and such skill! Shooting
       arrows from a moderately strung bow when cantering on a pony
       is a test which displays neither skill, strength, nor
       endurance. Even according to Chinese ideas they are ignorant.
       … As regards their privileges, the Manchus pay no land tax;
       but in so far as I have been able to ascertain, the opinion
       generally held, that they are all pensioned by Government, is
       erroneous. … But though the mass of the Manchus receive no
       pension, nearly all are in pay as hangers-on at Yamêns,
       body-guard to officials, soldiers, care-takers at the Palace
       or Imperial tombs, and similar posts. The emoluments are
       small, just sufficient to enable the man to support his family
       without working, or making his way in the world as an ordinary
       Chinese must do. Formerly the Manchus did not intermarry with
       Chinese women, but at the present time this custom is
       frequently broken through, though of course no Chinese would
       be permitted to marry a Manchu woman. The Manchus, especially
       the dependents, hangers-on, and soldiers, are great opium
       smokers, and a very worthless class; probably intermarriage
       with the Chinese will prevent the extinction of the race,
       which, were the present dynasty to fall, would be speedily
       absorbed, for, without being propped up with State assistance,
       it could not on its merits hold the position it does at
       present. As regards the Chinese, few of the rich merchants
       make Manchuria their home. They come to the country for a
       definite number of years, and the same applies to their
       agents, managers, and staff generally, who leave their
       families in China. The settlers, on the contrary, have made
       the country their home. They are a fine, healthy, and vigorous
       race. Driven from China by poverty or famine, they regard
       Manchuria as a land flowing with milk and honey. … Whether it
       be the rigour of the climate which softens their manners, or
       the absence of the Chinese Mandarin, or living under the sway
       of an alien race which humbles their pride, or a combination
       of all these elements, it is difficult to say, but the people
       are far less hostile to the foreigner than those in China
       proper. …

       "Mongolia extends for 1,500 miles along the northern frontier
       of China, and as its eastern border is coterminous with
       Manchuria, a few words regarding the Mongols may not be out of
       place in these notes. The race is said to come with the Manchus
       from a common Tartar stock, but, except in colour and
       features, there is little resemblance between the two races.
       The Mongol is essentially a nomad, hating towns and houses. He
       prefers to wander about the steppes, pitching his 'yourt,' or
       felt tent, wherever water and pasture are for the time most
       plentiful. As the nature of the country they inhabit prohibits
       agriculture, the art is unknown among his people, who are
       entirely engaged in tending their flocks and herds, ponies,
       and camels. They are mere children in the hands of the
       Chinese, who can outwit them as easily as a member of the
       'confidence trick' fraternity outwits a rustic from the
       shires. … A small portion of their territory is rented by the
       Chinese on the west of the Provinces of Kirin and Fêng-tien,
       of which it has now become an integral part. Kuan-cheng-tzu
       was originally in Mongolia, and so are all the towns and
       villages to the west of the palisade, of which the principal
       are Mai-mai-kai (Fenghua), Ch'ang-tu, and Cheng-chia-tun.
       Mongolia is the great breeding land for horses and cattle. At
       first sight when travelling through the country one is
       astonished at the enormous size of the troops of ponies; but
       when one considers that this territory supplies Siberia,
       China, and Manchuria with animals, it is easy to see that the
       supply is not greater than the demand. … The Mongols are
       governed by their hereditary Princes, Chinese authority being
       maintained by Imperial Residents at Ching-hai, in Western
       Mongolia (Ko-ko-nor), and at Urga, in the north."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command, China,
          Number 1, 1899, pages 34-37).

    MANCHUS:
       Increasing ascendancy in Chinese Government.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (APRIL).

    MANETHO, Vindication of the list of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH; EGYPT: RESULTS.

    MANHATTAN BOROUGH.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

    MANILA:
       The capital city of the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

    MANILA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
       Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
       Blockade and siege.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    MANILA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
       Capture by the Americans.
       Relations of Americans with Filipino insurgents.
       General Merritt's report.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    MANILA: A. D. 1900.
       Regulation of the sale of liquors.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    MANITOBA SCHOOL QUESTION.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA; A. D. 1890-1896; and 1898 (JANUARY).

    MARCHAND'S EXPEDITION.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    MARCONI, Guglielmo:
       Development of wireless telegraphy.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    MARIANNE ISLANDS:
        Sale by Spain to Germany.

           See (in this volume)
           CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

    MARITIME CANAL COMPANY.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC.

    MARITIME POWERS.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES; and WAR BUDGETS.

    MARITIME WARFARE, Convention relative to.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    MARRIAGE LAWS, Hungarian.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    {303}

    MARYLAND:
       New election law, establishing a qualification of the suffrage.

       A new election law, said to have been driven through the
       Legislature by partisan pressure, and for the purpose of
       disfranchising the majority of colored citizens, was passed by
       both houses on the 20th of March, 1901. It is said to be
       "considerably more fair than the North Carolina and similar
       laws in States farther south. It disfranchises by means of
       regulations which practically make it necessary for a voter to
       be able to read his ballot. The illiterate are denied any
       assistance when they go into the booths, and all emblems are
       omitted from the ticket. The color line is not drawn. It is
       believed that there are about 32,000 negroes and 16,000 whites
       who will not be able to vote under this law. Practically all
       of the negroes are supposed to be Republicans, while it is
       estimated that the whites are divided about evenly between the
       parties."

    MASHONALAND:
       Embraced in Rhodesia.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895.

    MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.
       Recovery of the original manuscript of Governor Bradford's
       History of Plymouth Colony, sometimes called "The Log of the
       Mayflower."

       "It has long been well known that Governor Bradford wrote and
       left behind him a history of the settlement of Plymouth. It
       was quoted by early chroniclers. There are extracts from it in
       the records at Plymouth. Thomas Prince used it when he
       compiled his annals, Hubbard depended on it when he wrote his
       'History of New England,' Cotton Mather had read it, or a copy
       of a portion of it, when he wrote his 'Magnalia,' Governor
       Hutchinson had it when he published the second volume of his
       history in 1767. From that time it disappeared from the
       knowledge of everybody on this side of the water. All our
       historians speak of it as lost, and can only guess what had
       been its fate. …

       "In 1844 Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, afterward
       Bishop of Winchester, One of the brightest of men, published
       one of the dullest and stupidest of books. It is entitled 'The
       History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in America.' It
       contained extracts from manuscripts which he said he had
       discovered in the library of the Bishop of London at Fulham.
       The book attracted no attention here until, about twelve years
       later, in 1855, John Wingate Thornton … happened to pick up a
       copy of it while he was lounging in Burnham's book store. He
       read the bishop's quotations, and carried the book to his
       office, where he left it for his friend, Mr. Barry, who was
       then writing his 'History of Massachusetts,' with passages
       marked, and with a note which is not preserved, but which,
       according to his memory, suggested that the passages must have
       come from Bradford's long-lost history. That is the claim for
       Mr. Thornton. On the other hand, it is claimed by Mr. Barry
       that there was nothing of that kind expressed in Mr.
       Thornton's note, but in reading the book when he got it an
       hour or so later, the thought struck him for the first time
       that the clue had been found to the precious book which had
       been lost so long. He at once repaired to Charles Deane, then
       and ever since, down to his death, as President Eliot
       felicitously styled him, 'the master of historical
       investigators in this country.' Mr. Deane saw the importance
       of the discovery. He communicated at once with Joseph Hunter,
       an eminent English scholar. Hunter was high authority on all
       matters connected with the settlement of New England. He
       visited the palace at Fulham, and established beyond question
       the identity of the manuscript with Governor Bradford's
       history, an original letter of Governor Bradford having been
       sent over for comparison of handwriting.

       "How the manuscript got to Fulham nobody knows. Whether it was
       carried over by Governor Hutchinson in 1774; whether it was
       taken as spoil from the tower of the Old South Church in 1775;
       whether, with other manuscripts, it was sent to Fulham at the
       time of the attempts of the Episcopal churches in America,
       just before the Revolution, to establish an episcopate here,
       —nobody knows."

          George F. Hoar,
          address, May 26, 1897,
          on the Return of the Manuscript to Massachusetts.

       After the discovery of the manuscript, several attempts to
       bring about its return to America were made: by Justin Winsor,
       in 1860, and again in 1877; by Mr. Motley, in 1869; and by
       others. At length, Senator Hoar, after delivering an address
       at Plymouth, in 1895, on the anniversary of the landing of the
       Pilgrims, went abroad, with his interest in the matter warmly
       stirred up, and took steps, in concurrence with Ambassador
       Bayard, which led to the enlistment of potent influences on
       both sides of the sea in favor of the restoration of the
       precious piece of writing to its proper home. There were many
       difficulties in procuring the necessary legal authority for
       the surrender of the manuscript by the Bishop of
       London,—difficulties not created wilfully, but by questions
       and processes of law; but they were all overcome, with kindly
       help from everybody concerned, and, on the 12th of April,
       1897, the coveted manuscript book was formally delivered to
       the United States Ambassador, Mr. Bayard, for conveyance to
       the Governor of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. It was
       delivered by Mr. Bayard in person, on the 26th of May
       following, in the presence of the Senate and the House of
       Representatives of Massachusetts, sitting together in the
       chamber of the latter, with many guests invited for the
       occasion. The ceremonies of the occasion included the address
       by Senator Hoar from which the above account is taken.

       The manuscript volume is now deposited in the State Library of
       Massachusetts at Boston. A new edition, carefully reproducing
       the text of the history from it, with a full report of the
       proceedings incident to its return to Massachusetts, was
       printed in 1900, under the direction of the Secretary of the
       Commonwealth, by order of the General Court. The following
       remarks on the manuscript are from the Introduction to that
       edition:

       "By very many it has been called, incorrectly, the log of the
       'Mayflower.' Indeed, that is the title by which it is
       described in the decree of the Consistorial Court of London.
       The fact is, however, that Governor Bradford undertook its
       preparation long after the arrival of the Pilgrims, and it
       cannot be properly considered as in any sense a log or daily
       journal of the voyage of the 'Mayflower.' It is, in point of
       fact, a history of the Plymouth Colony, chiefly in the form of
       annals, extending from the inception of the colony down to the
       year 1647. The matter has been in print since 1856, put forth
       through the public spirit of the Massachusetts Historical
       Society, which secured a transcript of the document from
       London, and printed it in the Society's Collections of the
       above-named year."

    {304}

    MASSACRES:
       Of Armenians in Constantinople.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

    MASSACRES:
       Of Chinese by the allied troops.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 5-16).

    MASSACRES:
       Of Chinese in Manchuria by the Russians.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

    MASSACRES:
       Of Christian missionaries and converts in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA:
          A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);
          1898 (MAY);
          1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);
          1899;
          1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE); and
          1901 (MARCH).

    MATABELES.
       Matabeleland.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895; and
          (RHODESIA); 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    MATTHEW, The Gospel of:
       Discovery of a fragment of an early copy.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    MAYFLOWER, The so-called Log of the.

          See (in this volume, page 303)
          MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

    MAZET INVESTIGATION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (APRIL-DECEMBER).

    MEAT INSPECTION BILL, The German.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    MEDICAL SCIENCE, Recent advances in.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    MEHTAR OF CHITRAL, The.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    MEIJI STATESMEN.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    MENA, The tomb of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    MENELEK II., King of Shoa and Negus of Abyssinia.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    MERENPTAH I., The funeral temple of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: RESULTS.

    MERRIMAC, The sinking of the collier, at Santiago.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    MERRITT, General: Report of capture of Manila.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    MESOPOTAMIA, Recent archæological research in.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    MESOPOTAMIA:
       Projected railways.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER); and
          JEWS: A. D. 1899.

    MEXICAN FREE ZONE, The.

       "The Department of State has received through Consul-General
       Barlow a report of the Free Zone, compiled by the Secretary of
       the Treasury of Mexico, giving a history of the original
       creation of the zone and defining its limits, and the
       privileges and restrictions applicable thereto. The Free Zone
       is a narrow strip of territory extending along the northern
       border from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean, with a
       latitudinal area of about 12½ miles to the interior, and
       embracing a portion of the States of Tamaulipas, Coahnila,
       Chihuahua, Sonora, and the territory of Lower California. It
       was established many years ago [1861] by the Central
       Government, as a compromise or concession to the States
       bordering the Rio Grande, as a protection against smuggling
       from the United States. The principal cities of the zone are
       Matamoras, Camargo, Mier, Guerrero, Laredo, Porfirio Diaz
       (Piedras Negras), Juarez, and Nogales. The total population
       does not exceed 100,000 people. According to the official
       reports, there exist within the limits of the free zone no
       industries worth mentioning, which is explained by the fact
       that all industrial products manufactured in the zone when
       sent into the interior of the country are required to pay the
       regular duties charged on imports into the country; and, on
       account of the protective tariff of the United States, it is
       impracticable to export such products to that country. Thus
       the manufacturing industries would have to depend upon the
       home consumption, which is not sufficient to maintain them.
       All merchandise imported into the zone destined for
       consumption therein is admitted on a basis of 10 per cent of
       the regular tariff duties, but such merchandise when reshipped
       into the interior of Mexico is required to pay an additional
       duty of 90 per cent, making, in connection with the 10 per
       cent already paid, the regular tariff duty of Mexico. In his
       report the secretary of the treasury, Senor Limantour, makes
       this statement: 'Many distinguished financiers and eminent
       statesmen are opposed to the Free Zone, but all recognize the
       fact that, on account of existing circumstances in the
       northern frontier, its sparse population, without resources in
       agriculture, industry, or mining, the privilege could not be
       abolished without compensation, and the problem lies in
       choosing some other advantage without prejudice to the rest of
       the country.'"

          Bulletin of the American Republics,
          August, 1898.

       "The franchise granted the Free Zone consisted, in the
       beginning, in not levying any duty upon imported articles;
       afterwards, however, some small duties, purely local, were
       established, and the ordinance of 1887 established as a fixed
       basis 3 per cent on the value of the duties according to
       tariff—a basis which was raised to 10 per cent by the
       ordinance of 1891. By subsequent decrees the duties were
       raised l½ per cent for the municipality and 7 per cent for
       stamps for internal revenue, the result of all this being that
       the merchandise introduced into the Free Zone from abroad now
       paid 18½ per cent upon the importation duties according to
       tariff. … As the records of the frontier custom-houses of the
       north make no distinction in the duties, those for the Free
       Zone as well as those for the interior appearing in the same
       classification, it is impossible to know exactly what the
       treasury loses by the 90 per cent rebate on the duties of the
       merchandise destined for consumption in the Free Zone; but,
       admitting as an exaggerated estimate that the total
       consumption of the Free Zone represents in duties $400,000
       ($177,600) a year, with the 10 per cent charge on this amount,
       the average annual loss would be $365,000 ($162,060).

    {305}

       "The institution of the Free Zone obliges the Mexican
       Government, in order to prevent the introduction clandestinely
       into the interior of merchandise proceeding therefrom, to
       maintain a body of fiscal guards at an annual expense of
       $562,525.95 ($249,762). The guards of the custom-houses must
       not be reckoned in this account; for these, with or without
       the Free Zone, are necessary to prevent the smuggling which
       would be carried on from the United States, and which is even
       now done. In case of abolishing the Free Zone, it would not be
       possible to completely suppress the fiscal guards; lessened in
       number and with a distinct organization, they would have to be
       maintained, especially since in case of their abolition the
       entire duties would be charged (that is to say, 90 per cent
       more than is now levied), and this would be inducement enough
       to provoke attempts at smuggling. This body of guards, fiscal
       as well as administrative, supplies the place of an interior
       custom-house (although it does not levy duties), as it reviews
       in certain instances the merchandise shipped through the
       frontier custom-houses and in a military capacity guards the
       roads leading to and from the frontier to prevent smuggling.
       It has a system of fixed sections situated at convenient
       locations between the Gulf of Mexico and the Pacific, and of
       flying detachments continually patrolling the strip of
       territory named. Experience has demonstrated the usefulness of
       the body, for instances of smuggling by wagons, carts, or
       animals can be said to no longer exist."

       Of smuggling, "there are two divisions to be made, as follows:
       Smuggling to the interior of the Republic and smuggling to the
       United State, of America. The first was at one time of
       importance, since it was practiced on a large scale. Bands of
       smugglers, resorting at times to violence, conducted
       merchandise to the interior, but since the Republic entered
       the period of peace the Government has been able to take
       measures to end this illegal traffic. The custom-houses, which
       formerly scarcely produced enough to pay the employees, now
       render from $4,000,000 to $5,000,000 annually from import
       duties.

       "Smuggling from Mexico to the United States of America has
       never been practiced to any great extent."

          United States Consular Reports,
          August, 1898, page 619.

       ----------MEXICO: Start--------

    MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.
       Boundary surveys.

       The international commission which had been engaged since 1892
       in resurveying the incorrectly marked boundary between Mexico
       and the United States from San Diego, California, to El Paso,
       Texas, finished its work in 1895. Another commission began in
       the same year to resurvey the remainder of the boundary, along
       the Rio Grande from El Paso to the Gulf.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1895.
       Boundary dispute with Guatemala.

       There was a quite serious threatening of war between Mexico
       and Guatemala in 1895, consequent upon a disputed boundary
       line. The mediation of the United States brought about a
       settlement, which gave the disputed district to Guatemala, and
       provided for an arbitration of indemnities, the United States
       Minister to Mexico being selected as arbitrator.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1895.
       Census of population.
       Its distribution.

       "The population of Mexico appears to be, from our … census …
       in 1895, 12,570,195, which would give 16.38 for each square
       mile; but from my personal knowledge of the country, I am
       quite sure that it is not less than 15,000,000. It is very
       difficult to take a correct census in Mexico, because there is
       not the proper machinery in operation for that purpose, and
       especially because a great many districts are inhabited by
       Indians, who are impressed with the fear that if they inscribe
       themselves in the census they will be taxed or drafted into
       the military service, and they try to avoid registration.

       "A great many of our people live in such remote districts that
       they are practically cut off from communication with other
       portions of the country, and in fact are almost isolated; and
       this constitutes still another difficulty in the way of taking
       a correct census. … The upper lands being the healthiest, most
       of the population in Mexico is settled in the central plateau;
       a relatively small portion lives in the temperate zone, while
       the torrid zone is very thinly populated. I imagine, at a
       rough calculation, that about 75 per cent. of the population
       make their abode in the cold zone, from 15 to 18 per cent. in
       the temperate zone, and from 7 to 10 per cent. in the torrid
       zone.

       "From the synopsis of our censuses, … it appears that the
       population in Mexico has duplicated during the last century,
       and although that increase does not keep pace with the
       increase in the United States, because this has been really
       wonderful, it compares favorably with the increase in other
       countries."

          M. Romero,
          Mexico and the United States,
          volume 1, pages 89-90
          (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

    MEXICO: A. D. 1896.
       Amendments to the Constitution.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF MEXICO.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1896.
       Re-election of President Diaz.

       By a popular election held on the 28th of June, 1896, followed
       by a vote of "electors" cast July 13, Porfirio Diaz was chosen
       President of the Republic of Mexico for a fifth term of four
       years, to begin December 1, 1896.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1896 (July).
       Abolition of inter-state taxes.

       The following announcement was reported in May, 1896, by the
       United States Consul-General at the City of Mexico: "'All the
       States and Territories having approved the amendment to the
       constitution prohibiting any interstate tax on commerce
       (alcabalas), Congress has passed the bill, the President has
       signed it, the Diario Official has published it, and it will
       soon be promulgated by "bando." as the Vice-Presidency was the
       other day. The law takes effect July 1.' This tax has been in
       existence for many years in Mexico, and has been a source of
       much embarrassment to internal and external trade. Its repeal
       meets with general approval, although some of the States will
       be compelled to seek other modes of taxation to replace the
       money heretofore obtained by this interstate tax."

          United States Consular Reports,
          June, 1806, page 354.

    {306}

    MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.
       Revolts of the Yaquis.

       The Yaquis, one of the native tribes of northwestern Mexico,
       taking their name from the river, in Sonora, on which they
       dwell, have been in frequent revolt. In 1896, and again in
       1899, some of the tribe were fiercely in arms, excited, it was
       said, by a religious enthusiast, Teresa Urrea, who claimed a
       divine mission and obtained boundless influence over her
       tribe, as a saint. She was expelled from the country by the
       Mexican government, but stayed on the border, in United States
       territory, and continued to stir up hostilities. Though
       repeatedly beaten by the government troops, with heavy loss,
       their late rising was obstinately persisted in for many
       months; but early in 1900 their chief, Tetabiate, was slain,
       and a few sharp engagements after that time seems to have
       brought the revolt, practically, to an end. A writer in the
       California magazine, entitled "The Land of Sunshine" (July,
       1899), says of the Yaquis that they are "the backbone of the
       population of Sonora. They are the best workmen in the
       republic, commanding from 10 to 20 per cent. higher wages in
       many localities than Mexican or other Indian labor. There is
       not a lazy bone in the Yaqui body. They are a peaceable,
       law-abiding people when justly treated. From time immemorial
       they have been hunters, miners, and tillers of the soil. They
       have the nomad instinct in less degree than almost any other
       Indian tribe."

       Another writer makes this statement: "There are about three
       hundred wild and rebellious Yaqui Indians hidden in the
       fastnesses of the Bacatete Mountains, and some thirty thousand
       peaceful Yaquis working all over Sonora—among the best workers,
       the most successful farmers, and the quietest citizens in the
       whole state. … There are few things in the history of the
       native races of North America of such absorbing interest as
       the career of the Yaqui Indians. The Spanish conquistadores
       found them living in this country three hundred and fifty
       years ago. They were a strong and stalwart race. Put a Yaqui
       by the side of an Iroquois and you can hardly tell them apart.
       Put a Yaqui and an Iroquois by the side of any other Indians
       in North America, and their physical superiority is seen at
       once. Compare them physically with all the other races of the
       earth and you will find that they have few, if any, superiors.
       The Yaquis were not, however, like their prototypes, the
       Iroquois, dependent upon the chase for their food. From the
       beginning they were not woodsmen, but farmers. Cabeza de Vaca,
       after his long, romantic and perilous journey across the
       continent, found great fields of Indian corn waving on the
       Yaqui River as far back as 1636. When the early Spanish
       missions were established in the Californias they obtained
       their supplies from the agricultural Indians in the Yaqui
       Valley, and many are the Spanish armies that have been saved
       from starvation in times past by the Yaqui corn fields."

          W. S. Logan,
          Yaqui, the Land of Sunshine and Health,
          pages 15, 17.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1898.
       Completion of the great drainage tunnel and canal
       of the City of Mexico.

       "Mexico is finishing a great work, the drainage of the valley
       where the capital city is located, which has required for its
       completion nearly three hundred years and many millions of
       dollars, and has cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of
       men. … The Valley of Mexico is an immense basin, of
       approximately circular shape, with one extreme diameter of
       about 60 miles, completely bounded by high mountains, and
       having only two or three quite high passes out of it. No water
       drains out of the basin. The surface of this valley has a mean
       altitude above the sea of 7,413 feet and an area of about
       2,220 square miles. Mountain ranges rise on every side, making
       a great corral of rock containing dozens of villages and
       hamlets, with the ancient capital in the centre. … Evaporation
       is so excessive at certain periods of the year that malaria,
       consequent on drouth, was far more dreaded by the inhabitants
       than the periodical floods, and thousands perished annually,
       so that proper drainage was an absolute necessity for the
       preservation of health. Nearly fifty years before the
       discovery of America, which took place in 1492,
       Netzahualcoyotl saw the necessity for a drainage canal, and
       commenced the work in 1450." The Spaniards, throughout their
       rule, labored at projects to the same end, and sacrificed the
       lives of vast numbers of the natives in the work, without much
       result.

       "Frequent floodings of the old Aztec city and of the Spanish
       capital, situated almost at the lowest point of the valley,
       were sure to come in times of unusually heavy rains. In early
       days, when the Aztecs lived in the middle of Lake Mexico, when
       their temples and wigwams were built on piles and the streets
       were often only canals, the periodical overflows from the
       upper lakes were a matter of small concern, though even then
       the Nahua engineers were called upon to protect the city by
       dykes. But when by evaporation, by filling in at the site of
       the city, by lessened waters, due to the fissures caused by
       earthquakes, Lake Mexico had disappeared, and the city had
       come to be built on the spongy soil, above all, when the
       short-sighted choice of Cortez had been confirmed and the
       capital of New Spain had come to stand on the ruins of the
       Aztec town, increasing rapidly in population and wealth,—it
       became a serious matter that on an average of once in
       twenty-five years the streets should be from two to six feet
       under water for an indefinite time. …

       "In 1866 the works now [1895] nearing completion were
       commenced. A project proposed by Señor Don Francisco de Garay,
       a well-known engineer of the city of Mexico, was pronounced
       the most feasible. But the revolutionary struggle succeeded,
       and for many years the work was relegated to the background. …
       The present gigantic work cannot have been considered to have
       been seriously undertaken, with a view of completion at any
       cost, until the year 1885, when the City Council of Mexico
       submitted a project to the Government to which they offered to
       contribute largely in the event of its being adopted. A
       special commission, with ample authority to deal with the
       funds set aside for the work, was appointed by President
       Porfirio Diaz. …

       "The drainage works, when carried out, will receive the
       surplus waters and sewage of the City of Mexico and carry them
       outside of the valley, and will also control the entire waters
       of the valley, affording an outlet, whenever found necessary,
       to those which might otherwise overflow fields and towns,
       rendering the soil stagnant and marshy. The work consists of
       three parts—1st, the tunnel; 2d, a canal starting from the
       gates of San Lazaro, and having a length of 47½ kilometres, or
       43 miles; … and 3d, the sewage of the City of Mexico. …
    {307}
       As this paper goes to press, the drainage works of the Valley
       of Mexico are practically finished, as the waters of the
       valley have been for several years passing through the canal
       and the tunnel to their outlet in the river which takes them
       to the Gulf of Mexico, and the company with whom the canal was
       contracted is now giving the finishing touches to the sides
       and bottom of the canal and will deliver it to the Government
       Board of the Drainage Directors in January, 1898. …

       "The canal and six-mile tunnel through the mountain range have
       a total length approaching 37 miles. The present works will
       take rank with the great achievements of modern times, just as
       the immense 'cut' of Nochistongo, their unsuccessful predecessor,
       was the leader among ancient earthworks in all the world. The
       completed system will have cost $20,000,000."

          M. Romero,
          Mexico and the United States,
          pages 266-280
          (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

    MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.
       The results of twenty years of the presidency of Porfirio Diaz.
       The wonderful advance of the Republic.

       In his interesting book on Mexico, entitled "The Awakening of
       a Nation," written in 1898, Mr. Charles F. Lummis expresses
       the opinion that, under the Presidency of Porfirio Diaz, that
       country "has graduated to be the most compact and unified
       nation in the New World"; that "she has acquired not only a
       government which governs, but one which knows how to govern—
       and contemporaneously a people which has learned how to be
       ruled"; and he characterizes its government as "logical
       paternalism—a scheme frightfully dangerous under a bad father,
       incalculably beneficial under a good one." Two years later, in a
       contribution to an elaborate "Review of the Nineteenth
       Century," by many writers, which was published by the "New
       York Evening Post," January 12, 1901, Mr. Lummis wrote:
       "Before Diaz, the rich and ancient capital had spent two and a
       half centuries and ten millions in vain attempts to relieve
       its recurrent Hoods. Sewerage was unknown. Today the valley is
       drained and sewered by a system nowhere surpassed. Electric
       lighting, transit, and power-transmission are in vogue. Law
       and order are of a proportion we may well envy. Public
       education and individual scholarship have no call to blush in
       any fair comparison with any land. Business is prosperous,
       almost without individual exceptions. Factories of all sorts—
       and some of the costliest and finest factories in the
       world—have sprung up by the thousand. The comminuted bones of
       a national spirit have knit as they never were before.
       Nowadays, it is not Mexico, but we, who are 'fooled' when we
       omit her from the category of the nations that count. She does
       count; she will count far more. She has mastered anarchy, she
       has triumphed even over free silver. She is busily engaged in
       practising one of the first gospels and mottoes of the
       American colonies—'Mind Your Own Business'—and is making a
       magnificent success at it. It is a curious problem in the
       philosophies of history, what shall be the outcome of a nation
       which instead of being born rugged and growing old and easy, was
       born old and in the last quarter-century has come into the
       heritage of sturdy youth. For it is as a young nation, with
       muscles still growing, that we must think of new Old Mexico."

       Honorable John W. Foster, writing to the "New York Tribune,"
       on the 9th of January, 1901, from the City of Mexico, where he
       formerly resided for some years as United States Minister, has
       borne similar testimony to the astonishing progress of the
       country. "Since the advent of General Porfirio Diaz to power
       in 1876," writes Mr. Foster, "there has been no foreign war
       and no serious disturbance of an internal character, the only
       exception being the outbreak of certain semi-independent
       Indian tribes. In the previous fifty years of the existence of
       the republic there had been as many presidents, the majority
       of whom owed their existence to revolutionary movements. The
       wretched story of Mexican history of that period is too
       familiar to be repeated here. … In his inaugural address to
       Congress last month, on being again installed as President, he
       [president Diaz] referred to the achievements of Mexico in the
       last twenty-five years, and modestly said that in it there
       were no brilliant deeds to chronicle. From that notable
       address I make this extract: 'If it were true that a peaceful
       and laborious people have no history, the administration
       period I am about to review would almost be devoid of history.
       But, on the contrary, those nations that deserve to be called
       happy in the only intelligible sense of the word, far from
       being without a history, have a very glorious and interesting
       one, if, besides being peaceful and laborious, they are also
       progressive. That history is the history of their progress,
       their achievements, their growing prosperity, of the
       improvements of every kind which they have introduced—a
       history which, in this modern age and the present constitution
       of civilized societies, is as interesting as that of their
       past and just as deserving of attention.'"

       A report for 1900 by the British Consul at Vera Cruz is to the
       same effect. The result of the recent elections he describes
       as an assurance of prosperity and a guarantee of the foreign
       capital invested in the country. Few countries, the Consul
       observes, can boast of such rapid and beneficial reforms as
       Mexico; these have, in a short time, prepared the way for the
       development of her extensive resources, which are themselves a
       sufficient assurance of the future. The finances have of
       recent years been brought to a high state of excellence, and
       commerce throughout the Republic has flourished. Foreign
       capital has flowed in steadily, railway construction has
       progressed, and other modes of communication have improved,
       the telegraph and postal service have been reformed. The
       improvement of inter-oceanic communication across the
       Tehuantepec isthmus, with the harbors now being constructed on
       both coasts, will revolutionize the foreign trade of Mexico.
       It will take more than three years to complete the
       reconstruction of the railway and to put the ports in a
       condition to enable freight to be taken from the ship's side
       at one port and placed alongside the ship at the other within
       24 hours. The Consul thinks the route is destined to become
       one of the principal thoroughfares of the world, competing
       with all other routes between Europe and the Far East.

    {308}

       Of what has been done for public education in Mexico under the
       Diaz government the following account is given in one of the
       publications (1900) of the Bureau of the American Republics:
       "Education in Mexico has been for many years the subject of
       serious consideration on the part of the Government, on
       account of the difficulty experienced in combating the
       conservative ideas prevailing in the Republic. The main
       obstacles have, however, been overcome, and the country to-day
       enjoys the benefit of a liberal system of education, which is
       administered under three branches—gratuitous, lay, and
       obligatory. … The law making education compulsory was
       promulgated March 23, 1888, but its enforcement was not
       decreed at that time, and the first Congress of Public
       Education was convened for the purpose of adopting such
       measures as should tend to establish an efficient and uniform
       system of education. This congress met on December 1, 1889,
       and closed its sessions on March 31, 1890. … A second congress
       was convened on December 1, 1890, which solved certain
       problems on compulsory elemental education, fixed the methods
       to be followed in the schools of superior primary education,
       and settled matters pertaining to normal schools, preparatory
       education, and special schools. As the result of this
       congress, the law of March 21, 1891, was enacted, regulating
       compulsory education in the Federal District and the
       Territories of Tepic and Lower California, which law became
       effective on January 17, 1892. …

       "On May 19, 1896, the law of public education was promulgated,
       its salient points being as follows:

       Official primary elemental education in the Federal Districts
       and Federal Territories was placed under the exclusive control
       of the Executive; primary superior education was organized as
       an intermediate educational system between elementary and
       preparatory instruction. A general board of primary education
       was created, charged to develop and maintain the same under a
       scientific and administrative plan. Preparatory education was
       decreed to be uniform for all professions, its extent being
       limited to the study of such matters as are necessary to the
       development of the physical and intellectual faculties and the
       morals of youth, it being further directed that professional
       education be reorganized, limiting it to technical matters
       which pertain to the profession or professions to which each
       particular school is devoted.

       "By virtue of this law public education ceased to be in charge
       of the Board of Aldermen (ayuntamientos) of the
       above-mentioned sections. At the time of its promulgation the
       municipality of Mexico contained 113 schools, supported by the
       Board of Aldermen, 14,246 students being entered on the rolls,
       with an average attendance of 9,798. Each State defrays the
       expenses of public education, either with funds specially
       appropriated for that purpose or with the municipal funds.

       "According to statistical data, in 1876, there were throughout
       the country 8,165 primary schools, with 368,754 students of
       both sexes. In 1895 Government schools reached the number of
       4,056, of which 2,189 were for males, 1,119 for females, and
       748 for both sexes; municipal schools numbered 3,394—for
       males, 1,754; females, 932; both sexes, 708. These comprised
       7,380 primary, 32 secondary, and 35 professional schools, the
       number of students enrolled being 310,496 males and 181,484
       females (a total of 491,980), and the mean attendance 338,066.
       The total cost to the Government and the municipalities for
       the maintenance of these institutions was $3,973,738. In the
       same year private schools to the number of 1,816 were being
       conducted, 659 for males, 460 for females, and the remainder
       under a coeducational system. In addition, 276 were supported
       by the clergy and 146 by associations, the total number of
       students enrolled being 68,879, of which 40,135 were males and
       38,744 females. The total number of private schools was
       accordingly 2,238, of which 2,193 were devoted to primary
       education, 34 to secondary instruction, and 11 to professions.

       "The statistics for 1897, which are the latest available, give
       the following figures:

       SCHOOLS.                           1896.   1897.

       Federal and State Governments.     5,852  6,141
       Municipal.                         3,218  1,953
       Private institutions.              1,953  1,797
       Supported by the clergy.             303    285
       Supported by associations.           186    122

       "Using the figures given in 1896 for Vera Cruz and the Federal
       District as identical for 1897, it may be safely assumed that
       on December 31, 1897, the public schools in Mexico (Federal,
       State, and municipal) stood as follows:

       Number of schools.             9,065
       Students enrolled.           666,787
       Average monthly attendance.  458,035
       Private institutions.          2,361
       Number of students.           92,387
       Average attendance.           75,857

       "The total expenditures for the support of Federal, State, and
       municipal schools amounted in 1897 to $6,291,000. In addition
       to the normal and primary schools, the Government also
       supports the following institutions:
       School of jurisprudence,
       school of medicine,
       school of agriculture and veterinary instruction,
       school of engineers,
       school of fine arts,
       school of arts and trades for men,
       and a similar institution for women,
       school of commerce and administration.
       National conservatory of music,
       preparatory school,
       schools for the blind, for deaf-mutes;
       reform schools, etc.,

       also 9 museums, and 17 libraries containing from 400 to
       159,000 volumes. Beside the Government institutions above
       mentioned, there are throughout the country 26 museums, 83
       libraries, 32 scientific and literary associations, and 457
       periodical publications."

          Bureau of American Republics,
          Mexico: a Geographical Sketch,
          page 313.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Re-election of President Diaz.

       President Porfirio Diaz was reelected on January 1, for
       a sixth term of four years.

    MEXICO: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Census of the Republic.
       Gains shown in five years.

       Announcement was made from Washington, on the 24th of
       February, 1901, that "complete official returns of the census
       taken on October 28, 1900, received by the Bureau of American
       Republics, shows that the population of Mexico is 13,570,545,
       against a population of 12,632,427 [given by M. Romero as
       12,570,195—see above] in 1895. The gain in five years was
       938,118, or 7.43 per cent. due in part to the greater accuracy
       of the latest enumeration. The Federal District, in which is
       located the City of Mexico, is the most densely populated
       portion of the republic, and contains 530,723 people.
    {309}
       The City of Mexico increased about 20,000 in five years, and
       now has nearly 357,000 inhabitants. The population of seven
       States, Jalisco, Guanajuato, Puebla. Vera Cruz, Oaxaca,
       Michoacan and Mexico, is 6,995,880, or a little more than
       one-half of the entire population of the country. The
       population of the States of Sonora, Tamaulipas, Tlaxcala,
       Morelos, Tabasco, Aguas Calientes, Campeche, Colima, and the
       territories of Tepic and Lower California, the total area of
       which is more than one-fourth the entire country, is slightly
       in excess of 1,380,000, or a density of only about 2.7
       inhabitants to the square kilometre. The central and southern
       portions of the republic are the most thickly populated, the
       Western and Northern States being the most sparsely settled,
       and the Gulf region, or eastern coast, contains a larger
       number of inhabitants than the Pacific Coast region. … The
       greatest percentage of increase is noted in the northern
       States. These States, in addition to being good agricultural
       districts, are enormously rich in mineral wealth, and the
       large increase in population in this part of the country is
       chiefly due to the rapid development of the mines of the
       republic, the erection of smelters and manufacturing plants,
       and to the general stimulus given to trade and commerce by the
       construction of railroads and the heavy investments of foreign
       capital in the republic."

       ----------MEXICO: End--------

    MIDDLE-OF-THE-ROAD POPULISTS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-November); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    MILAN, Ex-King:
       His later years and death.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

    MILAN: A. D. 1898.
       Revolutionary outbreak.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

    MILES, General Nelson A.:
       Operations against Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    MILES, General Nelson A.:
       Commanding expedition against Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    MILES, General Nelson A.:
       Charges against the Commissary Department, U. S. Army.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS:
       Armies of Europe and America and their cost.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    MILLENNIUM, The Hungarian.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1896.

    MILNER, Sir Alfred:
       Governor of Cape Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY), and after.

    MILNER, Sir Alfred:
       Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH COLONIES): A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    MINDANAO.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.

    MINERS, Strikes among.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

    MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.
       Constitutional amendments.
       Use of the Referendum.

       Several constitutional amendments were submitted to the voters
       of the State and adopted; among them one requiring citizenship
       of the United States for three months and residence in the
       State for six months before permitting a new-comer to vote;
       another vesting the pardoning power in a Board of Pardons;
       another empowering cities to frame their own charters, subject
       to the State laws. At the same time, the Referendum was
       brought into practical use, by the submission of several
       legislative acts to the popular vote. One of the acts thus
       submitted, providing for the holding of a constitutional
       convention, was rejected.

    MINNESOTA: A. D. 1898.
       Outbreak of Pillager Indians.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

    MINOS, The Palace of:
       Its supposed discovery.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    MISSIONARIES, Christian:
       The outbreak against in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST);
          1898 (MAY);
          1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY);
          1899; 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH), (MAY-JUNE);
          and 1901 (MARCH).

    MISSIONARIES, Christian:
       Outbreak against in Madagascar.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR.

    MISSIONS, Christian:
       The Ecumenical Conference of 1900 in New York.
       Statistics of the Protestant foreign missionary
       work of the world.

       The third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant foreign missions
       (the second having been held in London in 1888) was assembled
       at New York on the 21st of April, 1900, under circumstances
       related as follows in volume I. of the official report: "The
       immediate origin of the Ecumenical Conference of 1900 was the
       discussion of a question put in the 'question box' at the
       Annual Conference of Foreign Missions Boards of the United
       States and Canada, which met in New York in January, 1896, as
       to whether it would be advisable to invite the secretaries or
       representatives of societies from the other side of the
       Atlantic to meet with the Annual Conference of the American
       societies as it was then held, consisting chiefly of the
       officers of the Boards. The Reverend F. F. Ellinwood. D. D.,
       speaking to the question, said: 'I have had a hope that in the
       year 1898, ten years from the great London Conference, we
       might invite our brethren from all lands to a great Ecumenical
       Conference on Missions.'

       "Following this suggestion, a committee of five, consisting of
       the Reverend Drs. Judson Smith, F. F. Ellinwood, A. B.
       Leonard, S. W. Duncan, and William S. Langford was appointed
       'to consider the advisability of calling an Ecumenical
       Missionary Conference, to meet in this country within the next
       four years, to make preliminary preparation therefor, if
       deemed advisable, and to report at the Conference of the
       following year.' This committee corresponded with missionary
       societies throughout the world, and at the next Annual
       Conference recommended that such a Conference be held in New
       York City in April of the year 1900; that this recommendation
       be communicated to the societies, and a final date agreed
       upon. In January, 1898, after further correspondence, the
       place and date were finally decided." Measures were taken to
       raise a guarantee fund of $30,000 for expenses, and other
       preparations were made. Then "under date of June 1, 1899, a
       general invitation was sent to every missionary whose name and
       address could be secured, to attend the Conference and
       participate in the discussions."

    {310}

       The Conference was opened in Carnegie Hall, New York, on the
       21st of April, 1900, and continued its sessions, there and in
       neighboring churches, until the 1st of May. "The personnel of
       the Conference was broadly representative. It consisted
       (1) of delegates appointed by organizations conducting foreign
       missions outside of Europe and America;
       (2) the missionaries of such organizations, and
       (3) members elected by the Executive Committee.

       The British and Continental and other foreign societies were
       invited to send as many delegates as possible. The American
       and Canadian societies were limited in the number of their
       delegates; the total from both countries, being fixed at
       1,666, was apportioned among the societies on the basis of
       their expenditures in foreign missions. All foreign
       missionaries in active service or retired were received as
       full members. Some of the honorary members and vice-presidents
       who were unable to attend desired to have their names
       connected with so historic a gathering. Members of committees
       and speakers, who were not already delegates, were by a
       general act of the Executive Committee, constituted 'special
       members.' In addition to the members of the Conference a large
       number of persons came from far and near to attend the
       meetings. Over fifty thousand tickets to the Carnegie Hall and
       alternate meetings were distributed among this class of
       visitors. Many thousands more attended the sectional and
       overflow meetings where no tickets were required. The
       Honorable Benjamin Harrison, for four years President of the
       United States of America, occupied the chair, and made an
       opening speech."

       The magnitude of the organizations of missionary work, all the
       interests, needs and fruits of which were discussed in the
       Conference, is most succinctly represented in the subjoined
       tables, prepared by Dr. James S. Dennis, which are given in
       the appendix to the official report (pages 424-426, volume 2).
       The classification appearing in the tables is explained as
       follows:

       "The Bible Societies, the Tract and Literature Societies, the
       United Society of Christian Endeavor, the Epworth Leagues, and
       similar organizations, philanthropic specialties like that of
       the Pundita Ramabai in India, with a considerable number of
       organizations, foreign missionary in title and purpose, but
       simply rendering financial or other aid to existing
       societies—demand recognition, and yet should they be counted
       as strictly and technically foreign missionary societies? It
       was chosen for the present purpose, to differentiate and
       classify, naming three classes of societies as follows;

       Class I. Societies directly engaged in conducting foreign
       missions.

       Class II. Societies indirectly co-operating or aiding in
       foreign missions.

       Class III. Societies or Institutions independently engaged in
       specialized effort in various departments of foreign
       missions."

    MISSISSIPPI: A. D. 1890-1892.
       New State Constitution.
       Qualification of the suffrage.

       A new State Constitution, framed and put in force in 1890 by a
       constitutional convention, without submission to the people,
       established a qualification of the suffrage which heavily
       diminished the negro vote by its effect. It imposed a pool tax
       of two dollars per head, to which any county might add a
       further tax not exceeding one dollar per head, which poll tax
       for the year every voter must have paid before his ballot
       would be received at any election. A further clause of the
       Constitution on the subject was as follows: "On and after the
       first day of January, A. D. 1892, the following qualifications
       are added to the foregoing: Every qualified elector shall be
       able to read any section of the Constitution of this State, or
       he shall be able to understand the same when read to him, or
       to give a reasonable interpretation thereof. A new
       registration shall be made before the next ensuing election
       after these qualifications are established. Electors in
       municipal elections shall possess all the qualifications
       herein prescribed, and such additional qualifications as may
       be prescribed by law." In 1892 the Supreme Court of the State
       affirmed the validity of the Constitution, which had been
       challenged on two grounds, namely: that it had not been
       submitted to the vote of the people, and that it was in
       conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitution of
       the United States.

       So far, the disfranchisement of the mass of blacks seems to
       have had an unlooked for evil effect. "The Negro eliminated,
       only one political party remains, and political stagnation has
       followed. In Mississippi, the requirement that a poll tax be
       paid long before the election deprives many white men also of
       their votes. But it does not bar them out of nominating
       conventions. Many communities are ruled by a mere handful of
       whites who cannot even cast a ballot. For instance, there are
       320,000 males of voting age in Mississippi, but the whole vote
       cast in the State in November was only 59,000. This is 11,000
       votes less than were cast four years ago under the same
       restrictions of suffrage. In other words, the whole State of
       Mississippi cast practically 110 more ballots to elect seven
       members of Congress than were cast in a single congressional
       district in New York. (The fourteenth New York district cast
       58,000 votes.) In the town of Eudora, where a mayor, a
       marshal, a treasurer, and four aldermen were elected, only
       eight votes were cast, and of the eight voters seven are said
       to have been candidates for office.

       "'The same men,' says a trustworthy despatch from New Orleans,
       'were voters, candidates for office, and judges of election to
       pass as judges on their own votes as voters for themselves;
       and in spite of all their efforts they could get only one
       outsider to come to the polls and cast his ballot.' This is an
       extreme case; but in every State that has disfranchised the
       Negro (making a discrimination between him and the ignorant
       white man, in the white man's favor) political activity has
       constantly disappeared, the vote has shrunk, public spirit in
       politics has died. In Louisiana the total vote in November
       fell from 99,000 in 1896 to 61,000; of Mississippi, from
       69,000 to 59,000; of South Carolina, from 68,000 to 50,000—the
       shrinkage in four years in these three States being nearly
       68,000 votes, in spite of the increase of population."

          The World's Work,
          February, 1901.

    MODDER RIVER, Military operations on.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and
          1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    {311}

    {312}

    {313}

    {314}

    MODUS VIVENDI, Alaskan Boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

    MODUS VIVENDI, The Newfoundland.

          See (in this volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.

    MOMBASA-VICTORIA RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA RAILWAY.

       ----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: Start--------

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895.
       The situation of the Treasury of the United States.
       Contract for replenishing its gold reserve.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1895-1896.
       The gold reserve in the U. S. Treasury again imperilled.
       Refusal of relief by the Senate.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES:
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1900.
       The Silver Question in the United States
       Presidential elections.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and
          1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1896-1898.
       Movements for monetary reforms in the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897.
       Renewal of the privileges of the Bank of France.

       The privileges of the Bank of France, as the fiscal agent of
       the French Government, expired with the close of the year
       1897, and renewal of them was opposed by the Radicals and
       Socialists, who demanded the creation of a State Bank. The
       government succeeded, however (June, 1897), in carrying the
       measure necessary for continuing the existing system, on terms
       somewhat more favorable to the state than before.

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (March).
       Adoption of the gold standard in Japan.

       By a law of the Japanese Parliament, passed in March, 1897, to
       come into force October 1, a gold monetary standard was
       adopted, at the ratio of 32½ to 1, the silver dollar to be
       legal tender until six months after notice given of its
       withdrawal.

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (April-October).
       Negotiation by American Commissioners in Europe for an
       international bi-metallic agreement.

       In fulfilment of the pledge given by the Republican party, at
       its national convention, in 1896, that it would use efforts to
       bring about an international agreement for free coinage of
       gold and silver at some common ratio, the following Act was
       passed by the two Houses of Congress in January and February,
       1897: "That whenever after March 4, 1897, the president of the
       United States shall determine that the United States should be
       represented at any international conference called by the
       United States or any other country with a view to securing by
       international agreement a fixity of relative value between
       gold and silver as money by means of a common ratio between
       these metals, with free mintage at such ratio, he is hereby
       authorized to appoint five or more commissioners to such
       international conference; and for compensation of said
       commissioners, and for all reasonable expenses connected
       therewith, to be approved by the secretary of state, including
       the proportion to be paid by the United States of the joint
       expenses of any such conference, the sum of $100,000, or so
       much thereof as may be necessary, is hereby appropriated. That
       the president of the United States is hereby authorized, in
       the name of the government of the United States, to call, in
       his discretion, such international conference, to assemble at
       such point as may be agreed upon. And he is further
       authorized, if in his judgment the purpose specified in the
       first section hereof can thus be better attained, to appoint
       one or more special commissioners or envoys to such of the
       nations of Europe as he may designate, to seek by diplomatic
       negotiations an international agreement for the purpose
       specified in the first section hereof. And in case of such
       appointment so much of the appropriation herein made as shall
       be necessary shall be available for the proper expenses and
       compensation of such commissioners or envoys." Pursuant to
       this Act, President McKinley, on the 12th of April, appointed
       Senator Edward O. Wolcott; of Colorado, ex-Vice-President
       Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, and General Charles J. Paine,
       of Massachusetts, to be commissioners for the purpose which
       the bill describes. The commissioners first visited Paris, and
       there obtained assurances from the French government of
       cordial cooperation and support. They then proceeded to
       London, for negotiation with the British authorities, on whose
       attitude towards the movement for international action in the
       matter its success was well known to depend. Some members of
       the British government, conspicuously Mr. Balfour, were
       outspoken advocates of bi-metallism, and much was hoped from
       the discussion to be opened with them. The American
       commissioners were cordially received, and they were invited
       to a formal meeting, on the 12th of July, with Lord Salisbury,
       the Prime Minister, Mr. Balfour, First Lord of the Treasury, Sir
       Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer, and Lord
       George Hamilton, Secretary of State for India. The American
       Ambassador, Mr. Hay, accompanied them to the conference, which
       was held at the Foreign Office. A memorandum of the
       conversation at this meeting, and at a second one held on the
       15th, together with a correspondence which followed, were
       published later in a parliamentary "blue book," from which the
       following account is drawn. Mr. Wolcott explained the wish of
       the American envoys to obtain the views of several
       governments, preliminary to the inviting of an international
       bi-metallic conference. He added that they expected to have,
       in England, the full cooperation of the Ambassador of the
       French Republic, who happened, for the moment, to be absent
       from the country, but who had requested them to proceed with
       the meeting in his absence. "Mr. Wolcott then presented some
       reasons which, in the opinion of the Special Envoys, rendered
       it desirable that some international agreement for the
       restoration of bimetallism should be reached, and explained
       why, in their opinion, the success of this effort depended
       upon the attitude which England would take regarding the
       question. He then stated that the Special Envoys requested
       that England should agree to open English mints as its
       contribution to an attempt to restore bimetallism by
       international agreement, and dwelt upon the importance of the
       fact that France and the United States were together engaged
       in an attempt to bring about such an agreement, and were
       cooperating together to that end. Lord Salisbury desired to
       know if the French Government would co-operate upon the basis
       of opening their mints to the free and unlimited coinage of
       silver.
    {315}
       Mr. Wolcott answered in the affirmative. Lord Salisbury then
       asked at what ratio, and was informed by Mr. Wolcott that the
       French Government preferred the ratio of 15½ to 1, and that
       the United States were inclined to yield this point and accept
       this as a proper ratio. Considerable discussion on the
       question of the ratio and the method by which it should be
       settled then took place. … It was then suggested that further
       proceedings should be deferred until the French Ambassador
       might be also present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, in
       further conversation, said that if the suggestion of opening
       the English mints was to be made, he thought an answer in the
       negative would undoubtedly be given. The First Lord of the
       Treasury asked whether, assuming this request for opening
       English mints to be refused, it was desired that the subject
       be discussed upon the basis of something different and less
       than the opening of English mints. Upon a mutual understanding
       that in the absence of the French Ambassador, anything said
       should be considered as said informally, a discussion then
       took place as to the concessions that England might make
       towards an international solution of the question, if it
       should refuse to open English mints. Mr. Wolcott, for the
       Special Envoys, presented the following as a list of
       contributions which, among others, England might make towards
       bimetallism if an international agreement could be effected:

       1. Opening of the Indian mints. Repeal of the order making the
       sovereign legal tender in India.

       2. Placing one-fifth of the bullion in the Issue Department of
       the Bank of England in silver.

       3.
       (a.) Raising the legal tender limit of silver to, say, £10.
       (b.) Issuing the 20s. notes based on silver, which shall be
       legal tender.
       (c.) Retirement, gradual or otherwise, of the 10s. gold
       pieces, and substitution of paper based on silver.

       4. Agreement to coin annually £ … of silver [present silver
       coinage average for five years about £1,000,000, less annual
       withdrawal of worn and defaced coin for recoinage, £350,000].

       5. Opening of English mints to coinage of rupees, and for
       coinage of British dollar, which shall be full tender in
       Straits Settlements and other silver standard Colonies, and
       tender in the United Kingdom to the limit of silver legal
       tender.

       6. Colonial action, and coinage of silver in Egypt.

       7. Something having the general scope of the Huskisson plan.

       Some general conversation followed in regard to the preceding
       suggestions, and the interview terminated, to be resumed on
       the 15th July, 1897, when it was understood that the French
       Ambassador would also be present."

       At the second meeting, July 15, Baron de Courcol, Ambassador
       of the French Republic, and M. L. Geoffray, French Minister
       Plenipotentiary, were present, and the former spoke at length,
       stating the position of the French government on the question
       of the free coinage of silver. He said: "'Our population,
       notably the agricultural population, finds that it has not at
       its disposition sufficient resources in currency, in metallic
       money. On the other hand, if the Government in the actual
       state of affairs reopens the mints to the free coinage of
       silver, we would be flooded by the abundance of this metal
       coming from all other countries of the world, and we could not
       resist the even greater evil of the inevitable depreciation of
       one of our precious metals, that is to say, of the effective
       destruction of the legal ratio upon which our monetary system
       is based. … In other words, we think that the production of
       silver, more active in certain quarters of the globe in the
       last quarter of a century, is not of itself considerable
       enough to change in an enduring manner the normal ratio
       between gold and silver after these two metals will have been
       scattered over the entire surface of the world among all
       nations who are called upon to absorb them. There is, then, in
       our eyes, a need which is perhaps transitory, but which is
       actually common to all the commercial nations, of taking
       measures adequate for assuring, by a common understanding, the
       re-establishment of the normal ratio of 15½ between silver and
       gold. If measures of this kind should be adopted by all the
       commercial nations, we would be able to reopen our mints to
       the free coinage of silver without fear of being submerged by
       an excessive influx of this metal. The reopening of the mints
       of all the commercial countries to the free coinage of silver
       in the ratio of 15½ with gold would be the most natural and
       the most efficacious means of arriving at the result sought
       for. This is the desideratum which I am instructed to bring
       forward here, and which I am particularly to urge upon the
       English Government as a primordial condition of the success of
       the common understanding. If the Government of the Queen, even
       in consenting to reopen the mints in India, should refuse to
       adopt the same measure for England, at least would they not be
       able to take certain measures which would be, up to a certain
       point, equivalent, in order to maintain the full value of
       silver, and to prevent India from being the victim of a
       depreciation of this metal in consequence of an unlimited
       coinage? … By way of suggestion, I would indicate, as one of
       the measures which the English Government might usefully
       adopt, the annual purchase of a certain quantity of silver
       metal, which might afterwards be disposed of as seemed
       best-either it might be preserved in ingots, or it might be
       used for regular consumption, or it might be sent to India.
       This quantity might be fixed approximately, at least, for a
       number of years, at a sum of £10,000,000 in nominal value.
       This is, perhaps, only a palliative; it is, in any event, only
       one of the expedients which would be deemed necessary. But I
       am to urge strongly that the English Government determine to
       take measures of this kind, or other equivalent measures, if,
       as I believe, it recognizes with us the necessity of improving
       the monetary situation in a great part of its Empire—I may
       say, in a great part of the entire world.' Lord Salisbury then
       asked whether the French Government would decline to open its
       mints unless England would also open her mints. The French
       Ambassador replied that he preferred to discuss the subject
       upon the basis that France would go to open mints if England
       would consent to open her mints, but that he would not exclude
       from his view the question of contributions by England towards
       maintaining the value of silver, short of open mints. The
       Chancellor of the Exchequer, in response to this, stated
       definitely that the English Government would not agree to open
       English mints to the unlimited coinage of silver, and that,
       whatever views he and his colleagues might separately hold on
       the question of bimetallism, he thought he could say they were
       united upon this point. …
    {316}
       The suggestions made by the Special Envoys at the interview on
       the 12th July were again read, and the Special Envoys accepted
       also as important and desirable the proposal that the English
       Government should purchase annually, say, £10,000,000 of
       silver, with proper safeguards and provisions as to the place
       and manner of its use. The French Ambassador expressed his
       approval generally of the suggestions of the Special Envoys,
       as being serviceable in the consideration of the question. It
       was then understood that the proposals submitted by the French
       Ambassador and by the Special Envoys of the United States
       should be considered, and due notice given when a reply could
       be made."

       The proposal for the reopening of the Indian mints to silver
       was submitted at once by the home authorities of the India
       Office, at London, to the government of India, and the reply
       of the latter was not received until the following October.
       When the reply came, it extinguished hopes of the arrangement
       which the American and French governments desired. In a long
       despatch, the Indian government explained with clearness the
       monetary situation in that country, and discussed the effect
       which a return to the unrestricted mintage of silver would
       have upon it, under the circumstances and prospects of the
       time. "The currency system of India," said the despatch, "is
       in a transition state; the Government of India in 1893 decided
       to establish a gold standard, and the first step towards that
       object was the closing of the mints to silver by Act VIII of
       1893. The silver rupee is still the sole legal tender coin,
       though the Government has by Executive orders undertaken to
       receive gold and sovereigns under certain restrictions, … the
       rate of exchange adopted being 16d. the rupee or 15 rupees=£1.
       The measures to be taken when the transition period has passed
       have not been laid down, but it is probable that the Indian mints
       will be opened to gold, and gold coins will be made legal
       tender to an unlimited amount; silver rupees would also
       continue to be legal tender to an unlimited amount, and the
       ratio between the rupee and the gold coins as legal tender
       would at the same time be finally settled. The system towards
       which India is moving is thus a gold standard of the same kind
       as that which now exists in France and the United States, but
       with a different ratio for legal tender; but for the present
       the mints are closed both to gold and silver. The transition
       period has lasted for more than four years, but there is
       ground for hope that it is now drawing to a close. The changes
       which are involved in the arrangements proposed to Her
       Majesty's Government are the following. France and the United
       States are to open their mints to the free coinage of silver,
       continuing the free coinage of gold and the unlimited legal
       tender of coins of both metals, the ratio remaining unchanged
       in France and being altered to the French ratio of 15½ to 1 in
       the United States. India is to open her mints to silver, to
       keep them closed to gold, and to undertake not to make gold
       legal tender. France and the United States would thus be
       bimetallic: India would be monometallic (silver); while most
       of the other important countries of the world would be
       monometallic (gold). The object which the proposers have in
       view is the establishment of a stable relation between the
       values of gold and of silver. This would include the
       establishment of a stable exchange between the rupee and
       sterling currency, which was the object of the Government of
       India in the proposals made in our financial despatch of the
       21st June, 1892, which proposals ultimately resulted in the
       adoption, in view to the attainment of that object, of the
       policy of a gold standard, and in the closing of the mints to
       the free coinage of silver. If, then, it were certain that the
       suggested measures would result in the establishment of a
       stable ratio, the Government of India might well consider
       whether their adoption would not be preferable to the policy
       to which they committed themselves in 1893 in the hope of
       attaining the same result by isolated action on the part of
       India alone. The principal questions therefore for us to
       consider are whether the measures are more likely to succeed
       than the policy of 1893, and what consequences to India may be
       apprehended if the measures should fail of success after being
       brought into operation. … The first result of the suggested
       measures, if they even temporarily succeed in their object,
       would be an intense disturbance of Indian trade and industry
       by the sudden rise in the rate of exchange, which, if the
       ratio adopted were 15½ to 1, would be a rise from about 16d.
       to about 23d. the rupee. Such a rise is enough to kill our
       export trade, for the time at least. If the public were not
       convinced that the arrangement would have the effect intended,
       or believed that it would not be permanent, the paralysis of
       trade and industry would be prolonged and accompanied by acute
       individual suffering, none of the advantages expected would be
       attained, and the country would pass through a critical period
       which would retard its progress for years. How long the crisis
       would last before normal or stable conditions were restored it
       is not possible to conjecture. It would be long even if the
       mercantile and banking community saw that silver was being
       steadily maintained at the prescribed ratio, while any
       indication of unsteadiness would greatly prolong the period by
       giving foundation for doubt. If the doubt should happen to be
       justified by the results, the position would be disastrous
       alike to the State, to individuals, and to trade generally. …
       We cannot help seeing that if the policy of 1893 is now
       abandoned, and if the triple union now proposed as a
       substitute should fail in its operation or should terminate,
       and in its failure subject Indian trade to the violent shocks
       we have described, the Government of India could not, as a
       responsible Government, call upon the commercial public to
       face another prolonged period of doubt, suspense, agitation,
       and difficulties. For it must be clearly and fully recognized
       that if India joins in the proposed measures, we shall be left
       dependent, as the sole means of attaining stability in
       exchange, on the success of those measures, and that if they
       should fail, India must be content to remain permanently under
       the silver standard with all its admitted disadvantages. … We
       have given very careful consideration to the question whether
       France and the United States are likely, with the help of
       India, to be able to maintain the relative value of gold and
       silver permanently at the ratio they intend to adopt, and have
       come to the conclusion that while we admit a possibility of
       the arrangements proposed resulting in the permanent
       maintenance of the value of gold and silver at the ratio of
       15½ to 1, the probability is that they will fail to secure
       that result, and that it is quite impossible to hold that
       there is anything approaching a practical certainty of their
       doing so.
    {317}
       One reason for this conclusion is, that the arrangement would
       rest on too narrow a basis. A union consisting of two
       countries, with a third lending assistance, is a very
       different thing from the general international union of all or
       most of the important countries of the world, which was
       advocated by the Government of India in the despatches of
       March and June 1892 and of February and September 1886. To
       afford a hope that a monetary union will succeed in
       establishing stability in the relative value of gold and
       silver, it is essential that the nations adhering to it should
       be of such number and importance that the metallic currency of
       the whole body shall be of sufficient extent to allow of the
       exercise of adequate influence on the value of the two metals.
       We doubt whether any two, or even three, nations in the world,
       unless, indeed, one of them was Great Britain, could comply
       with this condition, and we have no hesitation in saying that
       France and the United States and India certainly could not. …
       We have no hesitation in recommending your Lordship to refuse
       to give the undertaking desired by the Governments of France
       and the United States. We are quite clearly of opinion that
       the interests of India demand that her mints shall not be
       opened as part of an arrangement to which two or three
       countries only are parties, and which does not include Great
       Britain." Immediately on receiving this reply, Lord Salisbury
       informed Ambassador Hay that "Her Majesty's Government feel it
       their duty to state that the first proposal of the United States
       Representatives is one which they are unable to accept," and
       expressing a wish to know "how far the views of the American
       and French Governments are modified by the decision now
       arrived at, and whether they desire to proceed further with
       the negotiations at the present moment."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Commercial, Number 8, 1897).

       In the view of the American envoys, it seemed useless to
       proceed, with no hope of cooperation from Great Britain, and
       they returned to America with a discouraging report.

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1897 (December).
       Adoption of the gold standard in Russia.

       An imperial ukase declared the adoption of the gold standard
       in Russia, authorizing the issue of a new five-rouble gold
       piece.

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900.
       Settlement of the monetary system in the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER).

    MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: A. D. 1900 (November).
       Withdrawal of legal tender silver coins in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

       ----------MONETARY QUESTIONS AND MEASURES: End--------

    MONGOLIA.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA.

    MONOPOLIES.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    MONROE DOCTRINE, The:
       As emphasized in the Treaty of International Arbitration.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    MONROE DOCTRINE, The:
       Its discussion as involved in the Venezuela Boundary Question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA; A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

    MONTAUK POINT, Removal of troops from Santiago de Cuba to.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

    MONTENEGRO.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    MOROS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS; THE NATIVE INHABITANTS;
          and A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

    MORTMAIN, Proposed restrictions on, in France.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:
       Conflicts in Armenia.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

    MOSLEMS AND CHRISTIANS:
       Conflicts in Crete.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    MOSQUITO, The, as a carrier of disease.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL, AND SURGICAL.

    MUKDEN.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA AND MONGOLIA; also,
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

    MUNICIPAL EVENTS, Notable.

          See (in this volume)
          BOSTON, CHICAGO, NEW YORK, TOLEDO, LONDON.

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:
       Institution in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    MUNICIPAL GOVERNMENTS:
       Institution in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MARCH).

    MUSIC: In the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE MUSICAL CENTURY.

    N.

    NABONIDOS, Discovery of an inscription of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
          DISCOVERY OF AN INSCRIPTION.

    NANSEN'S EXPEDITION, Return of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896.

    NASHVILLE EXPOSITION.

          See (in this volume)
          TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.

    NATAL.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA.

    NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF 1896.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER.)

    NATIONAL PARTY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and
          1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    NATIONAL SILVER PARTY.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    {318}

    NATIONAL STEEL COMPANY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    NATIONALISTS, FRENCH, Revolutionary conspiracy of.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899-1900 (AUGUST-JANUARY).

    NAVAL POLICY, German.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (FEBRUARY-JUNE).

    NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS: A. D. 1900.

       The following tables are compiled from a return issued by the
       British Admiralty in the spring of 1900, showing the state of
       the fleets of Great Britain, France, Russia, Germany, Italy,
       the United States, and Japan, including vessels then built and
       in progress of construction.

       Of battle-ships, there were built and building in the several
       navies:

                         Count   with a displacement of
       Great Britain.      70          821,605
       France.             35          339,599
       Russia.             24          262,912
       Germany.            25          191,259
       Italy.              19          193,001
       United States.      16          184,144
       Japan.               7           92,420

       Of armored and protected cruisers, there were built and
       building:

                         Count   with a displacement of
       Great Britain.     147          827,430
       France.             60          297,486
       Russia.             23          144,673
       Germany.            22          107,844
       Italy.              25           93,673
       United States.      26          140,274
       Japan.              23          114,479

       Of unprotected cruisers, armored coast-defence vessels,
       and special vessels there were built and building:

                         Count   with a displacement of
       Great Britain.      31          104,250
       France.             29           93,385
       Russia.             26           66,886
       Germany.            35           59,617
       Italy.               3           13,821
       United States.      30           77,150
       Japan.              13           24,065

       Of torpedo vessels and torpedo-boat destroyers
       the number built and building was:

                         Count   with a displacement of
       Great Britain.     238           70,311
       France.            305           34,002
       Russia.            233           37,735
       Germany.           130           20,094
       Italy.             180           24,863
       United States.      50           12,121
       Japan.              71            9,537

       A consolidation of the above figures shows a
       total of ships in the principal navies as follows:

       Great Britain,   486;
       France,          429;
       Russia,          306;
       Germany,         212;
       Italy,           227;
       United States,   122;
       Japan,           114.

       A writer in the "Fortnightly Review," discussing the above
       returns, points out the imperfectness of the representation
       which such gross figures give of the actual naval strength of
       the several Powers, and he has undertaken to correct them by a
       calculation of what he calls the "fighting weight" of the
       ships, based on the age of each and its displacement in tons.
       He says: "The scale of depreciation for age that I have used
       is as follows: Ships, built and now building, that were
       launched, or which will be launched, during 1895-1899 (and
       later), are reckoned at their full value of fighting weight;
       i. e., at 100 per cent. Ships launched during 1890 1894 are
       reckoned as now worth only 80 per cent. of their fighting
       weight. The other depreciations being: Ships launched
       1885-1889 are valued at 60 per cent. of their nominal fighting
       weight; 1880-1884, at 40 per cent.; before 1880, at 20 per
       cent."

       By this mode of reckoning, the table of battleships is
       converted to the following exhibit of estimated "naval
       strength":

                         Count   adjusted fighting weight
       Great Britain.      70          604,141
       France.             35          220,635
       Russia.             24          221,988
       Germany.            25          152,929
       Italy.              19          112,899
       United States.      16          176,708
       Japan.               7           88,088

       This method of depreciating the tonnage on the basis of the
       age of a ship causes the respective proportions of Great
       Britain, France and Italy, in battle-ships, to become smaller,
       while the respective proportions of Russia, Germany, United
       States and Japan become larger. The United States lose but 4
       per cent. of the nominal value of their battle-ships; Japan, 5
       per cent.; Russia, 16; Germany, 20; Great Britain, 26; France,
       35; Italy, 42.

       Applying the same arithmetic to the returns of armored and
       protected cruisers, the writer shows that Japan suffers a loss
       of 10 per cent. of their nominal fighting weight, France 14,
       United States 14, Italy 18, Great Britain 21, Russia 23,
       Germany 24.

       Reducing in like manner all the remaining returns, he arrives
       at the following summary of "the seven navies arranged in the
       order of their strength"—taking the navy of Japan as the unit:

                       Degree of strength.
       Great Britain,    6.38
       France,           2.57
       Russia,           1.88
       United States,    1.65
       Germany,          1.34
       Italy,            1.03
       Japan,            1.00.

       Stated in "tons of fighting weight," his comparison stands:

       Great Britain,   1,347,000
       France,            543,000
       Russia,            397,000
       United States,     349,000
       Germany,           282,000
       Italy,             218,000
       Japan,             211,000.

       Turning next to the consideration of armaments, the writer has
       compiled the following table, which shows "for each class of
       gun separately, and for all classes of guns combined, the
       number of these guns that are possessed by the seven naval
       powers":

       POWER            Breech   Quick   Muzzle   Torpedo  All Classes
                        Loading  Firing  Loading  Tubes    of Guns
                        Guns     Guns    Guns

       Great Britain.    912     7,454    340     1,534     10,240
       France.           471     3,653      -       928      5,052
       Russia.           393     2,589      -       625      3,607
       Germany.          258     1,995      -       611      2,864
       Italy.            140     1,791      4       573      2,508
       United States.    303     1,791      -       230      2,324
       Japan.            110     1,168      -       314      1,592
       ----------
       All the Powers
       combined.       2,587    20,441    344     4,815     28,187

       In this comparison the United States drops from the fourth
       rank to the sixth. For a comparison of the naval expenditure
       of the Powers,

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    NEBUCHADREZZAR, Exploration of the ruins of the palace of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA; GERMAN EXPLORATION.

    NEELY EXTRADITION CASE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1900-1901.

    {319}

    NEGRITOS.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    NEGRO, Disfranchisement of the.

          See (in this volume)
          MARYLAND, MISSISSIPPI, NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900;
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896;
          LOUISIANA: A. D. 1898; and
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    NEGROS, The island of:
       American occupation.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

       Acceptance of American sovereignty.
       Establishment of provisional government.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

    NEMI, Lake: Sunken Roman vessels found in.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1894.
       War in Lombok.

          See (in this volume)
          DUTCH EAST INDIES: A. D. 1894.

       -------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): Start------

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1896.
       Electoral Reform Act.

       A notable extension of the franchise was accomplished by an
       Act passed this year by the States General, to have effect in
       the elections of 1897. It made voters of all Dutch citizens
       not under 25 years of age who present "certain outward and
       positive signs of capacity and well-being. The chief sign is
       the fact of payment of one or more direct State taxes (for the
       land tax an amount of 1 florin is sufficient). Besides these,
       the Reform Act admits as electors all those who can prove that
       they are householders, and have paid rent of houses or
       lodgings during a fixed term, or that they are owners or
       tenants of boats of not less than 24 tons capacity, or that
       they have been during a fixed term in employment with an
       annual wage or salary of at least £22 18s. 4d., or possess a
       certificate of State interest of at least 100 florins, or a
       State savings bank deposit of at least 50 florins, or the
       legal qualifications for any profession or employment."

          Statesman's Year-Book,
          1899, page 807.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1897.
       First election under the new Franchise Law.

       The first election in Holland under the new franchise law,
       held June 15-25, 1897, returned to the Chamber 47 Liberals, 22
       Catholics, 22 Protestant anti-Revolutionists, 4 Radicals, and one
       deputy who is styled an Historic Christian.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1898.
       Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina.

       Queen Wilhelmina, who succeeded to the crown on the death of
       her father, William III., in 1890, reached the age of 18 on
       the 31st of August, 1898, and received the reins of government
       from her mother, Queen Emma, who had acted as Regent until
       that time. The young Queen was enthroned September 6 in the
       New Church at Amsterdam, where she delivered, with a
       simplicity and fervor which impressed those present, her
       address to the States-General and took her oath of allegiance
       to the Constitution. "I am happy and thankful," the Queen
       said, "to rule over the people of the Netherlands, who,
       although small in numbers, are great in virtue and strong by
       nature and character. I esteem it a great privilege that it is
       my life's task and duty to dedicate all my powers to the
       prosperity and interests of my dear fatherland; and I adopt
       the words of my beloved father,—'Yes, Orange can never do
       enough for the Netherlands.'" After the Queen and the
       Queen-Mother, the most striking figures at the ceremony were
       the Princes from the Dutch Indies.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1898 (June).
       The Sugar Conference at Brussels.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (April).
       Invitation to the Peace Conference to be held at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See,(in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): A. D. 1899 (May-August).
       Advice to President Kruger of the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AuGUST).

    NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland):A. D. 1901.
       Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina.

       Queen Wilhelmina was married, on the 7th of February, to Duke
       Henry of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, who received the title of
       Prince of the Netherlands by proclamation on the same day.
       Both civil and religious ceremonies of marriage were
       performed.

       --------NETHERLANDS, The Kingdom of the (Holland): End------

    NEW BRUNSWICK.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    NEWEL, Stanford:
       American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1895.
       Union with Canada refused.

       Terms proposed for the union of Newfoundland with the Dominion
       of Canada were rejected, and negotiations abandoned.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897.
       Conference of colonial premiers with the
       British Colonial Secretary.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900.
       The Reid contract.
       The question in politics.

       In the fall of 1897 a line of narrow-gauge railway, with
       branches over six hundred miles in total length, was completed
       and opened to traffic. The main line of rail extends from the
       capital, St. Johns, to Port aux Basques, at the southwestern
       extremity of the island, and is expected to produce an
       important development of resources from the forests and mines,
       as well as from agricultural lands. The railway was
       constructed by a contractor, Mr. Reid, who agreed to operate
       it for seven years at his own expense, receiving therefor a
       land grant of 5000 acres per mile. In 1898 a new contract was
       made with Mr. Reid, which placed most of the resources of the
       island under his control. For an additional land-grant of 2500
       acres per mile of road he undertook to operate the road for
       fifty years. By a present cash payment of $1,000,000 to the
       colony treasury, he purchased the reversion of its right to
       the possession of the road at the end of that period. At the
       same time he secured the right to purchase from the government
       its telegraph lines and the dry-dock at St. Johns, for half a
       million of dollars, and was given a monopoly for 30 years of
       the coast mail steam service, with an annual subsidy of
       $150,000, he undertaking to maintain in it eight steamers,
       well equipped. This remarkable contract was bitterly denounced
       by a large party in the island, and the Imperial government was
       strongly petitioned to nullify the whole transaction: but the
       British Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, while he
       characterized the contract as representing "the most
       unparalleled abrogation of its functions by a responsible
       government," decided that he could not properly interfere.
    {320}
       The "Reid Deal," as it was known, then became a burning issue
       in Newfoundland politics, and the Ministry responsible for it,
       led by Sir James Winter, was ousted from the government in
       February, 1900. Mr. Reid was then arranging to transfer his
       Newfoundland contract and franchises to a company, which
       required the sanction of the colonial government. The new
       (Liberal) Ministry, of which Mr. Robert Bond was Premier,
       refused consent to the transfer unless Mr. Reid would amend
       his bargain with the colony in several very important
       particulars. He offered some concessions, but not to the
       extent demanded; and so the question between him and the Bond
       Ministry went into the canvass of 1900, for the election of a
       new Assembly, and the Conservatives, heavily backed by Mr.
       Reid, were defeated overwhelmingly, winning but 4 seats out of
       36 in the Lower House of the Legislature. On this result of
       the elections the "London Times" of November 26, 1900,
       comments as follows: "The course which the victorious Bond
       Ministry will now take must be awaited with interest. … A
       policy of compromise would certainly appear to be the wisest
       and the safest for all parties. Mr. Reid, it seems to be
       acknowledged, has carried out his part of the bargain of 1898
       fully and even generously, and the colony, it is stated, has
       profited largely in consequence. In the absence of actual
       fraud or corruption it would be difficult in these
       circumstances to justify the rescission or even the material
       modification of the agreement, on the faith of which he has
       spent his money, without his assent. A repeal of the Act of
       1898 against his will would savour of repudiation. It would
       assuredly damage the credit of the colony very seriously."

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1899-1901.
       The French Shore Question.
       The Modus Vivendi.

       "At the period of the negotiation of the Treaty of Utrecht, in
    1713, by which the rights of the French fishermen were regulated
       [see, in volume 4, NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1713], thousands of
       French fishing vessels availed themselves of the inshore
       fisheries about the island; and that they might be not
       altogether without facilities for the drying and curing of
       their fish, they were granted under the Treaty the 'right to
       use a strip of the coast seven hundred miles long and half a
       mile wide.' Accompanying the Treaty, but, be it noted, not a
       part of it, was a declaration of King George, that British
       subjects on the island were not to interfere with these French
       coast rights by erecting permanent structures upon it,
       calculated to obstruct the operations of the French fishermen.
       This Royal declaration was harmless and unimportant when the
       population of the island was very small, and the French
       fishermen resorted to the inshore fisheries of Newfoundland.
       But to-day, a different condition exists. The French fishermen
       no longer use the inshore fisheries of the island, but
       prosecute, instead, their fishing operations on the Grand
       Banks, several hundred miles distant, drying their product
       either at the French islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon, which
       are more adjacent to the Banks, or transporting the fish
       direct to France. … The need for which the French shore right
       was granted has practically ceased to exist; and inasmuch as
       the prohibition to the people of the island from erecting
       permanent structures on the island was merely a mandate
       emanating from the King, and not an integral part of the
       Treaty itself; and because the reason for the observance of
       the mandate has thus ceased to exist, it is imperative that,
       in the interests of the prosperity of the island, this Royal
       concession should be revoked. … But what, it may be asked, on
       a perusal of the whole case, has caused the Newfoundland
       question to suddenly become paramount? Why is its urgency
       greater in 1899 than it was in 1889? Is there not some
       concentrated force, some propelling power, at work behind the
       scenes? There is—and that power is a millionaire. The name of
       this millionaire is Robert Gillespie Reid, who, having
       voluntarily assumed, by means of the measure known as the Reid
       contract, the responsibility of developing the island's
       resources, finds himself, at the outset, confronted by a
       situation which precludes all present enterprise. This
       gentleman has acquired, in fee simple, some three or four
       million acres of land in Newfoundland; and where the islanders
       were content to wait patiently for justice, he, as a
       business-man, eager to exploit his mines and timber, can
       hardly be expected to pin his faith to assurances so frail,
       and of fulfilment so remote."

          B. Wilson,
          Newfoundland's Opportunity
          (Fortnightly Review, February, 1899).

       A royal commission which lately investigated the situation of
       affairs on the Treaty Coast of Newfoundland found that the
       coast "is 800 miles in extent, with a permanent population of
       13,300, all but 76 of whom are native-born, while the total of
       French frequenting the territory during the fishing season
       does not exceed 600 men. The French, last year, according to
       the official reports furnished to the Admiralty, occupied only
       eight cod and nine lobster stations, with a personnel as
       above, while their catch of cod was but 18,000 qtls., worth
       about 36,000 dollars, and their pack of lobsters about 7,000
       cases, of about equal value. And is it not monstrous that, in
       order to satisfy vexatious French claims and perpetuate
       obsolete treaty claims, the people of the Treaty Coast should
       he coerced and victimised, and the development of the whole
       colony retarded, as has been the case? The Commissioners
       found that, despite the liberal bounties given by France for
       fishing on the Treaty Coast, the allowance of 50 francs per
       head by the St. Pierre municipality for the same purpose, and
       the special appropriation the past two seasons in the French
       colonial grant 'for extending operations on the Newfoundland
       coast, 4,000 francs,' the number of men frequenting there and
       the number of stations operated are steadily declining every
       year, and in ten years' time it is doubtful if there would be
       a Frenchman on the coast. Still, so powerful is the French
       fetish that the shore is tabooed as far as industrial
       development is concerned, and the hinterland likewise. No
       grant of land can be given there except with the stipulation
       that it is subject to French rights. No permanent building can
       be erected within half a mile of high-water mark, because the
       French claim the strand for drying their fish. No wharves can
       be built by which to load minerals, because they will
       interfere with the French fishery. (Only last year they
       stopped the erection of one which was twenty-two miles from
       their nearest station, and Mr. Reid, the railway contractor,
       when he wanted to build a wharf at Bay St. George to land
       construction materials, had to seize the opportunity of the
       French warship in the Bay leaving to coal and renew stores,
       and put an army of men to work, who built it in seventeen
       days, so that it was completed when the Frenchmen returned.)
    {321}
       No mineral developments are permitted because they may hamper
       the French. Competition on near-by fishing grounds is
       prohibited for the same reason. Illicit (?) lobster packers
       are hunted like malefactors for disregarding a 'modus vivendi'
       as unjust as it is ridiculous. Bait-selling is only possible
       by permission of the French and on their terms. The railway
       was deflected 120 miles out of its proper course because of
       French objection to a terminus on the shore. In fact, fishing
       is only pursued with the greatest difficulty, while the land
       is closed to agricultural settlement and mining enterprise.
       And that, too, in the face of the fact that the French 'army
       of occupation' consists of about one vessel, one station, and
       about sixty fishermen on every 100 miles of coast, whose
       annual catch is worth about 10,000 dollars."

          P. T. McGrath, France in Newfoundland
          (Nineteenth Century, January, 1899).

       In 1890, a temporary agreement ("modus vivendi") concerning
       the lobster packing and other questions, was arranged between
       the British and French governments, which has been extended
       from time to time, very much to the dissatisfaction of the
       Province. The last extension expired at the end of the year
       1900, and the Newfoundlanders showed a strong disposition to
       resist any renewal of it. A letter from St. Johns, in
       December, 1900, stated the feeling of the colony as follows:
       "Last year the term of the 'modus vivendi' was allowed to run
       out, and a deadlock, such as now seems inevitable, would
       doubtless have been created; but when the end of December came
       the reverses in South Africa appealed to our patriotism as the
       oldest British colony, and the Legislature unanimously passed
       at one sitting a Bill renewing the arrangement for another
       year. The colony was unable to afford any more substantial aid
       at the time, as her naval reserve had not then been
       inaugurated, but this course on her part testified to her
       sympathy with the Imperial mother, and her readiness to
       relieve her from other difficulties. This year Newfoundland is
       taking the bit between her teeth, and the result must be a
       complication which, however unwelcome to the Imperial Cabinet,
       cannot but have been regarded as inevitable sooner or later.
       If our case is as strong as we are led to believe that the
       Royal Commission represents it to be, there is certainly good
       ground for our insisting upon remedial measures. It must not
       be forgotten that the French now keep up less than 15 cod and
       lobster stations altogether on the treaty coast, and that
       about 550 men is the number they had there last season. As
       against this the resident population is nearly 14,000, and the
       objections which they urged against the 'modus vivendi' in its
       early days apply with equal strength now. These people are
       shamefully treated, the colony as a whole is humiliated, and
       the recognition of such conditions by England without making
       an attempt to get rid of them is a cause of reproach which she
       should remove without delay."

       Much newspaper discussion of the subject has been going on in
       both England and France, with an apparent showing of readiness
       on the part of the latter country to bargain with the British
       for cessions in West Africa or elsewhere. How much of a price
       Great Britain is willing to pay for release from the treaty of
       Utrecht is a question the answer to which cannot be forever
       postponed.

       Despite its reluctance, the Newfoundland Legislature was
       prevailed upon, in February, 1901, to pass an Act renewing the
       "modus vivendi" for another year. Several members who
       supported the measure declared that they did so for the last
       time, and only because of an unwillingness to embarrass the
       British government during the continuance of the South African
       war.

    NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1901.
       Change of Government.

       Early in the year, Sir Henry McCallum was transferred from the
       governorship of Newfoundland to that of Natal, and Sir
       Cavendish Boyle was appointed to succeed him.

    NEW JERSEY: A. D. 1897.
       Constitutional Amendments.

       On the 28th of September, several proposals of constitutional
       amendment were voted on in New Jersey. One prohibitory of
       gambling was adopted by a small majority. Another, that would
       give the suffrage in school elections to women, was rejected
       by about 10,000 majority.

    NEW SOUTH WALES.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The Lexow Investigation of Tammany government.
       Election of Mayor Strong.

       "On the second Sunday in February 1892 the minister of a
       wealthy Presbyterian church, Dr. Charles Parkhurst, startled
       his congregation by preaching an outspoken political sermon,
       in which he attacked the Tammany administration in most
       unmeasured language. 'The mayor and those associated with him
       are polluted harpies [he declared]. Under the pretence of
       governing this city they are feeding day and night on its
       quivering vitals. They are a lying, perjured, rum-soaked, and
       libidinous lot. … Every effort to make men respectable,
       honest, temperate, and sexually clean is a direct blow between
       the eyes of the mayor and his whole gang of lecherous
       subordinates, in the sense that while we fight iniquity they
       shield and patronise it; while we try to convert criminals
       they manufacture them, and they have a hundred dollars
       invested in the manufacturing business to every one invested
       in converting machinery. … Police and criminals all stand in
       with each other. It is simply one solid gang of criminals, one
       half in office and the other half out.' This sermon was the
       starting point of the new anti-Tammany movement. Dr. Parkhurst
       was called before the grand jury to prove his words, but he
       was obliged to admit that all he knew was the repeated
       accusations that appeared in almost every local newspaper.
       Thereupon the grand jury publicly rebuked him, and sent a
       formal presentment to the Recorder declaring their
       'disapproval and condemnation' of the sermon. Everyone at once
       concluded that no more would be heard of Parkhurst in
       politics, but they did not know the man. The clergyman called
       a couple of detectives to his aid, and personally visited the
       lowest resorts, to obtain the necessary evidences of
       corruption. A month later he preached a second political
       sermon, and this time he took into the pulpit with him a
       bundle of affidavits. He repeated and emphasised his former
       accusations, and again he was summoned before the grand jury.
       This time the result was different. 'The police are either
       incompetent or corrupt,' the jury declared, and citizens
       generally agreed. …

    {322}

       "In 1894, the State Senate … appointed a committee, this time
       under Senator Lexow, to inquire into New York municipal
       affairs. Soon after the committee was appointed Mr. Croker
       found it convenient to hastily resign the leadership of
       Tammany and go to Europe. The worst accusations of the
       bitterest enemies of Crokerism were almost all more than
       substantiated by the evidence given before the committee. It
       was found that the police were utterly corrupt, that they
       extorted blackmail from gambling house keepers, women of ill
       fame, saloon keepers, and others, and in return gave them
       their protection. Even thieves, in some instances, were found
       to be regularly paying their police dues in return for
       immunity from arrest. One police justice had to admit that he
       received a hundred dollars from a keeper of a disorderly
       house. Everywhere that the Lexow Committee probed, or that
       other competent critics examined, the same thing was found.
       For several years New York had been living under a system of
       universal blackmail. Saloon keepers had to pay Tammany to be
       allowed to evade the Sunday closing law, merchants to be
       granted the simplest conveniences for getting their goods into
       their premises. But in the case of Mr. Croker no dishonesty
       could be proved. It was known that he had in a few years risen
       from a poor man to a millionaire, but in no instance could it be
       shown that he had acquired this wealth by corruption. His
       friends said he had made his money by horse-racing and real
       estate speculation, but unfortunately Mr. Croker did not go
       before the witness stand to finally clear up the matter. While
       the committee was sitting he remained in Europe.

       "The usual storm of indignation followed the 'Lexow' exposure,
       and most reputable citizens united once more to overthrow
       Tammany. Colonel Strong, a well-known banker, was chosen
       reform candidate for mayor, and secured a majority of fifty
       thousand. In 1895 he began his administration, and initiated a
       vigorous reform movement. The police force was entirely
       reorganised; municipal offices were given for merit rather
       than political reward; the streets, for the first time in the
       memory of the oldest inhabitant, were really kept clean, and
       the whole local government was taken out of politics. Mayor
       Strong's time of office has not been without its faults, but
       among those faults dishonesty has not been one. Rather the
       mistake has been to enforce all laws too rigidly, and make too
       few allowances for the weaknesses of human nature in a
       cosmopolitan resort. Police President Roosevelt's strict
       enforcement of the Sunday closing and social purity laws was
       only his duty, but yet it cost the reformers many votes.
       Although the report of the 'Lexow' Committee did Tammany much
       temporary harm, it recovered quickly. After the mayoral defeat
       of 1894 it pulled its forces together again, and rallied
       around it all the ambitions men who were disappointed in Mayor
       Strong's bestowal of his patronage. In the autumn of 1895 it was
       able to score a minor victory at the polls, and it carefully
       nursed its strength for the election of November 1897. Mr.
       Croker, notwithstanding his repeated declarations that he was
       'out of politics,' came back to New York, and at once took
       over command of his party."

          F. A. McKenzie,
          Tammany
          (Nineteenth Century, December, 1897).

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1895.
       Consolidation of the Astor, Lenox and Tilden foundations
       to form the New York Public Library.

          See (in this volume)
          LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Consolidation of New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring towns,
       in the Greater New York.

       "The project of uniting the cities of New York, Brooklyn, and
       the cities, towns and villages contiguous to the same, into
       one great municipality, although long mooted before 1890,
       first took definite form in that year, by the passage on May
       8th, by the Legislature, of Laws 1890, Chapter 11, entitled
       'An Act to create a commission to inquire into the expediency
       of consolidating the various municipalities in the State of
       New York, occupying the several islands in the harbor of New
       York.' …

       Pursuant to the provisions of this act, a commission
       consisting of the following members was appointed, viz.:
       Andrew H. Green, Frederick W. Devoe, John L. Hamilton, J.
       Seaver Page of New York; J. S. T. Stranahan, Edward F. Linton,
       William D. Veeder of Brooklyn; John H. Brinkerhoff of Queen's
       county; George G. Greenfield of Richmond county; Charles P.
       McClelland of Westchester county; and Campbell W. Adams, State
       Engineer and Surveyor, ex officio, and Albert E. Henschel
       acting as secretary. In 1893, the commission presented to the
       Legislature a bill providing for the submission of the
       question of consolidation to a vote of the residents of the
       various municipalities proposed to be united into one city.
       The following year the Legislature provided for the referendum
       suggested by the commission. … The following vote was cast
       upon the question of consolidation in the ensuing election on
       November 6, 1894:

                      for consolidation;  against;
       New York,       96,938;            59,959;
       Kings,          64,744;            64,467;
       Queens,          7,712;             4,741;
       Richmond,        5,531;             1,505;
       Mount Vernon,      873;             1,603;
       Eastchester,       374;               260;
       Westchester,       620;               621;
       Pelham,            261;               153.

       At the opening of the Legislature in 1895, the Commission of
       Municipal Consolidation Inquiry presented a report with a
       proposed bill declaring the entire district before mentioned
       (with the exception of the city of Mount Vernon) consolidated
       with the city of New York. The bill, however, failed of
       passage because of the addition of an amendment of referendum
       in the last hours of the session of 1895, too late for further
       action. The Legislature, as a result no doubt of this vote on
       consolidation, did annex to New York city the towns of
       Westchester, Eastchester, Pelham and other parts of
       Westchester county.

       "Early in January, 1896, the Legislature appointed a joint
       sub-committee of the Cities Committees of both Houses to
       inquire into the subject of the proposed consolidation and
       report March 1, 1806. The committee made a report and
       submitted a bill favoring consolidation. The bill as reported
       was passed by the Legislature and was submitted to the Mayors
       of the cities of New York and Brooklyn, and to the Mayor and
       Common Council of Long Island City pursuant to the provisions
       of the Constitution.
    {323}
       The bill was returned to the Legislature without the
       acceptance of the cities of New York and Brooklyn. The
       Legislature repassed the bill over the vetoes of the Mayors of
       New York and Brooklyn, and it became a law May 11, 1896, with
       the approval of the Governor. This act (L. 1896, ch. 488) is
       entitled, 'An Act consolidating the local governments of the
       territory within the city and county of New York, the counties
       of Kings and Richmond and Long Island City and the towns of
       Newtown, Flushing and Jamaica and part of the town of
       Hempstead, in the county of Queens, and providing for the
       preparation of bills for enactment into laws for the
       government thereof.' … Pursuant to the act of consolidation,
       the Governor (Levi P. Morton) appointed on June 9, 1896, the
       following members of the commission to draft the proposed
       charter, viz.: Seth Low, Benjamin F. Tracy, John F. Dillon,
       Ashbel P. Fitch, Stewart L. Woodford, Silas B. Dutcher,
       William. C. De Witt, George M. Pinney, Jr., Harrison S. Moore.
       Mr. Fitch having resigned from the commission, the Governor
       appointed Thomas F. Gilroy in his place. By virtue of the act,
       the following gentlemen were members of the commission: Andrew
       H. Green, president of the commission appointed by L. 1890,
       ch. 311; Campbell W. Adams, State Engineer; Theodore E.
       Hancock, Attorney-General; William L. Strong, Mayor of New
       York; Frederick W. Wurster, Mayor of Brooklyn; and Patrick
       Jerome Gleason, Mayor of Long Island City. The commission
       organized on June 25, 1896, appointed Benjamin F. Tracy as
       president and George M. Pinney, Jr., as secretary, and named
       William C. De Witt, John F. Dillon, Thomas F. Gilroy, Seth
       Low, Andrew H. Green, Benjamin F. Tracy, and George M. Pinney,
       Jr., as a committee on draft of proposed charter."

          M. Ash,
          The Greater New York Charter,
          introduction.

       The committee submitted a draft charter to the commission on
       the 24th of December, with a report in which a fundamental
       feature of its plan is thus set forth: "It is clear that the
       work of administering all of the Departments over so large a
       space of territory, situated on three islands and partly on
       the main land, must be subdivided in order to be successfully
       done. The draft, therefore, proposes to divide the city into
       the five Boroughs which nature and history have already
       formed; that is to say:

       (1.) Manhattan, which consists of the island of Manhattan and
       the outlying islands naturally related to it.

       (2.) The Bronx; that is to say, all that part of the present
       City of New York lying north of the Harlem, a territory which
       comprises two-thirds of the area of the present City of New
       York.

       (3.) Brooklyn.

       (4.) Queens, consisting of that portion of Queens County to
       be incorporated into the Greater New York.

       (5.) Richmond, that is, Staten Island.

       Power is given to the Municipal Assembly to subdivide these
       Boroughs still further, in case of need. The Greater New York
       will start with these five Boroughs for administrative
       purposes. Your Committee have reconstructed the Borough
       system, as submitted in the tentative draft, upon lines which
       we are of one accord in believing to be a better and more
       appropriate development of the plan for the Greater New York.
       These lines give to each Borough various boards through which
       the prosecution of local improvements may be facilitated
       within the limits of small districts, but reserve to the
       Municipal Assembly the right to incur indebtedness and to
       authorize the making of contracts."

       The draft thus prepared was subjected to criticism in the
       commission and in public hearings, and, after amendment and
       revision, was reported to the Legislature in February, 1897,
       as the charter recommended by the Commission for the
       consolidated city called "The Greater New York." It received
       some amendment and was passed. On submission, as required by
       the State constitution, to the mayors of New York and Brooklyn
       and the mayor and Common Council of Long Island City, it was
       approved in Brooklyn and Long Island City, but returned
       without approval by the mayor of New York. The Legislature
       then re-enacted the bill, and it was made law, by the
       governor's signature, on the 4th of May, 1897.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1897 (September-November).
       Election of the first Mayor of Greater New York.

       The first municipal election in Greater New York excited a
       passion of interest that was natural in the city itself, but
       extraordinary in the degree and the extent to which it spread,
       not only throughout the United States, but widely in the
       foreign world. The election was looked upon as the test of a
       vastly important experiment in the democratic government of an
       enormous city. The charter of the great consolidated
       municipality had lodged tremendous, unprecedented power and
       responsibility in the office of its mayor. The people were
       given an opportunity to determine by a single act of suffrage—
       by their choice of a single man—the character of their
       government. Would they choose that man, at the beginning of
       the new system, in the interest of the corrupting organization
       in party politics which had misruled the old city of New York
       for years, or would they rise to the grand opportunity
       afforded them, and set a strong, free, independently honest
       man at the head of their local government. Democracy in
       municipal affairs, at least, had never been put on trial so
       sharply before. To a great number of the citizens of New York
       the duty of the hour was plain, and they promptly set their
       hands to it. Many months before the election they began the
       organization of a Citizens' Union, in which men of all
       political parties, sinking every other difference, should join
       for the defeat of Tammany and "Boss" Croker, and for the
       election to the mayor's office of the best mayor to be found.
       With remarkable unanimity, their thought of the man turned to
       Seth Low, President of Columbia University, but one time mayor
       of Brooklyn, where his vigor, his firmness and his
       independence had been conspicuously proved. An extensive
       canvass of the city showed so widely spread a feeling in favor
       of Mr. Low that he was named at the beginning of September as
       the candidate of the non-partisan Citizens' Union. It was
       hoped that the whole opposition to Tammany Hall could be
       united in support of Mr. Low, representing as he did no
       partisan hostility to any organization in national or state
       politics. It was especially hoped and believed that the
       Republican party organization would endorse the choice of the
       Citizens' Union and make Mr. Low (himself a strong Republican)
       its own candidate. By nothing less than a general combination
       could the compact forces of Tammany Hall be overcome, and that
       fact was well understood.
    {324}
       It was a fact so plain, indeed, that when the head of the
       Republican organization in New York persisted in setting a
       party candidate in the field, to divide the opposing voters of
       the city, there seemed to be small doubt of the intention with
       which it was done. The master politicians of the party were
       evidently more willing that the vast powers of the mayoralty,
       in the organization of the government of Greater New York,
       should be wielded by their prototypes of Tammany than that
       they should be given to independent hands. The party was
       obedient to them, and General Benjamin F. Tracy was put
       forward, by a Republican convention held September 28, in
       opposition to Mr. Low. The night previous, another candidate
       had appeared, in the person of Mr. Henry George, author of the
       economic doctrine of the "single tax," supported ardently by a
       large following, especially in the Democratic party. A section
       of that party, organized under the name of the United Democracy,
       had nominated Mr. George, and his nomination was endorsed a
       week later by a great assembly which claimed to represent the
       Jeffersonian Democracy of New York. On the 30th of September
       the nomination of the Tammany Democracy was given to Judge
       Robert A. Van Wyck. Between these four principal candidates,
       the result of the election was only put in doubt by some
       question as to the strength of the Democratic vote which Mr.
       George would draw away from Judge Van Wyck. It was a question
       extinguished sadly, three days before the election, by the
       sudden death of Mr. George. He had not been in good health,
       and the strain of the exciting canvass broke him down. His
       followers made a hasty nomination of his son, Henry George,
       Jr., in his place; but the personal prestige which might have
       carried a large vote with them was lost. Of the triumph of
       Tammany there was no longer any doubt, and no surprise was
       felt (though abundant grief and anger found expression) when
       the returns of the voting on November 2d were announced. Judge
       Van Wyck was elected by the ballots of 233,997 citizens, against
       151,540 cast for Mr. Low, 102,873 for General Tracy, 21,693
       for the younger Mr. George. Tammany would have been beaten if
       the Republican vote had gone to Mr. Low. Besides the four
       principal candidates here named, there were four other
       nominees who received small numbers of votes. Lucien Sanial,
       put forward by the Social Democrats, received 14,467; William
       T. Wardwell, named by the Prohibitionists, received 1,359;
       Patrick J. Gleason and Alfred B. Cruikshank, running with
       little more than some personal support, received a few
       hundreds of votes each.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899 (April-December).
       The Mazet Investigation.

       An investigation of charges against the city government, by a
       committee of the Legislature, Mr. Robert Mazet, chairman, was
       opened in April, 1899, the examination of witnesses being
       conducted by Mr. Frank Moss. The investigation followed lines
       much the Same as those pursued by the Lexow committee, in
       1894, and revealed much the same foul state of things,
       especially in the department of police. But there was
       evidently less earnestness in the committee; the probing of
       iniquities was fill less thorough, and the whole proceeding
       was stopped with suspicious suddenness as soon as it drew near
       to prominent members of the party by which it was controlled.
       It called fresh attention to the rottenness in municipal
       politics, and it led to the creation of a new commission for
       the revision of the Greater New York charter; but otherwise it
       was most unsatisfactory.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.
       The Ramapo Water Contract.

       In August, 1899, Bird S. Coler, Controller of the City,
       exposed a gigantic scheme of plunder involved in a contract
       with the Ramapo Water Company, which Tammany officials,
       assisted, it was said, by some interested Republicans, were
       attempting to crowd through the Board of Public Improvements.
       The contract would have bound the city for forty years to pay
       to the Ramapo Company $70 per million gallons for 200,000,000
       gallons of water daily. In his Message to the State
       Legislature, January 2, 1901, Governor Odell thus referred to
       the matter: "Under chapter 985 of the laws of 1895, as
       amended, the Ramapo Water Company was given the power of
       condemnation for the purpose of securing to it the water and
       lands necessary for its purposes. During the year 1899 an
       attempt was made to enter into a contract with this company by
       the municipal board empowered to make such contracts. This
       proposition, when presented to the citizens of New York, was
       severely criticised by them, and the question of continued
       municipal ownership of their water supply was thus brought to
       their attention. The Legislature of 1900 enacted a law which
       made the consummation of such a contract impossible without
       the unanimous consent of those empowered to make such
       contract. The ownership of water rights sufficient to provide
       the city of New York with an ample supply of pure and
       wholesome water should be entirely under the control and
       direction of the municipality." Action on the subject was
       taken by the Legislature, which, in March, repealed the Act of
       1895, thus stripping the Ramapo Company of its extraordinary
       powers.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (January-September).
       The Rapid Transit Tunnel Contract.
       Projected Tunnel to Brooklyn.

       "The great project of underground rapid transit is now an
       assured thing. A few months ago the prospect seemed very dark.
       It is true that the rapid transit commissioners, a very able
       and upright body of men, with the invaluable aid of a
       distinguished engineer, Mr. Parsons, had a good while ago
       decided on the route and the plans; but the way seemed blocked
       by a series of semi-political and semi-legal difficulties. …
       Suddenly these difficulties began to disappear. … The
       financial plan adopted was that the city should provide the
       money which a contractor would expend in building the road,
       the contractor following the plans furnished by the city,
       submitting to municipal inspection, and agreeing upon his part
       to pay the interest on the bonds sold by the city to obtain
       the money, and also to pay enough into a sinking fund to
       provide for the ultimate redemption of the bonds. Bids were
       called for on November 15, to be opened on January 15. … It
       turned out that two well-known contractors were the only
       bidders, and the award was given to Mr. John B. McDonald. His
       bid was $35,000,000. The theory of this contract is that the
       road is to be the property of the city, leased for fifty years
       to the contractor, who is to pay a rental that will be large
       enough so that the taxpayers will not have expended a penny. …
    {325}
       The main trunk line will start at the post-office (City Hall
       Square) on the south and proceed northward along the spine of
       Manhattan Island, following the general direction of Broadway
       to Kingsbridge, a distance from the point of beginning of
       twelve or thirteen miles. Near the upper end of Central Park,
       at a distance of six or seven miles from the point of
       beginning, a branch of the tunnel road will take a
       northeasterly direction, terminating at Bronx Park, which is
       about the same distance north as Kingsbridge, but several
       miles further east. The road will have four tracks for six
       miles of main line, two of which will be used for local trains
       and two for express trains."

          American Review of Reviews,
          February, 1900.

       Work on the great undertaking was begun promptly, and had made
       great progress within the first twelve months.

       In September, 1900, preliminary steps were taken toward the
       construction of a connecting tunnel, under the East River, to
       Brooklyn, and through the congested districts of the latter
       borough. "At least three years will be necessary for the
       preliminary work and actual construction before trains are
       running. … Tentative estimates have been made, and these are
       said to be from $8,000,000 to $10,000,000. … The route as
       contemplated … starts in connection with the Manhattan
       proposed tunnel at a point at or near the intersection of
       Broadway and Park Row; thence under Broadway and Bowling Green
       to Whitehall Street; under Whitehall Street to South Street;
       thence under South Street to the East River, and under the
       river, striking the Brooklyn shore at a point in Joralemon
       Street between the East River and Furman Street, under
       Joralemon Street to Fulton Street, to the Borough Hall, out
       Fulton Street to Flatbush Avenue, and under this thoroughfare
       to the railroad station. On the New York side the route
       includes a loop to be built whose debouching point shall lie
       between Bowling Green and Exchange Place in Broadway, running
       under Broadway to Bowling Green, and thence under Bowling
       Green to State Street, to and under Battery Park to Whitehall
       Street, thence returning under Whitehall Street and Battery
       Park to State Street and to Broadway. The construction calls
       for two tracks, and avoids all grade crossings, each track to
       have a separate tubular tunnel."

          New York Times,
          September 28, 1900.

       On the 25th of January, 1901, announcement was published that
       the Board of Rapid Transit Commissioners had adopted a
       resolution definitely providing for the extension of the Rapid
       Transit Railroad to Brooklyn. The original plan of route in
       Brooklyn had been chosen. The only change made was in
       Manhattan. The trains would be run through State St. instead
       of Whitehall, as formerly planned, with a loop at the Battery
       for Manhattan trains.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (April-May).
       Ecumenical Conference on Missions.

          See (in this volume)
          MISSIONS.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Great fire at the Hoboken piers.

          See (in this volume)
          HOBOKEN.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Revision of the charter.

       Carefully as the Greater New York charter had been drawn, it
       proved unsatisfactory in the working, in various respects, and
       a commission to revise it was appointed in 1900. The report of
       the commission was submitted to the Governor on the 1st of
       December, and transmitted, with his approval, to the
       Legislature in the following month. In the hands of the
       Legislature, the bill embodying the revised charter underwent
       considerable amendment, very much, it would seem, to its
       detriment. It was passed by the Senate on the 3d of April and
       by the Assembly on the 4th, and went to the Mayor of New York
       for the submission to his judgment which the State
       Constitution of New York requires. Some of the more important
       changes in the charter made by the revision, as passed, are
       the shortening of the mayor's term of office from four years
       (which the revision commission had advised retaining) to two
       years, with eligibility for re-election (which the commission
       had advised against); an increase of the administrative powers
       of the presidents of boroughs; abolition of the municipal
       Council and creation of a Board of Aldermen of 73 members;
       reorganization of various departments of the municipal
       administration.

    NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Offered gift of $5,200,000 to the Public Library
       by Andrew Carnegie.

          See (in this volume)
          LIBRARY, NEW YORK PUBLIC.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1894.
       The revised Constitution.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF NEW YORK.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Passage of the Raines Liquor Law.

       An Act for the regulation of the liquor traffic, which was and
       is the subject of much controversy, was passed in March, 1896,
       by the Legislature of the State of New York. From its author,
       Senator John Raines, it has borne the name of the Raines Law.
       It heavily increased the tax on the selling of liquor, raising
       it to $800 on common "saloons" in the city of New York; to $650
       in Brooklyn; to $500 in other cities having more than 50,000
       and not more than 500,000 inhabitants; and to rates in lesser
       cities and towns which ranged from 8100 to $350. It forbade
       the licensing of any liquor shop within 200 feet of a
       schoolhouse or a church, and also forbade the opening of any
       new shop of that character in a residence district without
       consent of two-thirds of the property owners. It prohibited
       the sale of liquor on Sundays, except in hotels and clubs; but
       this provision furnished a means of evasion which was speedily
       brought into use. "Raines hotels" and "Raines Clubs," as they
       were called, sprang into existence everywhere, sufficiently
       answering the requirements of the law to escape its penalties.
       These and other defects were considerably remedied by
       amendments of the Act in April, 1897. It survived a powerful
       attack in the Legislature at that time, the whole strength of
       the leading cities in the State being brought against the law.
       The country districts were generally united in supporting it,
       partly on principle, and partly because of the extent to which
       it lightened the burdens of taxation. By apportioning
       two-thirds of the enormous revenue raised under the Act to the
       towns, counties and cities in which it is collected, and
       one-third to the state treasury, the Raines Law fortified
       itself strongly in more than the moral sentiment of the
       people. Under the Raines Law all local excise boards are
       abolished, and the whole licensing and regulating of the
       liquor traffic is placed under the supervision of a State
       commissioner.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1897.
       The Black Civil Service Law.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

    {326}

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.
       Primary Election Law.

       An Act which aims to make the political party caucus for
       nominating candidates, and for choosing delegates to
       nominating conventions, a "primary election," conducted under
       strict regulations of law and guarded by registration, was
       passed by the New York State Legislature and signed by the
       Governor March 23, 1898.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899.
       New Civil Service Enactment.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1897-1899.

    NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1899 (May).
       Taxation of public franchises.

       A measure of great importance, introducing a new and eminently
       just principle in taxation, was carried through the
       Legislature of New York in May, by the energetic influence of
       Governor Roosevelt. Recommended by the Governor in a special
       message on the 27th of March and passed in an unsatisfactory
       form, a bill to provide for the taxing of public franchises
       which did not promise successful working was being left on his
       hands when the Legislature adjourned. He promptly called a
       special session and renewed to it his urgent recommendations.
       "I recommend," he said, "the enactment of a law which shall
       tax all these franchises as realty, which shall provide for
       the assessment of the tax by the Board of State Tax
       Commissioners, and which shall further provide that from the
       tax thus levied for the benefit of each locality, there shall
       be deducted the tax as now paid by the corporation in
       question. Furthermore, as the time for assessing the largest
       and wealthiest corporations, those of New York and Buffalo,
       has passed for this year, and as it will be preferable not to
       have the small country corporations taxed before the larger
       corporations of the city are taxed, I suggest that the
       operations of the law be deferred until October 1, of this
       year."

       Within a few days, the desired bill was passed by both Houses
       of the Legislature, signed by the Governor and became a law.
       The public franchises to which it relates are defined in its
       first section, as follows:

       "The terms 'land,' 'real estate,' and 'real property,' as used
       in this chapter, include the land itself above and under
       water, all buildings and other articles and structures,
       substructures, and superstructures, erected upon, under or
       above, or affixed to the same; all wharves and piers,
       including the value of the right to collect wharfage, cranage,
       or dockage thereon; all bridges, all telegraph lines, wires,
       poles, and appurtenances; all supports and inclosures for
       electrical conductors and other appurtenances upon, above, and
       underground; all surface, underground, or elevated railroads,
       including the value of all franchises, rights, or permission
       to construct, maintain, or operate the same in, under, above,
       on, or through streets, highways, or public places; all
       railroad structures, substructures, and superstructures,
       tracks, and the iron thereon, branches, switches, and other
       fixtures permitted or authorized to be made, laid, or placed
       on, upon, above, or under any public or private road, street,
       or grounds; all mains, pipes, and tanks laid or placed in,
       upon, above, or under any public or private street or place
       for conducting steam, heat, water, oil, electricity, or any
       property, substance or product capable of transportation or
       conveyance therein, or that is protected thereby, including
       the value of all franchises, rights, authority, or permission
       to construct, maintain, or operate in, under, above, upon, or
       through any streets, highways, or public places, any mains,
       pipes, tanks, conduits, or wires, with their appurtenances,
       for conducting water, steam, heat, light, power, gas, oil, or
       other substance, or electricity for telegraphic, telephonic,
       or other purposes; all trees and underwood growing upon land,
       and all mines, minerals, quarries, and fossils in and under
       the same, except mines belonging to the state. A franchise,
       right, authority, or permission, specified in this
       subdivision, shall, for the purpose of taxation, be known as a
       special franchise. A special franchise shall be deemed to
       include the value of the tangible property of a person,
       co-partnership, association, or corporation, situated in,
       upon, under, or above any street, highway, public place, or
       public waters in connection with the special franchise. The
       tangible property so included shall be taxed as a part of the
       special franchise."

    NEW YORK UNIVERSITY:
       The Hall of Fame for Great Americans.

          See (in this volume)
          HALL OF FAME.

       ----------NEW ZEALAND: Start--------

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1891-1900.
       Democratic experiments.
       Labor laws and the land system.
       Compulsory industrial arbitration and its working.

       "I have been a studious observer of every phase of social life
       and legislative change that has taken place in this colony
       during the past seven years," wrote U. S. Consul Connolly, at
       Auckland, in July, 1896. "I arrived at the very beginning of
       the experimental era—and it is no misnomer to call much of the
       legislation of the past few years experimental in the truest
       sense [see, also (in this volume), AUSTRALIA: RECENT
       EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY]. But while it is so, there is a most
       gratifying feature which compensates for the violence done to
       the feelings of those whose motto has been 'let us permit
       matters to remain as they are, they suit us well enough.' That
       the legislative innovations of the immediate past have shocked
       the sensibilities of a large number of prominent and
       well-to-do colonists is unquestionably true, but, at the same
       time, as against any inconvenience they may have experienced
       on this account, there is the fact of increased prosperity in
       nearly every branch of trade and industrial life throughout
       the country, farm products are fetching satisfactory prices,
       manufacturing industries are running full time and paying good
       wages and fair interest on the capital invested, labor is
       remuneratively employed, interest on money has fallen from 6
       and 7 per cent to 4 and 5 per cent (this of itself, is
       sufficient to prove that money is abundant). Millions of
       English capital are flowing in for the development of the gold
       fields of the colony, and the credit of the country at no
       period of its history stood so high on the English market as
       it does to-day.
    {327}
       I may also mention that, through the genuine encouragement
       given by the Government to the small-farmer class, the waste
       lands of the country are being rapidly taken up wherever land
       is found suitable for farming or grazing purposes.
       Notwithstanding the admitted prosperity of the colony and the
       fact that the Government have had a substantial surplus over
       expenditure now for a number of years, the national debt
       continues to increase. But the increased indebtedness is not
       of the usual character, for the reason that the country has
       security for nearly all the money borrowed in recent years.
       Money had to be borrowed under Government guaranty to save the
       Bank of New Zealand from closing its doors. This was done to
       avert financial disaster. …

       "Money has been borrowed to purchase large estates for the
       purposes of settlement. Those who take up land under this
       system, as already stated, pay an annual rental sufficient to
       cover the interest on the purchase money and the cost of
       administration. The land is always vested in the Government
       and this must be regarded as a good asset. One million and a
       Half sterling was borrowed last year in England at 3 per cent
       per annum. This £1,500,000 loan is called the ' advances to
       settlers loan.' This money is lent out to farmers at 4 per
       cent per annum. … I need scarcely add that the large
       landholders, the mortgage companies, and the money lenders
       generally did not favor this kind of legislation, particularly
       the cheap advances to settlers, but their opposition was utterly
       futile. With the advent of the one-man-one-vote and the
       extension of the franchise to women, the power of corporate
       wealth in this country appears to have been irrevocably
       destroyed. Whether this be for good or evil, I am not, of
       course, in a position to say. I can say, however, that no ill
       effects of the change are apparent up to the present; on the
       contrary, the country is more prosperous and at least as
       honestly and as economically administered as it was under the
       old régime.

       "To say that this country is, in my opinion, more truly
       democratic than any country in the world would be merely
       stating a simple truth; and to say that the present Government
       is a workingman's Government is equally true. A great deal of
       the legislation of recent years, however, is in advance of the
       requirements and ideas of the people, with the result that
       some of it has proved to be annoying and irksome to many. This
       is especially true of some of the labor laws. The Government
       are honestly endeavoring to place the masses in possession of
       their legitimate rights with as little friction as possible,
       and at the same time with due regard to vested interests and
       the propriety of things generally. But while struggling thus
       with the duties and responsibilities of their official
       positions, the members of the Ministry are torn asunder by the
       clamorous and impracticable demands of the unreasonable and
       irresponsible. The sympathies of the Government are
       unmistakably with the people, but the honor, the dignity, and
       the welfare of the country will not permit them to depart from
       a course too inconsistent with the sense of obligation, fair
       dealing, integrity, and responsibility which are the admitted
       characteristics and duty of all civilized governments. The
       great danger at the present moment is too much legislation in
       one direction. This is the one thing wherein the Government
       find it really hard to resist the demands of organized labor.
       There is, however, a very gratifying disposition manifesting
       itself among the more reasonable members of the labor
       societies to let well enough alone for the present—a
       disposition it is much to be hoped may extend throughout the
       whole body of the workers. If not, I have no hesitation in
       predicting a serious revulsion of public sentiment and
       sympathy within the next few years."

          United States Consular Reports,
          January, 1897, page 35.

       "Australian experience seems in many ways to prove the value
       of our system of written constitutions, to be construed and
       enforced by the courts. The effect on the minds of
       ill-informed legislators of the knowledge that they can do
       anything for which they can get a majority, is naturally to
       beget extravagance and an overweening sense of power, and lead
       to excessive experimentation. … It is in devices for the
       protection of labor that most of this experimentation occurs.
       New Zealand affords the best example of it. It provides
       elaborate legal protection for the eight-hour day. A workman
       cannot consent to work overtime without extra pay. The state
       sees that he gets the extra pay. It looks closely after the
       condition of women and children in the factories. It sees that
       servant girls are not overcharged by the registry offices for
       getting them places. It prescribes one half-holiday a week for
       all persons employed in stores and offices, and sees that they
       take it. It will not allow even a shopkeeper who has no
       employees to dispense with his half-holiday; because if he
       does not take it, his competition will injure those who do.
       The 'labor department' of the government has an army of
       inspectors, who keep a close watch on stores and factories,
       and prosecute violations of the law which they themselves
       discover. They do not wait for complaints; they ferret out
       infractions, so that the laborer may not have to prejudice
       himself by making charges. The department publishes a
       'journal' once a month, which gives detailed reports of the
       condition of the labor market in all parts of the colony, and
       of the prosecutions which have taken place anywhere of
       employers who have violated the law. It provides insurance for
       old age and early death, and guarantees every policy. It gives
       larger policies for lower premiums than any of the private
       offices, and depreciates the private offices in its documents.
       It distributes the profits of its business as bonuses among the
       policy-holders, and keeps a separate account for teetotalers,
       so that they may get special advantages from their abstinence.
       The 'journal' is, in fact, in a certain sense a labor manual,
       in which everything pertaining to the comfort of labor is
       freely discussed. The poor accommodation provided for servants
       in hotels and restaurants is deplored, and so is the
       difficulty which middle-aged men have in finding employment.
       More attention to the morals and manners of nursemaids is
       recommended. All the little dodges of employers are exposed
       and punished. If they keep the factory door fastened, they are
       fined. If housekeepers pretend that their servants are
       lodgers, and therefore not liable to a compulsory
       half-holiday, they are fined. If manufacturers are caught
       allowing girls to take their meals in a workshop, they are
       fined.

    {328}

       "As far as I can make out, too, without visiting the country,
       there is as yet no sign of reaction against this minute
       paternal care of the laborer. The tendency to use the powers
       of the government chiefly for the promotion of the comfort of
       the working classes, whether in the matter of land settlement,
       education, or employment, seems to undergo no diminution. The
       only thing which has ceased, or slackened, is the borrowing of
       money for improvements. The results of this borrowing have
       been so disastrous that the present generation, at least, will
       hardly try that experiment again."

          E. L. Godkin,
          The Australian Democracy
          (Atlantic Monthly, March, 1898).

    NEW ZEALAND:
       Labor Laws.
       Compulsory industrial arbitration.

       "There is not in any other country in the world a more
       valuable or more enlightened body of Labour laws than those
       now upon the statute book of this progressive colony. They
       cover almost every risk to life, limb, health, and interest of
       the industrial classes. They send the law, as it were,
       everywhere a worker is employed for daily wages to fling the
       shield of the state over him or her in the labour of
       livelihood. The bare enumeration of these laws will indicate
       the far-reaching ground they cover:—The Coal Mines Act, the
       Master and Apprentices Act, the Conspiracy Law Amendment Act,
       the Trade Union Act, the Servant's Registry Offices Act (for
       the protection of servant girls against the risks of dishonest
       offices of that kind), Contractors and Workmen's Lien Act,
       three amended Employer's Liability Acts, three amended
       Shipping and Seamen's Acts, two Shops and Shop-assistants
       Acts, the Factories Act, and the Industrial Conciliation and
       Arbitration Act of 1894. … The Industrial Conciliation and
       Arbitration Act, passed in 1894 … has attracted much attention
       outside New Zealand. An Act with a similar purpose, but
       permissive in its operations, was passed … in the New South
       Wales Legislature in 1892. It was limited in duration to four
       years, and was not a success. The New Zealand bill was more
       skilfully drawn, and, possessing the element of a gentle
       compulsion, has so far achieved its aim. The Act begins by
       inviting all parties to join 'in lawful association for the
       purpose of protecting or furthering the interests of employers
       or workmen in, or in connection with, any industry in the
       colony.' Such parties as accept the legal invitation are
       allowed to register themselves as 'an industrial union,' and
       this step once taken they are enticed on through a network of
       solicitations, provisions, and safeguards, until they find
       themselves, almost without knowing it, agreeing to everything
       that follows. Trades Unions, or any other labour organization,
       or any combination of employers, can register as individual
       bodies without a mixed association of workers and employers.
       Once registered, they are in the network of arbitration:—'The
       effect of registration shall be to render the industrial
       union, and all persons who may be members of any society or
       trade union, so registered as an industrial union at the time
       of registration, or who after such registration may become
       members of any society or trade union so registered, subject
       to the jurisdiction by this Act given to a Board and the Court
       respectively, and liable to all the provisions of this Act,
       and all such persons shall be bound by the rules of the
       industrial union during the continuance of the membership.' …
       'Every industrial agreement duly made and executed shall be
       binding on the parties thereto, and on every person who at any
       time during the term of such agreement is a member of any
       industrial union, trade union, or association party thereto,
       and on every employer who shall in the prescribed manner
       signify to the Registrar of the Supreme Court where such
       agreement is filed concurrence therein, and every such
       employer shall be entitled to the benefit thereof, and be
       deemed to be a party thereto.' … 'In and for every district
       there shall be established a Board of Conciliation, to have
       jurisdiction for the settlement of industrial disputes
       occurring in such district, which may be referred to it by one
       or more of the parties to an industrial dispute, or by
       industrial agreement.' … 'Every Board shall consist of such
       equal number of persons as the Governor may determine, being
       not more than six nor less than four persons, who shall be
       chosen by the industrial unions of employers and of workmen in
       the industrial district respectively, such unions voting
       separately, and electing an equal number of such members.' …
       Should this body itself be unable to come to a satisfactory
       decision it may refer the matter in question to a small
       committee of its members fairly representing each side. If a
       settlement or reconciliation be unattainable in this way,
       either party to the dispute can appeal to the Court of
       Arbitration, which is constituted as follows:—'There shall be
       one Court of Arbitration for the whole colony for the
       settlement of industrial disputes pursuant to this Act. … The
       Court shall consist of three members to be appointed by the
       Governor, one to be so appointed on the recommendation of the
       councils or a majority of the councils of the industrial
       associations of workmen in the colony, and one to be so
       appointed on the recommendation of the councils or a majority
       of the councils of the industrial associations of employers of
       the colony.' … 'No recommendation shall be made as to the
       third member, who shall be a Judge of the Supreme Court, and
       shall be appointed from time to time by the Governor, and
       shall be President of the Court.'"

          M. Davitt,
          Life and Progress in Australasia,
          chapter 68.

       Honorable W. P. Reeves, lately Agent-General of New Zealand in
       England, but who was Minister of Education and Labor in New
       Zealand from 1891 to 1896, and who is looked upon as the
       principal author of the industrial arbitration laws in that
       colony, wrote, during the summer of 1900, on the working of
       those laws, in an article contributed to the "London Express,"
       as follows:

       "The arbitration law has been in constant use in New Zealand
       for about four years and a half. During those years there has
       never been a time when there has not been a dispute pending
       before one or other of the Conciliation Boards or the Central
       Arbitration Court. Writing, as I do, at some distance from
       London, I cannot say from memory what the exact number of
       disputes finally adjusted has been; but, so far, they cannot
       be less than sixty or seventy. Most of these have been
       carried, on appeal from some Conciliation Board, to the
       Arbitration Court and settled there. In about two cases out of
       seven the Conciliation Boards have been able successfully to
       arrange the disputes. Even where they have not done so, it by
       no means follows that their labors have been useless. Very
       often the appeal to the Arbitration Court is merely on one or
       two points out of many involved, and the advice of the
       Conciliation Board is accepted on the others. Often, too, most
       of the parties to a dispute have been ready to accept a board's
       suggestions, but it has needed the firm hand of the
       Arbitration Court to bring one or two stubborn men to
       acquiescence.

    {329}

       "The process may be tedious, but it is not costly. Lawyers are
       not employed as counsel before either the boards or the court
       unless all parties to the action agree thereto, and they very
       seldom do agree. A firm of employers may appear by a manager
       or accredited representative, a trade union is usually
       represented by its Secretary or other official. During the
       hearing, of course, the factories concerned remain open, and
       work goes on as usual. Employers are secured not only against
       a dead stop of business, but against the meaner kinds of
       competition of undercutting rivals. In the organized trades
       all the shops of a district have to keep the same hours and
       pay the same wages. No man may filch trade from a neighbor by
       sweating his own people. The fair-minded employer now knows
       where he is, and is freed from many anxieties.

       "For six years there has virtually been neither strike nor
       lockout in New Zealand. All these, except the first, have been
       years of remarkable and increasing prosperity. During the time
       of depression which came before them, wages had fallen. With
       improving times employers would have been faced by resolute
       demands from trade unions for a return to former high rates of
       pay, and had there been no arbitration system in working order
       a series of very bitter conflicts must have ensued. This has
       been avoided. Workmen and workwomen have gained notable
       advances of pay, and also improved conditions as to hours of
       labor and otherwise. But this has come about gradually, and
       only after careful and painstaking inquiry. Many of the
       demands of labor have been refused; many more have been
       modified. In no case has an industry been throttled or
       crippled. Not only can we claim that no factory has been
       closed for a single day in New Zealand by labor war, but we
       can claim that the peace thus obtained has not been bought at
       the dear price of hampered industry and discouraged
       enterprise.

       "When the Arbitration act came into operation the number of
       hands returned as employed in the registered factories was
       about 26,000. It is now not far short of 50,000. A percentage
       of this striking increase may be due to more thorough
       registration. Far the larger part of it represents an actual
       increase of industry. During these years the imports and
       exports of the colony have grown apace. The revenue received
       from the customs, from the income tax, from the stamps, and
       the railways has risen in each case rapidly. Employment from
       being scarce has grown plentiful. Building has been brisk in
       all centres of population. The marriage rate has gone up. In a
       word, New Zealand shows all the signs which we connect with a
       highly prosperous country. It would be too much to claim that
       this is chiefly due to the working of the Arbitration act. It
       is perfectly fair, however, to claim that the Arbitration act
       and the improved condition of labor, and of confidence which
       it has brought about, have had some share in leading up to
       this happy state of things.

       "It is frequently asked, How could you possibly enforce an
       award of the Arbitration Court upon an employer or a union
       stubbornly determined to go to all lengths rather than obey
       it? In the first place, for nearly five years the law has been
       in constant use without a single exhibition of this desperate
       resistance. That alone should be evidence of some weight that
       such a duel is not likely in a British community. It is quite
       true that an employer could go out of business rather than
       obey an award, and that the court could not prevent him from
       doing so. But employers are not given to ruining themselves
       merely because they may not like the decision of an impartial
       tribunal. It is suggested that the decision itself might be
       ruinous. There need be no fear of that. Experience has shown
       that if arbitrators err at all it is almost invariably in the
       direction of overcaution. They may show too great a desire to
       'split the difference'; they are not in the least likely to
       impose intolerable conditions either upon masters or men. An
       employer who has the choice between accepting a legal decision
       arrived at after painstaking inquiry, and being taken into
       court and fined, will almost always accept the decision. In a
       very few cases he may run the risk of being fined once, but he
       will not lay himself open to a second penalty. That is the New
       Zealand experience.

       "On the other hand, it has been flatly declared that the court
       cannot coerce trade unions. Vivid pictures have been painted
       of the tragic absurdity of endeavoring to collect fines from
       trade unionists by distraining on the goods of poor workmen
       whose union is without funds, and who are themselves
       penniless. The answer to that is that poverty-stricken unions,
       composed of penniless workers, are only too thankful to accept
       the decision of a State tribunal. They cannot strike against a
       powerful employer; much less can they hope to starve out a
       court of arbitration. Its decision may not altogether please
       them, but it is all they are likely to get. The Arbitration
       Court, therefore, is as potent to deal with trade unions as
       with employers. Wealthy unions it can fine. Penniless unions
       are helpless to fight it. Finally, at its back is the mighty
       force of public opinion, which is sick of labor wars and
       determined that the experiment of judicial adjustment shall
       have a full and fair trial."

       The full text of the New Zealand "Industrial Conciliation and
       Arbitration Act" is published in pamphlet form by the United
       States Department of Labor, and appeared also in one of the
       Bulletins of the Department, in 1900.

    NEW ZEALAND:
       Land system.

       "The Crown lands of New Zealand are administered under 'the
       land act, 1892,' and the regulations made thereunder. The
       distinguishing features of the present land system are the
       outcome of ideas which have been gradually coming to maturity
       for some years past in this colony. These features involve the
       principle of State ownership of the soil, with a perpetual
       tenancy in the occupier. This, whatever may be the difference
       in detail, is the prevailing characteristic of the several
       systems under which land may now be selected. In New Zealand,
       this tendency to State ownership has taken a more pronounced
       form than in any other of the Australasian colonies, and the
       duration of the leases has become so extended as to warrant
       the name, frequently given to them, of 'everlasting leases.'
       In point of fact, most of the Crown lands are now disposed of
       for terms of 999 years. The rentals are based on the assessed
       value of the land at the time of disposal, without increase or
       recurring valuations.
    {330}
       Under this system there is a fixity of tenure practically
       equal to freehold, and which, like freehold, necessarily
       carries with it the power of sale, sub-lease, mortgage, or
       disposition by will. Since all lands held under the Crown 'by
       lease in perpetuity' are subject to the land tax, the
       necessity for the periodical revaluations under the
       perpetual-lease system is done away with, the State reaping
       the advantage of the unearned increment through the
       before-mentioned tax. At the same time, the improvements made
       in the soil by cultivation, etc., are secured to the tenant.

       "The advantages of this system to the selector are manifest.
       When it is taken into consideration that, with few exceptions,
       the Crown lands are, in their prairie condition, incapable of
       producing anything until brought into cultivation, the
       advantage to the settler of setting free his capital to
       develop the capabilities of the soil, rather than having to
       expend it in the purchase of a freehold, is very apparent. One
       of the most striking benefits of this system is the advantage
       it gives to the poor man, who, with little more capital than
       his strong right arm, is enabled to make a home for himself,
       which, under the freehold system, he is frequently unable to
       accomplish. The values placed on the Crown lands are, as a
       rule, low, for the State does not so much seek to raise a
       revenue directly therefrom as to encourage the occupation of
       the lands by the people; this secures indirectly an increased
       revenue, besides other advantages, resulting from a numerous
       rural population.

       "Again, underlying the whole of the New Zealand land system is
       a further application of the principle of 'the land for the
       people,' viz, the restriction in area which any man may hold.
       This subject has been forced upon the attention of the
       legislature by defects in former systems, under which one
       individual with means at his command could appropriate large
       areas, to the exclusion of his poorer fellow-settler. Under
       conditions where the price at which the land is offered is
       fixed and where choice of selection is by ballot, the poor
       settler has the same chance as the rich one and may, should he
       wish it, hold as much land. The limit that a selector may hold
       is so fixed as to encourage the class of small farmers, and up to
       that limit the amount he may select is left entirely to
       himself. The act defines the amount of land anyone may select
       at 640 acres of first-class or 2,000 acres of second-class
       land, inclusive of any land he may already hold. These limits
       apply to lands which are thrown open for 'free selection,' as
       it is termed, but in some cases, where found desirable, the
       limit is by regulation made much smaller.

       "In addition to the many advantages offered by the
       'lease-in-perpetuity' system, the land act provides others to
       meet the wants of different classes. The rule is almost
       invariable that land thrown open for so-called 'free
       selection' is offered to the public under three different
       tenures, and the choice left entirely to the would-be settler.
       The three tenures are:

       (1) For cash, in which one-fourth of the purchase-money is
       paid down at once, and the remainder within thirty days. The
       title does not issue until certain improvements have been made
       on the land.

       (2) Lease with a purchasing clause, at a 5-per-cent rental on
       the value of the land; the lease being for twenty-five years,
       with the right to purchase at the original upset price at any
       time after the first ten years.

       (3) Lease in perpetuity, at a rental of 4 per cent on the
       capital value, as already described above.

       "The present [1895] land laws have been in force since the 1st
       of November, 1892, and, therefore, the returns of the
       Department of Lands and Survey for the year ending the 31st of
       March, 1895, will give a fair idea of the proportions in which
       lands are selected under the three tenures above described
       during the past two and a half years. The figures given below
       include the 'special settlements,' all of which must by law be
       held on lease in perpetuity:

       (1) Selected for cash, 1,542; area, 110,570 acres.

       (2) Occupation with right of purchase, 1,060; area, 236,270
       acres.

       (3) Lease in perpetuity, 3,224; area, 634,086 acres.

       "'The land act, 1892,' provides for a special class of
       settlement, which has found favor with the public to a very
       considerable extent during the last two years. This is known
       as the 'small-farm association' system. It provides that,
       where not less than twelve individuals have associated
       themselves together for mutual help, such an association can,
       with the approval of the Minister of Lands, select a block of
       land of not more than 11,000 acres, but there must be a
       selector to each 200 acres in the block. The extreme limit
       that one person may hold is fixed at 320 acres. Settlements of
       this class are held on 'lease in perpetuity' for 999 years, in
       the same way as lands under the same tenure when thrown open
       for free selection. The conditions of residence and
       improvements are the same."

          S. Percy Smith,
          in New Zealand Official Year-Book, 1895
          (reprinted in United States Consular Reports,
          January, 1897, page 4).

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899.
       Old-Age Pension Act.

       In the winter of 1899 an old-age pension act was added to the
       radical legislation of New Zealand. The Agent-General for New
       Zealand in England has described the measure in a review
       article, as follows: "As finally licked into shape, the act is
       one for giving a small pension to the poorest section of aged
       colonists without any contribution on their part whatever.
       Briefly summarized, its effect will be that any New
       Zealander—man or woman—who has come to the age of sixty-five,
       after living not less than twenty-five years in New Zealand,
       shall be entitled to 6s. 11d. a week, or £18 a year. The full
       pension is to be paid to those whose income from any source is
       less than £34. When the private income is above £34 a year £1
       is deducted from the pension for every £1 of such excess
       income. When, therefore, the private income is large enough to
       be £18 a year in excess of £34 no state pension is paid. In
       other words, no one who has an income of £52 a year is
       entitled to even a fraction of the pension. A rather more
       elaborate portion of the act deals with deductions to be made
       from the pension where the applicant for it is possessed of
       accumulated property. Under this the applicant's real and
       personal property are assessed, and his debts, if any, are
       subtracted from the total value thereof. Then he is allowed to
       own £325 without suffering any deduction therefor. After that
       he loses £1 of pension for every £15 worth of accumulated
       property. The result is that any one possessed of £600 worth
       of accumulated property ceases to be entitled to any allowance
       whatever. Men and women are equally entitled to the pension, and
       where a husband and wife are living together their property or
       income is divided by two for the purpose of the calculations
       above mentioned. That is to say, their united income must
       amount to £104 or their united property to £1,200 before they
       are altogether disentitled to any part of the pension. They
       may have, between them, an income of £68, or as much as £650
       of property, and yet be entitled to draw their respective
       pensions in full."

    {331}

       The government is only authorized to pay the required amounts
       during three years from the passage of the Act, after which
       Parliament will have to decide on its continuance or
       amendment. Mr. Reeves expects that "the opposition will, more
       or less in unison, submit a rival old-age pension scheme to
       the constituencies. One of their prominent members, Mr. George
       Hutchison, indicated in the debate on the third reading of the
       measure scheme which some think will be generally adopted by
       his party. This is to draw a distinction between the older
       poor of the colony now living and the younger generation of
       colonists. All now over fifty years of age are to be permitted
       as they attain sixty-five to take advantage of Mr. Seddon's
       act without let or hindrance. But for the younger people a
       contributory scheme is to be drawn up, under which they would
       have to pay some such sum as sixpence a week, to go in aid of
       a substantial pension in their old age. Whatever may be
       thought of the economic merits of such a scheme, it might
       conceivably be expected at election-time to disarm the
       hostility of the aged poor to any such interference with their
       prospects under the present system as would be entailed by a
       complete repeal of the Seddon act."

          National Review, February, 1899.

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (March).
       Looking towards federation with Australia.

       New Zealand did not take part in the movements which led to
       the federation of the Australian colonies in the Commonwealth
       of Australia, but watched them with evident interest and a
       final wakening of inclination to be joined in union with them.
       When the Act of the Imperial Parliament "to constitute the
       Commonwealth of Australia" was under discussion in England
       (see, in this volume, AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1900), the
       Agent-General for New Zealand in London addressed to the
       Colonial Office (March 30, 1900) the following Memorandum,
       which explains the attitude of that colony towards the
       federation movement in Australia: "The Government of New
       Zealand desires to secure the insertion of certain amendments
       in the Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Bill shortly to
       be laid before the Imperial Parliament. These amendments are
       three in number. The first of them is, in effect, that New
       Zealand should preserve the right of joining the proposed
       Commonwealth of Australia on the same terms as the original
       States now about to be united in such Commonwealth. The second
       is, that while New Zealand remains outside the Commonwealth,
       litigants in her higher Courts, though reserving the right
       they now possess to appeal to the Queen in Council, should, as
       an alternative, have the right to appeal to the High Court of
       Australia on paying the fees and complying with the rules of
       that tribunal. The third amendment is, that the Australian
       Commonwealth and the Colony of New Zealand should be empowered
       to make the necessary arrangements to employ their naval and
       military forces for mutual aid and defence, including
       operations outside their own boundaries, and for that purpose
       to co-operate in forming a homogeneous Australasian force.

       "The importance of the first amendment to New Zealand is
       great. The Colony is divided from Australia by 1,200 miles of
       unbroken sea. It still takes from four to five days for
       persons quitting New Zealand to reach any port in Australia.
       Though a large and valuable trade is carried on between the
       two countries, and though New Zealand is linked to Australia,
       not merely by financial ties, but by bonds of intercourse,
       cordial friendship, and sympathy, she has also vital and
       separate interests. Many, also, of the leading matters on
       which the discussions on Federation in Australia during the
       last 12 years have turned are topics with which the New
       Zealand people is almost unacquainted. It is therefore only to
       be expected that the Colony should watch the Federal movement
       with caution and reserve. It is also true that, until June of
       last year, New Zealand was unable to judge as to the
       intentions of the great Colony of New South Wales with regard
       to the Commonwealth Bill. It was not until the month of
       September that Queensland decided to enter the Commonwealth;
       Western Australia has not even yet done so. And it was
       directly after the decision of Queensland had become known
       that, in response to a request from Sir John Forrest, the
       leading statesmen of Australia intimated that, in their
       opinion, it was impossible to consider any further amendments
       of the Commonwealth Bill. From that moment the only course
       left open to New Zealand has been that now taken. About that
       time there appeared in New Zealand evidences of the growth of
       a feeling in the Colony in favour of a closer union with
       Australia. This was on the eve of the general elections, and
       Mr. Seddon, the Prime Minister, then defined his position,
       stating that the future relations of New Zealand with
       Australia were a matter for education and careful examination:
       that for himself he kept an open mind, but that prudent
       deliberation was advisable. At the general elections which
       took place in December last, Mr. Seddon was returned to power
       with an unusually large majority. It may therefore very safely
       be assumed that this cautious but not hostile attitude fairly
       represents the present view of the people of the Colony. Some
       stress may be laid on the foregoing facts in view of the
       possible objection that New Zealand's action now comes too
       late. The Colony virtually asks that, in view of its position
       of distance and difficulty, it should have more time given it
       to make up its mind than has been found necessary by colonies
       which are contiguous or almost so. If it should be proposed to
       fix a limit of time to this, that would clearly be a matter
       for reasonable consideration.

       "In so far as the second amendment would give certain New
       Zealand litigants a right of resort to the High Court of
       Australia, it is scarcely likely to meet with objection in
       Australia unless on the general ground that no amendment
       whatever of the Commonwealth Bill is now desirable. In the
       event of the amendment being admitted, it is obvious that
       certain precautions might have to be taken to conserve the
       existing rights of New Zealand litigants, and also to prevent
       clashing of appeals, but doubtless these could be provided
       for. The third amendment, that providing for a species of
       partial federation for purposes of defence and mutual
       assistance, seems not only desirable but unobjectionable in
       every way.
    {332}
       It does not propose that any kind of compulsion should be
       applied to either the Commonwealth or New Zealand: it merely
       empowers them to make such arrangements as may be deemed
       mutually advantageous. At present it seems more than doubtful
       whether either the Commonwealth or the Colony has the power to
       make simple, binding and effective arrangements which would
       involve operations and expenditure outside their own
       boundaries, and under which each would have to act so as to
       affect colonists not subject to their respective
       jurisdictions. Recent events have clearly shown that the time
       has passed by for regarding the military forces of a colony as
       something never to be employed outside of its own boundaries. I
       need not point out that such a co-operation would be of value
       not only to Australia and New Zealand, but to the Empire which
       both are so anxious to serve."

       The reply of the Colonial Office to this Memorandum set forth
       that its suggestions had been submitted to the delegates of
       the federating colonies and did not meet their approval. "They
       pointed out that during the period of grace proposed to be
       allowed circumstances might arise which would cause grave
       embarrassment to the Commonwealth if it were open to New
       Zealand to claim admission on the same terms as the original
       States, and that Article 121 of the draft Bill provided
       sufficiently for the admission of New Zealand at any time upon
       such conditions as might be found mutually acceptable to the
       Colony and the Commonwealth." It was added that "the suggested
       amendments as to the appeal from New Zealand Courts to the
       High Court of Australia, and the arrangements for mutual
       defence, would, if undertaken now, lead to great delay, and
       involve a fresh referendum to the people of the Federating
       Colonies, while there does not appear to be any probability
       that the Federation would not favourably entertain any
       proposals of the kind, if put forward after Federation."

       In the Constitution Act as passed, however, New Zealand is
       mentioned specifically among the "States" to which its
       provisions may apply, though not included in what relates to
       the "Original States."

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command:
          Cd. 158, 1900, pages 30-31, and 51).

    NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Annexation of the Cook Islands.

       A correspondent of the "London Times," writing from Rarotonga,
       the largest of the Cook (or Hervey) Islands, on the 10th of
       October, 1900, reported the arrival there of the Earl of
       Ranfurly, Governor of New Zealand, for the purpose of
       effecting the annexation of the islands to that colony, in
       accordance with the expressed wish of the natives. "Lord
       Ranfurly," he writes, "landed this morning, and, as the
       representative of her Majesty, addressed the Arikis, or high
       chiefs, on the question of annexation, for which they had
       asked. This is his second visit to the island, and he
       congratulated the people on now finding such a satisfactory
       condition of affairs in Rarotonga. He expressed pleasure at
       their liberality in subscribing so large a sum of money for
       the relief of those families who, in the fortunes of the war
       in South Africa, might lose their main support, and in sending
       one of their representative residents to represent them on the
       field of battle. All this and much more about the interest
       they took in the British Empire the Queen was aware of, and
       their petition for annexation had been laid at the foot of the
       Throne and duly considered. He urged them, however, to
       consider carefully their decision in this matter, and,
       further, that it should be arrived at of their own free and
       untrammelled will. He had heard from the British Resident that
       the high chiefs and all the people wanted annexation, but he
       wished to hear it from their own lips. It would then remain
       but for them to perform the act of cession to her Majesty, and
       for him formally to annex the group, hoisting the British
       flag, and proclaiming that from henceforth they were part of
       the British Empire whose prestige and honour they would from
       that moment share. The high chiefs unanimously agreed to
       annexation. … There are 2,300 Maoris on this island and 70
       Europeans. All are intensely loyal to Queen Victoria. The
       island was discovered in 1823 by Messrs. Williams and Bourne,
       two officers of the London Mission Society, which for many
       years has had its headquarters for the Eastern Pacific located
       here. The volcanic soil of the island is marvellously fertile,
       coffee, cocoa, cotton, oranges, limes, cocoanuts and many
       other tropic fruits and trees growing without almost any
       cultivation. A British protectorate was declared over the
       group by Captain Bourke, of H. M. S. Hyacinth, in 1888. Since
       1892 the interests of the protectorate have been guarded and
       directed by a British Resident, paid by the New Zealand
       Government, so that the islands will now probably be included
       within the boundaries of that colony. Nearly the whole of the
       trade is with New Zealand. There are six islands in the group
       annexed [700 miles southeast of Samoa] the total population of
       which is about 4,500." The "Times," commenting on the
       annexation, remarked: "The New Zealand Legislature has passed
       resolutions expressing its desire that the Suwaroff Island, to
       the north of the Cook group and about half-way to the Penrhyn
       group, should also be annexed to the colony. This island,
       although thinly inhabited, is said to possess one of the best
       ports in that part of the Pacific. The only quarter from which
       any protest against the acquisition of the Cook Islands has
       come so far seems to be New South Wales, which fears the
       influence of the introduction of the New Zealand tariff on its
       trade with that place."

       ----------NEW ZEALAND: End--------

    NIAGARA, Electric power at.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    NICARAGUA.
       Nicaragua Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA; also,
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC; and
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

    NICHOLAS II. OF RUSSIA:
       Coronation.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (MAY-JUNE).

    NICHOLSON'S NEK, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    NIFFER,
    NUFFAR, Explorations at.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    {333}

    NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.
       History of the formation of the Niger Coast Protectorate.
       Conventions of Great Britain with Germany and France.
       Settlement of the boundary of the French Sudan and
       Sahara Sphere.

       The following "Notes on the Niger Districts and Niger Coast
       Protectorates, 1882-1893," tracing the several steps by which
       the existing Protectorate was formed, appear in a paper
       "presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her
       Majesty, 1899 (C.—9372)":

       "In 1882 a Company, entitled the 'National African Company,
       Limited,' was formed to take over the business of the 'United
       Africa Company, Limited,' in Central Africa and in the Niger
       Regions. In October, 1884, the Company purchased the business
       and objects of the 'Compagnie Française de l'Afrique
       Equatoriale.' In the same year various treaties were concluded
       between Consul Hewett and native chiefs of the Niger Districts,
       by which these territories were placed under British
       protection. On the 26th February, 1885, the General Act of the
       Berlin Conference was signed, Chapter V. of which contained an
       'Act of Navigation for the Niger,' which applied, generally,
       to the Niger and its affluents the free navigation articles of
       the Final Act of the Congress of Vienna of 1815. In
       April-June, 1885, the British and German Governments entered
       into an Agreement, by an exchange of Notes, defining their
       respective spheres of action in the Gulf of Guinea. By this
       Agreement Germany engaged not to make acquisition, accept
       Protectorates, or interfere with the extension of British
       influence in that part of the Gulf of Guinea lying between the
       right river bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey entering the
       sea between 8° 42' and 8° 46' longitude east of Greenwich and
       the British colony of Lagos, nor in the interior, to west of a
       line following the right river bank of the Rio del Rey from
       the said mouth to its source, thence striking direct to the
       left river bank of the Old Calabar or Cross River, and
       terminating, after crossing that river, at the point about 9°
       8' of longitude east of Greenwich, marked 'Rapids' on the
       English Admiralty chart.

       "On the 5th June, 1885, a Notification was inserted in the
       'London Gazette' to the effect that a British Protectorate had
       been established over the Niger Districts; the territories
       comprised within the Protectorate were defined to be—the line
       of coast between the British Protectorate of Lagos, and the
       right or western bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey; and
       also the territories on both banks of the Niger, from its
       confluence with the River Benué at Lukoja to the sea, as well
       as the territories on both banks of the River Benué, from the
       confluence up to and including Ibi. On the 10th July, 1886, a
       Royal Charter was granted to the 'National African Company,
       Limited.' In July-August, 1886, a Supplementary Agreement was
       entered into between the British and German Governments
       defining their respective spheres of action in the Gulf of
       Guinea from the Rio del Rey to a point to the east and near to
       Yola. On the 18th October, 1887, another Notification was
       inserted in the 'London Gazette,' in which it was stated that
       the British Protectorate of the Niger Districts then comprised
       the following territories:—On the line of coast between the
       British Protectorate of Lagos and the right or western river
       bank of the mouth of the Rio del Rey, and all territories in
       the basin of the Niger and its affluents, which were or might
       be for the time being subject to the government of the
       'National African Company, Limited' (then called the 'Royal
       Niger Company'), in accordance with the provisions of the
       Charter of the said Company, dated 10th July, 1886.

       "On the 5th August, 1890, a Declaration was signed by the
       British and French Governments, which contained the following
       clause:—'The Government of Her Britannic Majesty recognises
       the sphere of influence of France to the south of her
       Mediterranean Possessions up to a line from Say on the Niger
       to Barrawa on Lake Tchad, drawn in such manner as to comprise
       in the sphere of action of the Niger Company all that fairly
       belongs to the kingdom of Sokoto; the line to be determined by
       Commissioners to be appointed.' On the 1st July, 1890, another
       Agreement was entered into between the British and German
       Governments defining their spheres of influence in the Gulf of
       Guinea and in other parts of Africa. On the 18th June, 1892,
       that portion of the Niger Protectorate which lies on, or to
       the north of, the 7 degree of north latitude was, by
       notification to the Signatory Powers of the Brussels Act,
       placed under the terms of Article 91 of that Act, within the
       zone of prohibition of alcoholic liquors. On the 14th April,
       1893, an agreement was signed between the British and German
       Governments, in which it was declared that the right bank of
       the Rio del Rey waterway should be the boundary between the
       Oil Rivers Protectorate and the Colony of the Cameroons.

       "On the 13th May, 1893, a Notification was inserted in the
       'London Gazette,' announcing that the portion of the British
       Protectorate of the Niger Districts which was under the
       administration of Her Majesty's Commissioner and Consul would,
       from the date of that Notification, be administered under the
       name of the 'Niger Coast Protectorate,' and would cease to be
       known as the 'Oil Rivers Protectorate.' And on the 15th
       November, 1893, a further Agreement was signed between the
       British and German Governments defining the boundary between
       their respective spheres of influence in the region extending
       from the Rio del Rey to 'a point to the east of, and close to
       Yola,' and on Lake Chad.

       "Between 1884 and 1893 numerous Treaties were concluded by the
       National Africa Company and by the Royal Niger Company with
       native Chiefs and others possessing territories in the basin
       of the Niger districts, by which they engaged to make no
       cession of territory or to enter into any Treaty negotiations
       with Foreign States without the previous consent of the
       British Government, and in return for which they were placed
       under British protection."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command, C.—9372).

    {334}

       In October, 1897, after a number of threatening collisions
       between English and French claims and undertakings had
       occurred in the Niger region, representatives of the two
       nations met in Paris to negotiate an agreement concerning
       boundaries. The result of their work was embodied in a
       convention signed June 14, 1898, but not ratified by both
       governments until June 13, 1899. By this agreement, the
       frontiers separating the British colony of the Gold Coast from
       the French colonies of the Ivory Coast and Sudan, and the British
       colony of Lagos from the French colony of Dahomey, were
       defined with precision, and the British and French possessions
       east of the Niger were then in the IVth article of the
       Convention, delimited as follows: Starting from a point on the
       left bank of the Niger which is fixed by the median line of
       the Dallul Mauri at its mouth, "the frontier shall follow this
       median line until it meets the circumference of a circle drawn
       from the centre of the town of Sokoto with a radius of 100
       miles (160,932 metres). From this point it shall follow the
       northern are of this circle as far as its second intersection
       with the 14th parallel of north latitude. From this second
       point of intersection it shall follow this parallel eastward
       for a distance of 70 miles (112,652 metres); then proceed due
       south until it reaches the parallel of 13° 20' north latitude,
       then eastward along this parallel for a distance of 250 miles
       (402,230 metres); then due north until it regains the 14th
       parallel of north latitude; then eastwards along this parallel
       as far as its intersection with the meridian passing 35° east
       of the centre of the town of Kuka, and thence this meridian
       southward until its intersection with the southern shore of
       Lake Chad. The Government of the French Republic recognizes,
       as falling within the British sphere, the territory to the
       east of the Niger, comprised within the above-mentioned line,
       the Anglo-German frontier, and the sea. The Government of Her
       Britannic Majesty recognizes, as falling within the French
       sphere, the northern, eastern, and southern shores of Lake
       Chad, which are comprised between the point of intersection of
       the 14th degree of north latitude, with the western shore of
       the lake and the point of incidence on the shore of the lake
       of the frontier determined by the Franco-German Convention of
       the 15th March, 1894."

       On the 21st of March, 1899, the following Declaration was
       added to the Convention, and ratified with it in the following
       June: "The IVth Article of the Convention of the 14th June,
       1898, shall be completed by the following provisions, which
       shall be considered as forming an integral part of it:

       "1. Her Britannic Majesty's Government engages not to acquire
       either territory or political influence to the west of the
       line of frontier defined in the following paragraph, and the
       Government of the French Republic engages not to acquire
       either territory or political influence to the east of the
       same line.

       "2. The line of frontier shall start from the point where the
       boundary between the Congo Free State and French territory
       meets the water-parting between the watershed of the Nile and
       that of the Congo and its affluents. It shall follow in
       principle that water-parting up to its intersection with the
       11th parallel of north latitude. From this point it shall be
       drawn as far as the 15th parallel in such manner as to
       separate, in principle, the Kingdom of Wadai from what
       constituted in 1882 the Province of Darfur; but it shall in no
       case be so drawn as to pass to the west beyond the 21st degree
       of longitude east of Greenwich (18° 40' east of Paris), or to
       the east beyond the 23rd degree of longitude east of Greenwich
       (20° 40' east of Paris).

       "3. It is understood, in principle, that to the north of the
       15th parallel the French zone shall be limited to the
       northeast and east by a line which shall start from the point
       of intersection of the Tropic of Cancer with the 16th degree
       of longitude east of Greenwich (13° 40' east of Paris), shall
       run thence to the southeast until it meets the 24th degree of
       longitude east of Greenwich (21° 40' east of Paris), and shall
       then follow the 24th degree until it meets, to the north of
       the 15th parallel of latitude, the frontier of Darfur as it
       shall eventually be fixed.

       "4. The two Governments engage to appoint Commissioners who
       shall be charged to delimit on the spot a frontier-line in
       accordance with the indications given in paragraph 2 of this
       Declaration. The result of their work shall be submitted for
       the approbation of their respective Governments.

       "It is agreed that the provisions of Article IX of the
       Convention of the 14th June, 1898, shall apply equally to the
       territories situated to the south of the 14° 20' parallel of
       north latitude, and to the north of the 5th parallel of north
       latitude, between the 14° 20' meridian of longitude east of
       Greenwich (12th degree east of Paris) and the course of the
       Upper Nile."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 15, 1899.

       Of the territorial partition in West Africa which this
       important treaty as first signed in 1898 determined, and of
       the magnitude of the empire which it conceded to France, a
       striking English view was given at the time in the following
       article:

       "Though we are perfectly satisfied with the agreement, and
       though we believe that the country as a whole will be
       perfectly satisfied, we do not disguise from ourselves the
       fact that under the Convention France receives the full
       title-deeds for the most magnificent piece of empire obtained
       this century by any European Power,—a dominion which, though
       'in partibus infidelium,' is yet within easy reach of both the
       western and the southern shores of France. We do not grudge
       France the great possession that was finally rounded off and
       consolidated on Tuesday; nay, rather we are glad to see it in
       her hands, for we want monopoly neither in trade nor in
       empire. We see, however, no good in pretending that she has
       not obtained the most magnificent opportunity for over-sea
       development which has fallen to any Power within recent times.
       The best way of understanding the Convention is to realise
       what it is that France now possesses in West Africa. Let our
       readers look at a map of Africa, and first fix their eyes on
       Algiers and Tunis, with their rich soil and splendid harbours
       and their remains of an ancient and splendid
       civilisation,—Phœnician, Greek, Roman, Christian, and Arab.
       Then let them allow their eyes to travel downwards to the
       right bank of the greatest river of Africa, the Congo. From
       Constantine, with its great memories and its scenery almost
       European in charm and splendour, to Brazzaville and Stanley
       Pool, with their tropical vegetation and savage life, there is
       a continuous and uninterrupted stretch of French territory. As
       they say in our country districts, the French President might now
       ride on his own land from Tunis to Loango. The French dominion
       of West Africa (as says an official 'communique' to the Paris
       Press with very natural exultation) now extends over a space
       as great as that from Paris to Moscow. From Algeria to the
       Congo, from Senegal to Lake Chad—i. e., almost to the centre
       of Africa—stretches this vast tract of French territory. 'At
       the present moment,' to quote the words of the 'communique,'
       'all our West African colonies—Algeria, Tunis, Senegal,
       Futa-Jallon, the Ivory Coast, the Soudan, and the Congo—are in
       communication by their respective Hinterlands.'

    {335}

       "But probably this will not convey much to the ordinary
       English reader. Perhaps we can best make him realise the
       immensity of the French West African Empire by pointing out
       that, with the exception of certain great German and English
       and other 'enclaves' the whole of the huge piece of Africa
       which bulges out on the map towards the west now belongs to
       France. She has all the connecting links, all that does not
       specifically belong to some one else, and she cuts off short
       the Hinterlands of all the Powers with possessions on the West
       African coast. Let us begin at the most western point of the
       coast-line of Tripoli in the Mediterranean, and travel round
       the coast, marking off all that is not French.

       "First, we come to Tunis,—that is in the possession of France
       just as Egypt is in our possession. Algiers comes next,—that
       is French. Then Morocco. Morocco is at present independent,
       but at the back of Morocco all the land, be it desert or
       cultivable, is French. Next comes a strip of Spanish coast,
       but it goes only a very little way inland, and all the back
       country is French. Next come the great French colonies of
       Senegambia and Futa-Jallon, with two little colonies embedded
       in them, one belonging to us—the Gambia—and the other
       belonging to Portugal. Next come our Sierra Leone and
       independent Liberia, but here again the Hinterlands are all
       French. Next comes the French Ivory Coast colony, then the
       British Gold Coast, then German Togoland, and then French
       Dahomey. Here again all the Hinterlands beyond, say, four
       hundred miles inland, belong, since the signing of the
       Convention, to France. After that comes our Colony of Lagos,
       then the German Cameroons, and finally the French Congo—the
       last French possession in West Africa. Here, too, the
       Hinterlands have been cut off by the French, and our Colonies
       have been made into 'enclaves' in the mighty French dominion.
       It is true that the Niger or Lagos 'enclave' is a very vast
       one, and stretches now up to Lake Chad, which becomes
       henceforth as international a sheet of water as the Lake of
       Constance. Still, it is an 'enclave,' for, as we read the
       Convention, he who embarks upon Lake Chad from the British
       shore and steers eastward will land on French territory. In
       other words, Nigeria cannot now cross Lake Chad and expand
       beyond it. We should be glad to hear that this is not the true
       reading of the Convention, but we fear it is. We have
       travelled, then, round the map of Africa, from Tunis to the
       Congo, and found that France is everywhere the chief owner,
       —that hers is the great estate, and that the other Powers only
       have odd bits of land here and there. We do not say this in
       any grumbling spirit, for our odd bit—Nigeria—is very possibly
       worth as much as the great estate if Algiers and Tunis are not
       counted. We merely wish to make the public understand clearly
       that West Africa as a political and geographical expression
       has finally passed to France, though we no doubt have carved
       one very valuable piece out of it."

          The Spectator (London)
          June 18, 1898.

       Nine months later, when the agreement embodied in the
       Declaration of March 21, 1899, had been added to the Original
       convention, the "Spectator" explained its effect as follows:

       "It will be remembered that last year we and the French agreed
       upon a delimitation of 'spheres' in West Africa which extended
       as far as Lake Chad. As to the country east of Lake Chad
       nothing was said. It was left as a kind of No-man's Land. What
       has now been done is to extend the area of the French 'sphere'
       eastward beyond Lake Chad till it reaches Darfur and the
       Bahr-el-Ghazel. Darfur and the region of the Bahr-el-Ghazel
       are declared to be in the English 'sphere.' All the rest of
       Northern Central Africa is to become French. France, that is,
       is to have the great Mahommedan State of Wadai as well as
       Baghirmi and Kanem. In the territory between Lake Chad and the
       Nile each Power, however, is to allow the other equality of
       treatment in matters of commerce. This will no doubt allow
       France to have commercial establishments on the Nile and its
       affluents, but it will also allow us to have similar
       privileges for trade on the eastern shore of Lake Chad. But as
       our system of giving equal trading rights to all foreigners
       would in any case have secured commercial rights to France, we
       are not in the least hampered by this provision, while the
       concession to us of equal rights on the eastern shore of Lake
       Chad will improve our position in the face of French Colonial
       Protection. …

       "The first thing that strikes one in considering the French
       possessions in Africa, after this latest addition, is their
       vastness. Practically, France will now have all North-Western,
       and all Northern, and all North Central Africa, except
       Morocco, our West African Colonies, Tripoli, Darfur, and the
       Valley of the Nile,—giving that phrase its widest
       interpretation, and regarding it as the whole of the country
       whence water flows into the Nile. … That, if she plays her
       cards properly, she ought to make a success of her African
       Empire we cannot doubt, for she starts with immense
       advantages. To begin with, she is nearer her African
       possessions than any other Power. You can go in a couple of
       days from Marseilles to Algiers and Tunis. Next, in Algiers
       and Tunis she has rich colonies with a temperate climate which
       may be made the basis for great developments in the way of
       railway extension. Lastly, her African possessions are
       conterminous, or, at any rate, connected with each other by
       land. She owns, that is, Northern Africa, and the rest of the
       Powers have only, as it were, enclaves—very large enclaves, no
       doubt, in many cases—in her territory. At present this
       advantage may not seem very great owing to the vast distances
       and the desert character of many of the French Hinterlands,
       but if and when France completes her Soudan railways, the
       strength of this continuity of territory will become apparent.
       But though France has many advantages, it would be foolish to
       deny that she has also many serious problems to solve. We
       shall perhaps be stating the most dangerous of them when we
       say that France now becomes the undisputed master of the great
       sect of El Senoussi. There are reported to be over twenty
       million followers of El Senoussi in North Africa, and, except
       in Tripoli, an these may now be said to be within the French
       'sphere of influence.' The Sultanate of Wadai—which, be it
       remembered, is a very formidable State, and one which has
       never yet come into contact with any European Power—is a
       Senoussi State. But the followers of the Senoussi, besides
       being numerous, are extremely fanatical. Though practising a
       much purer form of Mahommedanism than the Dervishes, they hate
       Europeans quite as ardently, and if once their religious zeal
       were to be thoroughly roused they would prove most formidable
       foes. We do not envy the French their task if they attempt to
       conquer Wadai."

          The Spectator, March 25, 1899.

    {336}

    NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:
       Massacre of British officials near Benin.
       Capture of Benin.

       An unarmed expedition from the Niger Coast Protectorate,
       going, in January, on a peaceful mission to the King of Benin,
       led by Acting Consul-General Phillips, was attacked on the way
       and the whole party massacred excepting two, who were wounded,
       but who hid themselves in the bush and contrived to make their
       way back. The Consul-General had been warned that the king
       would not allow the mission to enter Benin, but persisted in
       going on. A "punitive expedition" was sent against Benin the
       following month, and the town was reached and taken on the
       18th, but the king had escaped.

       "The city presented the most appalling sight, particularly
       around the King's quarters, from which four large main roads
       lead to the compounds of the bigger Chiefs, the city being
       very scattered. Sacrificial trees in the open spaces still
       held the corpses of the latest victims[of 'Ju Ju'
       sacrifice]—seven in all were counted—and on every path a
       freshly-sacrificed corpse was found lying, apparently placed
       there to prevent pursuit. One large open space, 200 to 300
       yards in length, was strewn with human bones and bodies in all
       stages of decomposition. Within the walls, the sight was, if
       possible, more terrible. Seven large sacrifice compounds were
       found inclosed by walls 14 to 16 feet high, each 2 to 3 acres
       in extent; against the end wall in each, under a roof, was
       raised a daïs with an earthen (clay) sacrificial altar about
       50 feet long close against the wall on which were placed the
       gods to whom sacrifice is made—mostly being carved ivory
       tusks, standing upright, mounted at base, in hideously
       constructed brass heads. In front of each ivory god was a
       small earthen mound on which the victim's forehead would
       apparently be placed. The altars were covered with streams of
       dried human blood and the stench was too frightful. It would
       seem that the populace sat around in these huge compounds
       while the Ju Ju priests performed the sacrifices for their
       edification. In the various sacrifice compounds were found
       open pits filled with human bodies giving forth most trying
       odours. The first night several cases of fainting and sickness
       occurred owing to the stench, which was equally bad
       everywhere. In one of the pits, partially under other bodies,
       was found a victim, still living, who, being rescued, turned
       out to be a servant of Mr. Gordon's, one of the members of Mr.
       Phillips' ill-fated expedition. At the doors and gates of
       houses and compounds were stinking goats and fowls, sacrificed
       apparently to prevent the white man entering therein. The
       foregoing is but a feeble attempt to describe the horrors of
       this most terrible city, which after five days' continuous
       fatigue, working with about 1,000 natives, still presents most
       appalling and frightful sights. In the outlying parts of the
       city the same sights are met and the annual expenditure of
       human life in sacrifice must have been enormous. Most of the
       wells were also found filled with human bodies."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: Africa, Number 6, 1897, page 28.

    NIGERIA: A. D. 1897:
       Subjugation of Fulah slave-raiders.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

    NIGERIA: A. D. 1899:
       Transfer to the British Crown.

       The Royal Niger Company transferred its territories to the
       crown in July, 1899, receiving the sum of £865,000. It was
       announced to Parliament that three governments would be
       formed, named North Nigeria, South Nigeria, and Lagos.

    NILE, Barrage and reservoir works on the.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

    NILE VALLEY: The question of possession.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    NINETEEN HUNDRED, The Universal Jubilee of.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1900.

       ----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: Start--------

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The date of the ending of the Century.

       Controversy as to whether the Nineteenth Century came to its
       end at the ending of the year 1899 or the year 1900 seems
       nearly incomprehensible to one who takes the trouble to begin
       a counting of years from the beginning of the Christian Era,
       and so reaches in his reckoning the fact that the first
       century did not end until the 100th year was ended. That seems
       to clear all confusion from the question, since the 200th,
       300th, 400th, and so on up to the 1900th, must be the closing
       years of the successive centuries, just as certainly as the
       100th is the last year of the first century. Arithmetically,
       there is no question left; but some minds refuse to recognize
       the century as a merely arithmetical fact. They see in it an
       entity of time with which the counting of years has little to
       do. Their somewhat mystical view is set forth in the
       following, which we quote from a communication that appeared
       in the "New York Times":

       "The centurial figures are the symbol, and the only symbol, of
       the centuries. Once every hundred years there is a change in
       the symbol, and this great secular event is of startling
       prominence. What more natural than to bring the century into
       harmony with its only visible mark? What more consonant with
       order than to make each group of a hundred years correspond
       with a single centennial emblem? Be it noticed that, apart
       from the centennial emblems, there is absolutely nothing to
       give the centuries any form. The initial figures 18 are time's
       standard which the earth carries while it makes 100 trips around
       the sun. Then a new standard, 19, is put up. Shall we wait now
       a whole year for 1901, at the behest of the abacists? No, we
       will not pass over the significant year 1900, which is stamped
       with the great secular change, but with cheers we will welcome
       it and the new century. The 1900 men, who compose the vast
       majority of the people, say to their opponents: 'We freely
       admit that the century you have in your mind, the artificial
       century, begins in 1901, but the natural century (which we
       prefer) begins in 1900.'"

    {337}

       A consistent application of this view to the defining and
       naming of the centuries would seem to require that the years
       which carry the initial figures 18 should make up the
       Eighteenth, not the Nineteenth Century, and that we should
       turn back our centurial nomenclature a whole round.

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The epoch of a transformation of the world.

       In the last years of the Eighteenth Century a new epoch in
       history was entered,—an epoch marked by many distinctions, but
       most strikingly by what may be called the transformation of
       the world. The earlier great ages had been ages of simple
       expansion,—of a widening theatre for the leading races,—of a
       widening knowledge of the earth and the heavens,—of a widening
       range for human thought; but those expansive movements in
       civilization led up, at last, to more wonderful processes of
       transformation, which were just in their beginning when the
       Nineteenth Century dawned. For all the generations of mankind
       that had lived before this century, the earth, as a dwelling
       place, remained nearly unchanged. They had cleared some
       forests from its face, and smoothed some paths; but, in every
       substantial feature, the France, for example, of Napoleon was
       the unaltered Gaul that Julius Cæsar knew. Everywhere the
       material conditions of life were essentially the same for the
       man of the Eighteenth Century that they had been for the man
       of the First. Then began the amazing work of the brain and
       hand of man, by which he has been refashioning and refitting
       the planet he inhabits, and making a new world for his
       dwelling. As a habitable earth, to-day, it bears no likeness
       to the earth on which the first day of this century dawned.
       Its distances mean nothing that they formerly did; its
       dividing seas and mountains have nothing of their old effect;
       its pestilences have lost half their terror; its very storms
       are sentinelled and rarely surprise us in our travels or our
       work. Netted with steam and electric railways, seamed with
       canals, wire-strung with telegraphic and telephonic lines, its
       ocean-voyages made holiday excursions, its every-day labors,
       of the forge, the plough, the sickle, the spindle, the loom,
       the needle, and even of the pen, done with magical deftness by
       machines, which its coal mines and its waterfalls lend forces
       to move, it is nothing less than a new world that men are
       making for themselves, out of that in which they lived at the
       beginning of the era of mechanism and electricity and steam.

       "Yet these are but outward features of the transformation that
       is being wrought in the world. Socially, politically, and
       morally, it has been undergoing a deeper change. A growth of
       fellow-feeling which began in the last century has been an
       increasing growth. It has not ended war, nor the passions that
       cause war, but it is rousing an opposition which gathers
       strength every year. It has made democratic institutions of
       government so common that the few arbitrary governments now
       remaining in civilized countries seem disgraceful to the
       people who endure them so long. It has broken old yokes of
       conquest, and revived the independence of long subjugated
       states. It has swept away unnatural boundary lines, which
       separated peoples of kindred language and race. It is pressing
       long-neglected questions of right and justice on the attention
       of an classes of men, everywhere, and requiring that answers
       shall be found.

       "And, still, even these are but minor effects of the
       prodigious change which the Nineteenth Century has brought
       into the experience of mankind." Beyond them all in importance
       are the new conceptions of the universe, and of the method of
       God's working in it, which can, with no exaggeration, be said
       to have imparted a wholly new spirit and quality to the human
       mind. By what it learned from Copernicus, it was given a new
       standpoint in thinking. By what it learned from Newton, it was
       given a new and larger grasp. By what it has learned from
       Darwin and Spencer it has been equipped with a new insight,
       and looks at even the mystery of life as a problem to be
       solved. "If we live in a world that is different from that
       which our ancestors knew, it is still more the fact that we
       think of a different universe, and feel differently in all our
       relations to it."

          J. N. Larned,
          History of England for the Use of Schools,
          page 561.

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       Comparison of the Century with all preceding ages,
       as regards man's power over Nature.

       "No one, so far as I am aware, has yet pointed out the
       altogether exceptional character of our advance in science and
       the arts, during the century which is now so near its close.
       In order to estimate its full importance and grandeur—more
       especially as regards man's increased power over nature, and
       the application of that power to the needs of his life to-day,
       with unlimited possibilities in the future—we must compare it,
       not with any preceding century, or even with the last
       millennium, but with the whole historical period,—perhaps even
       with the whole period that has elapsed since the stone age."

       Such a comparison is made in the following lists of "the great
       inventions and discoveries of the two eras":

       "Of the Nineteenth Century."
          1. Rail ways.
          2. Steam-ships.
          3. Electric Telegraphs.
          4. The Telephone.
          5. Lucifer Matches.
          6. Gas illumination.
          7. Electric lighting.
          8. Photography.
          9. The Phonograph.
          10. Röntgen Rays.
          11. Spectrum-analysis.
          12. Anæsthetics.
          13. Antiseptic Surgery.
          14. Conservation of energy.
          15. Molecular theory of Gases.
          16. Velocity of Light directly measured
              and Earth's Rotation experimentally shown.
          17. The uses of Dust.
          18. Chemistry, definite proportions.
          19. Meteors and the Meteoritic Theory.
          20. The Glacial Epoch.
          21. The Antiquity of Man.
          22. Organic Evolution established.
          23. Cell theory and Embryology.
          24. Germ theory of disease and
              the function of the Leucocytes.

       "Of all Preceding Ages."
          1. The Mariner's Compass.
          2. The Steam Engine.
          3. The Telescope.
          4. The Barometer and Thermometer.
          5. Printing.
          6. Arabic numerals.
          7. Alphabetical writing.
          8. Modern Chemistry founded.
          9. Electric science founded.
          10. Gravitation established.
          11. Kepler's Laws.
          12. The Differential Calculus.
          13. The circulation of the blood.
          14. Light proved to have finite velocity.
          15. The development of Geometry.

    {338}

       "Of course these numbers are not absolute. Either series may
       be increased or diminished by taking account of other
       discoveries as of equal importance, or by striking out some
       which may be considered as below the grade of an important or
       epoch-making step in science or civilization. But the
       difference between the two lists is so large, that probably no
       competent judge would bring them to an equality. Again, it is
       noteworthy that nothing like a regular gradation is
       perceptible during the last three or four centuries. The
       eighteenth century, instead of showing some approximation to
       the wealth of discovery in our own age, is less remarkable
       than the seventeenth, having only about half the number of
       really great advances."

          A. R. Wallace,
          The Wonderful Century,
          chapter 15
          (copyright, Dodd, Mead & Company, New York,
          quoted with permission).

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       Difference of the Century from preceding ages.

       "In the last 100 years the world has seen great wars, great
       national and social upheavals, great religious movements,
       great economic changes. Literature and art have had their
       triumphs and have permanently enriched the intellectual
       inheritance of our race. Yet, large as is the space which
       subjects like these legitimately fill in our thoughts, much as
       they will occupy the future historian, it is not among these
       that I seek for the most important and the most fundamental
       differences which separate the present from preceding ages.
       Rather is this to be found in the cumulative products of
       scientific research, to which no other period offers a
       precedent or a parallel. No single discovery, it may be, can
       be compared in its results to that of Copernicus; no single
       discoverer can be compared in genius to Newton; but, in their
       total effects, the advances made by the 19th century are not
       to be matched. Not only is the surprising increase of
       knowledge new, but the use to which it has been put is new
       also. The growth of industrial invention is not a fact we are
       permitted to forget. We do, however, sometimes forget how much
       of it is due to a close connection between theoretic knowledge
       and its utilitarian application which, in its degree, is
       altogether unexampled in the history of mankind. I suppose
       that, at this moment, if we were allowed a vision of the
       embryonic forces which are predestined most potently to affect
       the future of mankind, we should have to look for them not in
       the Legislature, nor in the Press, nor on the platform, nor in
       the schemes of practical statesmen, nor the dreams of
       political theorists, but in the laboratories of scientific
       students whose names are but little in the mouths of men, who
       cannot themselves forecast the results of their own labors,
       and whose theories could scarcely be understood by those whom
       they will chiefly benefit. …

       "Marvellous as is the variety and ingenuity of modern
       industrial methods, they almost all depend in the last resort
       upon our supply of useful power; and our supply of useful
       power is principally provided for us by methods which, so far
       as I can see, have altered not at all in principle, and
       strangely little in detail, since the days of Watt. Coal, as
       we all know, is the chief reservoir of energy from which the
       world at present draws, and from which we in this country must
       always draw; but our main contrivance for utilizing it is the
       steam engine, and, by its essential nature, the steam engine
       is extravagantly wasteful. So that, when we are told, as if it
       was something to be proud of, that this is the age of steam,
       we may admit the fact, but can hardly share the satisfaction.
       … We have, in truth, been little better than brilliant
       spendthrifts. Every new invention seems to throw a new strain
       upon the vast but not illimitable, resources of nature. Lord
       Kelvin is disquieted about our supply of oxygen; Sir William
       Crookes about our supply of nitrates. The problem of our coal
       supply is always with us. Sooner or later the stored-up
       resources of the world will be exhausted. Humanity, having
       used or squandered its capital, will thenceforth have to
       depend upon such current income as can be derived from that
       diurnal heat of the sun and the rotation of the earth till, in
       the sequence of the ages, these also begin to fail. …

       "After all, however, it is not necessarily the material and
       obvious results of scientific discoveries which are of the
       deepest interest. They have affected changes more subtle and
       perhaps less obvious which are at least as worthy of our
       consideration and are at least as unique in the history of the
       civilized world. No century has seen so great a change in our
       intellectual apprehension of the world in which we live. Our
       whole point of view has changed. The mental framework in which
       we arrange the separate facts in the world of men and things
       is quite a new framework. The spectacle of the universe
       presents itself now in a wholly changed perspective. We not
       only see more, but we see differently. The discoveries in
       physics and in chemistry, which have borne their share in thus
       re-creating for us the evolution of the past, are in process of
       giving us quite new ideas as to the inner nature of that
       material whole of which the world's traversing space is but an
       insignificant part. Differences of quality once thought ultimate
       are constantly being resolved into differences of motion or
       configuration. What were once regarded as things are now known
       to be movement. … Plausible attempts have been made to reduce
       the physical universe, with its infinite variety, its glory of
       color and of form, its significance and its sublimity, to one
       homogeneous medium in which there are no distinctions to be
       discovered but distinction of movement or of stress. And
       although no such hypothesis can, I suppose, be yet accepted,
       the gropings of physicists after this, or some other not less
       audacious unification, must finally, I think, be crowned with
       success. The change of view which I have endeavored to
       indicate is purely scientific, but its consequences cannot be
       confined to science. How will they manifest themselves in
       other regions of human activity, in literature, in art, in
       religion?"

          A. J. Balfour,
          The Nineteenth Century
          (Address before the University Extension Students
          at Cambridge, August 2, 1900).

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The intellectual and social trend of the Century.

       "The two influences which have made the nineteenth century
       what it is seem to me to be the scientific spirit and the
       democratic spirit. Thus, the nineteenth century, singularly
       enough, is the great interpretative century both of nature and
       of the past, and at the same time the century of incessant and
       uprooting change in all that relates to the current life of
       men. It is also the century of national systems of popular
       education, and at the same time of nation-great armies; the
       century that has done more than any other to scatter men over
       the face of the earth, and to concentrate them in cities; the
       century of a universal suffrage that is based upon a belief in
       the inherent value of the individual; and the century of the
       corporation and the labor union, which in the domain of
       capital and of labor threaten to obliterate the individual. …

    {339}

       "The mind has been active in all fields during this fruitful
       century; but, outside of politics, it is to science that we
       must look for the thoughts that have shaped all other
       thinking. When von Helmholtz was in this country, a few years
       ago, he said that modern science was born when men ceased to
       summon nature to the support of theories already formed, and
       instead began to question nature for her facts, in order that
       they might thus discover the laws which these facts reveal. I
       do not know that it would be easy to sum up the scientific
       method, as the phrase runs, in simpler words. It would not be
       correct to say that this process was unknown before the
       present century; for there have been individual observers and
       students of nature in all ages. … But it is true that only in
       this century has this attitude toward nature become the
       uniform attitude of men of science. …

       "One of the chief results of the scientific method as applied
       to nature and the study of the past is the change that it has
       wrought in the philosophic conception of nature and of human
       society. By the middle of the century, Darwin had given what
       has been held to be substantial proof of the theory of the
       development of higher forms out of lower in all living things;
       and since then, the doctrine of evolution, not as a body of
       exact teaching, but as a working theory, has obtained a
       mastery over the minds of men which has dominated all their
       studies and all their thinking. …

       "Every public educational system of our day, broadly speaking,
       is the child of the nineteenth century. The educational system
       of Germany, which in its results has been of hardly less value
       to mankind than to Germany itself, dates from the reconstitution
       of the German universities after the battle of Jena. Whatever
       system France may have had before the Revolution went down in
       the cataclysm that destroyed the ancient regime, so that the
       educational system of France also dates from the Napoleonic
       period. In the United States, while the seeds of the public
       school system may have been planted in the eighteenth, or
       perhaps even in the seventeenth century, it has only been in
       the nineteenth century, with the development of the country,
       that our public school system has grown into what we now see;
       while in England, the system of national education, in a
       democratic sense, must be dated from 1870. … Out of the growth
       of the democratic principle has come the belief that it is
       worth while to educate all the children of the state: and out
       of the scientific method, which has led to the general
       acceptance of the evolutionary theory, has been developed the
       advance in educational method which is so marked a feature of
       the last decades of the century. …

       "Not only has the scientific method furnished a philosophy of
       nature and of human life, but, by the great increase in man's
       knowledge of natural law to which it has led, it has resulted
       in endless inventions, and these, in turn, have changed the
       face of the world. … The rapid progress of invention during
       the century has been coincident with one far-reaching change
       in the habits of society, the importance of which is seldom
       recognized. I refer to deposit banking. Of all the agencies
       that have effected the world in the nineteenth century, I am
       sometimes inclined to think that this is one of the most
       influential. If deposit banking may not be said to be the
       result of democracy, it certainly may be said that it is in
       those countries in which democracy is most dominant that
       deposit banking thrives best. … Some one has said that it
       would have been of no use to invent the railroad, the
       submarine cable, or the telephone at an earlier period of the
       world's history, for there would have been no money at command
       to make anyone of them available before this modern banking
       system had made its appearance. If this be so, then indeed the
       part that has been played by deposit banking in the
       developments of the century cannot be overestimated.

       "During the century the conditions of the world's commerce
       have been radically altered. It is not simply that the
       steamboat and the locomotive have taken the place of the
       sailing-ship and the horse; that the submarine cable has
       supplanted the mails; nor even that these agencies have led to
       such improvements in banking facilities that foreign commerce
       is done, for the most part, for hardly more than a brokerage
       upon the transaction. These are merely accidents of the
       situation. The fundamental factors have been the opening up of
       virgin soil in vast areas to the cultivation of man, and the
       discovery of how to create artificial cold, which makes it
       possible to transport for long distances produce that only a
       few years ago was distinctly classed as perishable. The net
       result of these influences has been to produce a world
       competition at every point of the globe. …

       "Democracy, as a political theory, emphasizes the equality of
       men and the equal rights and privileges of all men before the
       law. The tendency of it has been, in this country, to develop
       in multitudes of men great individuality and self-reliance.
       Side by side with this tendency, however, we see the
       corporation supplanting the individual capitalist, and the
       trade union obliterating the individual laborer, as direct
       agents in the work of the world. Strange as this contrast is,
       both tendencies must be consistent with democracy, for the
       corporation and the trade union flourish most where democracy
       is most developed. Indeed, they seem to be successful and
       powerful just because democracy pours into them both its vital
       strength. …

       "The tendency to democracy in politics is unquestionably the
       dominant political fact of the century. … Outside of Russia,
       and possibly even there, monarchical government in Europe is
       obliged to depend for its support upon the great body of the
       nation, instead of upon the power of the great and the noble.
       … In the United States, the century, though it began with a
       limited suffrage, ends with universal manhood suffrage, and
       even with woman suffrage in some of the Western States. …
       Undoubtedly, universal suffrage and the large immigration of
       people without any experience in self-government have given
       form to many of our problems; but I often think there is far
       too great a disposition among us to magnify the difficulties
       which these conditions present. …
    {340}
       The fact is, in my judgment, that our problems arise not so
       much from universal suffrage as from the effect of the
       multiplication table applied to all the problems of life. …
       Anyone building a house in the country, when he has dug a well
       has solved the problem of his water supply; but to supply
       water for a great city calls for the outlay of millions of
       dollars, and for the employment of the best engineering talent
       in the land. Yet nothing has happened except that the problem
       has been magnified. Thus the difficulties created by the
       multiplication table are real; so that the very enlargement of
       opportunity that democracy has brought with it has faced
       democracy with problems far harder than were formerly
       presented to any government. …

       "To sum up, therefore, I should say that the trend of the
       century has been to a great increase in knowledge, which has
       been found to be, as of old, the knowledge of good and evil;
       that this knowledge has become more and more the property of
       all men rather than of a few; that, as a result, the very
       increase of opportunity has led to the magnifying of the
       problems with which humanity is obliged to deal; and that we
       find ourselves, at the end of the century, face to face with
       problems of world-wide importance and utmost difficulty, and
       with no new means of coping with them other than the patient
       education of the masses of men."

          Seth Low,
          The Trend of the Century
          (Atlantic Monthly, August, 1898).

    NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       Dominant lines in the intellectual development of the Century.

       "The future historian of thought will no doubt regard the
       promulgation and the rapid triumph of evolutionist doctrines
       as the most remarkable phenomenon in the intellectual
       development of the nineteenth century."

          Leslie Stephen,
          Evolution and Religious Conceptions
          (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
          in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

       "In the briefest sketch of what the nineteenth century has
       done in literature, it is absolutely imperative to mention the
       publication of 'The Origin of Species' [Darwin, 1859] and
       'Principles of Psychology' [Spencer, 1855], because, although
       neither work is written with an attractive elegance, each is
       the starting point of an intellectual and moral revolution so
       vast that every branch of life is affected by it, and
       literature itself—in its lightest forms—can no longer ignore
       the germinal forces with which evolution has quickened all our
       emotions."

          Edmund Gosse,
          A Century of English Literature
          (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
          in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

       "To an earlier age knowledge was power, merely that and
       nothing more; to us it is life and the 'summum bonum.'
       Emancipation from the bonds of self, of one's own
       prepossessions, importunately sought at the hands of that
       rational power before which all must ultimately bow—this is
       the characteristic that distinguishes all the great figures of
       nineteenth century science from those of former periods."

          Professor Charles S. Peirce,
          The Century's Great Men in Science
          (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
          in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

       "The mark of the century has been a continuous attempt at a
       comprehensive understanding of nature, after the manner of
       Newton, but not limited or governed solely by his dynamical
       ideas. … The Newtonian laws of dynamics as applied to matter
       still hold, and will always hold, but they may no longer be
       fundamental or ultimate, they may be derivatives from a still
       deeper scheme; and it is towards this deeper scheme that
       physicists at present are groping. The realization of a need
       for some such scheme constitutes the chief philosophic feature
       of the latter part of the century."

          Oliver J. Lodge.
          The Scope and Tendencies of Physics
          (Review of the Nineteenth Century,
          in New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The failures of the Century.
       Its sinful mismanagement of the powers which Science has
       given it.

       "The Nineteenth Century … has been characterised by a
       marvellous and altogether unprecedented progress in knowledge
       of the universe and of its complex forces; and also in the
       application of that knowledge to an infinite variety of
       purposes, calculated, if properly utilized, to supply all the
       wants of every human being, and to add greatly to the
       comforts, the enjoyments, and the refinements of life. The
       bounds of human knowledge have been so far extended that new
       vistas have opened to us in directions where it had been
       thought that we could never penetrate, and the more we learn
       the more we seem capable of learning in the ever-widening
       expanse of the universe. …

       "But the more we realize the vast possibilities of human
       welfare which science has given us, the more we must recognise
       our total failure to make any adequate rational use of them.
       With ample power to supply to the fullest extent necessaries,
       comforts, and even luxuries for all, and at the same time
       allow ample leisure for intellectual pleasures and æsthetic
       enjoyments, we have yet so sinfully mismanaged our social
       economy as to give unprecedented and injurious luxury to the
       few, while millions are compelled to suffer a lifelong
       deficiency of the barest necessaries for a healthy existence.
       Instead of devoting the highest powers of our greatest men to
       remedy these evils, we see the governments of the most
       advanced nations arming their people to the teeth, and
       expending much of their wealth and all the resources of their
       science, in preparation for the destruction of life, of
       property, and of happiness.

       "With ample knowledge of the sources of health, we allow, and
       even compel, the bulk of our population to live and work under
       conditions which greatly shorten life; while every year we see
       from 50,000 to 100,000 infants done to death by our criminal
       neglect. In our mad race for wealth, we have made gold more
       sacred than human life; we have made life so hard for the
       many, that suicide and insanity and crime are alike
       increasing. With all our labour-saving machinery and all our
       command over the forces of nature, the struggle for existence
       has become more fierce than ever before; and year by year an
       ever-increasing proportion of our people sink into paupers'
       graves.

       "Even more degrading, and more terrible in its consequences,
       is the unblushing selfishness of the greatest civilized
       nations. While boasting of their military power, and loudly
       proclaiming their Christianity, not one of them has raised a
       finger to save a Christian people, the remnant of an ancient
       civilization, from the most barbarous persecution, torture,
       and wholesale massacre. A hundred thousand Armenians murdered
       or starved to death while the representatives of the great
       powers coldly looked on—and prided themselves on their
       unanimity in all making the same useless protests—will surely
       be referred to by the historian of the future, as the most
       detestable combination of hypocrisy and inhumanity that the
       world has yet produced, and as the crowning proof of the utter
       rottenness of the boasted civilization of the Nineteenth
       Century.
    {341}
       When the brightness of future ages shall have dimmed the
       glamour of our material progress, the judgment of history will
       surely be, that the ethical standard of our rulers was a
       deplorably low one, and that we were unworthy to possess the
       great and beneficent powers that science had placed in our
       hands.

       "But although this century has given us so many examples of
       failure, it has also given us hope for the future. True
       humanity, the determination that the crying social evils of
       our time shall not continue; the certainty that they can be
       abolished; an unwavering faith in human nature, have never
       been so strong, so vigorous, so rapidly growing as they are
       to-day."

          A. R. Wallace,
          The Wonderful Century,
          chapter 21
          (copyright, Dodd, Mead &; Company, New York,
          quoted with permission).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       Expansion of the European races during the Century.
       Changes in the distribution of political power.
       Dominance of the Anglo-American peoples.
       Rise of the United States of America to the highest rank.

       At a dinner given by the Manchester Statistical Society,
       October 17, 1900, Sir Robert Giffen, the eminent statistician,
       made a notable speech on the political ideas which the
       statistics of the Nineteenth Century suggest. "The first of
       these was the prodigious rate at which the civilized world—
       the community of European nations and nations of European
       origin—was growing. The population of Europe and of nations of
       European origin like the United States might now be put at
       something over 500,000,000. The United States themselves might
       be put at nearly 80 millions; Russia in its recent census
       showed a population which must already have grown to about 135
       millions; Germany about 55 millions; the United Kingdom, with the
       self-governing colonies of Canada and Australasia and the
       white population of South Africa, 55 millions;
       Austria-Hungary, 45 millions; France, 40 millions; Italy, 32
       millions; Spain and Portugal, 25 millions; Scandinavian
       countries, ten millions; Holland and Belgium, ten millions;
       and other European countries, 20 millions. A century ago the
       corresponding figure to this 500,000,000 would not have been
       more than about 170,000,000. The economic development of the
       people had been even more marvellous. The wealth of the people
       all told, which would probably not have been reckoned at more
       than £5,000,000,000 at the beginning of the century, must be
       reckoned now by tens of thousands of millions.

       "Again the development was for the most part not uniform among
       the European populations. It was most marked in the
       Anglo-American section. The increase here was from a
       population of not more than about 20 millions, which was the
       population of the United States and the United Kingdom
       together 100 years ago, to a population of not less than 130
       millions at the present time. Russia and Germany also showed
       remarkable increases, but nothing like this. This astonishing
       growth of population meant a great change in the relative
       position of the European nations in the world—their relative
       weight in international politics. Practically the non-European
       races of the world had all the time been stationary, except in
       India, where the 'pax Britannica' had permitted the native
       population to expand. The result was that the forces of
       civilization, as against those of the black and yellow races,
       had become practically irresistible. The numbers were
       relatively far greater than ever they were before, and the
       economic force was indefinitely greater. A great change in the
       distribution of political power among European nations
       themselves was also indicated. The existence alone of the
       United States implied an immense change. If we considered that
       an empire like that of Britain had its strength rather
       diminished than increased by the possession of territories
       like India, then the United States having a larger European
       population than that of the British Empire might be considered
       the most powerful State in the world as far as population and
       resources were concerned. No doubt Russia had a much larger
       population, but the inferiority of the units was so great that
       the preeminence of the United States was not in question.
       Germany, Russia, and the United Kingdom had all grown, while
       France and Austria had by comparison remained stationary, so
       that now the great world Powers were four only—the United
       States, Britain, Russia, and Germany, with France a doubtful
       fifth. The extent of the revolution that had taken place in a
       century was evident, and obviously accounted for much that was
       going on in international politics.

       "If the forces now in existence continue to operate as they
       had done in the past century for only a few more generations,
       the close of the coming century must witness a further
       transformation, whose beginnings would be apparent in the
       lifetime of some amongst us. It was a reasonable probability
       that unless some great internal change should take place in
       the ideas and conduct of the European races themselves, the
       population of 500 millions would in another century become one
       of 1,500 to 2,000 millions. The black and yellow races still
       remaining, as far as one could see, comparatively stationary,
       this would make a greatly changed world. The yellow peril, for
       instance, of which we heard so much, would have vanished,
       because the yellow races themselves would be so much
       outnumbered. What would be the 400 millions of China compared
       with 1,500 to 2,000 millions of European race? Further
       progress must also be made in the redistribution of power
       among European nations. International politics would be more
       and more limited to the affairs of what were already the four
       great Powers—the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany,
       and Russia. The most serious problem would of course be
       whether the dilemma stated by Malthus and hitherto put aside
       by the occupation of new lands, would at length become an
       urgently practical question. It was impossible not to wonder
       which of the two forces—the growth of population and the
       increase of the needs of the growing population on the one
       side, and the growth of invention and mechanical power in
       supplying human wants on the other side—would gain as time
       went on. Referring to the desire to secure new markets abroad,
       Sir Robert Giffen said that the figures with which he had been
       dealing pointed to quite another source of new markets. Surely
       there could be no lack of new customers if the 500 millions of
       the advanced races themselves were to be doubled in from 30 to
       50 years and trebled or quadrupled in a century."

          London Times, October 18, 1900.

    {342}

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The lengthened average of human life.

       "What has been the chief characteristic of the nineteenth
       century? No two critics agree, nor can they, because each
       prefers a different quality. One singles out science, another,
       invention, as the dominant trait. A third, who looks mainly at
       the political aspect of life, says democracy. Others, again,
       say pessimism, philanthropy, doubt, or toleration. So many
       features, so much diversity, argue at least for
       many-sidedness.

       "There is one characteristic, however, which distinguishes the
       nineteenth century from all previous centuries—a
       characteristic which has become too common to attract the
       attention it deserves, although it really measures all the
       rest: this is longevity. During the past one hundred years the
       length of life of the average man in the United States and in
       the more civilized parts of Europe has increased from a little
       over 30 to about 40 years. A multitude of causes, mostly
       physical, have contributed to this result. Foremost among
       these should be placed
       (1) whatever may be included under the general term sanitation;
       (2) improved methods in medicine; and
       (3) the more regular habits of living which are the direct
       outcome of industrial life on a large scale.

       "These are some of the evident means by which life has been
       lengthened. Inventions, which have made production cheap and
       the transportation of all products both cheap and easy, have
       had an influence too great to be computed. And no doubt much
       has been due to a general improvement in methods of
       government; although, in the main, there has been much less
       progress in practical government than is commonly supposed. No
       great railroad company or banking house or manufacturing
       corporation could prosper if its officers and employees were
       chosen and kept in office according to the system by which
       political offices, almost everywhere, are filled. 'None hut
       experts wanted,' is the sign written over the entrance to
       every profession, trade, and occupation—except government.

       "But, whatever governments have done or left undone, the fact
       to be insisted on here is, that the average man to-day lives
       almost ten years longer than his grandfather lived."

          W. R. Thayer,
          Longevity and Degeneration
          (Forum, February, 1900).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The Musical Century.

       "Music is the only one of the fine arts of which it can be
       said that it reached its highest development in the nineteenth
       century. It is the modern art par excellence; and while
       everybody has been told that it is the youngest of the arts,
       few realize how much is implied in that assertion."

          Henry T. Finck,
          The Musical Century
          (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The Woman's Century.

       "Victor Hugo predicted that the nineteenth century would be
       known as Woman's Century. The comparison of the woman of 1800
       and the woman of 1900 offers abundant proof of the correctness
       of the prophecy."

          Mrs. Carrie C. Catt,
          Women in the Industries and Professions
          (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

       "In 1900 a third of all the college students in the United
       States are women. Sixty per cent. of the pupils in the
       secondary schools, both public and private, are girls—i. e.,
       more girls are preparing for college than boys. Women having
       in general more leisure than men, there is reason to expect
       that there will soon be more women than men in our colleges
       and graduate schools. The time, too, has passed when girls
       went to college to prepare themselves solely for teaching or
       for other bread-winning occupations. In considerable numbers
       they now seek intellectual resources and the enrichment of
       their private lives. Thus far between 50 and 60 per cent. of
       women college graduates have at some time taught. In the
       country at large more than 70 per cent. of the teaching is
       done by women, in the North Atlantic portion over 80 per cent.
       Even in the secondary schools, public and private, more women
       than men are teaching, though in all other countries the
       advanced instruction of boys is exclusively in the hands of
       men. Never before has a nation intrusted all the school
       training of the vast majority of its future population, men as
       well as women, to women alone."

          Mrs. Alice F. Palmer,
          The Higher Education of Women
          (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       The Age of Steel succeeding the Age of Iron.

       "The age of iron, which passed away during the last century,
       was succeeded by the age of Bessemer steel, which enjoyed a
       reign of only thirty-six years, beginning, as it did, in 1864,
       and is in turn now passing away to be succeeded by the age of
       Siemens open-hearth steel. Already the product of open-hearth
       is far beyond that of Bessemer in Britain, and such the writer
       ventures to predict will soon be the case in the United
       States."

          Andrew Carnegie,
          The Development of Steel Manufacture
          (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       As the "Age of Steam."

          See (in volume 4)
          STEAM ENGINE, STEAM LOCOMOTION, etc.; and
          (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICAL.

    THE NINETEENTH CENTURY:
       As the "Electric Age."

          See (in volume 2)
          ELECTRICAL, DISCOVERY; and
          (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

       ----------THE NINETEENTH CENTURY: End--------

    NIPPUR, Explorations of the ruins of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    NIUCHWANG:
       "Niuchwang, while a comparatively small city of but 60,000
       population, is of especial importance to the United States as
       a treaty port. It is located at the extreme north of the Gulf
       of Pechili, considerably farther north than Tientsin, and is
       of especial importance to the United States because of the
       demand for goods from this country in that section. … The
       proposed Russian railway line, which is projected through
       Manchuria and the province of Shingking to the port of Port
       Arthur, passes near Niuchwang and is to be connected by a
       short line. Another line, to be built by British capital, will
       connect Niuchwang with Shanhaikwan, which is already in railway
       connection with Peking, the capital of the Empire."

          United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
          March, 1899, page 2196.

    NIUCHWANG:
       Russian occupation.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900.

    NORFOLK ISLAND:
       Change of government.

          (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1896.

    {343}

    NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1897-1899.
       Local Dispensary Laws.

       An Act applying the South Carolina "dispensary" system of
       regulation for the liquor traffic (see, in this volume, SOUTH
       CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899) to Fayetteville was passed by the
       Legislature in 1897, and several smaller towns secured local
       legislation to the same effect in 1899; but attempts to carry
       a general dispensary law for the State were defeated.

    NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.
       Race war in Wilmington.

       Wilmington, North Carolina, was the scene, in November, of
       what can only be called a fierce revolution, whereby the city
       government, dominated by the colored population, which
       outnumbered the white, was violently overturned by the latter.
       The race conflict was precipitated by an article in a Republican
       newspaper, edited by a negro, which reflected on the honor of
       some of the white women, and caused wild excitement among the
       white men. The offending newspaper office was destroyed and
       its editor fled. Resistance being offered, furious fighting
       occurred, in which a considerable number of negroes was
       killed, many were wounded, and hundreds were driven by terror
       from the town. White Republican officials were also expelled
       or took to flight, and their opponents secured control of city
       affairs.

    NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1900.
       Constitutional amendment for the qualification of the suffrage.

       By a constitutional amendment, adopted in August, 1900, the
       following qualification of the suffrage was established:

       "SECTION 4.
       Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able
       to read and write any section of the constitution in the
       English language: and, before he shall be entitled to vote, he
       shall have paid, on or before the 1st day of May of the year
       in which he proposes to vote, his poll tax for the previous
       year as prescribed by Article V, section 1, of the
       constitution. But no male person who was, on January 1, 1867,
       or at any time prior thereto, entitled to vote under the laws
       of any State in the United States wherein he then resided, and
       no lineal descendant of any such person, shall be denied the
       right to register and vote at any election in this State by
       reason of his failure to possess the educational qualification
       herein prescribed, provided he shall have registered in
       accordance with the terms of this section prior to December,
       1908. The general assembly shall provide for the registration
       of all persons entitled to vote without the educational
       qualifications herein prescribed, and shall, on or before
       November 1, 1908, provide for the making of a permanent record
       of such registration, and all persons so registered shall
       forever thereafter have the right to vote in all elections by
       the people in this State, unless disqualified under section 2
       of this article: Provided, Such person shall have paid his
       poll tax as above required."

    NORTHWEST TERRITORIES, Canadian:
       Self-government granted.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER).

    NORWAY.

          See (in this volume)
          SWEDEN AND NORWAY.

    NOVA SCOTIA.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    NOVA ZEMBLA, Recent exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1900.

    NUFFAR,
    NIFFER, Explorations at.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    NUPÉ, British subjugation of.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

    NUREMBERG: A. D. 1900.
       Remarkable growth in five years.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    NYASSALAND.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

    O.

    OIL RIVERS PROTECTORATE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    OLD-AGE INSURANCE: In Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

    OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
       In New South Wales.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1900.

    OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
       In New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1899;
          and AUSTRALIA: RECENT EXTENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY.

    OLD-AGE PENSIONS:
       The question in England.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896; and 1899-1900.

    OLNEY, Richard:
       Correspondence with Lord Salisbury on the Venezuela boundary
       question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

    OLYMPIC GAMES, Revival of.

          See (in this volume)
          ATHENS: A. D. 1896.

    OMAHA: A. D. 1898.
       The Trans-Mississippi Exposition.

       A highly successful Trans-Mississippi Exposition was opened on
       the 1st of June and closed on the last day of October, having
       been attended by 2,600,000 people. Buildings and grounds were
       prepared with beautiful effect, at a cost of $2,500,000.

    OMDURMAN:
       Capital of the Khalifa.
       Capture by the Anglo-Egyptian Army.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

    ONTARIO.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    "OPEN DOOR,"
       The commercial policy of the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    OPIUM COMMISSION, Report of the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL).

    ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1895.
       Proposed federal union with the Transvaal.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ORANGE FREE STATE).

    ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1897.
       Treaty with the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE AND TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1897 (APRIL).

    ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Making common cause with the South African Republic.
       War with Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE):
          A. D. 1899 (SEPTEMBER-OCTOBER), and after.

    ORANGE FREE STATE: A. D. 1900 (May.)
       Proclamation of annexation to the British dominions.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (ORANGE FREE STATE): A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    {344}

    OSMAN DIGNA.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

    OTIS, General:
       Reports as Military Governor of the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    OTTAWA: A. D. 1900.
       Great fire.

       The city of Ottawa, capital of the Dominion of Canada, and the
       lumber manufacturing town of Hull, on the opposite side of the
       Ottawa River, were both devastated, on the 26th of April, by
       one of the most destructive fires of the century. It
       originated in the upsetting of a lamp in a dwelling in Hull.
       This was at half-past ten o'clock in the morning. A big gale
       blowing from the northeast made quick work of the inflammable
       houses in Hull, and by twelve o'clock the flames had
       reached the river-bank and leaped across to the Ottawa side.
       The fire then retraced its steps in Hull, and destroyed a
       group of factories. It "blazed a crescent-shaped path five
       miles long and a mile wide, destroying in its journey the
       public buildings and the residential part of Hull, the
       industrial area of the Chaudiere, and the suburbs of the
       Ottawa laboring classes at Mechanicsburg, Rochesterville, and
       Hintonburg. Fully 15,000 people were rendered homeless, and
       $15,000,000 worth of property was annihilated."

          Canadian Magazine, July, 1900.

    OTTOMAN BANK:
       Attack of Armenian revolutionists at Constantinople.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (AUGUST).

    P.

    PAARDEBERG, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    PACT OF HALEPA, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896.

    PAGO PAGO: Acquisition by the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    PALESTINE: A. D. 1897-1901.
       The Zionist movement for Jewish colonization.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

    PALESTINE: A. D. 1898.
       Visit of the German Emperor.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    PALESTINE: A. D. 1901.
       Turkish restriction on Jewish visits.

             See (in this volume)
             JEWS: A. D. 1901.

    PALMER, General John M.:
       Candidacy for the American Presidency in 1896.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    PAMIR REGION, The:
       Anglo-Russian agreement concerning.

          See (in this volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

    PAMPANGAS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    PANA, Riotous coal-mining strike at.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

    PANAMA CANAL, The: A. D. 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          PANAMA CANAL;
          and (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

    PAN-AMERICAN EXPOSITION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          BUFFALO: A. D. 1901.

    PANGASINANS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    PAN-GERMANIC UNION.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

       ----------PAPACY: Start--------

    PAPACY: A. D. 1894.
       Conference with Eastern Patriarchs.

       A conference of Eastern Patriarchs to consider the reunion of
       the Eastern Churches (Armenian, Maronite, Melchite, etc.) with
       the Church of Rome was opened at the Vatican, in October,
       under the presidency of the Pope. The meeting had no result.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1894-1895.
       The Hungarian Ecclesiastical Laws.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (March).
       Resumption of authority over the Coptic Church.

       The authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church was resumed
       on the 30th of March, 1896, after a suspension of four
       centuries, by the re-establishment of the Catholic
       Patriarchate of Alexandria. Bishop Macarius was appointed
       Patriarch and two bishops were appointed for Upper and Lower
       Egypt.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (September).
       Decision on the invalidity of Anglican orders.

       In September, 1896, the final decision of the Vatican, on a
       reopened question as to the validity of ordinations under the
       ritual of the Church of England, was announced by Pope Leo
       XIII. in a bull which declares: "After long study, I must
       confirm the decree of my predecessors, that all ordinations
       made under the Anglican rite are absolutely invalid." Soon
       after the decision was announced, a writer in the
       "Contemporary Review" gave the following account of
       circumstances connected with it:

       "The question of Anglican Orders was taken up in connection
       with the appeal for union made by Leo XIII. in the Encyclical'
       Præclara' of 1894, and more particularly in his letter to the
       English people. The group of Anglicans of whom Lord Halifax is
       the spokesman took this appeal seriously, and ever since that
       time negotiations have been going on more or less continuously
       between them and the Vatican. … The idea of an incorporate
       union, so dear to Lord Halifax, and so much favoured in the
       first instance by the Pope, could only be carried out on the
       basis of a prior admission that the Anglican Church had an
       existence as a Church, and was therefore in a position to
       discuss a union with the Roman Church.
    {345}
       Once recognise the validity of her Orders, and it would be
       possible to go into conference as to the points of difference
       between the two Churches, and the means of coming to an
       agreement. It is quite certain that the Pope entered heartily
       into these views. The Abbé Duchesne was accordingly deputed to
       inquire into the validity of the Anglican Orders, and was well
       aware that a favourable conclusion would be very well
       received. This was before the Abbé was put at the head of the
       French College at Rome. He made his investigation, arrived at
       the conclusion that the Orders were valid, sent his report to
       the Vatican, and received from Cardinal Rampolla a letter of
       thanks and congratulations, together with a grand silver
       medal, which the Holy Father sent him as a sign of his
       satisfaction and particular goodwill. All this happened in the
       winter of 1894-95.

       "In the autumn of 1895 the idea of union was in higher favour
       at the Vatican than ever. Cardinal Rampolla encouraged the
       foundation of the 'Revue Anglo-Romaine,' a journal devoted to
       the treatment of problems concerning the union of Churches,
       and particularly the re-union of the Anglican Church, and
       edited by the Abbé Portal, a French priest, and a personal
       friend of Lord Halifax. This movement in favour of union was,
       however, regarded by the Catholics in England with no little
       apprehension and mistrust, and their opposition alone would
       have been sufficient to wreck it for the time being. Cardinal
       Vaughan viewed the idea of incorporate union as a chimera, but
       treated the efforts to realise it as a real danger. … Leo, who
       would fain have maintained an attitude of judicial
       impartiality, soon found out that he must take a side: he must
       either definitely encourage the hopes of the Anglicans, or he
       must do something to calm the excited fears of the Catholics.
       Even at Rome, if we except the Pope and Cardinal Rampolla, who
       for a long time fondly hoped that they could make this policy
       of union a means of accomplishing very large results,
       theological opinion was adverse to the validity. Were there
       not, indeed, decisions of the Sacred Congregations which
       settled the dispute? There were, but in spite of them all the
       Pope was not disabused of his fancy. Compelled at last to take
       some action, he named a Commission of theologians, which sat
       at Rome in the spring of the present year [1896], under the
       presidency of Cardinal Mazzella. … The theologians set forth
       the arguments which favoured their respective views; papers
       were written, and, after a series of deliberations, a report
       was placed in the hands of the Pope. No conclusion was arrived
       at: none could be come to in this preliminary assembly. Only the
       materials for a judgment were worked out, in case his Holiness
       should think fit to pronounce a decision. … The Pope himself
       tells us, in the Bull Apostolicæ Curæ, that he left the final
       examination of the question to the congregation of cardinals
       called ' Suprema.' … The 'Suprema' met on July 16, under the
       presidency of the Pope. All the cardinals were of opinion that
       the matter had been long since decided, and that the debates
       in the preliminary commission had served to show how wise the
       decision had been. … The Bull declaring Anglican Orders null
       and void was published about the middle of September."

          Catholicus,
          The Pope and the Anglicans: The Policy of the Bull
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1896).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1897.
       Influence in Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1898 (January).
       Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on the
       Manitoba School Question.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1899.
       Secession of German Catholics in Austria from the Church.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1899-1000.

    PAPACY: A. D. 1899 (January).
       Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain
       opinions "called by some 'Americanism.'"

       The following passages are from the translation of an
       encyclical letter addressed, on the 22d of January, 1899, by
       Pope Leo XIII. to Cardinal Gibbons, for communication to the
       bishops and clergy of the Catholic Church in America:

       "To Our Beloved Son, James, Cardinal Gibbons, Cardinal Priest
       of the Title Sancta Maria, Beyond the Tiber, Archbishop of
       Baltimore: … We have often considered and admired the noble
       gifts of your nation which enable the American people to be
       alive to every good work which promotes the good of humanity
       and the splendor of civilization. Although this letter is not
       intended, as preceding ones, to repeat the words of praise so
       often spoken, but rather to call attention to some things to
       be avoided and corrected; still because it is conceived in
       that same spirit of apostolic charity which has inspired all
       our letters, we shall expect that you will take it as another
       proof of our love; the more so because it is intended to
       suppress certain contentions which have arisen lately among
       you to the detriment of the peace of many souls.

       "It is known to you, beloved son, that the biography of Isaac
       Thomas Hecker, especially through the action of those who
       undertook to translate or interpret it in a foreign language,
       has excited not a little controversy, on account of certain
       opinions brought forward concerning the way of leading
       Christian life. We, therefore, on account of our apostolic
       office, having to guard the integrity of the faith and the
       security of the faithful, are desirous of writing to you more
       at length concerning this whole matter.

       "The underlying principle of these new opinions is that, in
       order to more easily attract those who differ from her, the
       Church should shape her teachings more in accord with the
       spirit of the age and relax some of her ancient severity and
       make some concessions to new opinions. Many think that these
       concessions should be made not only in regard to ways of
       living, but even in regard to doctrines which belong to the
       deposit of the faith. They contend that it would be opportune,
       in order to gain those who differ from us, to omit certain
       points of her teaching which are of lesser importance, and to
       tone down the meaning which the Church has always attached to
       them. It does not need many words, beloved son, to prove the
       falsity of these ideas if the nature and origin of the
       doctrine which the Church proposes are recalled to mind. The
       Vatican Council says concerning this point: 'For the doctrine
       of faith which God has revealed has not been proposed, like a
       philosophical invention to be perfected by human ingenuity,
       but has been delivered as a divine deposit to the Spouse of
       Christ to be faithfully kept and infallibly declared. Hence
       that meaning of the sacred dogmas is perpetually to be
       retained which our Holy Mother, the Church, has once declared,
       nor is that meaning ever to be departed from under the pretense
       or pretext of a deeper comprehension of them.'

          Constitutis de Fide Catholica, Chapter iv. …

    {346}

       "Let it be far from anyone's mind to suppress for any reason
       any doctrine that has been handed down. Such a policy would
       tend rather to separate Catholics from the Church than to
       bring in those who differ. There is nothing closer to our
       heart than to have those who are separated from the fold of
       Christ return to it, but in no other way than the way pointed
       out by Christ.

       "The rule of life laid down for Catholics is not of such a
       nature that it cannot accommodate itself to the exigencies of
       various times and places. The Church has, guided by her Divine
       Master, a kind and merciful spirit, for which reason from the
       very beginning she has been what St. Paul said of himself: 'I
       became all things to all men that I might save all.'

       "History proves clearly that the Apostolic See, to which has
       been intrusted the mission not only of teaching but of
       governing the whole Church, has continued 'in one and the same
       doctrine, one and the same sense, and one and the same
       judgment.'

          Constitutis de fide, Chapter iv.

       "But in regard to ways of living she has been accustomed to so
       yield that, the divine principle of morals being kept intact,
       she has never neglected to accommodate herself to the
       character and genius of the nations which she embraces. Who
       can doubt that she will act in this same spirit again if the
       salvation of souls requires it? In this matter the Church must
       be the judge, not private men who are often deceived by the
       appearance of right. In this, all who wish to escape the blame
       of our predecessor, Pius the Sixth, must concur. He condemned
       as injurious to the Church and the spirit of God who guides
       her the doctrine contained in proposition lxxviii of the Synod
       of Pistoia, 'that the discipline made and approved by the
       Church should be submitted to examination, as if the Church
       could frame a code of laws useless or heavier than human
       liberty can bear.'

       "But, beloved son, in this present matter of which we are
       speaking, there is even a greater danger and a more manifest
       opposition to Catholic doctrine and discipline in that opinion
       of the lovers of novelty, according to which they hold such
       liberty should be allowed in the Church, that her supervision
       and watchfulness being in some sense lessened, allowance be
       granted the faithful, each one to follow out more freely the
       leading of his own mind and the trend of his own proper
       activity. They are of opinion that such liberty has its
       counterpart in the newly given civil freedom which is now the
       right and the foundation of almost every secular state.

       "In the apostolic letters concerning the constitution of
       states, addressed by us to the bishops of the whole Church, we
       discussed this point at length; and there set forth the
       difference existing between the Church, which is a divine
       society, and all other social human organizations which depend
       simply on free will and choice of men. It is well, then, to
       particularly direct attention to the opinion which serves as
       the argument in behalf of this greater liberty sought for and
       recommended to Catholics.

       "It is alleged that now the Vatican decree concerning the
       infallible teaching authority of the Roman Pontiff having been
       proclaimed that nothing further on that score can give any
       solicitude, and accordingly, since that has been safe-guarded
       and put beyond question a wider and freer field both for
       thought and action lies open to each one. But such reasoning
       is evidently faulty, since, if we are to come to any
       conclusion from the infallible teaching authority of the
       Church, it should rather be that no one should wish to depart
       from it and moreover that the minds of all being leavened and
       directed thereby, greater security from private error would be
       enjoyed by all. And further, those who avail themselves of
       such a way of reasoning seem to depart seriously from the
       over-ruling wisdom of the Most High—which wisdom, since it was
       pleased to set forth by most solemn decision the authority and
       supreme teaching rights of this Apostolic See—willed that
       decision precisely in order to safeguard the minds of the
       Church's children from the dangers of these present times.

       "These dangers, viz., the confounding of license with liberty,
       the passion for discussing and pouring contempt upon any
       possible subject, the assumed right to hold whatever opinions
       one pleases upon any subject and to set them forth in print to
       the world, have so wrapped minds in darkness that there is now
       a greater need of the Church's teaching office than ever
       before, lest people become unmindful both of conscience and of
       duty.

       "We, indeed, have no thought of rejecting everything that
       modern industry and study has produced; so far from it that we
       welcome to the patrimony of truth and to an ever-widening
       scope of public well-being whatsoever helps toward the
       progress of learning and virtue. Yet all this, to be of any
       solid benefit, nay, to have a real existence and growth, can
       only be on the condition of recognizing the wisdom and
       authority of the Church. …

       "From the foregoing it is manifest, beloved son, that we are
       not able to give approval to those views which, in their
       collective sense, are called by some 'Americanism.' But if by
       this name are to be understood certain endowments of mind
       which belong to the American people, just as other
       characteristics belong to various other nations, and if,
       moreover, by it is designated your political condition and the
       laws and customs by which you are governed, there is no reason
       to take exception to the name. But if this is to be so
       understood that the doctrines which have been adverted to
       above are not only indicated, but exalted, there can be no
       manner of doubt that our venerable brethren, the bishops of
       America, would be the first to repudiate and condemn it as
       being most injurious to themselves and to their country. For
       it would give rise to the suspicion that there are among you
       some who conceive and would have the Church in America to be
       different from what it is in the rest of the world.

       "But the true church is one, as by unity of doctrine, so by
       unity of government, and she is catholic also. Since God has
       placed the centre and foundation of unity in the chair of
       Blessed Peter, she is rightly called the Roman Church, for
       'where Peter is, there is the church.' Wherefore, if anybody
       wishes to be considered a real Catholic, he ought to be able
       to say from his heart the self-same words which Jerome
       addressed to Pope Damasus; 'I, acknowledging no other leader
       than Christ, am bound in fellowship with Your Holiness: that
       is, with the chair of Peter. I know that the church was built
       upon him as its rock, and that whosoever gathereth not with
       you, scattereth.' …"

          American Catholic Quarterly Review,
          April, 1899.

    {347}

    PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (September-October).
       Church and State in Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Pope Leo XIII. on the French Associations Bill.

          See (in this volume))
          FRANCE; A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    PAPACY: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Proclamation of the Universal Jubilee of the
       Holy Year Nineteen Hundred.
       Its extension for six months.

       The following is the text of the Papal proclamation of the
       Universal Jubilee, in its English translation, as published in
       the "American Catholic Quarterly Review":

       "To all the Faithful of Christ who shall read these Letters,
       Health and Apostolic Benediction. The century, which, by the
       grace of God, we have ourselves seen almost from its
       commencement, draws rapidly to its close. Willingly have we
       followed the institutions of our predecessors in so ordering
       things that they may redound in the good of all Christian
       peoples, and which may be perhaps for them the last proof of
       our care to the government of the Sovereign Pontificate. We
       speak of the Great Jubilee introduced in ancient times among
       Christian customs and observed by our predecessors, who
       bestowed upon the years of general jubilee the title of the
       Holy Year, because it was usual for such a year to be blessed
       by a greater number of holy ceremonies, as these furnish the
       most copious means of help for the correction of morals and
       the leading of souls to sanctity.

       "We have ourselves seen with our own eyes the fruitful result
       of the last solemn celebration of the Holy Year. It was in the
       Pontificate of Leo XII, and we were as yet in the years of our
       youth. It was truly a grand sight to see then the manifestations
       of religious fervor in Rome. We can remember as if the scene
       were still before our eyes, the immense concourse of pilgrims,
       the multitudes which flocked processionally to one or other of
       the great basilicas, the sacred orators who preached in the
       public streets, and the most frequented quarters of the city
       resounding with the Divine praises. The Sovereign Pontiff
       himself, with a numerous suite of Cardinals and in the sight
       of all the people, gave a noble example of piety and charity.

       "From such thoughts as these we turn with renewed sorrow to
       the times in which we now live; for such practices of piety,
       when without hindrance they were fulfilled under the eyes of
       all the citizens, augmented admirably the fervor and piety of
       the whole people; but now, on account of the changed condition
       of Rome, it is impossible to renew them, for in order to do so
       in any measure we must depend upon the arbitration of others.
       But however that may be, God, who ever blesses salutary
       counsels, will concede—such is our hope—success to this our
       design, undertaken solely for Him and for His glory. At what
       do we aim or what do we wish? Nothing else truly than to
       render more easy the way of eternal salvation to the souls
       confided to us, and for this end to administer to the infirm
       of spirit those remedies which it has pleased our Lord Jesus
       Christ to place in our hands. This administration seems to us
       not alone a duty of our apostolic office, but a duty which is
       peculiarly necessary to our times. The present age, however,
       cannot be said to be sterile, either in regard to good works
       or to Christian virtues. Thanks be to God, we have examples of
       both in abundance, nor is there any virtue, however lofty and
       arduous its attainment and practice, in which many are not
       found to signalize themselves, because it is a power proper to
       the Christian religion, Divinely founded, inexhaustible and
       perpetual, to generate and nourish virtue. Yet, casting our
       eyes around, we see, on the other hand, with what blindness,
       with what persistent error, whole peoples are hurrying to
       eternal ruin. And this thought strikes bitterly to our
       heart—how many Christians, led away by the license of hearing
       and of thought, absorbing with avidity the intoxicating errors
       of false doctrine, go on day by day dissipating and destroying
       the grand gift of the faith. Hence arise repugnance to
       Christian living, that insatiable appetite for the things of
       this world, and hence cares and thoughts alienated from God
       and rooted in the world. It is almost impossible to express in
       words the damage which has already accrued from this
       iniquitous source to the very foundations of society. The
       minds of men ordinarily rebellious, the blind tendency of
       popular cupidity, hidden perils, tragical crimes, are nothing
       more to those who seek their source and cause than the
       unrestrained strife to possess and enjoy the goods of this
       world.

       "It is of supreme importance, therefore, to public no less
       than private life, to admonish men as to the duties of their
       state, to arouse souls steeped in forgetfulness of duty, to
       recall to the thought of their own salvation those who run
       imminent risk of perishing and of losing through their
       negligence and pride those celestial and unchangeable rewards
       for the possession of which we are born. This is the aim of
       the Holy Year. The Church, mindful only of her intrinsic
       benignity and mercy as a most tender Mother, studies at this
       time, with love and by every means within her ample power, to
       re-conduct souls to better counsels and to promote in each
       works of expiation by means of penance and emendation of life.
       To this end, multiplying prayers and augmenting the fervor of
       the faithful, she seeks to appease the outraged majesty of God
       and to draw down His copious and celestial gifts. She opens
       wide the rich treasury of indulgences, of which she is the
       appointed dispenser, and exhorts the whole of Christianity to
       the firm hope of pardon. She is purely intent upon vanquishing
       with unconquerable love and sweetness the most rebellious
       wills. How, then, may we not hope to obtain, with God's help,
       rich fruits and profuse, and such as are most adapted to the
       present needs?

       "Several extraordinary solemnities, the notices of which we
       believe to be already sufficiently diffused, and which will
       serve in some manner to consecrate the end of the nineteenth
       century and the beginning of the twentieth, greatly increase
       the advantage of the opportunity now given. We speak of the
       honors to be rendered at this time in every part of the world
       to Jesus Christ as our Redeemer. On this account we were
       profuse in our approbation and praise of a project which had
       its source in the piety of private individuals, and, in fact,
       what could be more holy and salutary? All that which man
       should hope for and desire is contained in the only-begotten
       Son of God, our Salvation, Life, and Resurrection.
    {348}
       To desire to abandon Him is to desire eternal perdition. We
       could never silence adoration, praise, thanksgiving due to our
       Lord Jesus Christ, and without intermission they should be
       repeated everywhere, for in every place no thanksgiving, no
       honor, can be so great but that it may be increased. Our age
       produces perhaps many men who are forgetful and ungrateful,
       who ordinarily respond to the mercy of their Divine Saviour
       with disdain and to His gifts with offenses and injuries.
       Certainly the lives of many are so far removed from His laws
       and His precepts as to argue in themselves ungrateful and
       malicious souls. And what shall we say to see renewed again in
       these times and not once alone, the blasphemy of the Arian
       heresy regarding the Divinity of Jesus Christ. Courage, then,
       and to work, all you who with this new and most beautiful
       proposition seek to excite the piety of the people to new
       fervor. Do what you can in such manner that you impede not the
       course of the Jubilee and the appointed solemnities. Let it be
       added that in the forthcoming manifestations of faith and
       religion this special intention shall be kept in view—hatred
       of all that which within our memory has been impiously said or
       done, especially against the Divine Majesty of our Lord Jesus
       Christ, and to satisfy publicly for the injuries publicly
       inflicted upon Him. Now if we are really in earnest, we must
       know that to repent of evil done, and, having implored peace
       and pardon of God, to exercise ourselves with great diligence,
       in the duties necessary to virtue, and to assume those we have
       cast aside, is the means of satisfaction most desirable and
       assured, and which bears upon it the impress of truth. Since
       the Holy Year offers to all the opportunities which we have
       touched on in the beginning, it is a necessary provision that
       the Christian people enter upon it full of courage and of
       hope.

       "For which reason, raising our eyes to heaven and praying from
       our heart that God, so rich in mercy, would vouchsafe to
       concede benignly His blessing and favor to our desires and
       works, and would illuminate with His Divine light the minds of
       all men, and move their souls to conform with His holy will
       and inestimable goodness, We, following in this the example of
       the Roman Pontiffs, our predecessors, with the assent of the
       Cardinals of the Holy Roman College, our Venerable Brethren,
       in virtue of these letters, with the authority of Christ, of
       the blessed Peter and Paul, and with our own authority, order
       and promulgate from this hour the great and universal jubilee,
       which will commence in this holy city of Rome at the first
       Vespers of the Nativity of our Lord Jesus Christ of the year
       1899, and which will close at first Vespers of the Nativity of
       our Lord of the year 1900. May all redound to the glory of
       God, the salvation of souls, and the good of the Church.
       During this year of jubilee we concede and impart mercifully
       in our Lord full indulgence, remission and pardon of sin to
       all faithful Christians of either sex, who, being truly
       penitent shall confess and communicate, visiting devoutly the
       Roman basilicas of SS. Peter and Paul, St. John Lateran, and
       St. Mary Major, at least once a day for twenty days
       continuously or at intervals; that is, the obligation is to be
       fulfilled between the first Vespers of each day and the last
       Vespers of the day following, whether the Faithful be citizens
       of Rome or not, if they are residing permanently in Rome. If
       they come to Rome as pilgrims, then they must visit the said
       basilicas in the same manner for ten days, praying devoutly to
       God for the exaltation of Holy Church, for the extirpation of
       heresies, for peace and concord amongst Christian princes, and
       for the salvation of the whole Christian people.

       "And since it may happen to many that with all their good-will
       they cannot or can only in part carry out the above, being
       either, while in Rome or on their journey, impeded by illness
       or other legitimate causes, we, taking into account their
       good-will, can, when they are truly repentant and have duly
       confessed and communicated, concede to them the participation
       in the same indulgences and remission of sins as if they had
       actually visited the basilicas on the days appointed. Rome,
       therefore, invites you lovingly to her bosom, beloved
       children, from all parts of the world, who have means of
       visiting her. Know also that to a good Catholic in this sacred
       time it is fitting that he come to Rome guided purely by
       Christian faith, and that he should renounce especially the
       satisfaction of sight-seeing merely idle or profane, turning
       his soul rather to those things which predispose him to
       religion and piety. And that which tends greatly so to
       predispose him, if he look within, is the natural character of
       the city, a certain character divinely impressed upon her, and
       not to be changed by human means, nor by any act of violence.
       For Jesus Christ, the Saviour of the world, chose only,
       amongst all its cities, that of Rome to be the centre of an
       action more than earthly, consecrating it to Himself. Here He
       placed, and not without long and careful preparation, the
       throne of His own empire; here He commanded that the see of
       His Vicar should be raised to the perpetuity of time; here He
       willed that the light of revealed truth should be jealously
       and inviolably guarded, and that from here light should be
       diffused throughout the whole earth in such a manner that
       those who are alienated from the faith of Rome are alienated
       from Christ. The religious monuments raised by our fathers,
       the singular majesty of her temples, the tomb of the Apostles,
       the Catacombs of the martyrs, all serve to increase the aspect of
       holiness and to impress those who visit her in the spirit of
       faith. Whosoever knows the voice of such monuments feels that
       he is no pilgrim in a foreign city, but a citizen in his own,
       and by God's grace he will realize this fact at his going,
       more forcibly than at his coming.

       "We wish, in order that these present letters may be brought
       more easily under the notice of all, that printed copies,
       signed by a public notary and furnished with the seal of some
       ecclesiastical dignitary, shall be received with the same
       faith as would be given to the original by those who have
       heard or read it.

       "To no one will it be lawful to alter any word of this our
       disposition, promulgation, concession, and will, or to rashly
       oppose it. If any should presume to make any such attempt, let
       them know that they incur thereby the indignation of God
       Almighty and of His Apostles Peter and Paul.

       "Given at St. Peter's, Rome, on the 11th of May, in the year
       of the Incarnation of our Lord 1899, and the 22d of our
       Pontificate. C. Card. ALOISI-MASELLA, Pro-Datory. L. Card.
       MACCHI.

    {349}

       "Witnessed on behalf of the Curia: G. DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI.
       Registered in the Secretariate of Briefs, J. CUGNONI. In the
       year of the Nativity of our Lord 1899, on the 11th day of May,
       feast of the Ascension of our Lord Jesus Christ, in the 22d year
       of the Pontificate of our Holy Father and Lord in Christ, Leo
       XIII, by Divine Providence Pope, I have read and solemnly
       promulgated the present apostolical letters in the presence
       of the people, in the porch of the Holy Patriarchal Vatican
       Basilica. GIUSEPPE DELL' AQUILA VISCONTI, Official of the
       Curia."

       On the termination of the "holy year," by a letter "given at
       Rome in the year of Our Lord 1901," the Pope announced: "We
       do, therefore, by the authority of Almighty God, of the
       Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, extend and
       prorogue, for a period of six months, the Great Jubilee which
       has just been celebrated in the Holy City. Wherefore, to all
       the faithful of both sexes, in all parts of the earth,
       including even those that have come to Rome during the past
       year and there or elsewhere gained the Jubilee under any
       conditions, we grant and accord mercifully in the Lord, for
       once, the fullest indulgence, remission and pardon of their
       sins, the annual Paschal confession and communion being,
       however, not valid as conditions for gaining the Jubilee,
       provided that within six months from the date of the
       publication in each diocese of this letter they visit the
       cathedral in the episcopal city or the principal church in
       other parts of the different dioceses, together with three
       other churches in the same place, as appointed by the Ordinary
       either directly or through his officials, the parish priests
       or Vicar Foran, at least once a day for fifteen continuous or
       uninterrupted days, natural or ecclesiastical (the
       ecclesiastical day being that which commences with the first
       vespers of one day and ends with the dusk of the day
       following), and pray devoutly to God for the exaltation of the
       Church, the extirpation of heresy, the concord of Catholic
       princes and the salvation of the Christian people. In places
       where there are not four churches, power is granted in the
       same way to the Ordinaries to fix a smaller number or
       churches, or even one church where there is only one, in which
       the faithful may make the full number of visits, separate and
       distinct, on the same natural or ecclesiastical day, in such a
       way that the sixty visits be distributed through fifteen
       continuous or interrupted days."

       Provisions relating to the circumstances of persons at sea or
       traveling, or in religious community, or in prison, are
       prescribed in the papal letter, and special privileges and
       powers are granted to "Jubilee confessors,"

    PAPACY: A. D. 1901.
       Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social and
       Christian Democracy.

       In a letter dated January 18, 1901, addressed "to the
       Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, and other Local
       Ordinaries in communion with the Apostolic See," the Pope has
       discussed the subjects of Democracy and Socialism, with
       reference to controverted views and opinions "defining what
       Catholics ought to think," and giving them "some injunctions
       so as to make their own action larger in scope and more
       beneficial to the commonwealth." The letter opens with these
       words: "Venerable Brethren—Grave economical disputes in more
       than one country have long been raging; peace and concord are
       affected; the violence of the disputants grows every day,
       insomuch that the thoughts of the wiser part are laden with
       doubt, and apprehension. These disputes arise in the first
       instance from widespread philosophical and moral error. The
       scientific resources belonging to the age, increased
       facilities of communication and appliances of all kinds for
       economizing labor and making it more productive have resulted
       in a keener struggle for existence. Through the malefic
       influence of agitators the gulf between rich and poor has been
       widened, so that frequent disturbances arise and even great
       calamities seem impending such as would bring ruin on a
       country."

       The Pope then refers to his early encyclicals ("Quod
       Apostolici Muneris," issued in 1878, on the error in
       socialistic opinions, and "Rerum Novarum," issued in 1891, on
       "the rights and duties binding together the two classes of
       capitalists and laborers"), and to the good influence which he
       finds reason to believe they have had, and says further:
       "Thus, therefore, under the guidance of the Church, some sort
       of concerted action and institutional provision has been set
       up among Catholics for the protection of the lower classes,
       who are very often as much the victims of dangerous
       machinations and snares as they are suffering from hardship
       and poverty. The creed of the benefactor of the people had
       originally no name of its own; that of Christian Socialism and
       its derivatives, which some brought in, has not undeservedly
       grown obsolete. Afterward many wanted, very rightly, to name
       it Popular Christianity. In some places those who devote
       themselves to such work are called Christian Socialists;
       elsewhere it is called Christian Democracy, and its supporters
       Christian Democrats, as opposed to the Social Democracy, which
       Socialists uphold. Of these two appellations, certainly that
       of Christian Socialists, if not also of Christian Democracy,
       is offensive to many right-minded people, inasmuch as they
       think there is a perilous ambiguity attaching to it. They are
       afraid of the name for several reasons—popular government may
       be covertly promoted or preferred to other forms of political
       constitution; the influence of Christianity may seem to be
       confined to the benefit of the common people, all other ranks
       being as it were left out in the cold; beneath the specious
       designation may lurk some design or other of subverting all
       legitimate authority, being civil and religious.

       "There is now commonly much dispute, and sometimes over-bitter
       dispute, on this topic, and we deem it our duty to put an end
       to the controversy by defining what Catholics ought to think;
       moreover we intend to give them some injunctions so as to make
       their own action larger in scope and more beneficial to the
       commonwealth.

       "What Social Democracy means, and what Christian ought to
       mean, does not surely admit of doubt. The former, more or less
       extreme, as the case may be, is by many carried to such
       extravagance of wickedness as to reckon human satisfaction
       supreme and acknowledge nothing higher, to pursue bodily goods
       and those of the natural world, and to make the happiness of man
       consist in attaining and enjoying them. Hence they would have
       the supreme power in a state to be in the hands of the common
       people, in such sort that all distinction or rank being
       abolished and every citizen made equal to every other, all
       might have equal access also to the good things of life; the
       law of lordship is to be abolished, private fortunes
       confiscated and even socialization of the appliances of labor
       carried out.

    {350}

       But Christian Democracy, as Christian, ought to have as its
       foundation the principles laid down by divine faith, having
       regard, indeed, to the temporal advantage of the lower orders,
       but designing therewith to fit their minds for the enjoyment
       of things eternal. Accordingly, to Christian Democracy, let
       there be nothing more sacred than law and right; let it bid
       the right of having and holding be kept inviolate; let it
       maintain the diversity of ranks which properly belong to a
       well-ordered state; in fine, let it prefer for human
       association that form and character which its divine author
       has imposed upon it. Clearly, therefore, Social and Christian
       Democracy can have nothing in common; the difference between
       them is no less than that between the sectarianism of
       socialism and the profession of the Christian law.

       "Far be it from any one to pervert the name of Christian
       Democracy to political ends. For although democracy by its
       very name and by philosophical usage denotes popular rule, yet
       in this application it must be employed altogether without
       political significance, so as to denote nothing whatever
       besides this beneficent Christian action upon the people. For
       natural morality and the precepts of the Gospel, for the very
       reason that they transcend the chances of human existence,
       must necessarily be independent of any particular form of
       civil government and adapt themselves to all, so long as there
       is nothing to conflict with virtue and right. They are,
       therefore, and remain in themselves, absolutely external to
       all conflict of parties and vicissitudes of occurrence, so
       that, under whatever kind of government, people may and ought
       to abide by these precepts, which bid them love God above all
       and their neighbors as themselves. This has ever been the
       morality of the Church: by it Roman Pontiffs have constantly
       dealt with states whatever might be their executive
       government. And this being so, the mind and action of
       Catholics, when devoted to promoting the good of the lower
       orders, cannot by any possibility aim at embracing and
       introducing any one form of government in preference to
       another.

       "Just in the same way must Christian Democracy repudiate the
       other ground of offense, which arises from paying so much
       regard to the interests of the lower classes as to seem to
       pass over the higher, who are nevertheless of equal importance
       to the preservation and development of the State. The
       Christian law of charity, which we have just mentioned,
       forbids this. It is large enough to embrace all ranks as the
       aim and the task of those who would have the common people in
       a Christian spirit on the one hand suitably relieved, and, on
       the other, preserved against the contagion of socialism. …

       "We have recalled these various topics on which we have before
       this found occasion to dilate according to our ability, and we
       trust that all dispute over the name of Christian Democracy
       may now be laid aside, as well as any suspicion of dangerous
       signification attaching to it. This trust we rightly cherish.
       For making exception of the ideas of certain persons regarding
       the force and virtue of this kind of Christian Democracy,
       ideas which are not free from extravagance or error, surely
       there will be no single person to find fault with an endeavor,
       conformably to the law of nature and of God, to do merely
       this, to make the lives of laborers and artisans more
       tolerable, and gradually to give them the opportunity of
       self-culture, so that at home and in the world they may freely
       fulfil the obligations of virtue and religion, may feel
       themselves to be men, and not mere animals, Christian men, not
       pagans, and so strive with more felicity and earnestness to
       attain that 'one thing needful,' that final good, for which we
       came into the world. This is belonging to one and the same
       family, the offspring of the same all-beneficent Father,
       redeemed by one Saviour and called to the same eternal
       inheritance. …

       "God forbid that under the name of Christian democracy should
       lie the surreptitious aim of throwing off all obedience and
       turning away from those in lawful authority. The law of
       nature, no less than that of Christ, enjoins respect for all
       such as in their several degree hold office in the State, and
       further enjoins obedience to their lawful commands. This is
       the only attitude worthy of a man and a Christian, and ought
       to be taken up heartily and as a matter of duty, 'for
       conscience's sake,' as the Apostle himself has admonished,
       when he ordained: 'Let every soul be subject to the highest
       powers.' …

       "We spoke just now advisedly of virtue and religion. For it is
       the opinion of some, which is caught up by the masses, that
       the social question, as they call it, is 'economical' merely.
       The precise opposite is the truth—that it is first of all
       moral and religious, and for that reason its solution is to be
       expected mainly from the moral law and the pronouncements of
       religion. … Without the instincts which Christian wisdom
       implants and keeps alive, without providence, self-control,
       thrift, endurance and other natural qualities, you may try
       your hardest, but prosperity you cannot provide. That is the
       reason why we have never encouraged Catholics to form
       associations for the assistance of the poor, or introduce
       other schemes of the kind, without at the same time warning
       them that such things must not be attempted without the
       sanction of religion, without its inclusion and aid. … It is a
       laudable charity not merely to relieve the temporary needs of
       the poor, but to have an organized system of relief; this will
       be a more real and reliable assistance. It must be considered
       still more laudable to desire to instill into the minds of the
       mechanic and of the laborer notions of thrift and prudence, so
       that they may at least in part make provision for their
       declining years. It is an aim which not only relieves the cost
       of the wealthy, but it is a moral step for the poor
       themselves; it encourages them to approve their position,
       while it keeps them away from temptations, checks
       self-indulgence and leads them on to virtuous behavior. …

       "Finally, we again enjoin with greater insistence that
       whatever schemes people take up in the popular cause, whether
       individually or in association, they should remember that they
       must be entirely submissive to episcopal authority. Do not let
       them be beguiled by an excessive ardor for charitable
       enterprise, which, if it induces any relaxation of due
       obedience, is itself false, unproductive of solid benefit and
       displeasing to God. Those who please God are those who are
       ready to give up their own ideas and listen to the bidding of
       the rulers of the Church, absolutely as to His own."

          Catholic Union and Times,
          February 21, 1901.

    {351}

    PARIS: A. D. 1897.
       Burning of the Charity Bazaar.

       An awful destruction of life was caused on the 4th of May by
       fire breaking out in a charity bazaar, held in the Rue Jean
       Goujon, at Paris. Temporary structures had been erected, of
       wood and other combustible materials, to represent a street of
       Old Paris shops, and the flames ran through them like
       wildfire. The place was thronged with people, mostly of the
       aristocratic class and more than 200 are said to have
       perished.

    PARIS: A. D. 1900 (April-November).
       Exposition.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (APRIL-NOVEMBER).

    PARIS: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Gigantic banquet to the Mayors of France.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

    PARIS, Treaty of (1898), between the United States and Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PARKHURST, Reverend Dr. Charles:
       His attack on the Tammany administration of New York City.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PARLIAMENT, The British:
       Ceremonious opening by King Edward VII.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, Austrian.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

       ----------PARTIES AND FACTIONS, POLITICAL
       AND POLITICO-RELIGIOUS: Start--------

    PARTIES:
       Afrikander Bund, or Bondsmen.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):
          A. D. 1881-1888; 1898; 1898(MARCH-OCTOBER);
          and 1900 (DECEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Agrarian Protectionists, German.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

    PARTIES:
       Anti-Imperialists.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Anti-Semites.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after;
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and after;
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       Blancos, or Whites.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

    PARTIES:
       The Bond.

          See above,
          AFRIKANDER BUND.

    PARTIES:
       Centre (Catholic, of Germany).

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D.1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
        Christian Social party.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Clerical party, Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Colorados, or Reds.

          See (in this volume)
          URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.

    PARTIES:
       Deutsch Fortschrittliche.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       "Fanatics."

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       "Free Silver" Democracy.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER)
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Fuyu-to (Liberals).

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

    PARTIES:
       German Democrats.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       German Liberal party, Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       German People's party.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Gold Democrats.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Hintchak, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1895.

    PARTIES:
       Historic Christian party.

          See (in this volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Kai-shin-to (Progressives).

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

    PARTIES:
       Kensei-to (Constitutional party).

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

    PARTIES:
       Labor party, French (Parti Ouvrier).

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY).

    PARTIES:
       Liberal Democrats (German).

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       Liberal Unionists (German).

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       Lincoln party.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER), SILVER REPUBLICAN.

    PARTIES:
       Little England party.

          See (in this volume)
          LITTLE ENGLAND PARTY.

    PARTIES:
       Middle-of-the-Road Populists.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       National Democratic party.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       National Liberals (German).

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    PARTIES:
       National party, 1896 and 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       National Silver party.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       New Radical party.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

    PARTIES:
       Old Czechs.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Pan-Germanic Union.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1901.

    PARTIES:
       Patriotic League.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Polish Club.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Progressives (Kaishin-to).

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898.

    PARTIES:
       Progressives (Cape).

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY):
          A. D. 1898; and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

    PARTIES:
       Protestant Anti-Revolutionists.

          See (in this volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Rikken Seiyu-kai
       Association of Friends of the Constitution.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    PARTIES:
       Siah Chai, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

    PARTIES:
       Silver Republicans.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       Socialist parties.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;
          FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY);
          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1898 (JUNE);
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       "Sound Money" Democrats.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       United Christian party.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PARTIES:
       United Irish League.

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

    PARTIES:
       "Vegetarians."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

    PARTIES:
       Verfassungstreue Grossgrundbesitz.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Volkspartei.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PARTIES:
       Young Czechs.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897.

    PATRIARCHATE: Re-established at Alexandria.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1896 (MARCH).

    PATRIOTIC LEAGUE.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1898 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    {352}

    PAUNCEFOTE, Sir Julian:
       British commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

       ----------PARTIES: End--------

       ----------PEACE CONFERENCE.: Start--------

    PEACE CONFERENCE:

       On the 24th of August, 1898, without previous heralding or
       intimation, Count Mouravieff, the Russian Minister for Foreign
       Affairs, placed copies of the following momentous proposal
       from the Tsar in the hands of all the foreign representatives
       attending his weekly reception at St. Petersburg:

       "The maintenance of universal peace and a possible reduction
       of the excessive armaments which weigh upon all nations
       represent, in the present condition of affairs all over the
       world, the ideal towards which the efforts of all Governments
       should be directed. This view fully corresponds with the
       humane and magnanimous intentions of His Majesty the Emperor,
       my august Master. Being convinced that this high aim agrees
       with the most essential interests and legitimate aspirations
       of all the Powers, the Imperial Government considers the
       present moment a very favourable one for seeking, through
       international discussion, the most effective means of assuring
       to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting peace, and
       above all of limiting the progressive development of existing
       armaments. During the last twenty years aspirations towards
       general pacification have particularly asserted themselves in
       the consciences of civilized nations. The preservation of
       peace has been made the aim of international policy; for the
       sake of peace the Great Powers have formed powerful alliances,
       and for the purpose of establishing a better guarantee of peace
       they have developed their military forces in an unprecedented
       degree, and continue to develop them without hesitating at any
       sacrifice. All these efforts, however, have not yet led to the
       beneficent results of the desired pacification. The ever
       increasing financial burdens strike at the root of public
       prosperity. The physical and intellectual forces of the
       people, labour and capital, are diverted for the greater part
       from their natural application and wasted unproductively.
       Hundreds of millions are spent in acquiring terrible engines
       of destruction which are regarded to-day as the latest
       inventions of science, but are destined to-morrow to be
       rendered obsolete by some new discovery. National culture,
       economical progress, and the production of wealth are either
       paralysed or developed in a wrong direction. Therefore, the
       more the armaments of each Power increase, the less they
       answer to the objects aimed at by the Governments. Economic
       disturbances are caused in great measure by this system of
       excessive armaments, and the constant danger involved in this
       accumulation of war material renders the armed peace of to-day
       a crushing burden more and more difficult for the nations to
       bear. It consequently seems evident that if this situation be
       prolonged, it will inevitably lead to that very disaster which
       it is desired to avoid, and the horrors of which make every
       humane mind shudder by anticipation. It is the supreme duty,
       therefore, at the present moment of all States to put some
       limit to these unceasing armaments, and to find means of
       averting the calamities which threaten the whole world. Deeply
       impressed by this feeling, His Majesty the Emperor has been
       pleased to command me to propose to all Governments who have
       Representatives at the Imperial Court the meeting of a
       Conference to discuss this grave problem. Such a Conference,
       with God's help, would be a happy augury for the opening
       century. It would concentrate in one powerful effort the
       strivings of all States which sincerely wish to bring about
       the triumph of the grand idea of universal peace over the
       elements of trouble and discord. It would, at the same time,
       cement their agreement by a united affirmation of the
       principles of law and equity on which rest the security of
       States and the welfare of peoples."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Russia, Number 1, 1899).

       Having allowed his supremely noble proposition to stand before
       the world for consideration during a period of four months,
       and having received from almost every governing authority a
       formal expression of willingness to join in the Conference
       recommended, the sovereign of Russia pursued his grand design,
       on the 11th of January, 1899, by the following communication
       to the foreign representatives at his court:

       "When, in the month of August last, my August master
       instructed me to propose to the Governments which have
       Representatives in St. Petersburg the meeting of a Conference
       with the object of seeking the most efficacious means for
       assuring to all peoples the blessings of real and lasting
       peace, and, above all, in order to put a stop to the
       progressive development of the present armaments, there
       appeared to be no obstacle in the way of the realization, at
       no distant date, of this humanitarian scheme. The cordial
       reception accorded by nearly all the Powers to the step taken
       by the Imperial Government could not fail to strengthen this
       expectation. While highly appreciating the sympathetic terms
       in which the adhesions of most of the Powers were expressed,
       the Imperial Cabinet has been also able to collect, with
       lively satisfaction, evidence of the warmest approval which
       has reached it, and continues to be received, from all classes
       of society in various parts of the globe. Notwithstanding the
       strong current of opinion which set in favour of the ideas of
       general pacification, the political horizon bas recently
       undergone a sensible change. Several Powers have undertaken
       fresh armaments, striving to increase further their military
       forces, and in the presence of this uncertain situation, it
       might be asked whether the Powers considered the present
       moment opportune for the international discussion of the ideas
       set forth in the Circular of the 12th (24th) August. In the
       hope, however, that the elements of trouble agitating
       political centres will soon give place to a calmer disposition
       of a nature to favour the success of the proposed Conference,
       the Imperial Government is of opinion that it would be
       possible to proceed forthwith to a preliminary exchange of
       ideas between the Powers, with the object:

       (a.) Of seeking without delay means for putting a limit to the
       progressive increase of military and naval armaments, a question
       the solution of which becomes evidently more and more urgent
       in view of the fresh extension given to these armaments; and

       (b.) Of preparing the way for a discussion of the questions
       relating to the possibility of preventing armed conflicts by
       the pacific means at the disposal of international diplomacy.

    {353}

       In the event of the Powers considering the present moment
       favourable for the meeting of a Conference on these bases, it
       would certainly be useful for the Cabinets to come to an
       understanding on the subject of the programme of their
       labours. The subjects to be submitted for international
       discussion at the Conference could, in general terms, be
       summarized as follows:

       "1. An understanding not to increase for a fixed period the
       present effective of the armed military and naval forces, and
       at the same time not to increase the Budgets pertaining
       thereto; and a preliminary examination of the means by which a
       reduction might even be effected in future in the forces and
       Budgets above-mentioned.

       "2. To prohibit the use in the armies and fleets of any new
       kind of fire-arms whatever and of new explosives, or any
       powders more powerful than those now in use either for rifles
       or cannon.

       "3. To restrict the use in military warfare of the formidable
       explosives already existing, and to prohibit the throwing of
       projectiles or explosives of any kind from balloons or by any
       similar means.

       "4. To prohibit the use in naval warfare of submarine
       torpedo-boats or plungers, or other similar engines of
       destruction; to give an undertaking not to construct vessels
       with rams in the future.

       "5. To apply to naval warfare the stipulations of the Geneva
       Convention of 1864, on the basis of the Additional Articles of
       1868.

       "6. To neutralize ships and boats employed in saving those
       overboard during or after an engagement.

       "7. To revise the Declaration concerning the laws and customs
       of war elaborated in 1874 by the Conference of Brussels, which
       has remained unratified to the present day.

       "8. To accept in principle the employment of good offices, of
       mediation and facultative arbitration in cases lending
       themselves thereto, with the object of preventing armed
       conflicts between nations; to come to an understanding with
       respect to the mode of applying these good offices, and to
       establish a uniform practice in using them.

       "It is well understood that all questions concerning the
       political relations of States and the order of things
       established by Treaties, as generally all questions which do
       not directly fall within the programme adopted by the
       Cabinets, must be absolutely excluded from the deliberations
       of the Conference. In requesting you, Sir, to be good enough
       to apply to your Government for instructions on the subject of
       my present communication, I beg you at the same time to inform
       it that, in the interest of the great cause which my august
       master has so much at heart, His Imperial Majesty considers it
       advisable that the Conference should not sit in the capital of
       one of the Great Powers, where so many political interests are
       centred which might, perhaps, impede the progress of a work in
       which all the countries of the universe are equally
       interested."

       General assent being given to the suggestions here offered,
       the next step toward realization of the grand project was
       taken, by an arrangement with the government of the Kingdom of
       the Netherlands, in accordance with which an invitation was
       addressed from The Hague, in April, to many governments, both
       the greater and the less of the political world, in the
       following terms:

       "For political reasons the Imperial Russian Government
       considered that it would not be desirable that the meeting of
       the Conference should take place in the capital of one of the
       Great Powers, and after securing the assent of the Governments
       interested, it addressed the Cabinet of The Hague with a view of
       obtaining its consent to the choice of that capital as the
       seat of the Conference in question. The Minister for Foreign
       Affairs at once took the orders of Her Majesty the Queen in
       regard to this request, and I am happy to be able to inform
       you that Her Majesty, my august Sovereign, has been pleased to
       authorize him to reply that it will be particularly agreeable
       to her to see the proposed Conference meet at The Hague.
       Consequently, my Government, in accord with the Imperial
       Russian Government, charges me to invite [the Government
       named] to be good enough to be represented at the
       above-mentioned Conference, in order to discuss the questions
       indicated in the second Russian Circular of the 30th December,
       1898 (11th January, 1899), as well as all other questions
       connected with the ideas set forth in the Circular of the 12th
       (24th) August, 1898, excluding, however, from the
       deliberations everything which refers to the political
       relations of States or the order of things established by
       Treaties. My Government trusts, that [the Government named]
       will associate itself with the great humanitarian work to be
       entered upon under the auspices of His Majesty the Emperor of
       All the Russias, and that it will be disposed to accept this
       invitation, and to take the necessary steps for the presence
       of its Representatives at The Hague on the 18th May next for
       the opening of the Conference, at which each Power, whatever
       may be the number of its Delegates, will only have one vote."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,
          Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4 and 8).

       In response to this definite invitation, the governments of
       Austria-Hungary, Belgium, Bulgaria, China, Denmark, France,
       Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg,
       Mexico, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,
       Roumania, Russia, Servia, Siam, Spain, Sweden and Norway,
       Switzerland, Turkey, and the United States of America,
       appointed representatives who met at The Hague, on the 18th of
       May, 1899, and organized the Conference by electing M. de
       Staal, Russian Ambassador, to preside. The United States was
       represented by the Honorable Andrew D. White, Ambassador to
       Berlin, the Honorable Seth Low, President of Columbia
       University, the Honorable Stanford Newel, Envoy Extraordinary,
       &c., to The Hague, Captain Alfred T. Mahan, U. S. N., Captain.
       William Crozier, U. S. A., and the Honorable Frederick W.
       Holls, of New York. The representatives of Great Britain were
       Sir Julian Pauncefote, Ambassador to the United States, Sir
       Henry Howard, Envoy Extraordinary, &c., to The Hague,
       Vice-Admiral Sir John A. Fisher, Major-General Sir J. C.
       Ardagh, and Lieutenant-Colonel C. à Court.

    {354}

       "The Conference at The Hague was a Parliament of Man
       representing, however imperfectly, the whole human race. The
       only independent ones not represented at the Huis ten Bosch
       were the South American republics, the Emperor of Morocco, the
       King of Abyssinia, and the Grand Lama of Tibet. That the South
       American republics were not represented is not the fault of
       the Russian Emperor. Mexico received and accepted an
       invitation. Brazil received, but rejected, the invitation to
       be present, and so did one other South American republic. The
       original Russian idea was to assemble representatives from
       every independent government in the world; nor did they even
       confine themselves to the secular governments. They were very
       anxious that the Pope should also be directly represented in
       this supreme assembly. Even with the Pope and South America
       left out, the Congress represented more of the world and its
       inhabitants than any similar assembly that has ever been
       gathered together for the work of international legislation.
       That circumstance in itself is sufficient to give distinction
       to the Conference at The Hague, which, it is expected, will be
       the forerunner of a series of conferences, each of which will
       aim at being more and more universally representative. On the
       eve of the twentieth century the human race has begun to
       federate itself. That is the supreme significance of the
       assembly which has just spent two months in the capital of
       Holland."

          W. T. Stead,
          The Conference at The Hague
          (Forum, September, 1899).

       To systematize and facilitate the discussions of the
       Conference, three Commissions or Committees were appointed,
       between which the several subjects suggested in the Russian
       circular of January 11 (as given above), and agreed to by the
       several governments, were distributed. The 1st, 2d, 3d and 4th
       propositions of the programme were referred to the First
       Commission, the 5th, 6th and 7th to the Second, the 8th
       (concerning mediation and arbitration) to the Third. This was
       done on the 23d of May, after which the general Conference was
       held only at intervals, to receive and consider reports from
       the several Commissions, of agreements reached or
       disagreements ascertained. This went on until the 29th of
       July, when the several Conventions, Declarations, and
       Recommendations agreed upon for submission to the governments
       represented were summarized in the following "Final Act,"
       signed by all:

       "In a series of meetings, between the 18th May and the 29th
       July, 1899, in which the constant desire of the Delegates
       above mentioned has been to realize, in the fullest manner
       possible, the generous views of the august Initiator of the
       Conference and the intentions of their Governments, the
       Conference has agreed, for submission for signature by the
       Plenipotentiaries, on the text of the Conventions and
       Declarations enumerated below and annexed to the present Act:

       "I. Convention for the pacific settlement of international
       conflicts.

       "II. Convention regarding the laws and customs of war by land.

       "III. Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the
       principles of the Geneva Convention of the 22nd August, 1864.

       "IV. Three Declarations:

          1. To prohibit the launching of projectiles and explosives
          from balloons or by other similar new methods,

          2. To prohibit the use of projectiles, the only object of
          which is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious
          gases.

          3. To prohibit the use of bullets which expand or flatten
          easily in the human body, such as bullets with a hard
          envelope, of which the envelope does not entirely cover the
          core, or is pierced with incisions.

       "These Conventions and Declarations shall form so many
       separate Acts. These Acts shall be dated this day, and may be
       signed up to the 31st December, 1899, by the Plenipotentiaries
       of the Powers represented at the International Peace
       Conference at The Hague.

       "Guided by the same sentiments, the Conference has adopted
       unanimously the following Resolution:—'The Conference is of
       opinion that the restriction of military budgets, which are at
       present a heavy burden on the world, is extremely desirable
       for the increase of the material and moral welfare of
       mankind.'

       "It has, besides, formulated the following wishes:

       "1. The Conference, taking into consideration the preliminary
       steps taken by the Swiss Federal Government for the revision
       of the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that steps may be
       shortly taken for the assembly of a Special Conference having
       for its object the revision of that Convention. This wish was
       voted unanimously.

       "2. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions of
       the rights and duties of neutrals may be inserted in the
       programme of a Conference in the near future.

       "3. The Conference expresses the wish that the questions with
       regard to rifles and naval guns, as considered by it, may be
       studied by the Governments with the object of coming to an
       agreement respecting the employment of new types and calibres.

       "4. The Conference expresses the wish that the Governments,
       taking into consideration the proposals made at the
       Conference, may examine the possibility of an agreement as to
       the limitation of armed forces by land and sea, and of war
       budgets.

       "5. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal, which
       contemplates the declaration of the inviolability of private
       property in naval warfare, may be referred to a subsequent
       Conference for consideration.

       "6. The Conference expresses the wish that the proposal to
       settle the question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and
       villages by a naval force may be referred to a subsequent
       Conference for consideration.

       "The last five wishes were voted unanimously, saving some
       abstentions.

       "In faith of which, the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
       present Act, and have affixed their seals thereto. Done at The
       Hague, 29th July, 1899, in one copy only, which shall be
       deposited in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and of which
       copies, duly certified, shall be delivered to all the Powers
       represented at the Conference."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous,
          Number 1, 1899, pages 3-4, 8 and 288-9).

    {355}

       The accompanying Conventions and Declarations were in no case
       unanimously signed, several delegations, in each case,
       claiming time for the governments they represented to consider
       certain questions involved. The most important of the proposed
       Conventions, namely, that "For the Pacific Settlement of
       International Disputes," was signed at The Hague by the
       delegates from Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the United States of
       America, Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands,
       Persia, Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway,
       and Bulgaria; but not by Austria-Hungary, Germany, Italy,
       Japan, Great Britain, Luxembourg, Switzerland, Servia, Turkey,
       or China. Ultimately, however, the great Treaty of Arbitration
       was signed by everyone of the Powers represented. The
       signature of the delegates of the United States was given
       under reserve of a declaration which will be found in the
       following excerpt from the general report of the American
       Commission. The full text of each of the Conventions is given
       below.

       "The entire plan for the tribunal and its use is voluntary, so
       far as sovereign States are concerned. The only seeming
       exceptions to this rule are contained in Article 1, which
       provides that the Signatory Powers agree to employ their
       efforts for securing the pacific regulation of international
       differences; and Article 27, which says that the Signatory
       Powers consider it to be a duty, in the case where an acute
       conflict threatens to break out between two or more of them,
       to remind those latter that the permanent court is open to
       them. The obligation thus imposed is not legal or diplomatic
       in its nature. These articles merely express a general moral
       duty for the performance of which each State is accountable
       only to itself. In order, however, to make assurance doubly
       sure and to leave no doubt whatever of the meaning of the
       Convention, as affecting the United States of America, the
       Commission made the following declaration in the full session
       of the Conference, held July 25:—

       The Delegation of the United States of America, in signing the
       Convention regulating the peaceful adjustment of international
       differences, as proposed by the International Peace
       Conference, make the following declaration:—Nothing contained
       in this Convention shall be so construed as to require the
       United States of America to depart from its traditional policy
       of not intruding upon, interfering with, or entangling itself
       in the political questions or policy or internal
       administration of any foreign State; nor shall anything
       contained in the said Convention be construed to imply a
       relinquishment by the United States of America of its
       traditional attitude toward purely American questions.' Under
       the reserve of this declaration the United States delegates
       signed the Arbitration Convention itself. Article 8 of the
       Convention, providing for a special form of Mediation, was
       proposed individually by Mr. Holls of the United States
       Commission. … It is hoped that in particular crises, when the
       other means provided by the Convention for keeping or
       restoring peace have failed, it may prove to have real and
       practical value. It is certain that, by the Continental States
       of Europe, it has been exceedingly well received."

          General Report of the American Commission.

       "Objection has been made to [the International Court of
       Arbitration] on the ground that submission to it is purely
       voluntary and that no executive authority has been provided to
       carry out its decrees. The answer to all such objections is
       simply that the power of enlightened public opinion is relied
       upon to be amply sufficient for the purpose of insuring
       obedience to every just mandate of this Court. In the case of
       the United States of America the judgments of the Court,
       according to the decisions now in force, will have a
       peculiarly binding force. An agreement to submit a case to the
       Court cannot be made by the United States, except by way of a
       treaty, which, when ratified by the Senate, becomes the
       supreme law of the land. In the case of La Ninfa, Whitelaw v.
       The United States (75 Fed. Rep., 513), it was decided by the
       United States Circuit Court of Appeals in California that by
       virtue of the treaty the judgment of the Court of Arbitration
       provided for by the terms of the treaty has all the force of a
       federal statute, and it is itself the supreme law of the land,
       binding upon every individual citizen of the United States,
       including all federal and State authorities. For us, at least,
       the International Court of Arbitration at The Hague will, if
       this view prevails, in reality be the highest possible
       tribunal, with an authority binding even on our own United
       States Supreme Court.

       "Article 27 aims, in a measure, to supply the deficiency of
       the provision for obligatory arbitration, in that it declares
       it to be the duty of all Signatory Powers to remind anyone or
       more of themselves, in case of a threatened dispute, that the
       permanent Court of Arbitration is open to them. What
       particular effect this particular article will have must be
       left to the future. Without modification or reservation the
       article, when ratified by the United States, would have
       constituted a complete abandonment of the time-honored Monroe
       Doctrine. Accordingly the representatives of the United States
       declined to sign the treaty, except under a reservation or
       declaration, which was solemnly accepted by the Peace
       Conference, thus materially modifying the jurisdiction of the
       Court [see above]. … By this declaration the Monroe Doctrine
       was not only self-guarded, but it was stated and vindicated
       more emphatically than ever before in our history, and the
       people of this country are, therefore, in a position to
       cordially support the International Court of Arbitration,
       without the fear that the Court itself, or the fact of its
       establishment, may ever be used against this country, or to
       the embarrassment of its diplomacy and traditional policy. …

       "The effect of the establishment of the Court upon European
       diplomacy is necessarily surrounded by great uncertainty. In
       a recent review of the work of the Peace Conference I ventured
       to use this language: 'It is most encouraging and of the
       highest importance that upon the whole Continent the
       governments are apparently in advance of public opinion upon
       the entire subject of the Peace Conference. The reason is not
       far to seek. No man who is fit for the position can to-day
       hold a place involving the direction of his country's
       international policy without feeling an almost intolerable
       pressure of responsibility. To him every remote chance of a
       lightening of his burden comes as a promise of blessed relief.
       It is a historical fact that none of the obstacles to success
       which the Peace Conference had to overcome originated in the
       mind of any sovereign or of any high minister of State. In
       every case they were raised by underlings without
       responsibility and anxious to show superior wisdom by finding
       fault. So long as this favorable governmental attitude
       continues there is every reason for encouragement.'

    {356}

       'Continental public opinion, especially in questions of
       foreign policy, seems more pliable than ever before, and is as
       clay in the hands of a potter, so far as alliances and
       sympathies are concerned, when following a popular monarch or
       foreign minister.' I have since been assured by the highest
       officials of at least two great European Powers, that this
       statement meets with their unqualified approval. The sneers of
       irresponsible journals and politicians cannot and will not
       affect the deliberate purposes of a high-minded and serious
       minister of State."

          F. W. Holls,
          The International Court of Arbitration at The Hague;
          a paper read before the New York State Bar Association,
          January 15, 1901.

    PEACE CONFERENCE:
       Convention for the Pacific Settlement of
       International Disputes.

       TITLE I.
       On the Maintenance of the General Peace.

          ARTICLE I.
          With a view to obviating as far as possible, recourse to
          force in the relations between States, the Signatory Powers
          agree to use their best efforts to insure the pacific
          settlement of international differences.

       TITLE II.
       On Good Offices and Mediation.

          ARTICLE II.
          In case of serious disagreement or conflict, before an
          appeal to arms, the Signatory Powers agree to have
          recourse, as far as circumstances allow, to the good
          offices or mediation of one or more friendly Powers.

          ARTICLE III.
          Independently of this recourse, the Signatory Powers
          recommend that one or more Powers, strangers to the
          dispute, should, on their own initiative, and as far as
          circumstances may allow, offer their good offices or
          mediation to the States at variance. Powers, strangers to
          the dispute, have the right to offer good offices or
          mediation, even during the course of hostilities. The
          exercise of this right can never be regarded by one or the
          other of the parties in conflict as an unfriendly act.

          ARTICLE IV.
          The part of the mediator consists in reconciling the
          opposing claims and appeasing the feelings of resentment
          which may have arisen between the States at variance.

          ARTICLE V.
          The functions of the mediator are at an end when once it is
          declared, either by one of the parties to the dispute, or
          by the mediator himself, that the means of reconciliation
          proposed by him are not accepted.

          ARTICLE VI.
          Good offices and mediation, either at the request of the
          parties at variance, or on the initiative of Powers
          strangers to the dispute, have exclusively the character of
          advice and never have binding force.

          ARTICLE VII.
          The acceptance of mediation can not, unless there be an
          agreement to the contrary, have the effect of interrupting,
          delaying, or hindering mobilization or other measures of
          preparation for war. If mediation occurs after the
          commencement of hostilities it causes no interruption to
          the military operations in progress, unless there be an
          agreement to the contrary.

          ARTICLE VIII.
          The Signatory Powers are agreed in recommending the
          application, when circumstances allow, for special
          mediation in the following form:—In case of a serious
          difference endangering the peace, the States at variance
          choose respectively a Power, to whom they intrust the
          mission of entering into direct communication with the
          Power chosen on the other side, with the object of
          preventing the rupture of pacific relations. For the period
          of this mandate, the term of which, unless otherwise
          stipulated, cannot exceed thirty days, the States in
          conflict cease from all direct communication on the subject
          of the dispute, which is regarded as referred exclusively
          to the mediating Powers, who must use their best efforts to
          settle it. In case of a definite rupture of pacific
          relations, these Powers are charged with the joint task of
          taking advantage of any opportunity to restore peace.

       TITLE III.
       On International Commissions of Inquiry.

          ARTICLE IX.
          In differences of an international nature involving neither
          honour nor vital interests, and arising from a difference
          of opinion on points of fact, the Signatory Powers
          recommend that the parties, who have not been able to come
          to an agreement by means of diplomacy, should as far as
          circumstances allow, institute an International Commission
          of Inquiry, to facilitate a solution of these differences
          by elucidating the facts by means of an impartial and
          conscientious investigation.

       ARTICLE X.
       The International Commissions of Inquiry are constituted by
       special agreement between the parties in conflict. The
       Convention for an inquiry defines the facts to be examined and
       the extent of the Commissioners' powers. It settles the
       procedure. On the inquiry both sides must be heard. The form
       and the periods to be observed, if not stated in the inquiry
       Convention, are decided by the Commission itself.

          ARTICLE XI.
          The International Commissions of Inquiry are formed, unless
          otherwise stipulated, in the manner fixed by Article XXXII
          of the present Convention.

          ARTICLE XII.
          The powers in dispute engage to supply the International
          Commission of Inquiry, as fully as they may think possible,
          with all means and facilities necessary to enable it to be
          completely acquainted with and to accurately understand the
          facts in question.

          ARTICLE XIII.
          The International Commission of Inquiry communicates its
          Report to the conflicting Powers, signed by all the members
          of the Commission.

          ARTICLE XIV.
          The Report of the International Commission of Inquiry is
          limited to a statement of facts, and has in no way the
          character of an Arbitral Award. It leaves the conflicting
          Powers entire freedom as to the effect to be given to this
          statement.

       TITLE IV.
       On International Arbitration.

       CHAPTER I.
       On the System of Arbitration.

          ARTICLE XV.
          International arbitration has for its object the settlement
          of differences between States by judges of their own
          choice, and on the basis of respect for law.

          ARTICLE XVI.
          In questions of a legal nature, and especially in the
          interpretation or application of International Conventions,
          arbitration is recognized by the Signatory Powers as the
          most effective, and at the same time the most equitable,
          means of settling disputes which diplomacy has failed to
          settle.

          ARTICLE XVII.
          The Arbitration Convention is concluded for questions
          already existing or for questions which may arise
          eventually. It may embrace any dispute or only disputes of
          a certain category.

    {357}

          ARTICLE XVIII.
          The Arbitration Convention implies the engagement to submit
          loyally to the Award.

          ARTICLE XIX.
          Independently of general or private Treaties expressly
          stipulating recourse to arbitration as obligatory on the
          Signatory Powers, these Powers reserve to themselves the
          right of concluding, either before the ratification of the
          present Act or later, new Agreements, general or private,
          with a view to extending obligatory arbitration to all
          cases which they may consider it possible to submit to it.

       CHAPTER II.
       On the Permanent Court of Arbitration.

          ARTICLE XX.
          With the object of facilitating an immediate recourse to
          arbitration for international differences, which it has not
          been possible to settle by diplomacy, the Signatory Powers
          undertake to organize a permanent Court of Arbitration,
          accessible at all times and operating, unless otherwise
          stipulated by the parties, in accordance with the Rules of
          Procedure inserted in the present Convention.

          ARTICLE XXI.
          The Permanent Court shall be competent for all arbitration
          cases, unless the parties agree to institute a special
          Tribunal.

          ARTICLE XXII.
          An International Bureau, established at The Hague, serves
          as record office for the Court. This Bureau is the channel
          for communications relative to the meetings of the Court.
          It has the custody of the archives and conducts all the
          administrative business. The Signatory Powers undertake to
          communicate to the International Bureau at The Hague a duly
          certified copy of any conditions of arbitration arrived at
          between them, and of any award concerning them delivered by
          special Tribunals. They undertake also to communicate to
          the Bureau the Laws, Regulations, and documents eventually
          showing the execution of the awards given by the Court.

          ARTICLE XXIII.
          Within the three months following its ratification of the
          present Act, each Signatory Power shall select four persons
          at the most, of known competency in questions of
          international law, of the highest moral reputation, and
          disposed to accept the duties of Arbitrators. The persons
          thus selected shall be inscribed, as members of the Court,
          in a list which shall be notified by the Bureau to all the
          Signatory Powers. Any alteration in the list of Arbitrators
          is brought by the Bureau to the knowledge of the Signatory
          Powers. Two or more Powers may agree on the selection in
          common of one or more Members. The same person can be
          selected by different Powers. The Members of the Court are
          appointed for a term of six years. Their appointments can
          be renewed. In case of the death or retirement of a member
          of the Court, his place shall be filled in accordance with
          the method of his appointment.

          ARTICLE XXIV.
          When the Signatory Powers desire to have recourse to the
          Permanent Court for the settlement of a difference that has
          arisen between them, the Arbitrators called upon to form the
          competent Tribunal to decide this difference, must be
          chosen from the general list of members of the Court.
          Failing the direct agreement of the parties on the
          composition of the Arbitration Tribunal, the following
          course shall be pursued:—Each party appoints two
          Arbitrators, and these together choose an Umpire. If the
          votes are equal, the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a
          third Power, selected by the parties by common accord. If
          an agreement is not arrived at on this subject, each party
          selects a different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is
          made in concert by the Powers thus selected. The Tribunal
          being thus composed, the parties notify to the Bureau their
          determination to have recourse to the Court and the names
          of the Arbitrators. The Tribunal of Arbitration assembles
          on the date fixed by the parties. The Members of the Court,
          in the discharge of their duties and out of their own
          country, enjoy diplomatic privileges and immunities.

          ARTICLE XXV.
          The Tribunal of Arbitration has its ordinary seat at The
          Hague. Except in cases of necessity, the place of session
          can only be altered by the Tribunal with the assent of the
          parties.

          ARTICLE XXVI.
          The International Bureau at The Hague is authorized to
          place its premises and its staff at the disposal of the
          Signatory Powers for the operations of any special Board of
          Arbitration. The jurisdiction of the Permanent Court, may,
          within the conditions laid down in the Regulations, be
          extended to disputes between non-Signatory Powers, or
          between Signatory Powers and non-Signatory Powers, if the
          parties are agreed on recourse to this Tribunal.

          ARTICLE XXVII.
          The Signatory Powers consider it their duty, if a serious
          dispute threatens to break out between two or more of them,
          to remind these latter that the Permanent Court is open to
          them. Consequently, they declare that the fact of reminding
          the conflicting parties of the provisions of the present
          Convention, and the advice given to them, in the highest
          interests of peace, to have recourse to the Permanent
          Court, can only be regarded as friendly actions.

          ARTICLE XXVIII.
          A Permanent Administrative Council, composed of the
          Diplomatic Representatives of the Signatory Powers
          accredited to The Hague and of the Netherland Minister for
          Foreign Affairs, who will act as President, shall be
          instituted in this town as soon as possible after the
          ratification of the present Act by at least nine Powers.
          This Council will be charged with the establishment and
          organization of the International Bureau, which will be
          under its direction and control. It will notify to the
          Powers the constitution of the Court and will provide for
          its installation. It will settle its Rules of Procedure and
          all other necessary Regulations. It will decide all
          questions of administration which may arise with regard to
          the operations of the Court. It will have entire control
          over the appointment, suspension or dismissal of the
          officials and employés of the Bureau. It will fix the
          payments and salaries, and control the general expenditure.
          At meetings duly summoned the presence of five members is
          sufficient to render valid the discussions of the Council.
          The decisions are taken by a majority of votes. The Council
          communicates to the Signatory Powers without delay the
          Regulations adopted by it. It furnishes them with an annual
          Report on the labours of the Court, the working of the
          administration, and the expenses.

          ARTICLE XXIX.
          The expenses of the Bureau shall be borne by the Signatory
          Powers in the proportion fixed for the International Bureau
          of the Universal Postal Union.

    {358}

       CHAPTER III.
       On Arbitral Procedure.

          ARTICLE XXX.
          With a view to encourage the development of arbitration,
          the Signatory Powers have agreed on the following Rules
          which shall be applicable to arbitral procedure, unless
          other Rules have been agreed on by the parties.

          ARTICLE XXXI.
          The Powers who have recourse to arbitration sign a special
          Act ("Compromis"), in which the subject of the difference
          is clearly defined, as well as the extent of the
          Arbitrators' powers. This Act implies the undertaking of
          the parties to submit loyally to the award.

          ARTICLE XXXII.
          The duties of Arbitrator may be conferred on one Arbitrator
          alone or on several Arbitrators selected by the parties as
          they please, or chosen by them from the members of the
          Permanent Court of Arbitration established by the present
          Act. Failing the constitution of the Tribunal by direct
          agreement between the parties, the following course shall
          be pursued: Each party appoints two Arbitrators, and these
          latter together choose an Umpire. In case of equal voting,
          the choice of the Umpire is intrusted to a third Power,
          selected by the parties by common accord. If no agreement
          is arrived at on this subject, each party selects a
          different Power, and the choice of the Umpire is made in
          concert by the Powers thus selected.

          ARTICLE XXXIII.
          When a Sovereign or the Chief of a State is chosen as
          Arbitrator, the arbitral procedure is settled by him.

          ARTICLE XXXIV.
          The Umpire is by right President of the Tribunal. When the
          Tribunal does not include an Umpire, it appoints its own
          President.

          ARTICLE XXXV.
          In case of the death, retirement, or disability from any
          cause of one of the Arbitrators, his place shall be filled
          in accordance with the method of his appointment.

          ARTICLE XXXVI.
          The Tribunal's place of session is selected by the parties.
          Failing this selection the Tribunal sits at The Hague. The
          place thus fixed cannot, except in case of necessity, be
          changed by the Tribunal without the assent of the parties.

          ARTICLE XXXVII.
          The parties have the right to appoint delegates or special
          agents to attend the Tribunal, for the purpose of serving
          as intermediaries between them and the Tribunal. They are
          further authorized to retain, for the defense of their
          rights and interests before the Tribunal, counselor
          advocates appointed by them for this purpose.

          ARTICLE XXXVIII.
          The Tribunal decides on the choice of languages to be used
          by itself, and to be authorized for use before it.

          ARTICLE XXXIX.
          As a general rule the arbitral procedure comprises two
          distinct phases; preliminary examination and discussion.
          Preliminary examination consists in the communication by
          the respective agents to the members of the Tribunal and to
          the opposite party of all printed or written Acts and of
          all documents containing the arguments invoked in the case.
          This communication shall be made in the form and within the
          periods fixed by the Tribunal in accordance with Article
          XLIX. Discussion consists in the oral development before
          the Tribunal of the arguments of the parties.

          ARTICLE XL.
          Every document produced by one party must be communicated
          to the other party.

          ARTICLE XLI.
          The discussions are under the direction of the President.
          They are only public if it be so decided by the Tribunal,
          with the assent of the parties. They are recorded in the
          "procès-verbaux" drawn up by the Secretaries appointed by
          the President. These "procès-verbaux" lone have an
          authentic character.

          ARTICLE XLII.
          When the preliminary examination is concluded, the Tribunal
          has the light to refuse discussion of all fresh Acts or
          documents which one party may desire to submit to it
          without the consent of the other party.

          ARTICLE XLIII.
          The Tribunal is free to take into consideration fresh Acts
          or documents to which its attention may be drawn by the
          agents or counsel of the parties. In this case, the
          Tribunal has the right to require the production of these
          Acts or documents, but is obliged to make them known to the
          opposite party.

          ARTICLE XLIV.
          The Tribunal can, besides, require from the agents of the
          parties the production of all Acts, and can demand all
          necessary explanations. In case of refusal, the Tribunal
          takes note of it.

          ARTICLE XLV.
          The agents and counsel of the parties are authorized to
          present orally to the Tribunal all the arguments they may
          think expedient in defence of their case.

          ARTICLE XLVI.
          They have the right to raise objections and points. The
          decisions of the Tribunal on those points are final, and
          cannot form the subject of any subsequent discussion.

          ARTICLE XLVII.
          The members of the Tribunal have the right to put questions
          to the agents and counsel of the parties, and to demand
          explanations from them on doubtful points. Neither the
          questions put nor the remarks made by members of the
          Tribunal during the discussions can be regarded as an
          expression of opinion by the Tribunal in general, or by its
          members in particular.

          ARTICLE XLVIII.
          The Tribunal is authorized to declare its competence in
          interpreting the "Compromis" as well as the other Treaties
          which may be invoked in the case, and in applying the
          principles of international law.

          ARTICLE XLIX.
          The Tribunal has the right to issue Rules of Procedure for
          the conduct of the case, to decide the forms and periods
          within which each party must conclude its arguments, and to
          arrange all the formalities required for dealing with the
          evidence.

          ARTICLE L.
          When the agents and counsel of the parties have submitted
          all explanations and evidence in support of their case, the
          President pronounces the discussion closed.

          ARTICLE LI.
          The deliberations of the Tribunal take place in private.
          Every decision is taken by a majority of members of the
          Tribunal. The refusal of a member to vote must be recorded
          in the "procès-verbal."

          ARTICLE LII.
          The award, given by a majority of votes, is accompanied by
          a statement of reasons. It is drawn up in writing and
          signed by each member of the Tribunal. Those members who
          are in the minority may record their dissent when signing.

          ARTICLE LIII.
          The award is read out at a public meeting of the Tribunal,
          the agents and counsel of the parties being present, or
          duly summoned to attend.

    {359}

          ARTICLE LIV.
          The award, duly pronounced and notified to the agents of
          the parties at variance, puts an end to the dispute
          definitely and without appeal.

          ARTICLE LV.
          The parties can reserve in the "Compromis" the right to
          demand the revision of the award. In this case, and unless
          there be an agreement to the contrary, the demand must be
          addressed to the Tribunal which pronounced the award. It
          can only be made on the ground of the discovery of some new
          fact calculated to exercise a decisive influence on the
          award, and which, at the time the discussion was closed,
          was unknown to the Tribunal and to the party demanding the
          revision. Proceedings for revision can only be instituted
          by a decision of the Tribunal expressly recording the
          existence of the new fact, recognizing in it the character
          described in the foregoing paragraph, and declaring the
          demand admissible on this ground. The "Compromis" fixes the
          period within which the demand for revision must be made.

          ARTICLE LVI.
          The award is only binding on the parties who concluded the
          "Compromis." When there is a question of interpreting a
          Convention to which Powers other than those concerned in
          the dispute are parties, the latter notify to the former
          the "Compromis" they have concluded. Each of these Powers
          has the right to intervene in the case. If one or more of
          them avail themselves of this right, the interpretation
          contained in the award is equally binding on them.

          ARTICLE LVII.
          Each party pays its own expenses and an equal share of
          those of the Tribunal.

       General Provisions.

          ARTICLE LVIII.
          The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as
          possible. The ratification shall be deposited at The Hague.
          A "procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt
          of each ratification, and a copy duly certified shall be
          sent, through the diplomatic channel, to all the Powers who
          were represented at the International Peace Conference at
          The Hague.

          ARTICLE LIX.
          The non-Signatory Powers who were represented at the
          International Peace Conference can adhere to the present
          Convention. For this purpose they must make known their
          adhesion to the Contracting Powers by a written
          notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and
          communicated by it to all the other Contracting Powers.

          ARTICLE LX.
          The conditions on which the Powers who were not represented
          at the International Peace Conference can adhere to the
          present Convention shall form the subject of a subsequent
          Agreement among the Contracting Powers.

          ARTICLE LXI.
          In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties
          denouncing the present Convention, this denunciation would
          not take effect until a year after its notification made in
          writing to the Netherland Government, and by it
          communicated at once to all the other Contracting Powers.
          This denunciation shall on]y affect the notifying Power. In
          faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
          present Convention and affixed their seals to it. Done at
          The Hague, the 29th July, 1899, in a single copy, which
          shall remain in the archives of the Netherland Government,
          and copies of it, duly certified, be sent through the
          diplomatic channel to the Contracting Powers.

          United States, 56th Congress,
          1st Session., Senate Document 159.

    PEACE CONFERENCE:
       The Permanent Court of Arbitration.

       The following is the membership of the Permanent Court of
       Arbitration, as finally organized, in January, 1901, and
       announced to be prepared for the consideration of any
       international dispute that may be submitted to it. Fifteen of
       the greater nations of the world are represented in this most
       august tribunal that has ever sat for judgment of the disputes
       of men:

       Austria-Hungary.

          His Excellency Count Frederic Schonborn, LL. D., president
          of the Imperial Royal Court of Administrative Justice,
          former Austrian Minister of Justice, member of the House of
          Lords of the Austrian Parliament, etc.

          His Excellency Mr. D. de Szilagyi, ex-Minister of Justice,
          member of the House of Deputies of the Hungarian
          Parliament.

          Count Albert Apponyi, member of the Chamber of Magnates and
          of the Chamber of Deputies of the Hungarian Parliament,
          etc.

          Mr. Henri Lammasch, LL. D., member of the House of Lords of
          the Austrian Parliament, etc.

       Belgium.

          His Excellency Mr. Beernaert, Minister of State, member of
          the Chamber of Representatives, etc.

          His Excellency Baron Lambermont, Minister of State, Envoy
          Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary,
          Secretary-General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

          The Chevalier Descamps, Senator.

          Mr. Rolin Jacquemyns, ex-Minister of the Interior.

       Denmark.

          Professor H. Matzen, LL. D., Professor of the Copenhagen
          University, Counsellor Extraordinary of the Supreme Court,
          President of the Landsthing.

       France.

          M. Leon Bourgeois, Deputy, ex-President of the Cabinet
          Council, ex-Minister for Foreign Affairs.

          M. de Laboulaye, ex-Ambassador.

          Baron Destournelles de Constant, Minister Plenipotentiary,
          Deputy.

          M. Louis Renault, Minister Plenipotentiary, Professor in
          the Faculty of Law at Paris, Law Office of the Department
          of Foreign Affairs.

       Germany.

          His Excellency Mr. Bingner, LL. D., Privy Councillor,
          Senate President of the Imperial High Court at Leipsic.

          Mr. von Frantzius, Privy Councillor, Solicitor of the
          Department of Foreign Affairs at Berlin.

          Mr. von Martitz, LL. D., Associate Justice of the Superior
          Court of Administrative Justice in Prussia, Professor of
          Law at the Berlin University.

          Mr. von Bar, LL. D., Judicial Privy Councillor, Professor
          of Law at the Göttingen University.

       Great Britain.

          His Excellency the Right Honorable Lord Pauncefote of
          Preston, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Privy Councillor,
          Ambassador at Washington.

          The Right Honorable Sir Edward Baldwin Malet,
          ex-Ambassador.

          The Right Honorable Sir Edward Fry, member of the Privy
          Council, Q. C.

          Professor John Westlake, LL. D., Q. C.

       Italy.

          His Excellency Count Constantin Nigra, Senator of the
          Kingdom, Ambassador at Vienna.

          His Excellency Commander Jean Baptiste Pagano
          Guarnaschelli, Senator of the Kingdom, First President of
          the Court of Cassation at Rome.

          His Excellency Count Tornielli Brusati di Vergano, Senator
          of the Kingdom, Ambassador at Paris.

          Commander Joseph Zanardelli, Attorney at Law, Deputy to the
          National Parliament.

    {360}

       Japan.
          Mr. Motono, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
          Plenipotentiary at Brussels.

          Mr. H. Willard Denison, Law Officer of the Minister for
          Foreign Affairs at Tokio.

       Netherlands.
          Mr. T. M. C. Asser, LL. D., member of the Council of
          State, ex-Professor of the University of Amsterdam.

          Mr. F. B. Coninck Liefsting, LL. D.,
          President of the Court of Cassation.

          Jonkheer A. F. de Savornin Lohman, LL. D.,
          ex-Minister of the Interior, ex-Professor of the Free
          University of Amsterdam, member of the Lower House of the
          States-General.

          Jonkheer G. L. M. H. Ruis de Beerenbrouck,
          ex-Minister of Justice, Commissioner of the Queen in the
          Province of Limbourg.

       Portugal.
          Count de Macedo, Peer of the Realm,
          ex-Minister of Marine and Colonies, Envoy Extraordinary and
          Minister Plenipotentiary at Madrid.

       Rumania.
          Mr. Theodore Rosetti, Senator,
          ex-President of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

          Mr. Jean Kalindero, Administrator of the Crown Domain,
          ex-Judge of the High Court of Cassation and Justice.

          Mr. Eugene Statsco,
          ex-President of the Senate, ex-Minister of Justice and
          Foreign Affairs.

          Mr. Jean N. Lahovari, Deputy, ex-Envoy Extraordinary and
          Minister Plenipotentiary, ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs.

       Russia.
          Mr. N. V. Mouravieff, Minister of Justice, Active Privy
          Councillor, Secretary of State of His Majesty the Emperor.

          Mr. C. P. Pobedonostzeff, Attorney-General of the Most
          Holy Synod, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of
          His Majesty the Emperor.

          Mr. E. V. Frisch,
          President of the Department of Legislation of the Imperial
          Council, Active Privy Councillor, Secretary of State of His
          Majesty the Emperor.

          Mr. de Martens, Privy Councillor,
          permanent member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign
          Affairs.

       Spain.
          His Excellency the Duke of Tetuan,
          ex-Minister of Foreign Affairs, Senator of the Kingdom,
          Grandee of Spain.

          Mr. Bienvenido Oliver,
          Director-General of the Ministry of Justice, ex-Delegate of
          Spain to the Conference on Private International Law at The
          Hague.

          Dr. Manuel Torres Campos,
          Professor of international law at the University of
          Grenada, associate member of the Institute of International
          Law.

       Sweden and Norway.
          Mr. S. R D. K. D'Olivecrona,
          member of the International Law Institute, ex-Associate
          Justice of the Supreme Court of the Kingdom of Sweden,
          Doctor of Laws and Letters at Stockholm.

          Mr. G. Gram,
          ex-Minister of State of Norway, Governor of the Province of
          Hamar, Norway.

       United States.
          Mr. Benjamin Harrison,
          ex-President of the United States.

          Mr. Melville W. Fuller,
          Chief Justice of the United States.

          Mr. John W. Griggs,
          Attorney-General of the United States.

          Mr. George Gray,
          United States Circuit Judge.
          First Secretary of the Court

          J. J. Rochussen.
          Second Secretary of the Court

          Jonkheer W. Roell.

       The Administrative Council consists of the Minister of Foreign
       Affairs of the Netherlands and the diplomatic representatives
       at The Hague of the ratifying Powers.

       Secretary-General
       Mr. R Melvil, Baron Van Leyden,
       Judge of the District Court of Utrecht and a member of the
       First Chamber of the States-General.

    PEACE CONFERENCE:
       Convention with respect to the Laws and Customs of
       War on Land.

       ARTICLE I.
       The High Contracting Parties shall issue instructions to their
       armed land forces, which shall be in conformity with the
       "Regulations respecting the Laws and Customs of War on Land"
       annexed to the present Convention.

       ARTICLE II.
       The provisions contained in the Regulations mentioned in
       Article I. are only binding on the Contracting Powers, in case
       of war between two or more of them. These provisions shall
       cease to be binding from the time when, in a war between
       Contracting Powers, a non-Contracting Power joins one of the
       belligerents.

       ARTICLE III.
       The present Convention shall be ratified as speedily as
       possible. The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. A
       "procès-verbal" shall be drawn up recording the receipt of
       each ratification, and a copy, duly certified, shall be sent
       through the diplomatic channel, to all the Contracting Powers.

       ARTICLE IV.
       Non-Signatory Powers are allowed to adhere to the present
       Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion
       known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written
       notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it
       communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

       ARTICLE V.
       In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing
       the present Convention, such denunciation would not take
       effect until a year after the written notification made to the
       Nethterland Government, and by it at once communicated to all
       the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall affect
       only the notifying Power.

       In faith of which the Plenipotentiaries have signed the
       present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

       [Signed by representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain, Mexico,
       France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia, Portugal,
       Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and Bulgaria.]

    REGULATIONS.

       SECTION I.
       On Belligerents.

       CHAPTER I.
       On the qualifications of Belligerents.

       ARTICLE I.
       The laws, rights, and duties of war apply not only to armies,
       but also to militia and volunteer corps, fulfilling the
       following conditions:

          1. To be commanded by a person responsible for his
          subordinates;

          2. To have a fixed distinctive emblem recognizable at a
          distance;

          3. To carry arms openly; and,

          4. To conduct their operations in accordance with the laws
          and customs of war. In countries where militia or volunteer
          corps constitute the army, or form part of it, they are
          included under the denomination "army."

       ARTICLE II.
       The population of a territory which has not been occupied who,
       on the enemy's approach, spontaneously take up arms to resist
       the invading troops without having time to organize themselves
       in accordance with Article I, shall be regarded a belligerent,
       if they respect the laws and customs of war.

       ARTICLE III.
       The armed forces of the belligerent parties may consist of
       combatants and non-combatants. In case of capture by the enemy
       both have a right to be treated as prisoners of war.

    {361}

       CHAPTER II.
       On Prisoners of War.

       ARTICLE IV.
       Prisoners of war are in the power of the hostile Government,
       but not in that of the individuals or corps who captured them.
       They must be humanely treated. All their personal belongings,
       except arms, horses, and military papers remain their
       property.

       ARTICLE V.
       Prisoners of war may be interned in a town, fortress, camp, or
       any other locality, and bound not to go beyond certain fixed
       limits; but they can only be confined as an indispensable
       measure of safety.

       ARTICLE VI.
       The State may utilize the labour of prisoners of war according
       to their rank and aptitude. Their tasks shall not be
       excessive, and shall have nothing to do with the military
       operations. Prisoners may be authorized to work for the Public
       Service, for private persons, or on their own account. Work
       done for the State shall be paid for according to the tariffs
       in force for soldiers of the national army employed on similar
       tasks. When the work is for other branches of the Public
       Service or for private persons, the conditions shall be
       settled in agreement with the military authorities. The wages
       of the prisoners shall go towards improving their position,
       and the balance shall be paid them at the time of their
       release, after deducting the cost of their maintenance.

       ARTICLE VII.
       The Government into whose hands prisoners of war have fallen
       is bound to maintain them. Failing a special agreement between
       the belligerents, prisoners of war shall be treated as regards
       food, quarters, and clothing, on the same footing as the
       troops of the Government which has captured them.

       ARTICLE VIII.
       Prisoners of war shall be subject to the laws, regulations,
       and orders in force in the army of the State into whose hands
       they have fallen. Any act of insubordination warrants the
       adoption, as regards them, of such measures of severity as may
       be necessary. Escaped prisoners, recaptured before they have
       succeeded in rejoining their army, or before quitting the
       territory occupied by the army that captured them, are liable
       to disciplinary punishment. Prisoners who, after succeeding in
       escaping, are again taken prisoners, are not liable to any
       punishment for the previous flight.

       ARTICLE IX.
       Every prisoner of war, if questioned, is bound to declare his
       true name and rank, and if he disregards this rule, he is
       liable to a curtailment of the advantages accorded to the
       prisoners of war of his class.

       ARTICLE X.
       Prisoners of war may be set at liberty on parole if the laws
       of their country authorize it, and, in such a case, they are
       bound, on their personal honour, scrupulously to fulfil, both
       as regards their own Government and the Government by whom
       they were made prisoners, the engagements they have
       contracted. In such cases, their own Government shall not
       require of nor accept from them any service incompatible with
       the parole given.

       ARTICLE XI.
       A prisoner of war cannot be forced to accept his liberty on
       parole; similarly the hostile Government is not obliged to
       assent to the prisoner's request to be set at liberty on
       parole.

       ARTICLE XII.
       Any prisoner of war, who is liberated on parole and
       recaptured, bearing arms against the Government to whom he had
       pledged his honour, or against the allies of that Government,
       forfeits his right to be treated as a prisoner of war, and can
       be brought before the Courts.

       ARTICLE XIII.
       Individuals who follow an army without directly belonging to
       it, such as newspaper correspondents and reporters, sutlers,
       contractors, who fall into the enemy's hands, and whom the
       latter think fit to detain, have a right to be treated as
       prisoners of war, provided they can produce a certificate from
       the military authorities of the army they were accompanying.

       ARTICLE XIV.
       A Bureau for information relative to prisoners of war is
       instituted, on the commencement of hostilities, in each of the
       belligerent States and, when necessary, in the neutral
       countries on whose territory belligerents have been received.
       This Bureau is intended to answer all inquiries about
       prisoners of war, and is furnished by the various services
       concerned with all the necessary information to enable it to
       keep an individual return for each prisoner of war. It is kept
       informed of internments and changes, as well as of admissions
       into hospital and deaths. It is also the duty of the
       Information Bureau to receive and collect all objects of
       personal use, valuables, letters, &c., found on the
       battlefields or left by prisoners who have died in hospital or
       ambulance, and to transmit them to those interested.

       ARTICLE XV.
       Relief Societies for prisoners of war, which are regularly
       constituted in accordance with the law of the country with the
       object of serving as the intermediary for charity, shall
       receive from the belligerents for themselves and their duly
       accredited agents every facility, within the bounds of
       military requirements and Administrative Regulations, for the
       effective accomplishment of their humane task. Delegates of
       these Societies may be admitted to the places of internment
       for the distribution of relief, as also to the halting places
       of repatriated prisoners, if furnished with a personal permit
       by the military authorities, and on giving an engagement in
       writing to comply with all their Regulations for order and
       police.

       ARTICLE XVI.
       The Information Bureau shall have the privilege of free
       postage. Letters, money orders, and valuables, as well as
       postal parcels destined for the prisoners of war or despatched
       by them, shall be free of all postal duties, both in the
       countries of origin and destination, as well as in those they
       pass through. Gifts and relief in kind for prisoners of war
       shall be admitted free of all duties of entry and others, as
       well as of payments for carriage by the Government rail ways.

       ARTICLE XVII.
       Officers taken prisoners may receive, if necessary, the full
       pay allowed them in this position by their country's
       regulations, the amount to be repaid by their Government.

       ARTICLE XVIII.
       Prisoners of war shall enjoy every latitude in the exercise of
       their religion, including attendance at their own church
       services, provided only they comply with the regulations for
       order and police issued by the military authorities.

       ARTICLE XIX.
       The wills of prisoners of war are received or drawn up on the
       same conditions as for soldiers of the national army. The same
       rules shall be observed regarding death certificates, as well as
       for the burial of prisoners of war, due regard being paid to
       their grade and rank.

    {362}

       ARTICLE XX.
       After the conclusion of peace, the repatriation of prisoners
       of war shall take place as speedily as possible.

       CHAPTER III.
       On the Sick and Wounded.

       ARTICLE XXI.
       The obligations of belligerents with regard to the sick and
       wounded are governed by the Geneva Convention of the 22d
       August, 1864, subject to any modifications which may be
       introduced into it.

       SECTION II.
       On Hostilities.

       CHAPTER I.
       On means of injuring the Enemy, Sieges: and Bombardments.

       ARTICLE XXII.
       The right of belligerents to adopt means of injuring the enemy
       is not unlimited.

       ARTICLE XXIII.
       Besides the prohibitions provided
       by special Conventions, it is especially prohibited:

          (a.) To employ poison or poisoned arms;

          (b.) To kill or wound treacherously individuals belonging
          to the hostile nation or army;

          (c.) To kill or wound an enemy who, having laid down arms,
          or having no longer means of defence, has surrendered at
          discretion;

          (d.) To declare that no quarter will be given;

          (e.) To employ arms, projectiles, or material of a nature
          to cause superfluous injury;

          (f.) To make improper use of a flag of truce, the national
          flag, or military ensigns and the enemy's uniform, as well
          as the distinctive badges of the Geneva Convention;

          (g.) To destroy or seize the enemy's property, unless such
          destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the
          necessities of war.

       ARTICLE XXIV.
       Ruses of war and the employment of methods necessary to obtain
       information about the enemy and the country, are considered
       allowable.

       ARTICLE XXV.
       The attack or bombardment of towns, villages, habitations or
       buildings which are not defended, is prohibited.

       ARTICLE XXVI.
       The Commander of an attacking force, before commencing a
       bombardment, except in the case of an assault, should do all
       he can to warn the authorities.

       ARTICLE XXVII.
       In sieges and bombardments all necessary steps should be taken
       to spare as far as possible edifices devoted to religion, art,
       science, and charity, hospitals, and places where the sick and
       wounded are collected, provided they are not used at the same
       time for military purposes. The besieged should indicate these
       buildings or places by some particular and visible signs,
       which should previously be notified to the assailants.

       ARTICLE XXVIII.
       The pillage of a town or place, even when taken by assault, is
       prohibited.

       CHAPTER II.
       On Spies.

       ARTICLE XXIX.
       An individual can only be considered a spy if, acting
       clandestinely, or on false pretences, he obtains, or seeks to
       obtain information in the zone of operations of a belligerent,
       with the intention of communicating it to the hostile party.
       Thus, soldiers not in disguise who have penetrated into the
       zone of operations of a hostile army to obtain information are
       not considered spies. Similarly, the following are not
       considered spies: soldiers or civilians, carrying out their
       mission openly, charged with the delivery of despatches
       destined either for their own army or for that of the enemy.
       To this class belong likewise individuals sent in balloons to
       deliver despatches, and generally to maintain communication
       between the various parts of an army or a territory.

       ARTICLE XXX.
       A spy taken in the act cannot be punished without previous
       trial.

       ARTICLE XXXI.
       A spy who, after rejoining the army to which he belongs, is
       subsequently captured by the enemy, is treated as a prisoner
       of war, and incurs no responsibility for his previous acts of
       espionage.

       CHAPTER III.
       On Flags of Truce.

       ARTICLE XXXII.
       An individual is considered as bearing a flag of truce who is
       authorized by one of the belligerents to enter into
       communication with the other, and who carries a white flag. He
       has a right to inviolability, as well as the trumpeter,
       bugler, or drummer, the flag-bearer, and the interpreter who
       may accompany him.

       ARTICLE XXXIII.
       The Chief to whom a flag of truce is sent is not obliged to
       receive it in all circumstances. He can take all steps
       necessary to prevent the envoy taking advantage of his mission
       to obtain information. In case of abuse, he has the right to
       detain the envoy temporarily.

       ARTICLE XXXIV.
       The envoy loses his rights of inviolability if it is proved
       beyond doubt that he has taken advantage of his privileged
       position to provoke or commit an act of treachery.

       CHAPTER IV.
       On Capitulations.

       ARTICLE XXXV.
       Capitulations agreed on between the Contracting Parties must
       be in accordance with the rules of military honour. When once
       settled, they must be scrupulously observed by both the
       parties.

       CHAPTER V.
       On Armistices.

       ARTICLE XXXVI.
       An armistice suspends military operations by mutual agreement
       between the belligerent parties. If its duration is not fixed,
       the belligerent parties can resume operations at any time,
       provided always the enemy is warned within the time agreed
       upon, in accordance with the terms of the armistice.

       ARTICLE XXXVII.
       An armistice may be general or local. The first suspends all
       military operations of the belligerent States; the second,
       only those between certain fractions of the belligerent armies
       and in a fixed radius.

       ARTICLE XXXVIII.
       An armistice must be notified officially, and in good time, to
       the competent authorities and the troops. Hostilities are
       suspended immediately lifter the notification, or at a fixed
       date.

       ARTICLE XXXIX.
       It is for the Contracting Parties to settle, in the terms of
       the armistice, what communications may be held, on the theatre
       of war, with the population and with each other.

       ARTICLE XL.
       Any serious violation of the armistice by one of the parties
       gives the other party the right to denounce it, and even, in
       case of urgency, to recommence hostilities at once.

       ARTICLE XLI.
       A violation of the terms of the armistice by private
       individuals acting on their own initiative, only confers the
       right of demanding the punishment of the offenders, and, if
       necessary, indemnity for the losses sustained.

    {363}

       SECTION III.
       On Military Authority over Hostile Territory.

       ARTICLE XLII.
       Territory is considered occupied when it is actually placed
       under the authority of the hostile army. The occupation
       applies only to the territory where such authority is
       established, and in a position to assert itself.

       ARTICLE XLIII.
       The authority of the legitimate power having actually passed
       into the hands of the occupant, the latter shall take all
       steps in his power to re-establish and insure, as far as
       possible, public order and safety, while respecting, unless
       absolutely prevented, the laws in force in the country.

       ARTICLE XLIV.
       Any compulsion of the population of occupied territory to take
       part in military operations against its own country is
       prohibited.

       ARTICLE XLV.
       Any pressure on the population of occupied territory to take
       the oath to the hostile Power is prohibited.

       ARTICLE XLVI.
       Family honours and rights, individual lives and private
       property, as well as religious convictions and liberty, must
       be respected. Private property cannot be confiscated.

       ARTICLE XLVII.
       Pillage is formally prohibited.

       ARTICLE XLVIII.
       If, in the territory occupied, the occupant collects the
       taxes, dues, and tolls imposed for the benefit of the State,
       he shall do it, as far as possible, in accordance with the
       rules in existence and the assessment in force, and will in
       consequence be bound to defray the expenses of the
       administration of the occupied territory on the same scale as
       that by which the legitimate Government was bound.

       ARTICLE XLIX.
       If, besides the taxes mentioned in the preceding Article, the
       occupant levies other money taxes in the occupied territory,
       this can only be for military necessities or the
       administration of such territory.

       ARTICLE L.
       No general penalty, pecuniary or otherwise, can be inflicted
       on the population on account of the acts of individuals for
       which it cannot be regarded as collectively responsible.

       ARTICLE LI.
       No tax shall be collected except under a written order and on
       the responsibility of a Commander-in-chief. This collection
       shall only take place, as far as possible, in accordance with
       the rules in existence and the assessment of taxes in force.
       For every payment a receipt shall be given to the taxpayer.

       ARTICLE LII.
       Neither requisitions in kind nor services can be demanded from
       communes or inhabitants except for the necessities of the army
       of occupation. They must be in proportion to the resources of the
       country, and of such a nature as not to involve the population
       in the obligation of taking part in military operations
       against their country. These requisitions and services shall
       only be demanded on the authority of the Commander in the
       locality occupied. The contributions in kind shall, as far as
       possible, be paid for in ready money; if not, their receipt
       shall be acknowledged.

       ARTICLE LIII.
       An army of occupation can only take possession of the cash,
       funds, and property liable to requisition belonging strictly
       to the State, depots of arms, means of transport, stores and
       supplies, and, generally, all movable property of the State
       which may be used for military operations. Railway plant, land
       telegraphs, telephones, steamers, and other ships, apart from
       cases governed by maritime law, as well as depots of arms and,
       generally, all kinds of war material, even though belonging to
       Companies or to private persons, are likewise material which
       may serve for military operations, but they must be restored
       at the conclusion of peace, and indemnities paid for them.

       ARTICLE LIV.
       The plant of railways coming from neutral States, whether the
       property of those States, or of Companies, or of private
       persons, shall be sent back to them as soon as possible.

       ARTICLE LV.
       The occupying State shall only be regarded as administrator
       and usufructuary of the public buildings, real property,
       forests, and agricultural works belonging to the hostile
       State, and situated in the occupied country. It must protect
       the capital of these properties, and administer it according
       to the rules of usufruct.

       ARTICLE LVI.
       The property of the communes, that of religious, charitable,
       and educational institutions, and those of arts and science,
       even when State property, shall be treated as private
       property. All seizure of, and destruction, or intentional
       damage done to such institutions, to historical monuments,
       works of art or science, is prohibited, and should be made the
       subject of proceedings.

       SECTION IV.
       On the Internment of Belligerents and the Care of the Wounded
       in Neutral Countries.

       ARTICLE LVII.
       A neutral State which receives in its territory troops
       belonging to the belligerent armies shall intern them, as far
       as possible, at a distance from the theatre of war. It can
       keep them in camps, and even confine them in fortresses or
       localities assigned for this purpose. It shall decide whether
       officers may be left at liberty on giving their parole that
       they will not leave the neutral territory without
       authorization.

       ARTICLE LVIII.
       Failing a special Convention, the neutral State shall supply
       the interned with the food, clothing, and relief required by
       humanity. At the conclusion of peace, the expenses caused by
       the internment shall be made good.

       ARTICLE LIX.
       A neutral State may authorize the passage through its
       territory of wounded or sick belonging to the belligerent
       armies, on condition that the trains bringing them shall carry
       neither combatants nor war material. In such a case, the neutral
       State is bound to adopt such measures of safety and control as
       may be necessary for the purpose. Wounded and sick brought
       under these conditions into neutral territory by one of the
       belligerents, and belonging to the hostile party, must be
       guarded by the neutral State, so as to insure their not taking
       part again in the military operations. The same duty shall
       devolve on the neutral State with regard to wounded or sick of
       the other army who may be committed to its care.

    {364}

       ARTICLE LX.
       The Geneva Convention applies to sick and wounded interned in
       neutral territory. The Convention establishing these
       regulations was not signed by the delegates from the United
       States, nor by those of Great Britain. The reasons for
       abstention on the part of the latter were stated in a
       communication from the British War Office, as follows: "Lord
       Lansdowne … considers it essential that the revised Articles,
       together with the Preamble and final dispositions, should be
       submitted to the most careful examination by the high military
       authorities and by the legal advisers of Her Majesty's
       Government, before he can pronounce a definitive opinion on
       the three points raised. Subject to such reserves as may
       result from this examination, Lord Lansdowne is of opinion
       that the Project of Convention is in general of such a nature
       that it may, in principle, be accepted as a basis of
       instructions for the guidance of the British army, but he is
       unable, until that examination has been completed, to offer an
       opinion as to whether it is desirable to enter into an
       international engagement. Lord Lansdowne would therefore
       suggest, for Lord Salisbury's consideration, that instructions
       should be given to Sir Julian Pauncefote to reserve full
       liberty for Her Majesty's Government, to accept only such
       Articles as, after mature examination by their military and
       legal advisers, they may approve of." Probably the delegates
       from the United States were similarly instructed by their
       government.

       Added to the Convention relative to Laws and Customs of War
       were three Declarations, separately signed, as follows:

       1. "The contracting powers agree to prohibit, for a term of
       five years, the launching of projectiles and explosives from
       balloons, or by other new methods of a similar nature."

       2. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of
       bullets which expand or flatten easily in the human body, such
       as bullets with a hard envelope which does not entirely cover
       the core, or is pierced with incisions."

       3. "The contracting parties agree to abstain from the use of
       projectiles the object of which is the diffusion of
       asphyxiating or deleterious gases."

       The first of these Declarations was signed by the delegates
       from the United States, but not by those from Great Britain.
       The second and third were signed by neither British nor
       American representatives. In the discussion that preceded the
       adoption of the second Declaration by a majority of the
       Conference, Captain Crozier, of the American delegation,
       presented the objections to it, on which he and his colleagues
       were in agreement with the British representatives. He said
       "there was a great difference of opinion as to whether the
       bullets of small calibre rifles sufficed to put men 'hors de
       combat,' which was admitted on all sides to be the object
       which rifle fire was expected to achieve. He considered the
       proposition before the Conference to be unsatisfactory, since
       it limited the prohibition to details of construction which
       only included a single case, and left all others out of
       consideration. He would not enter into a recapitulation of all
       the advantages of small calibre rifles, since they were
       perfectly well known; but he felt sure that certain Powers
       might adopt calibres even smaller than those at present in
       use, and, in this case, he maintained that they would be
       compelled to secure increased shock by some new method of
       construction of the projectile. He considered that it would be
       perfectly easy to devise such projectiles while keeping within
       the terms of the proposed interdiction, and he thought that
       the result might be the ultimate adoption of a bullet of an
       even less humane character than those aimed at by the
       Resolution. He declared that he had nothing to say for or
       against the Dum-Dum bullet [see, in this volume, DUM-DUM
       BULLET], of which he knew nothing except what had been stated
       during the meetings of the First Commission, but that he was
       not disposed to make any condemnation without proofs, and
       these proofs had not been forthcoming."

       As for the third Declaration, it was opposed by Captain Mahan,
       who spoke for the Americans, because "he considered the use of
       asphyxiating shell far less inhuman and cruel than the
       employment of submarine boats, and as the employment of
       submarine boats had not been interdicted by the Conference
       (though specially mentioned with that object in the Mouravieff
       Circular), he felt constrained to maintain his vote in favour of
       the use of asphyxiating shell on the original ground that the
       United States' Government was averse to placing any
       restriction on the inventive genius of its citizens in
       inventing and providing new weapons of war."

    PEACE CONFERENCE:
       Convention for the adaptation to maritime warfare of the
       principles of the Geneva Convention of August 22, 1864.

       ARTICLE I.
       Military hospital-ships, that is to say, ships constructed or
       assigned by States specially and solely for the purpose of
       assisting the wounded, sick, or shipwrecked, and the names of
       which shall have been communicated to the belligerent Powers
       at the commencement or during the course of hostilities, and
       in any case before they are employed, shall be respected and
       cannot be captured while hostilities last. These ships,
       moreover, are not on the same footing as men-of-war as regards
       their stay in a neutral port.

       ARTICLE II.
       Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of
       private individuals or officially recognized relief Societies,
       shall likewise be respected and exempt from capture, provided
       the belligerent Power to whom they belong has given them an
       official commission and has notified their names to the
       Hostile Power at the commencement of or during hostilities,
       and in any case before they are employed. These ships should
       be furnished with a certificate from the competent
       authorities, declaring that they had been under their control
       while fitting out and on final departure.

       ARTICLE III.
       Hospital-ships, equipped wholly or in part at the cost of
       private individuals or officially recognized Societies of
       neutral countries, shall be respected and exempt from capture,
       if the neutral Power to whom they belong has given them an
       official commission and notified their names to the
       belligerent Powers at the commencement of or during
       hostilities, and in any case before they are employed.

       ARTICLE IV.
       The ships mentioned in Articles I, II, and III shall afford
       relief and assistance to the wounded, sick, and shipwrecked of
       the belligerents independently of their nationality. The
       Governments engage not to use these ships for any military
       purpose. These ships must not in any way hamper the movements
       of the combatants. During and after an engagement they will
       act at their own risk and peril. The belligerents will have
       the right to control and visit them; they can refuse to help
       them, order them off, make them take a certain course, and put
       a Commissioner on board; they can even detain them, if important
       circumstances require it. As far as possible the belligerents
       shall inscribe in the sailing papers of the hospital-ships the
       orders they give them.

    {365}

       ARTICLE V.
       The military hospital-ships shall be distinguished by being
       painted white outside with a horizontal band of green about a
       metre and a half in breadth. The ships mentioned in Articles
       II and III shall be distinguished by being painted white
       outside with a horizontal band of red about a metre and a half
       in breadth. The boats of the ships above mentioned, as also
       small craft which may be used for hospital work, shall be
       distinguished by similar painting. All hospital-ships shall
       make themselves known by hoisting, together with their
       national flag, the white flag with a red cross provided by the
       Geneva Convention.

       ARTICLE VI.
       Neutral merchantmen, yachts, or vessels, having, or taking on
       board, sick, wounded, or shipwrecked of the belligerents,
       cannot be captured for so doing, but they are liable to
       capture for any violation of neutrality they may have
       committed.

       ARTICLE VII.
       The religious, medical, or hospital staff of any captured ship
       is inviolable, and its members cannot be made prisoners of
       war. On leaving the ship they take with them the objects and
       surgical instruments which are their own private property.
       This staff shall continue to discharge its duties while
       necessary, and can afterwards leave when the
       Commander-in-chief considers it possible. The belligerents
       must guarantee to the staff that has fallen into their hands
       the enjoyment of their salaries intact.

       ARTICLE VIII.
       Sailors and soldiers who are taken on board when sick or
       wounded, to whatever nation they belong, shall be protected
       and looked after by the captors.

       ARTICLE IX.
       The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick of one of the belligerents
       who fall into the hands of the other, are prisoners of war.
       The captor must decide, according to circumstances, if it is
       best to keep them or send them to a port of his own country,
       to a neutral port, or even to a hostile port. In the last
       case, prisoners thus repatriated cannot serve as long as the
       war lasts.

       ARTICLE X.
       The shipwrecked, wounded, or sick, who are landed at a neutral
       port with the consent of the local authorities, must, failing
       a contrary arrangement between the neutral State and the
       belligerents, be guarded by the neutral State, so that they
       cannot again take part in the military operations. The
       expenses of entertainment and internment shall be borne by the
       State to which the shipwrecked, wounded, or sick belong.

       ARTICLE XI.
       The rules contained in the above Articles are binding only on
       the Contracting Powers, in case of war between two or more of
       them. The said rules shall cease to be binding from the time
       when, in a war between the Contracting Powers, one of the
       belligerents is joined by a non-Contracting Power.

       ARTICLE XII.
       The present Convention shall be ratified as soon as possible.
       The ratifications shall be deposited at The Hague. On the
       receipt of each ratification a "procès-verbal" shall be drawn
       up, a copy of which, duly certified, shall be sent through the
       diplomatic channel to all the Contracting Powers.

       ARTICLE XIII.
       The non-Signatory Powers who accepted the Geneva Convention of
       the 22d August, 1864, are allowed to adhere to the present
       Convention. For this purpose they must make their adhesion
       known to the Contracting Powers by means of a written
       notification addressed to the Netherland Government, and by it
       communicated to all the other Contracting Powers.

       ARTICLE XIV.
       In the event of one of the High Contracting Parties denouncing
       the present Convention, such denunciation shall not take
       effect until a year after the notification made in writing to
       the Netherland Government, and forthwith communicated by it to
       all the other Contracting Powers. This denunciation shall only
       affect the notifying Power.

       In faith of which the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed
       the present Convention and affixed their seals thereto.

       [Signed by the representatives of Belgium, Denmark, Spain,
       Mexico, France, Greece, Montenegro, the Netherlands, Persia,
       Portugal, Roumania, Russia, Siam, Sweden and Norway, and
       Bulgaria]

       ----------PEACE CONFERENCE: End--------

    PEARY'S EXPLORATIONS.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1898—.

    PEKING: A. D. 1900.
       The siege of the Foreign Legations and their rescue.
       Occupation of the city by the allied forces.
       Looting and outrage.
       March through the "Forbidden City."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE-AUGUST);
          and (AUGUST 4-16, and 15-28).

    PEKING: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Seizure of grounds for a fortified Legation Quarter.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900-1901 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    PEKING SYNDICATE, Chinese concessions to the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    PELAGIC SEAL KILLING, The question of.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    PELEW ISLANDS:
       Sale by Spain to Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

    PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1897.
       Great strike of coal miners.
       Conflict at Lattimer.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1897.

    PENNSYLVANIA: A. D. 1900.
       Strike of anthracite coal miners.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1900.

    PENNSYLVANIA, University of:
       Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA:
          AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    PENNY POSTAGE, British Imperial.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

    PENSIONS, Old-Age.

          See references (in this volume) under
          OLD-AGE PENSIONS.

    PEONES.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (AUGUST-JULY).

    PEOPLE'S PARTY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    {366}

    PERRY'S EXPEDITION TO JAPAN,
       Proposed monument to commemorate.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1901.

    PERSIA: A.D. 1896.
       Assassination of the Shah.

       The Shah of Persia, Nâsr-ed-din, was shot, on the 1st day of
       May, when entering the mosque of Shah Abdul Azim, by one Mirza
       Mahomed Reza, said to be of the Babi sect. Nâsr-ed-din had
       reigned since 1848. He was succeeded by his son,
       Muzaffar-ed-din, who was forty-three years old at his
       accession.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1897-1899.
       Recent exploration of the ruins of Susa.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    PERSIA: A. D. 1900.
       Russian railway projects.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

    PERSIAN GULF, Railways to the.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER);
          and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

    PERU: A. D. 1894-1899.
       Overthrow of an unconstitutional government.
       Legitimate authority restored.

       The death of President Bermudez, in March, 1894, brought about
       a revolutionary movement in the interest of ex-President
       Caceres. Constitutionally, the First Vice-President, Dr. del
       Solar, would have succeeded the deceased President, until a
       new election was held; but the Second Vice-President, who was
       a partisan of Caceres, and who had the army with him, seized
       control of the government. In May, Caceres was proclaimed
       Provisional President, and in August it was claimed for him
       that he had been elected by Congress; but the election was not
       recognized by his opponents. A formidable rebellion was
       organized, under the lead of ex-President Pierola, who had
       been in exile and now returned. Civil war raged for nearly a
       year, Pierola gaining steadily. In February, 1895, his forces
       reached the capital and laid siege to it. On the 17th of March
       they entered the city, and there was desperate fighting in the
       streets of Lima for three days, nearly 2,000 of the
       combatants being killed and more than 1,500 wounded. Chiefly
       through the efforts of the Papal delegate, the bloody conflict
       was finally stopped and terms of peace arranged. A provisional
       government, made up from both parties, was formed, under which
       a peaceable election was held in the following July. Pierola
       was then elected President. Caceres and his partisans
       attempted a rising the next year (1896), but it had no
       success. In the northern department of Loreto, on the border
       of Ecuador, an abortive movement for independence was set on
       foot by an ambitious official, who gave the government
       considerable trouble, but accomplished nothing more. In 1899,
       President Pierola was succeeded by Eduardo L. de Romana,
       elected in May. A rebellion attempted that year by one General
       Durand was promptly suppressed.

    PERU: A. D. 1894.-1900.
       The dispute with Chile concerning Tacna and Arica.

          See (in this volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1884-1900.

    PESCADORES ISLANDS:
       Cession by China to Japan.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1897.
       Opening of the Commercial Museum.

       A Commercial Museum which has acquired great importance was
       opened in Philadelphia on the 2d of June, 1897. "In both aim
       and results the institution is unique. Other countries, also,
       have their commercial museums, which are doing excellent work.
       Their scope, however, is much more limited; the Museum of
       Philadelphia differing from them in that it is an active, not
       merely a passive, aid to the prospective exporter. The foreign
       museums, situated in London, Bremen, Hamburg, Stuttgart,
       Vienna, Havre, Brussels, and various other commercial centres,
       do not extend active aid, but content themselves with more or
       less complete displays of samples of domestic and foreign
       competitive goods sold in export markets. The theory of their
       organization is, that the manufacturer, contemplating a
       foreign business campaign, will be enabled to pursue it
       intelligently through the study of these samples. The
       initiative is left to the exporter himself, who must discover
       what opportunities exist for him abroad; and it is also left
       to him to take advantage of his opportunities in the way that
       may seem best to him. The display of manufactured samples is
       only a small part of the work of the Philadelphia Museum. This
       institution shows not only what goods are sold in foreign
       markets, but also where those markets are, what commercial
       conditions obtain in connection with them, what particular
       kinds of goods they demand, how these markets may be best
       competed for, and where the raw material may be most
       profitably purchased. It furnishes information, furthermore,
       as to business connections as well as the credit ratings of
       the agents or firms recommended. To secure specific
       information it is not necessary to visit the institution
       itself; for reports of trade opportunities abroad are
       distributed by the Museum to its members; and these reports
       are provided with photographs of many of the articles which,
       at that particular time, are in demand, in certain parts of
       the world. Under these circumstances, the exporter is
       practically provided with a staff of expert, foreign
       representatives, without any expense to himself beyond the
       merely nominal fee for membership. While its activities are
       dependent to a certain extent upon the income derived from
       subscribers, the Museum is not a money-making institution.
       Indeed, its income from this source does not cover half the
       expenditures. It is enabled to carry on its work only by
       reason of the generous, annual appropriation provided for it
       by the City Councils of Philadelphia. But a very large income
       is required to maintain a staff of 150 employees in
       Philadelphia, as well as 500 regular and several thousand
       occasional correspondents scattered throughout the world. The
       only advantage which the city itself derives from the Museum
       is that resulting indirectly from the presence of foreign
       buyers attracted to Philadelphia by the Museum's work."

          W. P. Wilson,
          The Philadelphia Commercial Museum
          (Forum, September, 1899).

    PHILADELPHIA: A. D. 1899.
       National Export Exposition and International
       Commercial Congress.

          See (in this volume)
          INTERNATIONAL COMMERCIAL CONGRESS.

    {367}

       ----------PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: Start--------

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
       Number, area, shore line, and population.

       "In regard to the number and areas of the islands in the
       archipelago there must necessarily be a certain inaccuracy,
       because the group has never been properly surveyed, and the
       only method of determining the number and areas is by counting
       and measuring on the charts. The following figures are
       probably the best ever compiled. They are drawn from
       enumeration and mensuration on maps recently obtained by the
       United States commissioners to the Philippines and which are
       without doubt the most complete and the most thorough ever
       made. The following is quoted from the introduction to these
       maps, which are being published by the United States Coast and
       Geodetic Survey. All the islands or groups having an area of over
       20 square miles have been measured, and the areas are here
       given in square miles and square kilometers. Many different
       statements have been made in regard to the number of the
       islands composing the archipelago. The cause for this must be
       attributed to the scale of the charts on which the count was
       made and the difficulty of distinguishing between rocks and
       formations of sufficient area to dignify them by the name of
       islands. Thus on a small-scale Spanish chart of the entire
       group 948 islands were counted; on various large-scale charts
       of the same area there were found 1,725. The principal
       islands, with the extent of shore line of some of them and
       their area, are given on the following lists. The areas were
       carefully measured, but are subject to the inaccuracy of the
       length of general shore line.

       Name.                   Square Miles.  Square kilometers.

       Babuyan                      36                93
       Bagata, or Quinalasag        27                70
       Balabae                      38                98
       Basilan                     350               907
       Batan                        21                54
       Bantayan                     26                67
       Bohol                     1,430             3,727
       Bucas                        41               106
       Burias                      153               422
       Busuanga                    328               850
       Calayan                      37                96
       Calamian                    117               303
       Camiguin (Babnyanes group)   54               140
       Camiguin                     71               184
       Catandunanes                680             1,761
       Cebu                      1,742             4,512
       Dalupiri                     20                53
       Dinagat                     259               671
       Dumaran                      95               246
       Fuga                         21                54
       Guimaras                    176               456
       Leite (Leyte)             2,713             7,027
       Linapacan                    40               104
       Luzon                    47,238           122,346
       Mactan                       20                52
       Malhou (Homonkon)            35                91
       Marindugna                  287               743
       Masbate                   1.200             3,341
       Mindanao                 36,237            93,854
       Mindoro                   3,972            10,987
       Negros                    4,854            12,571
       Olutanga                     71               184
       Panaon                       57               148
       Panay                     4,708            12,194
       Panglao                      24                62
       Pangutaran                   32                85
       Polillo                     231               598
       Samal                       105               272
       Samar                     5,040            13,054
       Saranguani                   36                93
       Semerara                     23                60
       Siargao                     134               347
       Sibuyan                     131               339
       Siquijor                     83               215
       Sulu, or Jolo               241               624
       Tablas                      250               648
       Ticao                        94               243
       Ybayat, or Ibayat            22                57
       Ylin                         24                62

       GROUPS.

       Alabat                       76              197
       Jomalig

       Banton                       44              114
       Simara
       Romblon

       Daram                        41              106
       Buad

       Camotes group:               74              192
          Ponson
          Poro
          Pasijan

       Calaguas group:
          Tinagua                   19              49
          Guintinua

       Cuyos group:                 28              73
         Cuyos
          Cugo
          Agutaya
          Hamipo
         Bisukei

       Laguan                      23               60
       Batag

       Limbancauyan               184              477
       Mesa, or Talajit
       Maripipi
       Balupiri
       Biliran

       Lubang                     53              163
       Ambil
       Golo

       San Miguel                 82              212
       Batan
       Cacraray
       Rapurrapu

       Tawi Tawi group:          183             414
          Tawi Tawi
          Tabulinga
          Tandubato

       Others of the
       Tawi Tawi group.           54            140

       Total measured        118,542        307,025

       Estimated area of
       unmeasured islands      1,000          2,500

       Total area            119,542        309,615

    {368}

       Length of general shore line.

       Name.                     Miles          Kilometers

       Bohol                       161             259
       Cebu                        310             499
       Jolo Archipelago            858           1,381
       Kalamines                   126             203
       Leite                       363             584
       Luzon                     2,144           3,450
       Masbate                     244             393
       Mindanao                  1,592           2,562
       Mindoro                     322             518
       Negros                      386             621
       Palawan                     644           1,036
       Panay                       377             607
       Samar                       412             663
       Minor islands             3,505           5,641

       Total                    11,444          18,417

       "The following [as to population] is a quotation from an
       article by W. F. Wilcox, of the United States Census Bureau.
       It is well to notice that the last official census was in 1887
       and that the figures of that census, though probably
       underestimating the population of the islands, are the ones
       which, in default of better, we are obliged to take as final.
       It is probable that these are an understatement of the true
       population of the Philippines for several reasons, among which
       is one not observed by Mr. Wilcox, and which is therefore
       mentioned. It is, of course, only supposition, but is at least
       suggestive. For every adult counted in the census the
       officials were obliged to return a poll tax. Thus, for
       instance, if 100,000 persons were counted 100,000 pesetas
       would have to be returned to the treasury. It has therefore
       been supposed that the officials counted, say, 150,000 and
       returned only 100,000 pesetas and 100,000 names. Mr. Wilcox
       says (American Statistical Association Publ., September,
       1899): 'The population of the islands in 1872 was stated in a
       letter to Nature (6:162), from Manila, by Dr. A. B. Meyer, who
       gives the latest not yet published statistics as his
       authority. The letter gives the population of nine islands, as
       follows:

       Luzon    4,467,111
       Panay    1,052,586
       Cebu       427,356
       Leite      285,495
       Bohol      283,515
       Negros     255,873
       Samar      250,062
       Mindanao   191,802
       Mindoro     70,926

       "It also gives the population of each of the 43 provinces of
       the islands. The population was not counted, but estimated.
       The number who paid tribute was stated as 1,232,544. How this
       was ascertained we are not informed. The total population,
       7,451,352, was approximated 'on the supposition that about the
       sixth part of the whole has to pay tribute.' In reality this
       population is 6.046 times the assigned tribute-paying
       population. But Dr. Meyer adds: 'As there exist in all the
       islands, even in Luzon, independent tribes and a large number
       in Mindanao, the number of 7,451,352 gives no correct idea of
       the real population of the Philippines. This is not known at
       all and will not be known for a long time to come.'

       "Since 1872 there have been actual enumerations of the
       Philippines, but authorities differ as to the time when they
       occurred and the detailed results. These enumerations were
       usually confined to the subject and Catholic population, and
       omitted the heathen, Mohammedan, and independent tribes. Four
       reports of the entire population have been printed:

       1. A report made by the religious orders in 1876 or 1877, in
       which the nationalities and creeds of the population were
       distinguished.

       2. A manuscript report to Professor Blumentritt of the
       enumeration made by the religious orders in December, 1879.

       3. The official report of the civil census of December 31,
       1877, contained in Reseña geog. y estad. de España, 1888, p.
       1079.

       4. The official report upon the census taken by the civil
       officers December 31, 1887, and printed in the first volume of
       Censo de la Poblacion de España, at Madrid, in 1891.

       The first two may be compared, and tend somewhat to
       corroborate each other, as follows:

       1. Tribute-paying natives.            5,501,356

       2. Army                                  14,545
       3. Navy                                   2,924
       4. Religious officers (Geistlichkeit)     1,962
       5. Civil officers                         5,552
       6. Other Spaniards                       13,265

       Total Spaniards                          38,248

                                       1876-77.      1879.
       Total Catholics                5,539,604   5,777,522
       Heathen and Mohammedan natives   602,853     632,640
       Foreigners (In 1876 there were:
         British,  176; German, 109;
         Americans, 42; French, 30)         378         592
         Chinese                         30,797      39,054

         Total                        6,173,632   6,449,813

       "The third enumeration reported 5,567,685 as the
       tribute-paying population. To this number should be added the
       estimated number of the independent tribes, 'Indios no
       sometidos'; this according to the missionaries' count was
       about 600,000, making a total of 6,167,685. Most experts agree
       that this official report is untrustworthy and involves
       serious omissions, but believe that the facts are so
       imperfectly known that they are unable to correct it. One
       author, del Pac, writing in 1882, started from the
       missionaries' census of 1876-77, viz, 6,173,632, assumed that
       this omitted as many as 600,000 members of independent tribes
       and that the increase of 1876-1882 would be 740,000. In this
       way he got 7,513,632. A second writer, Sanciano, estimated the
       population in 1881 as 10,260,249. The missionaries made an
       estimate of their own in 1885 which showed 9,529,841.

    Seat of War in the Island of Luzon.

    {369}

       "The fourth enumeration of those mentioned above showed a
       population of 5,985,123 in 1887, and the totals both for the
       group as a whole and for the fifty odd provinces tend to
       confirm and to be confirmed by the civil count of 1877. This
       number, however, represents only the nominally Catholic or
       tribute-paying population. To it must be added the Mohammedan
       or heathen tribes set down by clerical authorities as about
       600,000. Perhaps the highest authority in this field,
       Professor Blumentritt, is confident that this number does not
       include all the independent tribes, but only those in the
       mountains who have a special arrangement freeing them from all
       the dues of the subject tribes. On the whole, therefore, Prof.
       H. Wagner is inclined to estimate these omissions of
       independent or non-Christian tribes at about 1,000,000 and the
       population of the group at about 7,000,000. This result is
       indorsed by the latest German authority, Hübner's
       Geographisch-Statistische Tabellen for 1898, which gives the
       population as
       5,985,124 + 1,000,000 = 6,985,124, as follows:

                                       Spanish     Estimated number
                                       census.     not counted.

       Luzon and adjacent islands     3,443,000       150,000
       Mindoro and Masbate              126,000       100,000
       Visayas Archipelago            2,181,000       200,000
       Mindanao                         209,000       400,000
       Calamianes and Palawan            22,000        50,000
       Jolo (Sulu) Islands                4,000       100,000

       Total                          5,985,000     1,000,000

       "Personally I am disposed to suspect that this number,
       although called by Professor Wagner an outside estimate, is
       below rather than above the truth. In favor of this position
       it may be urged that Professor Wagner's estimate makes no
       allowance either for the natural increase of population,
       1887-1898, or for the fact that the first careful census of
       densely populated regions, like India and Japan, usually
       reveals a larger population than had been previously
       estimated. This analogy might reasonably be applied to Luzon
       and the Visayas."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 171, pages 4-7.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS:
       The native inhabitants.

       "The inhabitants of the Philippines belong to three sharply
       distinct races—the Negrito race, the Indonesian race, and the
       Malayan race. It is universally conceded that the Negritos of
       to-day are the disappearing remnants of a people which once
       populated the entire archipelago. They are, physically,
       weaklings of low stature, with black skin, closely-curling
       hair, flat noses, thick lips, and large, clumsy feet. In the
       matter of intelligence they stand at or near the bottom of the
       human series, and they are believed to be incapable of any
       considerable degree of civilization or advancement. Centuries
       ago they were driven from the coast regions into the wilder
       interior portions of the islands by Malay invaders, and from
       that day to this they have steadily lost ground in the
       struggle for existence, until but a few scattered and
       numerically insignificant groups of them remain. … It is
       believed that not more than 25,000 of them exist in the entire
       archipelago, and the race seems doomed to early extinction. …

       "So far as is at present known, the Philippine tribes
       belonging to the Indonesian race are confined to the great
       island of Mindanao, the surface of which constitutes about
       one-third of the total land area of the archipelago. … The
       Philippine representatives of this race are physically
       superior not only to the Negritos, but to the more numerous
       Malayan peoples as well. They are tall and well developed,
       with high foreheads, aquiline noses, wavy hair, and often with
       abundant beards. The color of their skins is quite light. Many
       of them are very clever and intelligent. None of the tribes
       have been Christianized. Some of them have grown extremely
       fierce and warlike as a result of their long struggle with
       hostile Malayan peoples. Others, more happy in their
       surroundings, are pacific and industrious.

       "The great majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines are
       of Malayan extraction, although the race is not found pure in
       any of the islands, but is everywhere more or less modified
       through intermarriage with Chinese, Indonesians, Negritos,
       Arabs, and, to a limited extent, Spaniards and other
       Europeans. The individuals belonging to these Malayan tribes
       are of medium size, with straight black hair. As a rule the
       men are beardless, and when they have a beard it is usually
       straggling, and appears late in life. The skin is brown and
       distinctly darker than that of the Indonesians, although very
       much lighter than that of the Negritos. The nose is short and
       frequently considerably flattened. The representatives of
       these three races are divided into numerous tribes, which
       often differ very greatly in language, manners, customs, and
       laws, as well as in degree of civilization. …

       "Any estimate of the total population must manifestly depend
       on the number of inhabitants assigned to the various wild
       tribes, of which there are no less than 69. For the purposes
       of this report the commission has adopted as the total figure
       8,000,000, considering this a conservative estimate. Baranera,
       whose figures are believed to be carefully prepared, places
       the total at 9,000,000. The extent of territory occupied in
       whole or in part by each of the more important civilized
       tribes can be estimated with a greater degree of accuracy, and
       is approximately as follows: Visayans (occupying 28,100 square
       miles) 2,601,600; Tagalogs (15,380 sq. miles) 1,663,900;
       Bicols (6,900 sq. miles) 518,100; Ilocanos (6,170 sq. miles)
       441,700; Pangasinaus (1,950 sq. miles) 365,500; Pampangas
       (1,950 sq. miles) 337,900; Moros (12,860 sq. miles) 268,000;
       Cagayans(11,500 sq. miles) 166,300. All of these peoples,
       although ignorant and illiterate, are possessed of a
       considerable degree of civilization, and, with the exception
       of the Mohammedan Moros, are Christianized."

          Philippine Commission,
          Report, January 31, 1900, volume 1, pages 11-15.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.
       The Katipunan and the rising against Spanish rule.
       Appearance of Aguinaldo as a leader.
       Dr. José Rizal.
       The Treaty of Biac-na-bato.
       Departure of Aguinaldo and his return with
       the American forces.

       The Philippine Islands, discovered in 1521 by Magellan (or
       Maghallanes or Magalhaes), and occupied by the Spaniards in
       1565, seems, for a long period, to have interested that people
       more as a missionary than as a commercial field. Indeed, the
       doings of the church and of the religious orders, and the
       acceptance of Roman teachings of Christianity by the greater
       part of the native population, make up the essential history
       of the Philippines until quite recent times. If the islands
       had offered gold mines, or pearl fisheries, or spice forests
       to their European discoverers, the story would certainly have
       been different. As it was, the Spaniards were not moved to
       much eagerness in exploiting such resources of commerce as
       they found; and so, through fortunate circumstances, the
       natives were made converts instead of slaves.
    {370}
       By missionaries, more than by soldiers, they were subdued; by
       the church, more than by the Spanish state, they were ruled.
       It is certain that there were great corruptions and
       oppressions in the government, and it follows that a large
       share of responsibility for them rests on those who controlled
       the affairs of the church. For the past hundred years, at
       least, the more spirited part of the native population has
       been restive under the misrule and its burdens, and frequent
       attempts at insurrection have been made. Such an outbreak in
       1872 was suppressed and punished with a vengefulness, in
       executions and banishment, which rankled ever afterwards in
       the hearts of the people.

       A secret society, called the "Katipunan," or League, was then
       formed, which became a revolutionary organization, and from
       which sprang the most serious of Filipino rebellions, in 1896.
       The province of Cavite was the center of revolt, and it was
       there that Emilio Aguinaldo, then the schoolmaster at Silan,
       came into prominence as a leader. Mr. John Foreman, who was in
       the Philippines at the time of the insurrection, states that
       Aguinaldo was personally humane, but fearful atrocities were
       committed in the first months of the rising by some of the
       insurgents of his band. One captured priest, according to Mr.
       Foreman's account, "was cut up piecemeal; another was
       saturated with petroleum and set on fire; and a third was
       bathed in oil and fried on a bamboo spit run through the
       length of his body." The Spaniards, on their side, were
       equally inhuman in their treatment of captured rebels and
       "suspects." Says Mr. Foreman: "About 600 suspects were
       confined in the dungeons of Fort Santiago at the mouth of the
       Pasig River. Then occurred a frightful tragedy. The dungeons
       are below water-mark at high tide; the river filtered in
       through the crevices in the ancient masonry; thus twice a day
       these unfortunates were up to their waists or necks in water,
       according to the height of the men. The Spanish sergeant on
       duty threw his rug over the only light and ventilating shaft,
       and, in a couple of days, carts were seen by many citizens
       carrying away the dead, calculated to number 70. Provincial
       governors and parish priests seemed to regard it as a duty to
       supply the capital with batches of 'suspects' from their
       localities. In Vigan, where nothing had occurred, many of the
       heads of the best families and monied men were arrested and
       brought to Manila in a steamer. They were bound hand and foot,
       and carried like packages of merchandise in the hold. I
       happened to be on the quay when the steamer discharged her
       living freight, with chains and hooks to haul up and swing out
       the bodies like bales of hemp. …

       "Thousands of peaceful natives were treated with a ferocity
       which would have shocked all Europe. … Within three months of
       the outbreak, hundreds of the richest natives and half-castes
       in Manila were imprisoned for a few days and released
       conditionally"—the condition being a payment of ransom,
       sometimes said to be as high as $40,000. But General Blanco,
       the then Governor-General, was not vigorous enough in his
       measures to satisfy the all-powerful clerical party in the
       islands, and he was replaced by General Polaveja, who received
       large reinforcements from Spain, and who succeeded in breaking
       the strength of the rebellion to a great extent. But the
       character of Polaveja's administration is thus described by
       Mr. Foreman: "Apart from the circumstances of legitimate
       warfare, in which probably neither party was more merciful
       than the other, he initiated a system of striking terror into
       the non-combatant population by barbarous tortures and
       wholesale executions. … Men were escorted to the prisons by
       pure caprice and subjected to horrible maltreatment. Many of
       them were liberated in the course of a few days, declared
       innocent, but maimed for life and forever unable to get a
       living. … The only apparent object in all this was to
       disseminate broadcast living examples of Spanish vengeance."
       The most notable victim at this period was Dr. José Rizal, a
       physician, highly educated in Europe, distinguished as an
       oculist, and the author of certain novels in which the
       condition of things in his native country was set forth. On
       his return to the Islands, Dr. Rizal incurred the enmity of
       the friars by opposing them, and was pursued by their
       hostility. From 1893 to 1896 he was kept in banishment,
       closely watched, at a small town in the island of Mindanao.
       Then he sought and obtained permission to go to Cuba in the
       medical staff of the Spanish army; but, just as he arrived at
       Manila, on his way to Spain, the insurrection of 1896 broke
       out, and though he was suffered to depart, his enemies pursued
       him with accusations of complicity in the rising and caused
       him to be brought back. Says Mr. Foreman, who was an
       eye-witness of what occurred: "Not a few of us who saw the
       vessel leave wished him 'God speed.' But the clerical party
       were eager for his extermination. … The lay authorities always
       had to yield to the monks, and history herein repeated itself.
       Dr. Rizal was cabled for to answer certain accusations, and so
       on his landing in the Peninsula he was incarcerated in the
       celebrated fortress of Montjuich (the scene of so many
       horrors), pending his re-shipment by the returning steamer. He
       reached Manila as a state prisoner in the Colon, isolated from
       all but his jailors. It was materially impossible for him to
       have taken any part in the rebellion, whatever his sympathies
       may have been." Nevertheless, he was tried by court-martial
       for sedition and rebellion, condemned and shot; and his memory
       is cherished in the islands as that of a martyred patriot.
       "The decree of execution was one of Polaveja's foulest acts."

       Having scotched but not killed the insurrection, Polaveja went
       home, with broken health, in the spring of 1897, and was
       succeeded by General Primo de Rivera, who, after some months
       of continued warfare, opened negotiations with Aguinaldo, the
       recognized leader of the revolt. The result was a treaty,
       known as the "Pacto de Biac-na-bato, signed December 14. By
       this treaty "the rebels undertook to deliver up their arms and
       ammunition of all kinds to the Spaniards; to evacuate the
       places held by them; to conclude an armistice for three years
       for the application and development of the reforms to be
       introduced by the other part, and not to conspire against
       Spanish sovereignty in the Islands, nor aid or abet any
       movement calculated to counteract the reforms.
    {371}
       Emilio Aguinaldo and 34 other leaders undertook to quit the
       Philippine Islands, and not to return to them until so
       authorised by the Spanish Government. On behalf of the Spanish
       Government it was agreed to pay, through the medium of Pedro
       A. Paterno, to the rebels the sum of $1,000,000, and to the
       families who had sustained loss by reason of the war $700,000,
       in instalments and conditionally,"—the condition being that no
       renewal of rebellion or conspiracy occur. Aguinaldo and other
       chiefs of the insurrection left the Islands, accordingly; but
       they are said to have been utterly duped. One instalment, only
       ($400,000), of the promised money was ever paid; the promised
       reforms were not carried out, and persecution of those who had
       been in sympathy with the rising was renewed.

          J. Foreman,
          The Philippine Islands,
          chapter 26 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

       "Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore.
       A portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in banks at
       Hongkong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one
       of his subordinate chiefs named Artacho, which is interesting
       on account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo.
       Artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents
       according to rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a
       trust fund, and was to remain on deposit until it was seen
       whether the Spaniards would carry out their promised reforms,
       and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the
       expenses of a new insurrection. The suit was settled out of
       court by paying Artacho $5,000. No steps have been taken to
       introduce the reforms, more than 2,000 insurgents, who had
       been deported to Fernando Po and other places, are still in
       confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on
       the operations of the present insurrection."

          F. V. Greene,
          Memorandum concerning the Situation in the Philippines,
          August 30, 1898 (Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers:
          55th Congress, 3d Session,
          Senate Document Number 62, part 1, page 421.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1897.
       Refusal of United States Government to negotiate
       with the insurgent republic.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
       Circumstances in which Aguinaldo was brought to
       Manila to co-operate with American forces.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
       Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
       Blockade and siege of the city.
       Co-operation of insurgents under Aguinaldo.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (May-August).
       Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MAY-AUGUST).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-August).
       Correspondence between the American commander and Aguinaldo.

       This is fully given (showing the relations between the
       American and Filipino forces, before the capture of Manila),
       in the general account of the Spanish-American War.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PHILIPPINES).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
       American capture of Manila.
       Relations with the Filipino insurgents.
       General Merritt's report.
       Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-SEPTEMBER).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).
       Suspension of hostilities between the United States and Spain.
       Manila held by the former pending the conclusion
       of a treaty of peace.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August).
       Losses of the American army during the war with Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
       The state of things following the occupation of Manila
       by American forces.
       Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.
       General Otis's report.

       Of the state of things which followed the departure of General
       Merritt, August 30, General Otis, who succeeded him in
       command, reported subsequently as follows:

       "Until October 14 [1898], the United States troops in the
       Philippines remained stationed at Manila and Cavite, as
       provided in General Merritt's orders of August 23, with very
       slight exceptions, Major-General Anderson retaining
       supervision of the district of Cavite and Major-General
       MacArthur of the troops stationed in Manila, the three
       organizations composing the provost guard continuing, however,
       under the control of Brigadier-General Hughes. They were most
       bountifully supplied with subsistence and medicines, but light
       clothing suited to the climate and facilities necessary for
       occupying and messing in barracks were needed. These were soon
       obtained through contract and purchase from the merchants of
       Hongkong and Manila and by shipment from the United States.
       The troops received tactical instructions daily, but the
       weather was too hot for much physical exertion, and time hung
       heavily upon them. They entertained the impression that the
       Spanish war had terminated, and the volunteers appeared to
       believe that they should be recalled to the United States at
       once and regular troops sent out to perform the monotonous
       garrison duties which were about to follow the victory of
       Manila. Many became ill from too free indulgence in the fruits
       and manufactured drinks of the country, and indifference to
       that care and attention of person which a tropical climate
       makes necessary. Homesickness alone produced illness in
       numerous cases, so that early in September the hospitals began
       to be rapidly filled. This led to the adoption of judicious
       precautionary measures. … In November improvement was
       noticeable, and in January the health of this army would
       compare favorably with those of any concentrated army of like
       proportions in existence. To be sure the men had become by
       this time fairly acclimatized, and new troops arriving here
       will be obliged to pass through this period of acclimatization
       before they become properly efficient for prolonged service in
       the field.

    {372}

       "During my first weeks of duty here I was impressed with the
       spirit of suspicion and the partially concealed unfriendly
       feeling manifested by the Tagalos toward the American forces.
       That they either had very little confidence in our promises or
       were then forming conclusions to oppose any establishment of
       United States authority in Luzon was apparent, however loudly
       they might disclaim hostile intent or declare as an excuse for
       their attitude fear of the return of Spain. I saw, however,
       with satisfaction, their ablest men by education, and mental
       equipment taking part in their authoritative deliberations,
       and I had considerable confidence in the efficacy of their
       suggestions and advice. Still, after carefully weighing
       conditions, I was unable to arrive at any satisfactory
       conclusions. …

       "Measures were being applied constantly to improve the
       sanitary condition of the city, to increase the efficiency of
       the troops, and to meet any emergency which might develop from
       an uprising of the inhabitants, or from hasty action by any
       portion of our or the insurgent forces, which, though
       maintaining amicable intercourse, were, in fact, in an
       attitude of resistance and hostility upon all questions
       involving the right of armed occupation of the suburbs and
       defenses of Manila. The insurgent soldiers had looted
       extensively the portions of the city to which they gained
       access, and were greatly disappointed that this privilege over
       other parts of the same was not accorded them. Their enforced
       withdrawal to outer lines was the cause of discontent, and
       augmented any desire which they may have formerly entertained
       to resist or attack the American troops. This growing
       discontent was observable among the lower classes of the
       city's inhabitants, from whom a considerable share of
       Aguinaldo's army was drawn, and was undoubtedly increased by
       the reprehensible conduct and illegal actions of some of our
       own men, who were severely punished for their misdeeds when
       detected. Outwardly, however, relations of the most friendly
       character were maintained. The officers and enlisted men of
       the two armies mingled in friendly social intercourse. To the
       casual observer the only discordant element in this dense
       complex population, made up of every nation and tongue in
       existence, were the hated Spanish prisoners, whom the
       Filipinos still longed to persecute and kill, and who were
       obliged to keep within the walls of Old Manila for safety.
       Repeated conferences were held with influential insurgents,
       whose chief aim appeared to be to obtain some authoritative
       expression on the intent of the United States with regard to
       the Philippines, and complained that they were unable to
       discover anyone who could speak ex cathedra. They asserted
       that their Malolos arrangement was a government de facto,
       which had the right to ask an expression of intent from the
       United States Government. …

       "My own confidence at this time in a satisfactory solution of
       the difficulties which confronted us may be gathered from a
       dispatch sent to Washington on December 7, wherein I stated
       that conditions were improving and that there were signs of
       revolutionary disintegration; that I had conferred with a
       number of the members of the revolutionary government and
       thought that the most of them would favor peaceful submission
       to United States authority. I had strong reasons for this
       expressed confidence from assurances made to me by some of the
       ablest Filipinos who had occupied positions of importance in the
       insurgent government and had signified their intention to
       withdraw from it."

          Report of General Otis,
          August 31, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgement, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1048-1052).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
       The state of things following the occupation of Manila,
       as represented by English witnesses.

       The writer of the following remarks, in an interesting book on
       "The Inhabitants of the Philippines," published late in 1900, is
       an English civil engineer, who had resided in Luzon for
       fourteen years and knew the country and people thoroughly
       well:

       "Personally, I think that if a sympathetic and conciliatory
       attitude had been adopted, had the local government
       established been recognized, had Aguinaldo and his staff been
       given commissions in the Native Army or Civil Service, and the
       flower of the Tagal Army taken into the service of the United
       States, a peaceful settlement could have been made on the
       lines of a Protectorate. I therefore look upon the war as
       unnecessary, and consider the lives already sacrificed, and
       that will have to be sacrificed, as absolutely thrown away.
       The tragical side of American unpreparedness is manifest in
       the state of anarchy in which the whole Archipelago has been
       plunged by the American unreadiness to occupy the military
       posts as soon as they were vacated by the Spanish garrisons. A
       hideous orgy of murder, plunder, and slave-raiding has
       prevailed in Visayas, and especially in Mindanao.

       "Three conditions were essential to a peaceful settlement:

       First.
       A broad-minded and sympathetic representative of America,
       fully authorized to treat, and a lover of peace.

       Second.
       A strict discipline amongst the American forces.

       Third,
       The principal aim and object of the Tagal insurrection must be
       secured.

       "General Otis does not seem to me to fulfil the first
       condition, he lacked prestige and patience, and he showed that
       he had an insufficient conception of the magnitude of his task
       by occupying himself with petty details of all kinds and by
       displaying an ill-timed parsimony. Apparently he had no power
       to grant anything at all, and only dealt in vague generalities
       which the Tagals could not be expected to accept.

       "As regards the second point, I regret that I am not
       personally acquainted with the gentlemen from Nebraska,
       Colorado, Dakota and other states serving in the United States
       Army or volunteers. I have no doubt that they are good
       fighting-men, but from all I can hear about them they are not
       conspicuous for strict military discipline, and too many of
       them have erroneous ideas as to the most suitable drink for a
       tropical climate. Manila was in the time of the Spaniards a
       most temperate city; a drunken man was a very rare sight, and
       would usually be a foreign sailor. Since the American
       occupation, some hundreds of drinking saloons have been
       opened, and daily scenes of drunkenness and debauchery have
       filled the quiet natives with alarm and horror. When John L.
       Motley wrote his scathing denunciation of the army which the
       great Duke of Alva led from Spain into the Low Countries, to
       enforce the high religious purposes of Philip II., he could
       not foresee that his words would be applicable to an American
       Army sent to subjugate men struggling to be free 'for their
       welfare, not our gain,' nor that this army, besides bringing
       in its train a flood of cosmopolitan harlotry, would be
       allowed by its commander to inaugurate amongst a strictly
       temperate people a mad saturnalia of drunkenness that has
       scarcely a parallel.
    {373}
       Such, however, is undoubtedly the case, and I venture to think
       that these occurrences have confirmed many of the Tagals in
       their resolve rather to die fighting for their independence
       than to be ruled over by such as these."

          F. H. Sawyer,
          The Inhabitants of the Philippines,
          page 113-114 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

       Substantially the same account of things at Manila in this
       period has been given in a magazine article by Mr. John
       Foreman, the well known writer on the Philippine Islands. "The
       conduct," he declares, "of the boisterous, undisciplined
       individuals who formed a large percentage of the first
       volunteer contingents sent to Manila had had an ineffaceably
       demoralizing effect on the proletariat, and has inspired a
       feeling of horror and loathful contempt in the affluent and
       educated classes who guide the Philippine public opinion. From
       the outset it was a mistake to treat the Christian Philippine
       population like savages ignorant of western civilization,
       considering that there are thousands of Filipinos mentally
       equal to the invading forces, and comparable, in intellectual
       training, with the average middle-class Europeans.

       "Within a fortnight after the capitulation of Manila the
       drinking saloons had increased four-fold. According to the
       latest advices, there are at least twenty to one existing in
       the time of the Spaniards. Drunkenness, with its consequent
       evils, is rife all over the city among the new white
       population. The orgies of the new-comers, the incessant street
       brawls, the insults offered with impunity to natives of both
       sexes, the entry with violence into private houses by the
       soldiery, who maltreated the inmates and laid hands on what
       they chose, were hardly calculated to arouse in the natives
       admiration for their new masters. Brothels were absolutely
       prohibited under the Spanish rule, but since the evacuation
       there has been a great influx of women of ill fame, whilst
       native women have been pursued by lustful tormentors. During a
       certain period after the capitulation there was indiscriminate
       shooting, and no peaceable native's life was safe in the
       suburbs. Adventurers of all sorts and conditions have flocked
       to this centre of vice, where the sober native is not even
       spoken of as a man by many of the armed rank and file, but, by
       way of contempt, is called a yuyu. A few miles from Manila,
       the villages of Mandaloyan and Sant Ana were looted by the
       victors, much of the spoil being brought up to the capital and
       included in auction sales or sold to the Chinese. In Taal the
       houses of families, with whom I have been long acquainted,
       were ransacked, effects of little value, or too difficult to
       transport, being carelessly strewn about from sheer
       wantonness. And presumably no greater respect for private
       property was shown in the other numerous villages overrun by
       the invaders. …

       "The situation then during this period was somewhat as
       follows: The Filipinos, aided by Dewey's victory, had driven
       the Spaniards from practically the whole Archipelago except
       the city of Manila, they had established a government of their
       own, and they looked upon the country as belonging both by
       nature and by right of conquest to them. We upon the other
       hand, having destroyed the Spanish fleet and captured the city
       of Manila, and being in the process of acquiring by treaty the
       Spanish title to the whole country regarded it as belonging to
       us. The situation was therefore critical."

          J. Foreman,
          Will the United States withdraw from the Philippines?
          (National Review, September, 1900).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (September-December).
       Instructions from the President of the United States to the
       Commissioners for the negotiation of peace with Spain
       concerning the Philippine Archipelago.
       Cession of the Islands to the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (October-November).
       State of the country under the native government of Aguinaldo,
       as witnessed by two U. S. naval officers who traversed it.-
       Conflicting opinions as to the fitness of the Filipinos
       for self-government.

       During October and November, 1898, while the only authority in
       Luzon, outside of Manila and Cavite, was that exercised by the
       native government organized under Aguinaldo, two American
       naval officers, Paymaster W. B. Wilcox and Cadet Leonard R.
       Sargent, with permission from Admiral Dewey, made a tour of
       observation through seven provinces of the island, and
       rendered a report of what they saw and what they experienced,
       which Admiral Dewey sent to Washington, commending it to the
       attention of the government as containing "the most complete
       and reliable information obtainable in regard to the present
       state of the northern part of Luzon Island." Subsequently Mr.
       Sargent wrote articles descriptive of the journey, which were
       published in "The Outlook" and "The Independent," and which
       were reprinted, with the official report, in a document
       compiled for the U. S. Senate. The following is from the
       article in "The Outlook," September 2, 1899:

       "Although this government has never been recognized, and in
       all probability will go out of existence without recognition,
       yet it cannot be denied that, in a region occupied by many
       millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months it stood alone
       between anarchy and order. The military forces of the United
       States held control only in Manila, with its environs, and in
       Cavite, and had no authority to proceed further; while in the
       vast remaining districts the representatives of the only
       recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands of
       their despised subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during
       this anomalous period in our Philippine relations, and
       possibly in the United States as well, that such a state of
       affairs must breed something akin to anarchy. I can state
       unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox and I found the
       existing conditions to be much at variance with this opinion.
       During our absence from Manila we travelled more than 600
       miles in a very comprehensive circuit through the northern
       part of the island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and
       important district. In this way we visited seven provinces, of
       which some were under the immediate control of the central
       government at Malolos, while others were remotely situated,
       separated from each other and from the seat of government by
       natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and
       arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's
       government and to the law-abiding character of his subjects, I
       offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey
       throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with
       only the most pleasant recollections of the quiet and orderly
       life which we found the natives to be leading under the new
       regime."

    {374}

       The following is from the official report, jointly made by
       Cadet Sargent and Paymaster Wilcox:

       "The Philippine officers, both military and civil, that we
       have met in all the provinces we have visited, have, with very
       few exceptions, been men of intelligent appearance and
       conversation. The same is true of all those men who form the
       upper class in each town. The education of most of them is
       limited, but they appear to seize every opportunity to improve
       it. They have great respect and admiration for learning. Very
       many of them desire to send their children to schools in the
       United States or Europe. Many men of importance in different
       towns have told us that the first use to be made of the
       revenues of their government, after there is no more danger of
       war, will be to start good schools in every village. The
       poorer classes are extremely ignorant on most subjects, but a
       large percentage of them can read and write. …

       "Of the large number of officers, civil and military, and of
       the leading townspeople we have met, nearly every man has
       expressed in our presence his sentiment on this question [of
       independence]. It is universally the same. They all declare
       that they will accept nothing short of independence. They
       desire the protection of the United States at sea, but fear
       any interference on land. …

       "There is much variety of feeling among the Philippines with
       regard to the debt of gratitude they owe the United States. In
       every town we found men who said that our nation had saved
       them from slavery, and others who claimed that without our
       interference their independence would have been recognized
       before this time. On one point they are united, however, viz.,
       that whatever our Government may have done for them it has not
       gained the right to annex them. They have been prejudiced
       against us by the Spaniards. The charges made have been so
       numerous and so severe that what the natives have since
       learned has not sufficed to disillusion them. With regard to
       the record of our policy toward a subject people, they have
       received remarkable information on two points,—that we have
       mercilessly slain and finally exterminated the race of Indians
       that were natives of our soil, and that we went to war in 1861
       to suppress an insurrection of negro slaves, whom we also
       ended by exterminating. Intelligent and well-informed men have
       believed these charges. They were rehearsed to us in many
       towns in different provinces, beginning at Malolos. The
       Spanish version of our Indian problem is particularly well
       known."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document 66.

       In the third number of the first series of its publications,
       the Philippine Information Society—see below: A. D. 1899
       (JANUARY-FEBRUARY)—has brought together a number of
       conflicting opinions expressed by various persons concerning
       the capacity of the Filipinos for self-government, among them
       the following:

       "The population of Luzon is reported to be something over
       3,000,000, mostly natives. These are gentle, docile, and under
       just laws and with the benefits of popular education would
       soon make good citizens. In a telegram sent to the department
       on June 23 I expressed the opinion that 'these people are far
       superior in their intelligence and more capable of
       self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar
       with both races.' Further intercourse with them has confirmed
       me in this opinion."

          Admiral Dewey,
          Letter, August 29, 1898,
          Replying to inquiry of War Department.

       "They [the natives] would have to be educated up to it
       [self-government]. They want a protectorate, but they do not
       exactly understand what that means. Their idea is that they
       should collect the revenues and keep them in their treasury,
       and that we should be at the expense of maintaining an army
       and a navy there for their protection, which is the kind of a
       protectorate they would like very much."

          General Merritt,
          statement before United States Peace Commission at Paris,
          October 4, 1898.

       "If the United States should evacuate these islands, anarchy
       and civil war will immediately ensue and lead to foreign
       intervention. The insurgents were furnished arms and the moral
       support of the navy prior to our arrival, and we cannot ignore
       obligations, either to the insurgents or to foreign nations,
       which our own acts have imposed upon us. The Spanish
       Government is completely demoralized, and Spanish power is
       dead beyond all possibility of resurrection. … On the other
       hand, the Filipinos cannot govern the country without the
       support of some strong nation. They acknowledge this
       themselves, and say their desire is for independence under
       American protection, but they have only vague ideas as to what
       our relative positions would be—what part we should take in
       collecting and expending the revenue, and administering the
       government."

          General F. V. Greene,
          Memorandum concerning the Philippine Islands,
          made August 27, 1898.

       "The capability of the Filipinos for self-government cannot be
       doubted. Such men as Arellano, Aguinaldo, and many others whom
       I might name are highly educated; nine tenths of the people
       can read and write, all are skilled artisans in one way or
       another; they are industrious, frugal, temperate, and, given a
       fair start, could look out for themselves infinitely better
       than our people imagine. In my opinion they rank far higher
       than the Cubans or the uneducated negroes to whom we have
       given right of suffrage."

          General Charles King,
          Letter to Milwaukee Journal,
          June 22, 1899.

       "Concerning the capacity of the Filipinos to govern themselves
       I regret to say that I see no reason to change the opinion
       previously expressed, that they are unfit. I wish my opinion
       might be otherwise, for I prefer to believe them capable of
       self-government. There are a number of Filipinos whom I have
       met, among them General Aguinaldo and a few of his leaders,
       whom I believe thoroughly trustworthy and fully capable of
       self-government, and the main reliance for small official
       positions and many larger ones would be upon people who know
       no standard of government other than that the Spaniards have
       furnished. Their sense of equity and justice seems not fully
       developed, and their readiness to coerce those who come under
       their power has been strongly illustrated in this city since
       our occupation. A regularly organized system of blackmail has
       been instituted under the guise of making subscriptions to the
       insurgent cause."

          Major J. F. Bell
          [of Engineers, on "secret service"]
          Letter to General Merritt, Manila, August 29, 1898.

    {375}

       "The people are the most enlightened and vigorous branch of
       the Malay race, and have been Christians for centuries, in
       fact longer than the principles of the Reformation were
       established in Great Britain, and are the nearest akin to
       European people of any alien race, and it is simply ridiculous
       to imagine that eight to ten millions of such people can be
       bought and sold as an article of commerce without first
       obtaining their consent. Let all those who are greedy for a
       slice of the archipelago ponder well over this before burning
       their fingers."

          H. W. Bray
          [merchant and planter in the islands for fifteen years],
          Letter to Singapore Free Press, June 8, 1898.

       "The native has no expansive ideas; he cannot go far enough to
       understand what it is to rule matters for the benefit of the
       common weal; he cannot get past his own most personal
       interest, or his town, at the most. I think the greatest
       length he would go would be his own town. But constructing
       laws, and obeying them, for the benefit of the commonwealth, I
       do not think he is capable of it at all. I think an attempt at
       a native government would be a fiasco altogether."

          John Foreman,
          Testimony before United States Peace Commission at Paris.

       "The excuse that they [the Filipinos] are not ripe for
       independence is not founded on facts. The Filipinos number
       more educated people than the kingdom of Servia and the
       principalities of Bulgaria and Montenegro. They have fewer
       illiterates than the states of the Balkan peninsula, Russia,
       many provinces of Spain and Portugal, and the Latin republics
       of America. There are provinces in which few people can be
       found who do not at least read. They pay more attention to
       education than Spain or the Balkan states do. There is no lack
       of trained men fit to govern their own country, and indeed in
       every branch, because under the Spanish rule the official
       business was entirely transacted by the native subalterns. The
       whole history of the Katipunan revolt and of the war against
       Spain and America serves to place in the best light the
       capability of the Filipinos for self-government."

          F. Blumentritt,
          The Philippine Islands,
          page 61.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).
       Instructions by the President of the United States to
       General Otis, Military Governor and Commander in
       the Philippines.
       Their proclamation to the people of the Islands as
       modified by General Otis.
       The effect.

       On the 27th of December, 1898, the following instructions,
       dated December 21, and signed by the President, were cabled by
       the Secretary of War to General Otis, in command of the United
       States forces in the Philippines. They were not made public in
       the United States until the 5th of January following, when
       they appeared in the newspapers of that day: "The destruction
       of the Spanish fleet in the harbor of Manila by the United
       States naval squadron commanded by Rear Admiral Dewey,
       followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the
       Spanish forces, practically effected the conquest of the
       Philippine Islands and the suspension of Spanish sovereignty
       therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the
       United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries
       at Paris, on the 10th inst., and as the result of victories of
       the American arms, the future control, fulfilment disposition
       and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the
       United States. In  of the offices of the sovereignty thus
       acquired, and the responsible obligations of government thus
       assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the
       entire group becomes immediately necessary, and the military
       government heretofore maintained by the United States in the
       city, harbor and bay of Manila is to be extended with all
       possible despatch to the whole of the ceded territory. In
       performance of this duty, the military commander of the United
       States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the
       Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of
       the islands, in severing the former political relations of the
       inhabitants and in establishing a new political power, the
       authority of the United States is to be exerted for the
       security of the persons and property of the people of the
       islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights.
       It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of
       occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner
       that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends,
       to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments
       and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who,
       either by active aid or by honest submission, cooperate with
       the government of the United States to give effect to these
       beneficent purposes, will receive the reward of its support
       and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful
       rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without
       severity so far as may be possible.

       "Within the absolute domain of military authority, which
       necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory
       until the government of the United States shall otherwise
       provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect to
       private interests and property and the repression of crime are
       continued in force, the authority to be administered by the
       ordinary tribunals so far as practicable. The operations of
       civil and municipal government are to be performed by such
       officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by
       taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far
       as may be practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands.
       While the control of all the public property and the revenues
       of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and
       management of all public means are of necessity reserved to
       the authority of the United States, private property, whether
       belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected
       except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties
       heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government
       become payable to the authorities of the United States, unless
       it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates
       or modes of contribution to the expenses of government,
       whether general or local. If private property be taken for
       military use, it shall be paid for when possible in cash at a
       fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not practicable
       receipts are to be given.

    {376}

       "All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual
       possession of the land and naval forces of the United States
       will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All
       goods and wares not prohibited for military reasons by due
       announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon
       payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force
       at the time of their importation. Finally, it should be the
       earnest and paramount aim of the military administration to
       win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants
       of the Philippines by assuring to them in every possible way
       that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is
       the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the
       mission of the United States is one of benevolent
       assimilation, substituting the mild sway of justice and right
       for arbitrary rule. In the fulfilment of this high mission,
       supporting the temperate administration of affairs to the
       greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously
       maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance
       and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings
       of good and stable government upon the people of the
       Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States.

          WILLIAM McKINLEY."

       On receiving President McKinley's "proclamation," as the
       instructions of December 21 were commonly described, General
       Otis promptly forwarded a copy to General Miller, who had been
       sent to occupy the city of Iloilo, and the latter made it public.
       Meantime General Otis had studied the document with care and
       arrived at conclusions which he sets forth in his subsequent
       annual report as follows: "After fully considering the
       President's proclamation and the temper of the Tagalos with
       whom I was daily discussing political problems and the
       friendly intentions of the United States Government toward
       them, I concluded that there were certain words and
       expressions therein, such as 'sovereignty,' 'right of
       cession,' and those which directed immediate occupation, etc.,
       though most admirably employed and tersely expressive of
       actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the Tagalo
       war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives.
       The ignorant classes had been taught to believe that certain
       words, as 'sovereignty,' 'protection,' etc., had peculiar
       meaning disastrous to their welfare and significant of future
       political domination, like that from which they had recently
       been freed. It was my opinion, therefore, that I would be
       justified in so amending the paper that the beneficent object
       of the United States Government would be brought clearly
       within the comprehension of the people, and this conclusion
       was the more readily reached because of the radical change [a
       change of cabinet] of the past few days in the constitution of
       Aguinaldo's government, which could not have been understood
       at Washington at the time the proclamation was prepared. …

       "The amended proclamation of January 4 appeared in the
       English, Spanish, and Tagalo languages, and was published in
       Manila through newspapers and posters. The English text is as
       follows: 'To the people of the Philippine Islands:
       Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United
       States relative to the administration of affairs in the
       Philippine Islands have been transmitted to me by direction of
       the honorable the Secretary of War, under date of December 28,
       1898. They direct me to publish and proclaim, in the most
       public manner, to the inhabitants of these islands that in the
       war against Spain the United States forces came here to
       destroy the power of that nation and to give the blessings of
       peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people; that we
       are here as friends of the Filipinos; to protect them in their
       homes, their employments, their individual and religious
       liberty, and that all persons who, either by active aid or
       honest endeavor, co-operate with the Government of the United
       States to give effect to these beneficent purposes, will
       receive the reward of its support and protection. The
       President of the United States has assumed that the municipal
       laws of the country in respect to private rights and property
       and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing
       in force in so far as they be applicable to a free people, and
       should be administered by the ordinary tribunals of justice,
       presided over by representatives of the people and those in
       thorough sympathy with them in their desires for good
       government; that the functions and duties connected with civil
       and municipal administration are to be performed by such
       officers as wish to accept the assistance of the United
       States, chosen in so far as it may be practicable from the
       inhabitants of the islands; that while the management of
       public property and revenues and the use of all public means
       of transportation are to be conducted under the military
       authorities, until such authorities can be replaced by civil
       administration, all private property, whether of individuals
       or corporations, must be respected and protected. If private
       property be taken for military uses it shall be paid for at a
       fair valuation in cash if possible, and when payment in cash
       is not practicable at the time, receipts therefor will be
       given to be taken up and liquidated as soon as cash becomes
       available. The ports of the Philippine Islands shall be open
       to the commerce of all foreign nations, and goods and
       merchandise not prohibited for military reasons by the
       military authorities shall be admitted upon payment of such
       duties and charges as shall be in force at the time of
       importation. The President concludes his instructions in the
       following language: "Finally, it should be the earnest and
       paramount aim of the Administration to win the confidence,
       respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines
       by insuring to them in every possible way the full measure of
       individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free
       people, and by proving to them that the mission of the United
       States is one of beneficent assimilation, which will
       substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary
       rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding
       the temporary administration of affairs for the greatest good
       of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the
       strong arm of authority to repress disturbance, and to
       overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of
       good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine
       Islands."

       "'From the tenor and substance of the above instructions of
       the President, I am fully of the opinion that it is the
       intention of the United States Government, while directing
       affairs generally, to appoint the representative men now
       forming the controlling element of the Filipinos to civil
       positions of trust and responsibility, and it will be my aim
       to appoint thereto such Filipinos as may be acceptable to the
       supreme authorities at Washington. It is also my belief that
       it is the intention of the United States Government to draw
       from the Filipino people so much of the military force of the
       islands as is possible and consistent with a free and
       well-constituted government of the country, and it is my
       desire to inaugurate a policy of that character.
    {377}
       I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United
       States Government to seek the establishment of a most liberal
       government for the islands, in which the people themselves
       shall have as full representation as the maintenance of law
       and order will permit, and which shall be susceptible of
       development, on lines of increased representation and the
       bestowal of increased powers, into a government as free and
       independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces of the
       world. It will be my constant endeavor to cooperate with the
       Filipino people, seeking the good of the country, and I invite
       their full confidence and aid.
          E. S. OTIS, Major-General,
          U. S. V., Military Governor.'

       "Before publication of this proclamation I endeavored to
       obtain from able Filipino residents of the city an expression
       of opinion as to its probable effect upon the population, but
       was not much encouraged. A few days thereafter they declared
       the publication to have been a mistake, although the foreign
       residents appeared to believe the proclamation most excellent
       in tone and moderation, offered everything that the most
       hostile of the insurgents could expect, and undoubtedly would
       have a beneficial influence. It was received by the better
       classes of natives with satisfaction, as it was the first
       authoritative announcement of the attitude which the United
       States assumed toward the islands and declared the policy
       which it intended to pursue, and because the declared policy
       was one which, in their opinion, conditions imperatively
       demanded should be imposed for the interests of the Filipino
       people who were incapable of self-government. The publication
       separated more widely the friendly and war factions of the
       inhabitants and was the cause of exciting discussion. The
       ablest of insurgent newspapers, which was now issued at
       Malolos and edited by the uncompromising Luna, … attacked the
       policy of the United States as declared in the proclamation,
       and its assumption of sovereignty over the islands, with all
       the vigor of which he was capable. …

       "Aguinaldo met the proclamation by a counter one in which he
       indignantly protested against the claim of sovereignty by the
       United States in the islands, which really had been conquered
       from the Spaniards through the blood and treasure of his
       countrymen, and abused me for my assumption of the title of
       military governor. Even the women of Cavite province, in a
       document numerously signed by them, gave me to understand that
       after all the men were killed off they were prepared to shed
       their patriotic blood for the liberty and independence of
       their country. The efforts made by Aguinaldo and his
       assistants made a decided impression on the inhabitants of
       Luzon outside of Manila. … Shortly before this time the
       insurgents had commenced the organization of clubs in the
       city, membership in which now, I was informed, amounted to
       10,000. The chief organizer was a shrewd mestizo, a former
       close companion of Aguinaldo, by whom he had been commissioned
       to perform this work. He was a friend and associate of some of
       our officers; was engaged in organizing the clubs only, as he
       stated, to give the poorer classes amusement and education;
       held public entertainments in athletics to which our officers
       were invited, and in which our soldiers were asked to
       participate. Gradually arms were being secretly introduced and
       bolos were being manufactured and distributed. The arms were
       kept concealed in buildings, and many of them were
       subsequently captured. The Chinamen were carrying on a
       lucrative business in bolo making, but the provost-marshal had
       cruelly seized considerable of their stock. These clubs had
       received military organization and were commanded by cunning
       Filipino officers regularly appointed by the Malolos
       government. The chief organizer departed after organization
       had been perfected and thereafter became a confidential
       adviser in Malolos affairs. This organization was the subject
       of grave apprehension, as it was composed of the worst social
       element of the city, and was kept under police supervision as
       closely as possible. … The streets of the city were thronged
       with unarmed insurgent officers and enlisted men from the
       numerically increasing insurgent line on the outskirts, proud
       of their uniforms and exhibiting matchless conceit, amusing to
       our men, who were apparently unconcerned observers, but who
       were quick to take in the rapidly changing conditions. …

       "Greater precautionary measures were directed and taken in the
       way of redistributing organizations throughout the city, in
       advancing and strengthening (though still far within our own
       mutually conceded military lines) our posts of observation,
       and for the quick response of the men if summoned for
       defensive action. Otherwise no change in the conduct,
       condition, or temper of the troops was observable. So quietly
       were these precautions effected that Filipino citizens,
       noticing the apparent indifference of our men, warned me
       repeatedly of the danger to be apprehended from a sudden
       simultaneous attack of the insurgents within and without the
       city, and were quietly informed that we did not anticipate any
       great difficulty. Another very noticeable proof of
       premeditated intent on the part of the insurgents was
       perceived in the excitement manifested by the natives and
       their removal in large numbers from the city. All avenues of
       exit were filled with vehicles transporting families and
       household effects to surrounding villages. The railway
       properties were taxed to their utmost capacity in carrying the
       fleeing inhabitants to the north within the protection of the
       established insurgent military lines. Aguinaldo, by written
       communications and messages, invited his old-time friends to
       send their families to Malolos, where their safety was
       assured, but Hongkong was considered a more secure retreat and
       was taken advantage of. A carefully prepared estimate showed
       that 40,000 of the inhabitants of the city departed within the
       period of fifteen days."

          Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1075-88).

       The counter-proclamation of Aguinaldo, referred to above by
       General Otis, was issued on the 5th of January, 1899, from
       Malolos, addressed to My brothers, the Filipinos, all the
       honorable consuls, and other foreigners." It said:

       "Major General E. S. Otis's proclamation published yesterday
       in the Manila papers obliges me to circulate the present one,
       in order that all who read and understand it may know of my
       most solemn protest against said proclamation, for I am moved
       by my duty and my conscience before God, by my political
       obligations with my beloved country, by my official and
       private relations to the North American nations.
    {378}
       In the above mentioned proclamation, General Otis calls
       himself 'Military Governor in the Philippines,' and I protest
       once and a thousand times, with all the energy in my soul,
       against such an authority. I solemnly proclaim that I have
       never had, either at Singapore or here in the Philippines, any
       verbal or written contract for the recognition of American
       sovereignty over this cherished soil. … Our countrymen and
       foreigners are witnesses that the land and naval forces of the
       United States existing here have recognized by act the
       belligerency of the Philippines, not only respecting but also
       doing public honor to the Filipino banner, which triumphantly
       traversed our seas in view of foreign nations represented here
       by their respective consuls.

       "As in his proclamation General Otis alludes to some
       instructions issued by His Excellency the President of the
       United States relating to the administration of affairs in the
       Philippines, I solemnly protest in the name of God, root and
       source of all justice and all right, who has visibly acceded
       me the power to direct my dear brethren in the difficult task
       of our regeneration, against this intrusion of the United
       States Government in the administration of these islands. In
       the same manner I protest against such an unexpected act which
       treats of American sovereignty in these islands in the face of
       all antecedents that I have in my possession referring to my
       relations with the American authorities, which are unequivocal
       testimony that the United States did not take me out of Hong
       Kong to make war against Spain for their own benefit, but for
       the benefit of our liberty and independence, to which end said
       authorities verbally promised me their active support and
       efficacious co-operation. So that you all may understand it,
       my beloved brothers, it is the principle of liberty and
       absolute independence that has been our noble ambition for the
       purpose of obtaining the desired object, with a force given by
       the conviction, now very widespread, not to retrace the path
       of glory that we have passed over."-

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document 208, page 103.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January).
       Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines
       and the President's instructions to it.

       On the 20th of January, 1899, the President of the United
       States addressed the following communication to the Secretary
       of State: "My communication to the Secretary of War, dated
       December 21, 1898, declares the necessity of extending the
       actual occupation and administration of the city, harbor, and
       bay of Manila to the whole of the territory which by the
       treaty of Paris, signed on December 10, 1898, passed from the
       sovereignty of Spain to the sovereignty of the United States,
       and the consequent establishment of military government
       throughout the entire group of the Philippine Islands. While
       the treaty has not yet been ratified, it is believed that it
       will be by the time of the arrival at Manila of the
       commissioners named below. In order to facilitate the most
       humane, pacific, and effective extension of authority
       throughout these islands, and to secure, with the least
       possible delay, the benefits of a wise and generous protection
       of life and property to the inhabitants, I have named Jacob G.
       Schurman, Rear-Admiral George Dewey, Major General Elwell S.
       Otis, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worcester to constitute a
       commission to aid in the accomplishment of these results. In
       the performance of this duty, the commissioners are enjoined
       to meet at the earliest possible day in the city of Manila and
       to announce, by a public proclamation, their presence and the
       mission intrusted to them, carefully setting forth that, while
       the military government already proclaimed is to be maintained
       and continued so long as necessity may require, efforts will
       be made to alleviate the burden of taxation, to establish
       industrial and commercial prosperity, and to provide for the
       safety of persons and of property by such means as may be
       found conducive to these ends.

       "The commissioners will endeavor, without interference with
       the military authorities of the United States now in control
       of the Philippines, to ascertain what amelioration in the
       condition of the inhabitants and what improvements in public
       order may be practicable, and for this purpose they will study
       attentively the existing social and political state of the
       various populations, particularly as regards the forms of
       local government, the administration of justice, the
       collection of customs and other taxes, the means of
       transportation, and the need of public improvements. They will
       report through the Department of State, according to the forms
       customary or hereafter prescribed for transmitting and preserving
       such communications, the results of their observations and
       reflections, and will recommend such executive action as may
       from time to time seem to them wise and useful. The
       commissioners are hereby authorized to confer authoritatively
       with any persons resident in the islands from whom they may
       believe themselves able to derive information or suggestions
       valuable for the purposes of their commission, or whom they
       may choose to employ as agents, as may be necessary for this
       purpose.

       "The temporary government of the islands is intrusted to the
       military authorities, as already provided for by my
       instructions to the Secretary of War of December 21, 1898, and
       will continue until Congress shall determine otherwise. The
       commission may render valuable services by examining with
       special care the legislative needs of the various groups of
       inhabitants, and by reporting, with recommendations, the
       measures which should be instituted for the maintenance of
       order, peace, and public welfare, either as temporary steps to
       be taken immediately for the perfection of present
       administration, or as suggestions for future legislation. In
       so far as immediate personal changes in the civil
       administration may seem to be advisable, the commissioners are
       empowered to recommend suitable persons for appointment to
       these offices from among the inhabitants of the islands who
       have previously acknowledged their allegiance to this
       Government.

       "It is my desire that in all their relations with the
       inhabitants of the islands the commissioners exercise due
       respect for all the ideals, customs, and institutions of the
       tribes which compose the population, emphasizing upon all
       occasions the just and beneficent intentions of the Government
       of the United States. It is also my wish and expectation that the
       commissioners may be received in a manner due to the honored
       and authorized representatives of the American Republic, duly
       commissioned on account of their knowledge, skill, and
       integrity as bearers of the good will, the protection, and the
       richest blessings of a liberating rather than a conquering
       nation.

          WILLIAM McKINLEY."

          Report of the Philippine Commission, January 31, 1900,
          volume 1, exhibit 2 (page 185).

    {379}

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-February).
       Causes of and responsibility for the outbreak of hostilities
       between the Americans and the Filipinos.

       "The Philippine Information Society," organized for the
       purpose of "placing within reach of the American people the
       most reliable and authoritative evidence attainable in regard
       to the people of the Philippine Islands and our relations to
       them," has published in Number VII of the First Series of its
       pamphlets a carefully made collection of information, from
       official and other sources, relative to the circumstances in
       which hostilities between the American and Filipino forces
       came about. On this as on other subjects which the society has
       investigated it seems to have pursued its inquiries with no
       aim but to learn and set forth the truth. Its conclusions,
       resting on the evidence which it submits, are stated in an
       introduction to the pamphlet as follows:

       "It will presumably he admitted that the important question
       with regard to the Outbreak of Hostilities, February 4, 1899,
       is not, who fired the first shot, but who was responsible for
       the conditions that made it evident to every observer weeks
       before the clash came that a single shot might bring on war. …
       The situation may be briefly explained as follows: We believed
       that the Philippine Archipelago was and ought to be ours, and
       we were moving to take possession as rapidly as possible. The
       Filipinos, or at least Aguinaldo's government and followers,
       believed that the country was theirs and they resented every
       effort on our part to occupy it. We considered it ours through
       cession from Spain and right of conquest. They claimed that
       Spain no longer held possession of the country and therefore
       had no right to cede it to us; moreover, that by right of
       conquest we were entitled only to temporary occupation of
       Manila. We wished to extend our sovereignty throughout the
       Archipelago with all possible dispatch. They desired
       independence, or at least a protectorate which, while securing
       them from foreign aggression, should leave them control of
       their internal affairs. While a discussion of the justice of
       either position does not come within the limits of the present
       inquiry, it is important to remember that from the first a
       minority in this country urged that the Filipinos were
       entitled to a promise of ultimate independence, and that a
       resolution of Congress, similar to that passed in the case of
       Cuba, would avert all occasion for war. This course having
       been rejected by our country, the question arises, did the
       assertion of United States sovereignty render war inevitable? …

       "No doubt most Americans believe that left to themselves the
       Filipinos would soon have lapsed into anarchy, while a few
       maintain that with temporary assistance in international
       affairs they would have developed a government better suited
       to their peculiar needs than we can ever give them. Still
       others who are familiar with the Filipinos and kindred races
       believe that their aspiration for an independent national
       existence was not deep rooted, that had we adopted an
       affectionate, admiring tone to their leaders, had we
       recognized their government and approved of it, we could soon
       have made their government our government, could have been as
       sovereign as we pleased, and had the people with us. Whatever
       view one may hold, it must be admitted that if we were to
       establish our sovereignty by peaceful methods it was essential
       to win the confidence and affection of the Filipinos. … There
       is every indication that the Filipinos were prepared, at
       first, to treat us as friends and liberators. General Anderson
       tells the following interesting story: The prevailing
       sentiment of the Filipinos towards us can be shown by one
       incident. About the middle of July the insurgent leaders in
       Cavite invited a number of our army and navy officers to a
       banquet. There was some post-prandial speech-making, the
       substance of the Filipino talk being that they wished to be
       annexed but not conquered. One of our officers in reply
       assured them that we had not come to make them slaves, but to
       make them free men. A singular scene followed. All the
       Filipinos rose to their feet, and Buencomeno, taking his
       wine-glass in his hand, said: We wish to be baptized in that
       sentiment. Then he and the rest poured the wine from their
       glasses over their heads. After the very first, however, the
       cultivation of intimate relations with the Filipino leaders
       seems to have been considered unimportant or inadvisable.
       General Merritt states that he never saw Aguinaldo. Social
       intercourse between our officers and the Filipinos was
       discouraged by General Otis. In fact after the surrender of
       Manila General Whittier seems to have been the only one of our
       superior officers who ever had a personal interview with
       Aguinaldo.

       "Certainly after the proclamation of January 4, [see above: A.
       D. 1898-1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY)] war could only have been
       avoided by a decisive action of Congress promising ultimate
       independence to the Filipinos. That proclamation of January 4
       raised the issue and provoked the counter proclamation of
       January 5, which so stirred the people against us—a
       proclamation in which Aguinaldo once and a thousand times and
       with all the energy of his soul protested against American
       sovereignty, and which closed with the words,  'upon their
       heads be all the blood which may be shed.' …

       "Aguinaldo's proclamation was followed by a series of
       conferences of which General Otis reports 'It was one
       continued plea for some concession that would satisfy tho
       people.' On January 16th he cabled to Washington, 'Aspiration
       Filipino people is independence with restrictions resulting
       from conditions which its government agree with American when
       latter agree to officially recognize the former.' Finally on
       January 25th he sent word to the insurgent commissioners that
       'To this dispatch no reply has been received.' From this time
       General Otis states, the insurgents hurried forward
       preparations for war. Contemporaneous with these events in the
       Philippines the Treaty of Peace was pending in the United
       States Senate where it had been assigned for a vote on
       February 6th.

       "With regard to the actual outbreak of' hostilities, there is
       a sharp difference of opinion. The United States press
       dispatches announcing the outbreak, and the contemporaneous
       newspaper statements by the Filipinos … are of interest as
       evidence that from the very first each side claimed the other
       to be the aggressor.
    {380}
       As to which of these opposing claims is borne out by the
       facts, the editors would say that after careful study of all
       the accessible evidence they find that according to the most
       authoritative statements the outbreak occurred as the result
       of a trespass by four armed Filipinos on territory admitted by
       the Filipino in command to be within the jurisdiction of the
       United States. The number of Filipinos has been variously
       estimated. The editors follow the report of General MacArthur
       in command of the division in which the firing began, which
       agrees with the report of Second-Lieutenant Wheedon of the
       First Nebraska U. S. Volunteer Infantry, stationed at Santa
       Mesa. The action of the Filipino trespassers seems to have
       been an instance of bad discipline in the insurgent army.
       Certainly it was not ordered on that date by the insurgent
       leaders, although there are some indications that the leaders
       had planned to attack in a few days. The claim that our forces
       instigated the attack for the purpose of securing the votes
       necessary to ratify the treaty is absolutely unsupported by
       any evidence which has come to the attention of the editors."

          Philippine Information Society,
          Publications, First Series, VII., Introduction.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (January-November).
       Attack on American forces by the Tagalos.
       Continued hostilities.
       Progress of American conquest.

       "No definite date had been set for the attack [by the hostile
       Tagalos], but a signal by means of rockets had been agreed
       upon, and it was universally understood that it would come
       upon the occurrence of the first act on the part of the
       American forces which would afford a pretext; and in the lack
       of such act, in the near future at all events. Persistent
       attempts were made to provoke our soldiers to fire. The
       insurgents were insolent to our guards and made persistent and
       continuous efforts to push them back and advance the insurgent
       lines farther into the city of Manila. … With great tact and
       patience the commanding general had held his forces in check,
       and he now made a final effort to preserve the peace by
       appointing a commission to meet a similar body appointed by
       Aguinaldo and to 'confer with regard to the situation of
       affairs and to arrive at a mutual understanding of the intent,
       purposes, aims, and desires of the Filipino people and of the
       people of the United States.' Six sessions were held, the last
       occurring on January 29, six days before the outbreak of
       hostilities. No substantial results were obtained, the
       Filipino commissioners being either unable or unwilling to
       give any definite statements of the 'intent, purposes, and
       aims of their people.' At the close of the last session they
       were given full assurances that no hostile act would be
       inaugurated by the United States troops. The critical moment
       had now arrived. Aguinaldo secretly ordered the Filipinos who
       were friendly to him to seek refuge outside the city. The
       Nebraska regiment at that time was in camp on the east line at
       Santa Mesa, and was guarding its front. For days before the
       memorable 4th of February, 1899, the outposts in front of the
       regiment had been openly menaced and assaulted by insurgent
       soldiers; they were attempting to push our outposts back and
       advance their line. They made light of our sentinels and
       persistently ignored their orders. On the evening of the 4th
       of February, an insurgent officer came to the front with a
       detail of men and attempted to pass the guard on the San Juan
       Bridge, our guard being stationed at the west end of the
       bridge. The Nebraska sentinel drove them back without firing,
       but a few minutes before 9 o'clock that evening a large body
       of insurgent troops made an advance on the South Dakota
       outposts, which fell back rather than fire. About the same
       time the insurgents came in force to the east end of the San
       Juan Bridge, in front of the Nebraska regiment. For several
       nights prior thereto a lieutenant in the insurgent army had
       been coming regularly to our outpost No. 2, of the Nebraska
       regiment, and attempting to force the outpost back and
       insisting on posting his guard within the Nebraska lines; and
       at this time and in the darkness he again appeared with a
       detail of about six men and approached Private Grayson, of
       Company D, First Nebraska Volunteers, the sentinel on duty at
       outpost No. 2. He, after halting them three times without
       effect, fired, killing the lieutenant, whose men returned the
       fire and then retreated. Immediately rockets were sent up by
       the Filipinos, and they commenced firing all along the line, …
       and continued to fire until about midnight; and about 4
       o'clock on the morning of February 5 the insurgents again
       opened fire all around the city and kept it up until the
       Americans charged them and drove them with great slaughter out
       of their trenches."

          Philippine Commission, Preliminary Report
          (Exhibit 1.—Report, January 31, 1900,
          volume 1, pages 174-175).

       "They [the insurgents] were promptly repulsed in a series of
       active engagements which extended through the night of the
       4th, and the 5th, 6th, and 10th days of February. Our lines
       were extended and established at a considerable distance from
       the city in every direction. On the 22d of February a
       concerted rising of the Tagalogs in the city of Manila, of
       whom there are about 200,000, was attempted, under
       instructions to massacre all the Americans and Europeans in
       the city. This attempt was promptly suppressed and the city
       was placed under strict control. The troops composing the
       Eighth Army Corps under General Otis's command at that time
       were of regulars 171 officers and 5,201 enlisted men and of
       volunteers 667 officers and 14,831 enlisted men, making an
       aggregate of 838 officers and 20,032 enlisted men. All of the
       volunteers and 1,650 of the regulars were, or were about to
       become entitled to their discharge, and their right was
       perfected by the exchange of ratifications of the treaty on
       the 11th of April. …

       "The months of the most intense heat, followed by the very
       severe rainy season of that climate, were immediately
       approaching, and for any effective occupation of the country
       it was necessary to await both the close of the rainy season
       and the supply of new troops to take the place of those about
       to be discharged. Practically all the volunteers who were then
       in the Philippines consented to forego the just expectation of
       an immediate return to their homes, and to remain in the field
       until their places could be supplied by new troops. They
       voluntarily subjected themselves to the dangers and casualties
       of numerous engagements, and to the very great hardships of
       the climate. They exhibited fortitude and courage, and are
       entitled to high commendation for their patriotic spirit and
       soldierly conduct. …

    {381}

       "No attempt was … made to occupy the country, except in the
       vicinity of Manila, and at such points as were important for
       the protection of our lines. Such movements as passed beyond
       this territory were designed primarily to break up threatening
       concentrations of insurgent troops, and to prevent undue
       annoyance to the positions which we occupied. On the 11th of
       February the city of Iloilo, on the island of Panay, the
       second port of the Philippines in importance, was occupied.
       After the capture of Iloilo the navy took possession of the
       city of Cebu, on the island of Cebu, and on the 26th of
       February a battalion of the 23d Infantry was dispatched to
       that port for the protection of the inhabitants and property.
       On the 1st of March a military district comprising the islands
       of Panay, Negros, and Cebu, and such other Visayan islands as
       might be thereafter designated, to be known as the 'Visayan
       Military District,' was established and placed under the
       supervision of Brigadier General Marcus P. Miller, commanding
       1st Separate Brigade, Eighth Army Corps, with headquarters at
       Iloilo. The 3d Battalion of the 1st California Volunteer
       Infantry was thereupon ordered to the island of Negros, under
       the command of Colonel (now Brigadier General) James F. Smith,
       and took possession of the city of Bacolod, on that island,
       without resistance. On the 5th of May Brigadier General James
       F. Smith assumed temporary command of the Visayan military
       district, and on the 25th of May Brigadier General R. P.
       Hughes, United States Volunteers, was assigned to the command
       of the district. On the 19th of May the Spanish garrison at
       Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago, was replaced by American
       troops. By the 31st of August the number of troops stationed
       at Jolo and the Visayan Islands, including a small guard at
       the Cavite Arsenal, amounted to 4,145. …

       "All of the forces who were entitled to be discharged as above
       mentioned have now [November. 29, 1899] been returned to this
       country and mustered out. The new troops designed to take the
       place of those returning to this country, and to constitute an
       effective army for the occupation of the Philippines, have
       been transported to Manila. … The troops now in the
       Philippines comprise 905 officers and 30,578 men of the
       regular force, and 594 officers and 15,388 men of the
       volunteer force, making an aggregate of 1,499 officers and
       45,966 men, and when the troops on the way have arrived the
       total force constituting the Eighth Army Corps will be 2,051
       officers and 63,483 men.

       "By the 10th of October the process of changing armies and the
       approach of the dry season had reached a point where an
       advance toward the general occupation of the country was
       justified. At that time the American lines extended from the
       Bay of Manila to Laguna de Bay, and included considerable
       parts of the provinces of Cavite, Laguna, and Morong to the
       south and east of Manila, substantially all of the province of
       Manila and the southern parts of Bulacan and Pampanga,
       dividing the insurgent forces into two widely separated parts.
       To the south and east of our lines in Cavite and Morong were
       numerous bands occasionally concentrating for attack on our
       lines, and as frequently dispersed and driven back toward the
       mountains. On the 8th or October, the insurgents in this
       region having again gathered and attacked our lines of
       communication, General Schwan with a column of 1,726 men
       commenced a movement from Bacoor, in the province of Cavite,
       driving the enemy through Old Cavite, Noveleta, Santa Cruz,
       San Francisco de Malabon, Saban, and Perez das Marinas,
       punishing them severely, scattering them and destroying them
       as organized forces, and returning on the 13th to Bacoor. On
       the north of our lines stretched the great plain of central
       Luzon extending north from Manila about 120 miles. This plain
       comprises parts of the provinces of Manila, Pampanga, Bulacan,
       Tarlac, Nueva, Ecija, and Pangasinan. It is, roughly speaking,
       bounded on the south by the Bay of Manila: on the east and
       west by high mountain ranges separating it from the seacoasts,
       and on the north by mountains and the Gulf of Lingayen.
       Through the northeast and central portion flows the Rio Grande
       from the northern mountains southwesterly to the Bay of Manila,
       and near the western edge runs the only railroad on the island
       of Luzon, in a general southeasterly direction from Dagupan,
       on the Bay of Lingayen, to Manila. In this territory Aguinaldo
       exercised a military dictatorship, and with a so-called
       cabinet imitated the forms of civil government, having his
       headquarters at Tarlac, which he called his capital, and which
       is situated near the center of the western boundary of the
       plain.

       "The operations commenced in October involved the movement of
       three separate forces:

       (1) A column proceeding up the Rio Grande and along the
       northeastern borders of the plain and bending around to the
       westward across the northern boundary toward the Gulf of
       Lingayen, garrisoning the towns and occupying the mountain
       passes which gave exit into the northeastern division of the
       island.

       (2) An expedition proceeding by transports to the Gulf of
       Lingayen, there to land at the northwestern corner of the
       plain and occupy the great coast road which from that point
       runs between the mountains and the sea to the northern
       extremity of the island, and to proceed eastward to a junction
       with the first column.

       (3) A third column proceeding directly up the railroad to the
       capture of Tarlac, and thence still up the road to Dagupan,
       driving the insurgent forces before it toward the line held by
       the first two columns.

       These movements were executed with energy, rapidity, and
       success, notwithstanding the exceedingly unfavorable weather
       and deluges of rain, which rendered the progress of troops and
       transportation of subsistence most difficult. On the 12th of
       October a strong column under General Lawton, with General
       Young commanding the advance, commenced the northerly movement
       up the Rio Grande from Arayat, driving the insurgents before
       it to the northward and westward. On the 18th the advance
       reached Cabiao. On the 19th San Isidro was captured, and a
       garrison established; on the 27th Cabanatuan was occupied, and
       a permanent station established there. On the 1st of November
       Aliaga and Talavera were occupied. In the meantime
       detachments, chiefly of Young's cavalry, were operating to the
       west of the general line of advance, striking insurgent
       parties wherever they were found and driving them toward the
       line of the railroad. By the 13th of November the advance had
       turned to the westward, and our troops had captured San Jose,
       Lupao, Humingan, San Quintin, Tayug, and San Nicolas. By the
       18th of November the advance had occupied Asingan and Rosales,
       and was moving on Pozorrubio, a strongly intrenched post about 12
       miles east of San Fabian. General Lawton's forces now held a
       line of posts extending up the eastern side of the plain and
       curving around and across the northern end to within a few
       miles of the Gulf of Lingayen.

    {382}

       "On the 6th of November a force of 2,500, under command of
       General Wheaton, sailed from Manila for the Gulf of Lingayen,
       convoyed by ships of the Navy, and on the 7th the expedition
       was successfully landed at San Fabian with effective
       assistance from a naval convoy against spirited opposition. On
       the 12th the 33d Volunteers, of Wheaton's command, under
       Colonel Hare, proceeded southeastward to San Jacinto, attacked
       and routed 1,200 intrenched insurgents, with the loss of the
       gallant Major John A. Logan and 6 enlisted men killed, and one
       officer and 11 men wounded. The enemy left 81 dead in the
       trenches and suffered a total loss estimated at 300. In the
       meantime, on the 5th of November, a column under General
       McArthur advanced up the railroad from Angeles to Magalang,
       clearing the country between Angeles and Arayat, encountering
       and routing bodies of the enemy at different points, and
       capturing Magalang. On the 11th it took Bamban, Capas, and
       Concepcion, and on the 12th of November entered Tarlac, from
       which the enemy fled on its approach. Meantime, parties,
       mainly of the 36th Volunteers, under Colonel J. F. Bell,
       cleared the country to the right of the line of advance as far
       east as the points reached by General Lawton's flanking
       parties. On the 17th of November McArthur's column had
       occupied Gerona and Panique, to the north of Tarlac, On the
       19th, Wheaton's troops, and on the 20th, McArthur's troops,
       entered Dagupan.

       "On the 24th of November General Otis was able to telegraph to
       the Department as follows: 'Claim to government by insurgents
       can be made no longer under any fiction. Its treasurer,
       secretary of the interior, and president of congress in our
       hands; its president and remaining cabinet officers in hiding,
       evidently in different central Luzon provinces; its generals
       and troops in small bands scattered through these provinces,
       acting as banditti, or dispersed, playing the rôle of
       "Amigos," with arms concealed.' Since that time our troops
       have been actively pursuing the flying and scattered bands of
       insurgents, further dispersing them, making many prisoners,
       and releasing many Spanish prisoners who had been in the
       insurgents' hands. On the 23d General Young's column had
       reached Namacpacan, 30 miles north of San Fernando, in the
       province of Union, and passed north into the mountains; and on
       the 24th Vigan, the principal port of the northwest coast, was
       occupied by a body of marines landed from the battle ship
       Oregon. Wherever the permanent occupation of our troops has
       extended in the Philippine Islands civil law has been
       immediately put in force. The courts have been organized and
       the most learned and competent native lawyers have been
       appointed to preside over them. A system of education has been
       introduced and numerous schools have been established."

          Annual Report of the Secretary of War, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 735-741).

       General Young, whose movement is referred to above, reported
       to General Otis from Pozorrubio, on the 17th of November:
       "Aguinaldo is now a fugitive and an outlaw, seeking security
       in escape to the mountains or by sea. My cavalry have ridden
       down his forces wherever found, utterly routing them in every
       instance, killing some, capturing and liberating many
       prisoners, and destroying many arms, ammunition, and other war
       impediments." On the 30th, Major March was sent by General
       Young, as he expresses it, "on Aguinaldo's trail," and
       encountered the forces of the Filipino General Pilar in the
       Tila Pass. The following is Major March's report of the fight
       which then occurred, and in which the Filipino commander fell:
       "The trail winds up the Tila Mountains in a sharp zigzag. The
       enemy had constructed a stone barricade across the trail at a
       point where it commanded the turns of the zigzag for a
       considerable distance. The barricade was loopholed for
       infantry fire and afforded head cover for the insurgents. On
       passing on beyond Lingey the advance was checked by a heavy
       fire from this barricade, which killed and wounded several
       men, without having its position revealed. I brought up the
       remainder of the command at double time, losing two men
       wounded during the run up. On arriving at the point, I located
       the insurgents' position with my glasses—their fire being
       entirely Mauser and smokeless powder—by the presence of the
       insurgent officer who showed himself freely and directed the
       fire. On pushing forward, the number of my men who were hit
       increased so rapidly that it was evident that the position
       could not be taken by a front attack, when the trail only
       allowed the men to pass one at a time. On the left of the
       barricade was a gorge several hundred feet deep. On its right,
       as we faced it, was a precipitous mountain which rose 1,500 feet
       above the trail. Across the gorge and to the left front of the
       barricade was a hill, which, while it did not permit of flank
       fire into the barricade, commanded the trail in its rear, and
       this point I occupied with ten sharpshooters in command of
       Sergeant-Major McDougall. He lost one man wounded in getting
       to the top, and when there rendered most effective assistance.
    I then ordered Lieutenant Tompkins to take his company (H) and
       proceeding back on the trail to ascend the slope of the
       mountain under cover of a slight ridge which struck the face
       of the mountain about 150 feet from the summit. From there he
       had a straight-up climb to the top, where the men pulled
       themselves up by twigs and by hand. The ascent took two hours,
       during which the enemy kept up an incessant and accurate fire,
       which they varied by rolling down stones on our heads. When
       Tompkins' men appeared upon the crest of the hills over their
       heads, he had the command of the two other trenches which were
       constructed in rear of the barricade, I have described, around
       a sharp turn in the trail, and which were also held by the
       insurgents. He opened fire upon them and I charged the first
       barricade at the same time, and rushed the enemy over the
       hill. We found eight dead bodies on the trail, and the bushes
       which grew at the edge of the gorge were broken and
       blood-stained where dead or wounded men fell through. Among
       the dead bodies was that of Gregorio del Pilar, the general
       commanding insurgent forces. I have in my possession his
       shoulder straps; French field glasses, which gave the range of
       objects; official and private papers, and a mass of means of
       identification. He was also recognized personally by Mr.
       McCutcheon and Mr. Keene, two newspaper correspondents who had
       met him before.
    {383}
       The insurgents' report of their loss in this fight is 52,
       given to me after I reached Cervantes. My loss was 2 killed
       and 9 wounded. I reached the summit at 4.30 P. M. and camped
       there for the night. … At Cervantes I learned that the force
       at Tila Pass was a picked force from Aguinaldo's body guard,
       and that it was wiped out of existence. Aguinaldo with his
       wife and two other women and a handful of men were living in a
       convent at Cervantes, perfectly secure in his belief that Tila
       Pass was an impregnable position. It was the insurgents'
       Thermopylæ."

          Report of Lieutenant-General Commanding the Army, 1900,
          part 4, page 331.

       Mr. McCutcheon, one of the newspaper correspondents referred
       to by Major March, gave to the "Chicago Record" a graphic
       account of the fight in Tila Pass, and wrote feelingly of the
       death to the young Filipino General Pilar:

       "General Gregorio del Pilar," wrote Mr. McCutcheon, "was the
       last man to fall. He was striving to escape up the trail and
       had already received a wound in the shoulder. A native was
       holding his horse for him and just as he was preparing to
       mount a Krag-Jorgensen bullet caught him in the neck, and
       passing through came out just below his mouth. The men of
       Company E, rushing up the trail, caught the native, who was
       endeavoring to secure the papers which the general had in his
       pockets, and a moment later captured the horse. At that time
       no one knew who the dead man was, but from his uniform and
       insignia they judged that he was an officer of high rank. The
       souvenir fiend was at once at work and the body was stripped
       of everything of value from the diamond ring to the boots. …
       Many letters were found, most of them from his sweetheart,
       Dolores Jose, who lived in Dagupan. A handkerchief bearing her
       name was also found in his pocket. One letter was found from
       the president of Lingay and gave the exact number of soldiers
       in March's command. Pilar's diary, which ran from November 19
       on to the day of his death, was of remarkable interest, for it
       detailed many things regarding the wild flight of himself and
       Aguinaldo's party up the coast. The last words written in it
       were pathetic and indicated something of the noble character
       of the man. The passage, which was written only a few minutes
       previously, while the fight was on and while death even then
       was before him, said: 'I am holding a difficult position
       against desperate odds, but I will gladly die for my beloved
       country.'

       "Pilar alive and in command, shooting down good Americans, was
       one thing, but Pilar lying in that silent mountain trail, his
       body half denuded of its clothes, and his young, handsome,
       boyish face discolored with the blood which saturated his
       blouse and stained the earth, was another thing. We could not
       help but feel admiration for his gallant fight, and sorrow for
       the sweetheart whom he left behind. The diary was dedicated to
       the girl, and I have since learned that he was to have married
       her in Dagupan about two weeks before. But the Americans came
       too soon. Instead of wedding bells there sounded the bugle
       calls of the foe and he was hurriedly ordered to accompany his
       chief, Aguinaldo, on that hasty retreat to the mountains. The
       marriage was postponed, and he carried out his orders by
       leaving for the north. Pilar was one of the best types of the
       Filipino soldier. He was only 23 years old, but he had been
       through the whole campaign in his capacity as
       brigadier-general. It was he who commanded the forces at
       Quingua the day that Colonel Stotsenberg was killed, and it
       may be remembered that the engagement that day was one of the
       most bloody and desperate that has occurred on the island. He
       was a handsome boy, and was known as one of the Filipinos who
       were actuated by honestly patriotic motives, and who fought
       because they believed they were fighting in the right and not
       for personal gain or ambition."

          Chicago Record's Stories of Filipino Warfare,
          page 14.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (March-July).
       The establishment of a provisional government
       in the island of Negros.

       Negros "was the first island to accept American sovereignty.
       Its people unreservedly proclaimed allegiance to the United
       States and adopted a constitution looking to the establishment
       of a popular government. It was impossible to guarantee to the
       people of Negros that the constitution so adopted should be
       the ultimate form of government. Such a question, under the
       treaty with Spain and in accordance with our own Constitution
       and laws, came exclusively within the jurisdiction of the
       Congress. The government actually set up by the inhabitants of
       Negros eventually proved unsatisfactory to the natives
       themselves. A new system was put into force by order of the
       Major-General Commanding the Department [July 22, 1899], of
       which the following are the most important elements:

       "It was ordered that the government of the island of Negros
       should consist of a military governor appointed by the United
       States military governor of the Philippines, and a civil
       governor and an advisory council elected by the people. The
       military governor was authorized to appoint secretaries of the
       treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, an
       attorney-general, and an auditor. The seat of government was
       fixed at Bacolod. The military governor exercises the supreme
       executive power. He is to see that the laws are executed,
       appoint to office, and fill all vacancies in office not
       otherwise provided for, and may with the approval of the
       military governor of the Philippines, remove any officer from
       office. The civil governor advises the military governor on
       all public civil questions and presides over the advisory
       council. He, in general, performs the duties which are
       performed by secretaries of state in our own system of
       government. The advisory council consists of eight members
       elected by the people within territorial limits which are
       defined in the order of the commanding general. The times and
       places of holding elections are to be fixed by the military
       governor of the island of Negros. The qualifications of voters
       are as follows:

       (1) A voter must be a male citizen of the island of Negros.

       (2) Of the age of 21 years.

       (3) He shall be able to speak, read, and write the English,
       Spanish, or Visayan language, or he must own real property
       worth $500, or pay a rental on real property of the value of
       $1,000.

       (4) He must have resided in the island not less than one year
       preceding, and in the district in which he offers to register
       as a voter not less than three months immediately preceding
       the time he offers to register.

       (5) He must register at a time fixed by law before voting.

       (6) Prior to such registration he shall have paid all taxes
       due by him to the Government.

    {384}

       Provided, that no insane person shall bc allowed to register
       or vote. The military governor has the right to veto all bills
       or resolutions adopted by the advisory council, and his veto
       is final if not disapproved by the military governor of the
       Philippines. The advisory council discharges all the ordinary
       duties of a legislature. The usual duties pertaining to said
       offices are to be performed by the secretaries of the
       treasury, interior, agriculture, public instruction, the
       attorney-general, and the auditor. The judicial power is
       vested in three judges, who are to be appointed by the
       military governor of the island. Inferior courts are to be
       established. Free public schools are to be established
       throughout the populous districts of the island, in which the
       English language shall be taught, and this subject will
       receive the careful consideration of the advisory council. The
       burden of government must be distributed equally and equitably
       among the people. The military authorities will collect and
       receive the customs revenue, and will control postal matters
       and Philippine inter-island trade and commerce. The military
       governor, subject to the approval of the military governor of
       the Philippines, determines all questions not specifically
       provided for and which do not come under the jurisdiction of
       the advisory council."

          Message of the President, December 5, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, page 47).

          Also in:
          Report of General Otis (Message and Documents,
          volume 2, page 1131-1137).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
       Agreement of terms with the Sultan of Jolo concerning
       the Sulu Archipelago.

       On the 19th of May, a detachment of U. 8. troops took the
       place of the Spanish garrison at Jolo, the military station in
       the Sulu Archipelago. On the 3d of July, General Otis, Military
       Governor of the Philippines, issued orders as follows to
       General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.: "You will proceed as soon as
       practicable to the United States military station of Jolo, on
       the island of that name, and there place yourself in
       communication with the Sultan of Jolo, who is believed to be
       at Siassi, where he was sojourning when the last information
       concerning him was received. You are hereby appointed and
       constituted an agent on the part of the United States military
       authorities in the Philippines to discuss, enter into
       negotiations, and perfect, if possible, a written agreement of
       character and scope as hereinafter explained, with the Sultan,
       which upon approval at these headquarters and confirmation by
       the supreme executive authority of the United States, will
       prescribe and control the future relations, social and
       political, between the United States Government and the
       inhabitants of the archipelago. … In your discussions with the
       Sultan and his datos the question of sovereignty will be
       forced to the front, and they will undoubtedly request an
       expression of opinion thereon, as they seem to be impressed
       apparently with the belief that the recent Spanish authorities
       with whom they were in relationship have transferred full
       sovereignty of the islands to them. The question is one which
       admits of easy solution, legally considered, since by the
       terms of treaties or protocols between Spain and European
       powers Spanish sovereignty over the archipelago is conceded.
       Under the agreement between Spain and the Sultan and datos of
       July, 1878, the latter acknowledged Spanish sovereignty in the
       entire archipelago of Jolo and agreed to become loyal Spanish
       subjects, receiving in consideration certain specific payments
       in money. The sovereignty of Spain, thus established and
       acknowledged by all parties in interest, was transferred to
       the United States by the Paris treaty. The United States has
       succeeded to all the rights which Spain held in the
       archipelago, and its sovereignty over the same is an
       established fact. But the inquiry arises as to the extent to
       which that sovereignty can be applied under the agreement of
       1878 with the Moros. Sovereignty, of course, implies full
       power of political control, but it is not incompatible with
       concessionary grants between sovereign and subject. The Moros
       acknowledged through their accepted chiefs Spanish sovereignty
       and their subjection thereto, and that nation in turn conferred
       upon their chiefs certain powers of supervision over them and
       their affairs. The kingly prerogatives of Spain, thus abridged
       by solemn concession, have descended to the United States, and
       conditions existing at the time of transfer should remain. The
       Moros are entitled to enjoy the identical privileges which
       they possessed at the time of transfer, and to continue to
       enjoy them until abridged or modified by future mutual
       agreement between them and the United States, to which they
       owe loyalty, unless it becomes necessary to invoke the
       exercise of the supreme powers of sovereignty to meet
       emergencies. You will therefore acquaint yourself thoroughly
       with the terms of the agreement of 1878, and take them as a
       basis for your directed negotiations. …

       "It is greatly desired by the United States for the sake of
       the individual improvement and social advancement of the
       Moros, and for the development of the trade and agriculture of
       the islands in their interests, also for the welfare of both the
       United States and Moros, that mutual friendly and well-defined
       relations be established. If the Sultan can be made to give
       credit to and fully understand the intentions of the United
       States, the desired result can be accomplished. The United
       States will accept the obligations of Spain under the
       agreement of 1878 in the matter of money annuities, and in
       proof of sincerity you will offer as a present to the Sultan
       and datos $10,000, Mexican, with which you will be supplied
       before leaving for Jolo—the same to be handed over to them,
       respectively, in amounts agreeing with the ratio of payments
       made to them by the Spanish Government for their declared
       services. From the 1st of September next, and thereafter, the
       United States will pay to them regularly the sums promised by
       Spain in its agreement of 1878, and in any subsequent promises
       of which proof can be furnished. The United States will
       promise, in return for the concessions to be hereinafter
       mentioned, not to interfere with, but to protect the Moros in
       the free exercise of their religion and customs, social and
       domestic, and will respect the rights and dignities of the
       Sultan and his advisers."

    {385}

       Of the results of the mission of General Bates, General Otis
       reported subsequently as follows:

       "General Bates had a difficult task to perform and executed it
       with tact and ability. While a number of the principal datos were
       favorably inclined, the Sultan, not responding to invitations,
       kept aloof and was represented by his secretary, until
       finally, the general appearing at Maibung, the Moro capital, a
       personal interview was secured. He being also Sultan of North
       Borneo and receiving large annual payments from the North
       Borneo Trading Company, expected like returns from the United
       States, and seemed more anxious to obtain personal revenue
       than benefits for his people. Securing the port of Siassi from
       the Spaniards, establishing there his guards and police, he
       had received customs revenues from the Sandaken trade which he
       was loath to surrender. Negotiations continued well into
       August, and finally, after long conferences, an agreement was
       reached by which the United States secured much more liberal
       terms than the Spaniards were ever able to obtain."

          Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1162-1164).

       "By Article I the sovereignty of the United States over the
       whole archipelago of Jolo and its dependencies is declared and
       acknowledged. The United States flag will be used in the
       archipelago and its dependencies, on land and sea. Piracy is
       to be suppressed, and the Sultan agrees to co-operate heartily
       with the United States authorities to that end and to make
       every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice all
       persons engaged in piracy. All trade in domestic products of
       the archipelago of Jolo when carried on with any part of the
       Philippine Islands and under the American flag shall be free,
       unlimited, and undutiable. The United States will give full
       protection to the Sultan in case any foreign nation should
       attempt to impose upon him. The United States will not sell
       the island of Jolo or any other island of the Jolo archipelago
       to any foreign nation without the consent of the Sultan.
       Salaries for the Sultan find his associates in the
       administration of the islands have been agreed upon to the
       amount of $760 monthly. Article X provides that any slave in
       the archipelago of Jolo shall have the right to purchase
       freedom by paying to the master the usual market value. The
       agreement by General Bates was made subject to confirmation by
       the President and to future modifications by the consent of
       the parties in interest. I have confirmed said agreement,
       subject to the action of the Congress, and with the
       reservation, which I have directed shall be communicated to
       the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be deemed in
       any way to authorize or give the consent of the United States
       to the existence of slavery in the Sulu archipelago."

          Message of the President, December 5, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 47-48).

       "The population of the Sulu Archipelago is reckoned at
       120,000, mostly domiciled in the island of Jolo, and numbers
       20,000 fighting men. Hostilities would be unfortunate for all
       parties concerned, would be very expensive to the United
       States in men and money, and destructive of any advancement of
       the Moros for years to come. Spain's long struggle with these
       people and their dislike for the former dominant race in the
       Philippines, inherited, it would seem, by each rising
       generation during three centuries, furnishes an instructive
       lesson. Under the pending agreement General Bates, assisted by
       the officers of the Navy, quietly placed garrisons of one
       company each at Siassi and at Bongao, on the Tawai Tawai group
       of islands, where they were well received by the friendly
       natives. With the approval of the agreement, the only
       difficulty to a satisfactory settlement of the Sulu affairs
       will arise from discontent on the part of the Sultan
       personally because of a supposed decrease in anticipated
       revenues or the machinations of the insurgents of Mindanao,
       who are endeavoring to create a feeling of distrust and
       hostility among the natives against the United States troops.

       "The Sultan's government is one of perfect despotism, in form
       at least, as all political power is supposed to center in his
       person; but this does not prevent frequent outbreaks on the
       part of the datos, who frequently revolt, and are now, in two
       or three instances, in declared enmity. All Moros, however,
       profess the Mohammedan religion, introduced in the fourteenth
       century, and the sacredness of the person of the Sultan is
       therefore a tenet of faith. This fact would prevent any marked
       success by a dato in attempting to secure supreme power. Spain
       endeavored to supplant the Sultan with one of his most
       enterprising chiefs and signally failed. Peonage or a species
       of serfdom enters largely into the social and domestic
       arrangements and a dato's following or clan submits itself
       without protest to his arbitrary will. The Moro political
       fabric bears resemblance to the state of feudal times—the
       Sultan exercising supreme power by divine right, and his
       datos, like the feudal lords, supporting or opposing him at
       will, and by force of arms occasionally, but not to the extent
       of dethronement, as that would be too great a sacrilege for a
       Mohammedan people to seek to consummate. The United States
       must accept these people as they are, and endeavor to
       ameliorate their condition by degrees, and the best means to
       insure success appears to be through the cultivation of
       friendly sentiments and the introduction of trade and commerce
       upon approved business methods. To undertake forcible radical
       action for the amelioration of conditions or to so interfere
       with their domestic relations as to arouse their suspicions
       and distrust would be attended with unfortunate consequences."

          Report of General Otis, August 31, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, page 1165).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.
       Military operations against the Insurgents.
       Death of General Lawton.

       "The enlargement of the field of operations and government in
       the Philippine Islands made it impracticable to conduct the
       business under the charge of the army in those islands through
       the machinery of a single department, and by order made April
       7, 1900, the Philippine Islands were made a military division,
       consisting of four departments: The Department of Northern Luzon,
       the Department of Southern Luzon, the Department of the
       Visayas, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo. The
       Department of Northern Luzon is subdivided into six, the
       Department of Southern Luzon into four, the Department of the
       Visayas into four, and the Department of Mindanao and Jolo
       into four military districts. …

       "At the date of the last report (November 29, 1899 [see
       above]) the government established by the Philippine
       insurgents in central Luzon and the organized armed forces by
       which it was maintained had been destroyed, and the principal
       civil and military leaders of the insurrection, accompanied by
       small and scattered bands of troops, were the objects of
       pursuit in the western and the northern parts of the island.
    {386}
       That pursuit was prosecuted with vigor and success, under
       conditions of extraordinary difficulty and hardship, and
       resulted in the further and practically complete
       disintegration of the insurrectionary bands in those regions,
       in the rescue of nearly all the American prisoners and the
       greater part of the Spanish prisoners held by the insurgents,
       in the capture of many of the leading insurgents, and in the
       capture and destruction of large quantities of arms,
       ammunition, and supplies. There still remained a large force
       of insurgents in Cavite and the adjacent provinces south of
       Manila, and a considerable force to the east of the Rio Grande
       de Pampanga, chiefly in the province of Bulacan, while in the
       extreme southeastern portions of Luzon, and in the various
       Visayan islands, except the island of Negros, armed bodies of
       Tagalogs had taken possession of the principal seacoast towns,
       and were exercising military control over the peaceful
       inhabitants. Between the insurgent troops in Bulacan and the
       mountains to the north, and the insurgents in the south,
       communication was maintained by road and trail, running along
       and near the eastern bank of the Mariquina River, and through
       the towns of Mariquina, San Mateo, and Montalban and the
       province of Morong. This line of communication, passing
       through rough and easily defended country, was strongly
       fortified and held by numerous bodies of insurgents.

       "On the 18th of December, 1899, a column, under the command of
       Major General Henry W. Lawton, proceeded from Manila, and
       between that date and the 29th of December captured all the
       fortified posts of the insurgents, took possession of the line
       of communication, which has ever since been maintained, and
       destroyed, captured, or dispersed the insurgent force in that
       part of the island. In the course of this movement was
       sustained the irremediable loss of General Lawton, who was
       shot and instantly killed while too fearlessly exposing his
       person in supervising the passing of his troops over the river
       Mariquina at San Mateo.

       "On the 4th of January, 1900, General J. C. Bates, U. S. V.,
       was assigned to the command of the First Division of the
       Eighth Army Corps, and an active campaign under his direction
       was commenced in Southern Luzon. The plan adopted was to
       confront and hold the strong force of the enemy near Imus and
       to the west of Bacoor by a body of troops under General
       Wheaton, while a column, under General Schwan, should move
       rapidly down the west shore of the Laguna de Bay to Biñang,
       thence turn southwesterly and seize the Silang, Indang, and
       Naic road, capture the enemy's supplies supposed to be at the
       towns of Silang and Indang, and arrest the retreat of the
       enemy, when he should be driven from northern Cavite by our
       troops designated to attack him there, and thus prevent his
       reassembling in the mountains of southern Cavite and northern
       Batangas. This plan was successfully executed. General
       Schwan's column moved over the lines indicated with great
       rapidity, marching a distance of over 600 miles, striking and
       defeating numerous bodies of insurgents and capturing many
       intrenched positions, taking possession of and garrisoning
       towns along the line, and scattering and demoralizing all the
       organized forces of the enemy within that section of country.
       From these operations and the simultaneous attacks by our
       troops under General Wheaton in the north the rebel forces in
       the Cavite region practically disappeared, the members either
       being killed or captured or returning to their homes as
       unarmed citizens, and a few scattered parties escaping through
       General Schwan's line to the south. By the 8th of February the
       organized forces of the insurgents in the region mentioned had
       ceased to exist. In large portions of the country the
       inhabitants were returning to their homes and resuming their
       industries, and active trade with Manila was resumed. In the
       course of these operations about 600 Spanish prisoners were
       released from the insurgents, leaving about 600 more still in
       their hands in the extreme southeastern provinces of Camarines
       and Albay, nearly all of whom were afterwards liberated by our
       troops. In the meantime an expedition was organized under the
       command of Brigadier General William A. Kobbé, U. S. V., to
       expel the Tagalogs who had taken possession of the principal
       hemp ports of the islands situated in Albay, the extreme
       southeastern province of Luzon, and in the islands of Leyte,
       Samar, and Catanduanes. This expedition sailed from Manila on
       the 18th of January and accomplished its object. All of the
       principal hemp ports were relieved from control of the
       insurgents, garrisoned by American troops, and opened to
       commerce by order of the military governor of the islands on
       the 30th of January and the 10th and 14th of February. The
       expedition met with strong resistance at Legaspi by an
       intrenched force under the Chinese general, Paua. He was
       speedily overcome and went into the interior. After a few days
       he reassembled his forces and threatened the garrisons which
       had been left in Albay and Legaspi, whereupon he was attacked,
       and defeated, and surrendered. Thirty pieces of artillery, a
       large quantity of ammunition, a good many rifles, and a
       considerable amount of money were captured by this expedition.

       "On the 15th of February an expedition, under the supervision
       of Major-General Bates and under the immediate command of
       Brigadier General James M. Bell, U. S. V., sailed from Manila
       to take possession of the North and South Camarines provinces
       and Western Albay, in which the insurgent forces had been
       swelled by the individuals and scattered bands escaping from
       our operations in various sections of the north. The insurgent
       force was defeated after a sharp engagement near the mouth of
       the Bicol River, pursued, and scattered. Large amounts of
       artillery and war material were captured. The normal
       conditions of industry and trade relations with Manila were
       resumed by the inhabitants. On the 20th of March the region
       covered by the last-described operations was created a
       district of southeastern Luzon, under the command of General
       James M. Bell, who was instructed to proceed to the
       establishment of the necessary customs and internal-revenue
       service in the district. In the meantime similar expeditions
       were successfully made through the mountains of the various
       islands of the Visayan Group, striking and scattering and
       severely punishing the bands of bandits and insurgents who
       infested those islands. In the latter part of March General
       Bates proceeded with the Fortieth infantry to establish
       garrisons in Mindanao. The only resistance was of a trifling
       character at Cagayan, the insurgent general in northeastern
       Mindanao surrendering and turning over the ordnance in his
       possession.
    {387}
       With [the execution of these movements] all formal and open
       resistance to American authority in the Philippines
       terminated, leaving only an exceedingly vexatious and annoying
       guerilla warfare of a character closely approaching
       brigandage, which will require time, patience, and good
       judgment to finally suppress. As rapidly as we have occupied
       territory, the policy of inviting inhabitants to return to
       their peaceful vocations, and aiding them in the
       reestablishment of their local governments, has been followed,
       and the protection of the United States has been promised to
       them. The giving of this protection has led to the
       distribution of troops in the Philippine Islands to over 400
       different posts, with the consequent labor of administration
       and supply. The maintenance of these posts involves the
       continued employment of a large force, but as the Tagalogs who
       are in rebellion have deliberately adopted the policy of
       murdering, so far as they are able, all of their countrymen
       who are friendly to the United States, the maintenance of
       garrisons is at present necessary to the protection of the
       peaceful and unarmed Filipinos who have submitted to our
       authority; and if we are to discharge our obligations in that
       regard their reduction must necessarily be gradual."

          United States, Secretary of War,
          Annual Report, November 30, 1900, pages 5-10.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Report of the First Philippine Commission.

       The First Commission to the Philippines returned to the United
       States in the autumn of 1899, and then submitted to the President
       a brief preliminary statement of its proceedings in the
       Islands and the opinions its members had formed, concerning
       the spirit and extent of the Tagalo revolt, the general
       disposition of the people at large, their capacity for
       independent self-government, etc. On the 31st of January
       following the commissioners presented a report which deals
       extensively with many subjects of investigation and
       deliberation. In Part I., it sets forth the efforts made by
       the commission "toward conciliation and the establishment of
       peace," through interviews with various emissaries of
       Aguinaldo, and others, and by means of a proclamation to the
       people. In Part II., it gives an extended account of the races
       and tribes of which the native population of the Islands is
       composed. In Part III., it details the provision that has
       heretofore been made for education, and states the conclusions
       of the commission as to the capacity of the people and their
       fitness for a popular government. In Part IV., a very full
       account of the Spanish organization of government in the
       Philippines, general, provincial and municipal, is given, and
       the reforms that were desired by the Filipino people are
       ascertained. From this the commission proceeds to consider the
       question of a plan of government for the Islands under the
       sovereignty of the United States, and concludes that the
       Territorial system of the United States offers all that can be
       desired. "What Jefferson and the nation did for Louisiana,"
       says the report, "we are … free to-day to do for the
       Philippines. The fact that Bonaparte had provided in the
       treaty that Louisiana should in due time be admitted as a
       State in the Union, and that in the meantime its inhabitants
       should have protection in the free enjoyment of their liberty,
       property, and religion, made no difference in the relation of
       Louisiana to the Constitution of the United States so long as
       Louisiana remained a Territory; and, if it had made a
       difference, it should have constituted something of a claim to
       the immediate enjoyment of some or all of the benefits of the
       Constitution. Unmoved by that consideration, however, the
       Jeffersonian policy established once for all the subjection of
       national domain outside the States to the absolute and
       unrestricted power of Congress. The commission recommends that
       in dealing with the Philippines this vast power be exercised
       along the lines laid down by Jefferson and Madison in
       establishing a government for Louisiana, but with … deviations
       in the direction of larger liberty to the Filipinos. … The
       result would be substantially the transformation of their
       second-class Territorial government of Louisiana into a
       Territorial government of the first-class for the Philippine
       Islands." To this recommendation of the Territorial system of
       government the commission adds a strenuous plea for a closely
       guarded civil service. "It is a safe and desirable rule," says
       the report, "that no American should be appointed to any office
       in the Philippines for which a reasonably qualified Filipino
       can, by any possibility, be secured. Of course the merit or
       business system must be adopted and lived up to; the patronage
       or spoils system would prove absolutely fatal to good
       government in this new Oriental territory." Further parts of
       the report are devoted to the Philippine judicial system, as
       it had been and as it should be; to "the condition and needs
       of the United States in the Philippines from a naval and
       maritime standpoint"; to the secular clergy and religious
       orders; to registration laws; to the currency; to the Chinese
       in the Philippines; and to public health. Among the exhibits
       appended in volume 1 of the published Report are the
       constitution of Aguinaldo's Philippine Republic (called the
       Malolos constitution), and several other constitutional drafts
       and proposals from Filipino sources, indicating the political
       ideas that prevail.

          Report of the Philippine Commission,
          January 31, 1900, volume 1.

          See, also (in this volume),
          EDUCATION: A. D. 1898 (PHILIPPINE ISLANDS).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (March).
       Institution of municipal governments.

       By General Orders, on the 29th of March, 1900, the Military
       Governor of the Islands promulgated a law providing for the
       election and institution of municipal governments, the
       provisions of which law had been framed by a board appointed
       in the previous January, under the presidency of Don Cayetano
       Arellano, chief justice of the Philippines. The first chapter
       of the law reads as follows:

       "ARTICLE 1.
       The towns of the Philippine Islands shall be recognized as
       municipal corporations with the same limits as heretofore
       established, upon reorganizing under the provisions of this
       order. All property vested in any town under its former
       organization shall be vested in the same town upon becoming
       incorporated hereunder.

       "ARTICLE 2.
       Towns so incorporated shall be designated as 'municipios,' and
       shall be known respectively by the names heretofore adopted.
       Under such names they may, without further authorization, sue
       and be sued, contract and be contracted with, acquire and hold
       real and personal property for the general interests of the
       town, and exercise all the powers hereinafter conferred. The
       city of Manila is exempt from the provisions of this order.

    {388}

       "ARTICLE 3.
       The municipal government of each town is hereby vested in an
       alcalde and a municipal council. The alcalde and councilors,
       together with the municipal lieutenant, shall be chosen at
       large by the qualified electors of the town, and their term of
       office shall be for two years from and after the first Monday
       in January next after their election and until their
       successors are duly chosen and qualified: Provided, That the
       alcalde and municipal lieutenant elected in 1900 shall hold
       office until the first Monday in January, 1902, only; and that
       the councilors elected in 1900 shall divide themselves, by
       lot, into two classes; the scats of those of the first class
       shall be vacated on the first Monday of January, 1901, and
       those of the second class one year thereafter, so that
       one-half of the municipal council shall be chosen annually.

       "ARTICLE 4.
       Incorporated towns shall be of four classes, according to the
       number of inhabitants. Towns of the first class shall be those
       which contain not less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have
       18 councilors; of the second class, those containing 18,000
       and less than 25,000 inhabitants and shall have 14 councilors;
       of the third class, those containing 10,000 and less than
       18,000 inhabitants and shall have 10 councilors; of the fourth
       class, those containing less than 10,000 inhabitants and shall
       have 8 councilors. Towns of less than 2,000 inhabitants may
       incorporate under the provisions of this order, or may, upon
       petition to the provincial governor, signed by a majority of
       the qualified electors thereof, be attached as a barrio to an
       adjacent and incorporated town, if the council of the latter
       consents.

       The qualifications of voters are defined in the second chapter
       as follows:

       "ARTICLE 5.
       The electors charged with the duty of choosing elective
       municipal officers must be male persons, 23 years of age or
       over, who have had a legal residence in the town in which they
       exercise the suffrage for a period of six months immediately
       preceding the election, and who are not citizens or subjects
       of any foreign power, and who are comprised within one of the
       following three classes:

       1. Those who, prior to the 13th of August, 1898, held the
       office of municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, lieutenant or
       cabeza de barangay.

       2. Those who annually pay 30 pesos or more of the established
       taxes.

       3. Those who speak, read, and write English or Spanish."

       Succeeding articles in this chapter prescribe the oath to be
       taken and subscribed by each elector before his ballot is
       cast, recognizing and accepting "the supreme authority of the
       United States of America"; appoint the times and places for
       holding elections, and set forth the forms to be observed in
       them. In the third chapter, the qualifications of officers are
       thus defined:

       "ARTICLE 13.
       An alcalde, municipal lieutenant, or councilor must have the
       following qualifications:

       1. He must be a duly qualified elector of the municipality in
       which he is a candidate, of 26 years of age or over, and have
       had a legal residence therein for at least one year prior to
       the date of election.

       2. He must correctly speak, read, and write either the English
       language or the local dialect.

       "ARTICLE 14.
       In no case can there be elected or appointed to municipal
       office ecclesiastics, soldiers in active service, persons
       receiving salary from municipal, provincial or government
       funds; debtors to said funds, whatever the class of said
       funds; contractors of public works and their bondsmen; clerks
       and functionaries of the administration or government while in
       said capacity; bankrupts until discharged, or insane or
       feeble-minded persons.

       "ARTICLE 15.
       Each and every person elected or appointed to a municipal
       office under the provisions of this order shall, before
       entering upon the duties thereof, take and subscribe before
       the alcalde or town secretary"—an oath analogous to that
       required from the electors.

       Further articles in this chapter and the next define the
       duties of the alcalde, the municipal lieutenant, municipal
       attorney, municipal secretary, municipal treasurer, and the
       municipal councilors. The fifth chapter relates to taxation
       and finances; the sixth and seventh contain provisions as
       follows:

       "ARTICLE 53.
       The governor of the province shall be ex officio president of
       all municipal councils within the province and shall have
       general supervisory charge of the municipal affairs of the
       several towns and cities therein organized under the
       provisions of this order, and in his said supervisory capacity
       may inspect or cause to be inspected, at such times as he may
       determine, the administration of municipal affairs and each
       and every department thereof, and may hear and determine all
       appeals against the acts of municipal corporations or their
       officers. He, or those whom he may designate in writing for
       that duty, shall at all times have free access to all records,
       books, papers, moneys, and property of the several towns and
       cities of the province, and may call upon the officers thereof
       for an accounting of the receipts and expenditures, or for a
       general or special report of the official acts of the several
       municipal councils or of any and every of them, or of any and
       every of the officers thereof, at any time, and as often as he
       may consider necessary to inform himself of the state of the
       finances or of the administration of municipal affairs, and
       such requests when made must be complied with without excuse,
       pretext, or delay. He may suspend or remove municipal
       officers, either individually or collectively, for cause, and
       appoint substitutes therefor permanently, for the time being
       or pending the next general election, or may call a special
       election to fill the vacancy or vacancies caused by such
       suspension or removal, reporting the cause thereof with a full
       statement of his action in the premises to the governor of the
       islands without delay. He shall forward all questions or
       disputes that may arise over the boundaries or jurisdictional
       limits of the city, towns, or municipalities to the governor
       of the islands for final determination, together with full
       report and recommendations relative to the same. He may, with
       the approval of the governor of the islands, authorize the
       cities and towns to form among themselves associations or
       communities for determined ends, such as the construction of
       public works, the creation and foundation of beneficent,
       charitable, or educational institutions, for the better
       encouragement of public interests or the use of communal
       property.

    {389}

       "ARTICLE 54.
       It shall be the duty of commanding officers of military
       districts, immediately after the publication of this order, to
       recommend to the office of the military governor in which towns
       within their commands municipal governments shall be
       established, and upon approval of recommendations, either
       personally or through subordinate commanders designated by
       them, to issue and cause to be posted proclamations calling
       elections therein. Such proclamations shall fix the time and
       place of election and shall designate three residents of the
       town who shall be charged with the duty of administering
       electors' oaths; of preparing, publishing, and correcting,
       within specified dates, a list of electors having the
       qualifications hereinbefore set forth, and of presiding at and
       making a due return of the election thus appointed. The
       proclamation shall specify the offices to be filled, and in
       order to determine the number of councilors the commanders
       charged with calling the election shall determine, from the
       best available evidence, the class to which the town belongs,
       as hereinbefore defined; the classification thus made shall
       govern until the taking of an official census. The first
       alcaldes appointed under the provisions of this order shall
       take and subscribe the oath of office before the commanding
       officer of the military district or some person in the several
       towns designated by said commanding officer for the said
       purpose; whereupon the alcalde so sworn shall administer the
       said oath of office to all the other officers of the municipio
       there elected and afterwards appointed. The election returns
       shall be canvassed by the authority issuing the election
       proclamation, and the officers elected shall assume their
       duties on a date to be specified by him in orders.

       "ARTICLE. 55.
       Until the appointment of governors of provinces their duties
       under this order will be performed by the commanding officers
       of the military districts. They may, by designation, confer on
       subordinate commanding officers of subdistricts or of other
       prescribed territorial limits of their commands the
       supervisory duties herein enumerated, and a subordinate
       commander so designated shall perform all and every of the
       duties herein prescribed for the superior commanding officer.

       "ARTICLE. 56.
       For the time being the provisions of this order requiring that
       alcaldes be elected, in all cases shall be so far modified as
       to permit the commanding officers of military districts, in
       their discretion, either to appoint such officers or to have
       them elected as hereinbefore prescribed. The term of office of
       alcaldes appointed under this authority shall be the same as
       if they had been elected; at the expiration of such term the
       office shall be filled by election or appointment.

       "ARTICLE 57.
       The governments of towns organized under General Orders No.
       43, Headquarters Department of the Pacific and Eighth Army
       Corps, series 1899, will continue in the exercise of their
       functions as therein defined and set forth until such time as
       municipal governments therefor have been organized and are in
       operation under this order."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 659.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Appointment of the Second Commission to the Philippines and
       the President's instructions to it.
       Steps to be taken towards the establishment of civil
       government, and the principles to be observed.

       On the 7th of April, 1900, the President of the United States
       addressed the following communication to the Secretary of War,
       appointing a Second Commission to the Philippines, "to
       continue and perfect the work of organizing and establishing
       civil government" in the Islands, and defining the principles
       on which that work should proceed: "In the message transmitted
       to the Congress on the 5th of December, 1899, I said, speaking of
       the Philippine Islands: 'As long as the insurrection continues
       the military arm must necessarily be supreme. But there is no
       reason why steps should not be taken from time to time to
       inaugurate governments essentially popular in their form as
       fast as territory is held and controlled by our troops. To
       this end I am considering the advisability of the return of
       the commission, or such of the members thereof as can be
       secured, to aid the existing authorities and facilitate this
       work throughout the islands.'

       "To give effect to the intention thus expressed I have
       appointed the Honorable William H. Taft of Ohio, Professor
       Dean C. Worcester of Michigan, the Honorable Luke I. Wright of
       Tennessee, the Honorable Henry C. Ide of Vermont, and
       Professor Bernard Moses of California, Commissioners to the
       Philippine Islands to continue and perfect the work of
       organizing and establishing civil government already commenced
       by the military authorities, subject in all respects to any
       laws which Congress may hereafter enact. The Commissioners
       named will meet and act as a board, and the Honorable William
       H. Taft is designated as President of the board. It is
       probable that the transfer of authority from military
       commanders to civil officers will be gradual and will occupy a
       considerable period. Its successful accomplishment and the
       maintenance of peace and order in the meantime will require
       the most perfect co-operation between the civil and military
       authorities in the island, and both should be directed during
       the transition period by the same executive department. The
       commission will therefore report to the Secretary of War, and
       all their action will be subject to your approval and control.

       "You will instruct the commission to proceed to the City of
       Manila, where they will make their principal office, and to
       communicate with the Military Governor of the Philippine
       Islands, whom you will at the same time direct to render to
       them every assistance within his power in the performance of
       their duties. Without hampering them by too specific
       instructions, they should in general be enjoined, after making
       themselves familiar with the conditions and needs of the
       country, to devote their attention in the first instance to
       the establishment of municipal governments, in which the
       natives of the islands, both in the cities and in the rural
       communities, shall be afforded the opportunity to manage their
       own local affairs to the fullest extent of which they are
       capable, and subject to the least degree of supervision and
       control which a careful study of their capacities and
       observation of the workings of native control show to be
       consistent with the maintenance of law, order, and loyalty.
       The next subject in order of importance should be the
       organization of government in the larger administrative
       divisions corresponding to counties, departments, or
       provinces, in which the common interests of many or several
       municipalities falling within the same tribal lines, or the
       same natural geographical limits, may best be subserved by a
       common administration. Whenever the commission is of the
       opinion that the condition of affairs in the islands is such
       that the central administration may safely be transferred from
       military to civil control, they will report that conclusion to
       you, with their recommendations as to the form of central
       government to be established for the purpose of taking over
       the control.

    {390}

       "Beginning with the 1st day of September, 1900, the authority
       to exercise, subject to my approval, through the Secretary of
       War, that part of the power of government in the Philippine
       Islands which is of a legislative nature is to be transferred
       from the Military Governor of the Islands to this commission,
       to be thereafter exercised by them in the place and stead of
       the Military Governor, under such rules and regulations as you
       shall prescribe, until the establishment of the civil central
       government for the islands contemplated in the last foregoing
       paragraph, or until Congress shall otherwise provide. Exercise
       of this legislative authority will include the making of rules
       and orders, having the effect of law, for the raising of
       revenue by taxes, customs duties, and imposts; the
       appropriation and expenditure of public funds of the islands;
       the establishment of an educational system throughout the
       islands; the establishment of a system to secure an efficient
       civil service; the organization and establishment of courts;
       the organization and establishment of municipal and
       departmental governments, and all other matters of a civil
       nature for which the Military Governor is now competent to
       provide by rules or orders of a legislative character. The
       commission will also have power during the same period to
       appoint to office such officers under the judicial,
       educational, and civil service systems and in the municipal
       and departmental governments as shall be provided for. Until
       the complete transfer of control the Military Governor will
       remain the chief executive head of the Government of the
       islands, and will exercise the executive authority now
       possessed by him and not herein expressly assigned to the
       commission, subject, however, to the rules and orders enacted
       by the commission in the exercise of the legislative powers
       conferred upon them. In the meantime the municipal and
       departmental governments will continue to report to the
       Military Governor, and be subject to his administrative
       supervision and control, under your direction, but that
       supervision and control will be confined within the narrowest
       limits consistent with the requirement that the powers of
       government in the municipalities and departments shall be
       honestly and effectively exercised and that law and order and
       individual freedom shall be maintained. All legislative rules
       and orders, establishments of Government, and appointments to
       office by the commission will take effect immediately, or at
       such times as it shall designate, subject to your approval and
       action upon the coming in of the commission's reports, which
       are to be made from time to time as its action is taken.
       Wherever civil Governments are constituted under the direction
       of the commission, such military posts, garrisons, and forces
       will be continued for the suppression of insurrection and
       brigandage, and the maintenance of law and order, as the
       military commander shall deem requisite, and the military
       forces shall be at all times subject, under his orders to the
       call of the civil authorities for the maintenance of law and
       order and the enforcement of their authority.

       "In the establishment of Municipal Governments the commission
       will take as the basis of its work the Governments established
       by the Military Governor under his order of Aug. 8, 1899, and
       under the report of the board constituted by the Military
       Governor by his order of January 29, 1900, to formulate and
       report a plan of Municipal Government, of which his Honor
       Cayetano Arellano, President of the Audencia, was Chairman,
       and it will give to the conclusions of that board the weight
       and consideration which the high character and distinguished
       abilities of its members justify. In the constitution of
       Departmental or Provincial Governments it will give especial
       attention to the existing Government of the Island of Negros,
       constituted, with the approval of the people of that island,
       under the order of the Military Governor of July 22, 1899, and
       after verifying, so far as may be practicable, the reports of
       the successful working of that Government, they will be guided
       by the experience thus acquired, so far as it may be
       applicable to the conditions existing in other portions of the
       Philippines. It will avail itself, to the fullest degree
       practicable, of the conclusions reached by the previous
       commissions to the Philippines. In the distribution of powers
       among the Governments organized by the commission, the
       presumption is always to be in favor of the smaller
       sub-division, so that all the powers which can properly be
       exercised by the Municipal Government shall be vested in that
       Government, and all the powers of a more general character
       which can be exercised by the Departmental Government shall be
       vested in that Government, and so that in the governmental
       system, which is the result of the process, the Central
       Government of the islands, following the example of the
       distribution of the powers between the States and the National
       Government of the United States, shall have no direct
       administration except of matters of purely general concern,
       and shall have only such supervision and control over local
       Governments as may be necessary to secure and enforce faithful
       and efficient administration by local officers.

       "The many different degrees of civilization and varieties of
       custom and capacity among the people of the different islands
       preclude very definite instruction as to the part which the
       people shall take in the selection of their own officers; but
       these general rules are to be observed: That in all cases the
       municipal officers, who administer the local affairs of the
       people, are to be selected by the people, and that wherever
       officers of more extended jurisdiction are to be selected in
       any way, natives of the islands are to be preferred, and if
       they can be found competent and willing to perform the duties,
       they are to receive the offices in preference to any others.
       It will be necessary to fill some offices for the present with
       Americans which after a time may well be filled by natives of
       the islands. As soon as practicable a system for ascertaining
       the merit and fitness of candidates for civil office should be
       put in force. An indispensable qualification for all offices and
       positions of trust and authority in the islands must be
       absolute and unconditional loyalty to the United States, and
       absolute and unhampered authority and power to remove and
       punish any officer deviating from that standard must at all
       times be retained in the hands of the central authority of the
       islands.
    {391}
       In all the forms of government and administrative provisions
       which they are authorized to prescribe, the commission should
       bear in mind that the government which they are establishing
       is designed not for our satisfaction, or for the expression of
       our theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and
       prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the
       measures adopted should be made to conform to their customs,
       their habits, and even their prejudices, to the fullest extent
       consistent with the accomplishment of the indispensable
       requisites of just and effective government.

       "At the same time the commission should bear in mind, and the
       people of the islands should be made plainly to understand,
       that there are certain great principles of government which
       have been made the basis of our governmental system which we
       deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of
       individual freedom, and of which they have, unfortunately,
       been denied the experience possessed by us; that there are
       also certain practical rules of government which we have found
       to be essential to the preservation of these great principles
       of liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules
       of government must be established and maintained in their
       islands for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however
       much they may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure
       with which they are familiar. It is evident that the most
       enlightened thought of the Philippine Islands fully
       appreciates the importance of these principles and rules, and
       they will inevitably within a short time command universal
       assent. Upon every division and branch of the government of
       the Philippines, therefore, must be imposed these inviolable
       rules: That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or
       property without due process of law; that private property
       shall not be taken for public use without just compensation;
       that in all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the
       right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the
       nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the
       witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for
       obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance
       of counsel for his defense; that excessive bail shall not be
       required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
       punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in
       jeopardy for the same offense, or be compelled in any criminal
       case to be a witness against himself; that the right to be
       secure against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be
       violated; that neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall
       exist except as a punishment for crime; that no bill of
       attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed; that no law
       shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the
       press, or the rights of the people to peaceably assemble and
       petition the Government for a redress of grievances; that no
       law shall be made respecting an establishment of religion, or
       prohibiting the free exercise thereof, and that the free
       exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship
       without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed.

       "It will be the duty of the commission to make a thorough
       investigation into the titles to the large tracts of land held
       or claimed by individuals or by religious orders; into the
       justice of the claims and complaints made against such
       landholders by the people of the island or any part of the
       people, and to seek by wise and peaceable measures a just
       settlement of the controversies and redress of wrongs which
       have caused strife and bloodshed in the past. In the
       performance of this duty the commission is enjoined to see
       that no injustice is done; to have regard for substantial
       rights and equity, disregarding technicalities so far as
       substantial right permits, and to observe the following rules:
       That the provision of the treaty of Paris pledging the United
       States to the protection of all rights of property in the
       islands, and, as well, the principle of our own Government,
       which prohibits the taking of private property without due
       process of law, shall not be violated; that the welfare of the
       people of the islands, which should be a paramount
       consideration, shall be attained consistently with this rule
       of property right; that if it becomes necessary for the public
       interest of the people of the islands to dispose of claims to
       property which the commission finds to be not lawfully
       acquired and held, disposition shall be made thereof by due
       legal procedure, in which there shall be full opportunity for
       fair and impartial hearing and judgment; that if the same
       public interests require the extinguishment of property rights
       lawfully acquired and held, due compensation shall be made out
       of the public Treasury therefor; that no form of religion and
       no minister of religion shall be forced upon any community or
       upon any citizen of the islands; that, upon the other hand, no
       minister of religion shall be interfered with or molested in
       following his calling, and that the separation between State
       and Church shall be real, entire, and absolute.

       "It will be the duty of the commission to promote and extend,
       and, as it finds occasion, to improve, the system of education
       already inaugurated by the military authorities. In doing this
       it should regard as of first importance the extension of a system
       of primary education which shall be free to all, and which
       shall tend to fit the people for the duties of citizenship and
       for the ordinary avocations of a civilized community. This
       instruction should be given in the first instance in every
       part of the islands in the language of the people. In view of
       the great number of languages spoken by the different tribes,
       it is especially important to the prosperity of the islands
       that a common medium of communication may be established, and
       it is obviously desirable that this medium should be the
       English language. Especial attention should be at once given
       to affording full opportunity to all the people of the islands
       to acquire the use of the English language. It may be well
       that the main changes which should be made in the system of
       taxation and in the body of the laws under which the people
       are governed, except such changes as have already been made by
       the military Government, should be relegated to the civil
       Government which is to be established under the auspices of
       the commission. It will, however, be the duty of the
       commission to inquire diligently as to whether there are any
       further changes which ought not to be delayed, and, if so, it
       is authorized to make such changes, subject to your approval.
       In doing so it is to bear in mind that taxes which tend to
       penalize or to repress industry and enterprise are to be
       avoided; that provisions for taxation should be simple, so
       that they may be understood by the people; that they should
       affect the fewest practicable subjects of taxation which will
       serve for the general distribution of the burden.

    {392}

       "The main body of the laws which regulate the rights and
       obligations of the people should be maintained with as little
       interference as possible. Changes made should be mainly in
       procedure, and in the criminal laws to secure speedy and
       impartial trials, and at the same time effective
       administration and respect for individual rights. In dealing
       with the uncivilized tribes of the islands the commission
       should adopt the same course followed by Congress in
       permitting the tribes of our North American Indians to
       maintain their tribal organization and government, and under
       which many of those tribes are now living in peace and
       contentment, surrounded by a civilization to which they are
       unable or unwilling to conform. Such tribal governments
       should, however, be subjected to wise and firm regulation;
       and, without undue or petty interference, constant and active
       effort should be exercised to prevent barbarous practices and
       introduce civilized customs. Upon all officers and employés of
       the United States, both civil and military, should be
       impressed a sense of the duty to observe not merely the
       material but the personal and social rights of the people of
       the islands, and to treat them with the same courtesy and
       respect for their personal dignity which the people of the
       United States are accustomed to require from each other. The
       articles of capitulation of the City of Manila on the 13th of
       August, 1898, concluded with these words: 'This city, its
       inhabitants, its churches and religious worship, its
       educational establishments, and its private property of all
       descriptions, are placed under the special safeguard of the
       faith and honor of the American Army.' I believe that this
       pledge has been faithfully kept. As high and sacred an
       obligation rests upon the Government of the United States to
       give protection for property and life, civil and religious
       freedom, and wise, firm, and unselfish guidance in the paths
       of peace and prosperity to all the people of the Philippine
       Islands. I charge this commission to labor for the full
       performance of this obligation, which concerns the honor and
       conscience of their country, in the firm hope that through
       their labors all the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands may
       come to look back with gratitude to the day when God gave
       victory to American arms at Manila and set their land under
       the sovereignty and the protection of the people of the United
       States.
          WILLIAM McKINLEY."

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Speech of Senator Hoar against the subjugation and
       retention of the Islands by the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Filipinos killed, captured and surrendered from the breaking
       out of hostilities with them to May, 1900.
       Losses of American army.

       In response to a resolution of the United States Senate, May
       17, 1900, the following report, by cable, from Manila, was
       made by General MacArthur:

       "Filipinos killed, 10,780;
       wounded, 2,104;
       captured and surrendered, 10,425;
       number prisoners in our possession, about 2,000.

       No systematic record Filipino casualties these headquarters.
       Foregoing, compiled from large number reports made immediately
       after engagements, is as close an approximation as now
       possible, owing to wide distribution of troops. More accurate
       report would take weeks to prepare. Number reported killed
       probably in excess of accurate figures; number reported
       wounded probably much less, as Filipinos managed to remove
       most wounded from field, and comparatively few fell into our
       hands. Officers high rank and dangerous suspicious men have
       been retained as prisoners; most other men discharged on field
       as soon as disarmed. Propose to release all but very few
       prisoners at early date."

          56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Doc. 435.

       For returns of casualties in the American army during the same
       period,

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (May-November).
       The question in American politics.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 {July).
       Appeal of citizens of Manila to the
       Congress of the United States.

       An appeal "to the Congress of the United States," dated at
       Manila, July 15, 1900, and signed by 2,006 of the inhabitants
       of the city, who were said by Senator Hoar and Senator Teller
       to be "the leading people of that section of country—lawyers
       and bankers and professional men generally" was presented to
       the Senate on the 10th of January, 1901. It opens as follows:

       "The undersigned, Filipinos and peaceful inhabitants of this
       city, in their own name and in the name of the misnamed
       'irreconcilables,' respectfully present themselves and submit
       to the worthy consideration of the Congress of the United
       States of America the following appeal: "The people of the
       Philippine Islands, in view of their calamitous condition,
       demand in the name of her sons, in the name of all races, in
       the name of humanity, that an end be put to the misfortunes
       which afflict them which, while they distress and agonize her,
       compel her to struggle for the rights that are hers, and for
       the maintenance whereof she must, if necessary, continue to
       pour out her blood as she has so constantly and generously
       done on battlefields, in the woods, on the mountains, in the
       city, everywhere! The blood which has been shed and that is
       still being shed, and which will continue to be shed until she
       has secured her rights, is not shed because of the intrigues
       of a few who, according to misinformed persons, desire to
       exploit the people and enrich themselves at the cost of their
       brother's blood. It has, gentlemen, sprung from the hearts of
       the people, who alone are the real strength of nations, the
       sovereign king of races, the producers of the arts, of
       science, of commerce, of wealth, of agriculture, of
       civilization, of progress, and of all the productions of human
       labor and intelligence, in all of which the people of the
       Philippine Islands had made great progress. The Filipinos were
       not sunk in lethargy, as some untruthfully assert. They
       suffered, but the hour to break their chains came to them in
       August, 1896, and they proclaimed to the world their
       emancipation."

    {393}

       The paper proceeds to review the circumstances of the revolt
       against Spanish rule which broke out in 1896, and the later
       circumstances of the conflict between Filipinos and Americans
       at such length that it cannot be given in full. Its aim and
       its spirit may be sufficiently shown by quotation of the
       following passages from the closing parts of the appeal:

       "Even supposing that America should force us to submit, and
       after many years of war the country should submit, as the
       lesser evil, to the proclamation of an ample autonomy, that
       autonomy would not produce a sincere bond of friendship
       between the two people, because, having sacrificed herself for
       her independence, the country could not look with affection upon
       those who would be the only obstacle to her happiness. She
       would always retain her aspirations, so that autonomy would be
       a short 'interregnum' which the country would necessarily take
       advantage of to regain new strength to be used in the
       attainment of her high political ideals, happen what may, and
       perhaps in some hour of peril strike a fatal blow at a hated
       oppressor. … In giving this warning we do not forget the good
       Americans whom we sincerely respect; we are mindful of the
       rupture of our good relations with the United States; we are
       mindful of the blood which will again run on the soil of our
       country. We see in that autonomy a new and sorrowful page in
       the history of the Philippines, and therefore we can not but
       look upon it with horror. Our people have had enough of
       suffering. … They steadfastly believe that their independence
       is their only salvation. Should they obtain it, they would be
       forever grateful to whomsoever shall have helped them in their
       undertaking; they would consider him as their redeemer, and
       his name will be engraved with bright letters in the national
       history, that all the generations to come may read it with
       sublime veneration. America, consistent with her tradition, is
       the only one which could play that great rôle in the present
       and future of the Philippines. If she recognizes their
       independence, they could offer her a part of the revenues of
       the Philippine state, according to the treaty which shall be
       stipulated; the protection in the country of the merchandise
       of the United States, and a moral and material guarantee for
       American capital all over the archipelago; finally, whatever
       may bring greater prosperity to America and progress to the
       country will, we doubt not, be taken into account in the
       treaty which shall be celebrated.

       "That the independence of the country will be attended with
       anarchy is asserted only by those who, offending the truth and
       forgetting their dignity, represent the Filipinos under
       horrible colors, comparing them to beasts. Their assertions
       are backed by isolated acts of pillage and robbery. What
       revolution of the world was free from such deeds? At this
       epoch passions are unrestrained; vengeance finds opportunity
       to satisfy itself; private ambitions are often favored by the
       occasion. Could such criminal deeds be avoided? Pythagoras
       said: 'If you like to see monsters, travel through a country
       during a revolution.' …

       "In order to end our appeal we will say, with the learned
       lawyer, Senor Mabini: 'To govern is to study the wants and
       interpret the aspirations of the people, in order to remedy
       the former and satisfy the latter.' If the natives who know
       the wants, customs, and aspirations of the people are not fit
       to govern them, would the Americans, who have had but little
       to do with the Filipinos, be more capable to govern the
       latter? We have, therefore, already proven—

       1. That the revolution was the exclusive work of the public;

       2. That in preparing it they were moved by a great ideal, the
       ideal of independence;

       3. That they are ready to sacrifice their whole existence in
       order to realize their just aspirations;

       4. That in spite of the serious difficulties through which
       they are passing, they still expect from America that she will
       consider them with impartiality and justice, and will
       recognize what by right belongs to them, and thus give them an
       opportunity to show their boundless gratitude;

       5. That the annexation of the Philippines to America is not
       feasible;

       6. That the American sovereignty is not favored by the
       Philippine people;

       7. That an ample autonomy can not be imposed without violating
       the Filipino will;

       8. That the Filipinos are firm for self-government.

       "From this it results that the only admissible solution for
       the present difficulties is the recognition by America of the
       independence of the Filipinos. In saying this we do not
       consider either the nullity or the legality of the Paris
       treaty on our country, but the well-known doctrine of the
       immortal Washington, and of the sons of the United States of
       America, worthy champions of oppressed people. Therefore we,
       in the name of justice and with all the energies of our souls,
       demand—

       1. That the independence of the Filipinos be recognized;

       2. That all the necessary information regarding the events
       which are taking place, concerning the peaceful towns and
       places which are supporting the arms of the revolution, be
       obtained from Filipinos who, by their antecedents and by their
       actual conduct, deserve the respect and confidence of the
       Filipino people."

          Congressional Record,
          January 10, 1901, page 850.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Adoption of civil service rules.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (September-November).
       Civil government of the Islands by the President's Commission.
       Legislative measures.
       Report of the Commission.

       "In April of this year the second Philippine commission, of
       which Honorable William H. Taft, of Ohio, Professor Dean C.
       Worcester, of Michigan, Honorable Luke I. Wright, of
       Tennessee, Honorable Henry C. Ide, of Vermont, and Professor
       Bernard Moses, of California, were members, sailed for Manila
       with the powers of civil government prescribed in the
       instructions of April 7, 1900 [see above]. After devoting
       several months to familiarizing themselves with the conditions
       in the islands, this commission on the 1st of September, 1900,
       entered upon the discharge of the extensive legislative powers
       and the specific powers of appointment conferred upon them in
       the instructions, and they have since that time continued to
       exercise all that part of the military power of the President
       in the Philippines which is legislative in its character,
       leaving the military governor still the chief executive of the
       islands, the action of both being duly reported to this
       Department for the President's consideration and approval. …
       On consultation with the commission, and with the President's
       approval, a note of amnesty was issued by the military
       governor, dated June 21, 1900, and supplemented by a public
       statement by the military governor, under date of July 2,
       1900, based, in the main, upon the instructions to the
       commission.
    {394}
       … In pursuance of them something over 5,000 persons, of all
       grades of the civil and military service of the insurrection,
       presented themselves and took the following oath: 'I hereby
       renounce all allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary
       governments in the Philippine Islands and recognize and accept
       the supreme authority of the United States of America therein;
       and I do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and
       allegiance to that government; that I will at all times
       conduct myself as a faithful and law-abiding citizen of said
       islands, and will not, either directly or indirectly, hold
       correspondence with or give intelligence to an enemy of the
       United States, neither will I aid, abet, harbor, or protect
       such enemy. That I impose upon myself this voluntary
       obligation without any mental reservation or purpose of
       evasion, so help me God.' This number included many of the
       most prominent officials of the former Tagalog government. …

       "The commission in its legislative action is following the
       ordinary course of legislative procedure. Its sessions are
       open, and its discussion and the proposed measures upon which
       it is deliberating are public, while it takes testimony and
       receives suggestions from citizens as if it were a legislative
       committee. Its first legislative act was the appropriation, on
       the 12th of September, of $2,000,000 (Mexican), to be used in
       construction and repair of highways and bridges in the
       Philippine Islands. The second act, on the same day, was an
       appropriation of $5,000 (Mexican) for a survey of a railroad
       to the mountains of Benguet, in the island of Luzon. The
       proposed railroad, about 45 miles in length, extending from
       the Manila and Dagupan road, near the Gulf of Lingayen, to the
       interior, will open, at a distance of about 170 miles from
       Manila, a high tableland exceedingly healthy, well wooded with
       pine and oak, comparatively dry and cool, and where the
       mercury is said to range at night in the hottest season of the
       year between 50° and 60° F. The value of such a place for the
       recuperation of troops and foreign residents will be very
       great. The third act of the commission was an appropriation
       for the payment of a superintendent of public instruction.
       They have secured for that position the services of Frederick
       W. Atkinson, recently principal of the high school of
       Springfield, Massachusetts, who was selected by the commission
       for that purpose before their arrival in Manila.

       "Before the 1st of September a board of officers had been
       engaged upon the revision of the tariff for the islands in the
       light of such criticisms and suggestions as had been made
       regarding the old tariff. The commission has considered the
       report of this board, and after full public hearings of
       business interests in the island has formulated a tariff law
       which has been transmitted to the Department. … A
       civil-service board has been constituted by the commission
       [see, in this volume, CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1900). They
       have secured from the United States Civil Service Commission
       the experienced and capable services of Mr. Frank M. Kiggins,
       and a civil-service law has been enacted by the commission
       providing for the application of the merit system to
       appointments in the island."

          United States, Secretary of War, Annual Report,
          November 30, 1900, pages 25-27.

       A report by the Commission, dated November 30, was received at
       Washington late in January, 1901. Of the legislative work on
       which it entered September 1st, and which, at the time of
       reporting, it had prosecuted during three months, the
       Commission speaks as follows:

       "It adopted the policy of passing no laws, except in cases of
       emergency, without publishing them in the daily press after
       they had passed a second reading, and giving to the public an
       opportunity to come before the Commission and suggest
       objections or amendments to the bills. The Commission has
       likewise adopted as part of its regular procedure the
       submission of all proposed bills to the Military Governor for
       his consideration and comment before enactment. We think that
       the holding of public sessions furnishes instructive lessons
       to the people, as it certainly secures to the Commission a
       means of avoiding mistakes. … The Commission has now passed
       forty-seven laws of more or less importance. … A municipal
       code has been prepared and forwarded to you for the
       consideration of one or two critical matters, and has not yet
       been adopted, pending your consideration of it. A tariff bill
       … has been prepared. … A judicial and civil procedure bill is
       nearly completed. The same thing is true of a bill for
       provincial government organization. A new internal tax law
       must then be considered. The wealth of this country has
       largely been in agricultural lands, and they have been
       entirely exempt. This enabled the large landowners to escape
       any other taxation than the urbana, a tax which was imposed
       upon the rental value of city buildings only, and the cedula
       tax, which did not in any case exceed $37.50 (Mexican) a
       person. We think that a land tax is to be preferred, but of
       this there will be found more detailed discussion below. …

       "The only legislation thus far undertaken by the Commission
       which bears directly on the conduct of municipal affairs in
       the city of Manila is a law regulating the sale of spirituous,
       malt, vinous or fermented liquors. It is provided that none of
       the so-called native 'wines' [said to be concocted by mixing
       alcohol with oils and flavoring extracts] shall be sold except
       by holders of native wine licenses, and that such holders
       shall not be allowed to sell intoxicants of any other sort
       whatever. … The selling of native wines to soldiers of the
       United States under any circumstances is strictly prohibited,
       because the soldiers are inclined to indulge in those
       injurious beverages to excess, with disastrous results. … The
       Filipino ordinarily uses them moderately, if at all.
       Fortunately, he does not, to any considerable extent, frequent
       the American saloon. With a view to preventing his being
       attracted there, the playing of musical instruments or the
       operation of any gambling device, phonograph, slot machine,
       billiard or pool table or other form of amusement in saloons,
       bars or drinking places is prohibited."

       The report of the Commission urged strongly the establishing
       of a purely civil government in the Islands, for reasons thus
       stated: "The restricted powers of a military government are
       painfully apparent in respect to mining claims and the
       organization of railroad, banking and other corporations and
       the granting of franchises generally. It is necessary that
       there be some body or officer vested with legislative
       authority to pass laws which shall afford opportunity to
       capital to make investment here. This is the true and most
       lasting method of pacification. Now the only corporations here
       are of Spanish or English origin with but limited concessions,
       and American capital finds itself completely obstructed.
    {395}
       Such difficulties would all be removed by the passage of the
       Spooner bill now pending in both houses.

          See below: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

       The far reaching effect upon the feeling of the people of
       changing the military government to one purely civil, with the
       Army as merely auxiliary to the administration of civil law,
       cannot be too strongly emphasized. Military methods in
       administering quasi-civil government, however successful in
       securing efficiency and substantial justice, are necessarily
       abrupt and in appearance arbitrary, even when they are those
       of the Army of the Republic; and until a civil government is
       established here it will be impossible for the people of the
       Philippine Islands to realize the full measure of the
       difference between a government under American sovereignty and
       one under that of Spain."

       Another subject of great importance dealt with in the November
       report of the Commission was that concerning the employment of
       native troops and police, on which it was said: "The question
       as to whether native troops and a native constabulary are at
       present practicable has received much thought and a careful
       investigation by the Commission. … We have sought and obtained
       the opinions of a large number of Regular and volunteer officers
       of all rank, having their fields of operation in all parts of
       the islands, and there appears to be a general consensus of
       opinion among them that the time is ripe for these
       organizations, and this is also our conclusion. Assuming that
       Congress at its next session will provide for an increase of
       the Regular Army, it by no means follows that a large part
       thereof will, or should, be stationed here permanently.
       Considerations of public policy and economy alike forbid such
       a programme, nor in our judgment is it necessary.

       "While the American soldier is unsurpassed in war, as it is
       understood among civilized people, he does not make the best
       policeman, especially among a people whose language and
       customs are new and strange to him, and in our opinion should
       not be put to that use when, as we believe, a better
       substitute is at hand. We therefore earnestly urge the
       organization of ten regiments of native troops of infantry and
       cavalry, the proportion between the two arms of the service to
       be fixed by competent military judges. These troops should in
       the main be officered by Americans. Certainly this should be
       the case as to their field officers and company commanders.
       Lieutenants might be Filipinos, judicially selected, and
       provision might be made for their promotion in the event of
       faithful or distinguished service.

       "We further recommend that a comprehensive scheme of police
       organization be put in force as rapidly as possible; that it
       be separate and distinct from the army, having for its head an
       officer of rank and pay commensurate with the importance of
       the position, with a sufficient number of assistants and
       subordinates to exercise thorough direction and control. This
       organization should embrace every township in the islands, and
       should be so constituted that the police of several contiguous
       townships could be quickly mobilized. The chief officers of
       this organization should be Americans, but some of the
       subordinate officers should be natives, with proper provision
       for their advancement as a reward for loyal and efficient
       services. The main duty of the police would, of course, be to
       preserve the peace and maintain order in their respective
       townships, but occasion would, no doubt, frequently arise when
       it would be necessary to utilize the forces of several
       townships against large bands of ladrones."

       With regard to the organization of municipal government in the
       townships (pueblos) of the Islands the report of the
       Commission says, in part: "The 'pueblos' of these islands
       sometimes include a hundred or more square miles. They are
       divided into so-called 'barrios' or wards, which are often
       very numerous and widely separated. In order that the
       interests of the inhabitants of each ward may be represented
       in the Council, on the one hand, and that the body may not
       become so numerous as to be unwieldy, on the other, it is
       provided that the Councillors shall be few in number (eighteen
       to eight, according to the number of inhabitants), and shall
       be elected at large; that where the wards are more numerous
       than are the Councillors the wards shall be grouped into
       districts, and that one Councillor shall be in charge of each
       ward or district, with power to appoint a representative from
       among the inhabitants of every ward thus assigned to him, so
       that he may the more readily keep in touch with conditions in
       that portion of the township which it is his duty to supervise
       and represent. …

       "In order to meet the situation presented by the fact that a
       number of the pueblos have not as yet been organized since the
       American occupation, while some two hundred and fifty others
       are organized under a comparatively simple form of government
       and fifty-five under a much more complicated form on which the
       new law is based, the course of procedure which must be
       followed in order to bring these various towns under the
       provisions of the new law has been prescribed in detail, and
       every effort has been made to provide against unnecessary
       friction in carrying out the change.

       "In view of the disturbed conditions which still prevail in
       some parts of the archipelago it has been provided that the
       military government should be given control of the appointment
       and arming of the municipal police and that in all provinces
       where civil provincial government has not been established by
       the Commission the duties of the Provincial Governor,
       Provincial Treasurer and Provincial 'Fiscal' (prosecuting
       attorney) shall be performed by military officers assigned by
       the Military Governor for these purposes. It has been further
       provided that in these provinces the Military Governor shall
       have power through such subordinates as he may designate for
       the purpose to inspect and investigate at any time all the
       official books and records of the several municipalities, and
       to summarily suspend any municipal officer for inefficiency,
       misconduct or disloyalty to the United States. If upon
       investigation it shall prove that the suspended officer is
       guilty, the Military Governor has power to remove him and to
       appoint his successor, should he deem such a course necessary
       in the interest of public safety. It is thought that where the
       necessity still exists for active intervention on the part of
       the Military Governor it will ordinarily be desirable to allow
       the towns to retain their existing organization until such
       time as conditions shall improve; but, should it prove
       necessary or desirable in individual instances to put the new
       law into operation in such provinces, it is felt that the
       above provisions will give to the Military Governor ample
       power to deal with any situation which can arise, and he has
       expressed his satisfaction with them.

    {396}

       "There are at the present time a considerable number of
       provinces which, in the judgment of the Commission, are ready
       for a provincial civil government. It is believed that in the
       majority of cases it will be possible to organize all the
       municipalities of a province, creating at the same time a
       civil provincial government. So soon as civil government is
       established in any province, power to remove officials for
       inefficiency, misconduct or disloyalty, and, should public
       safety demand it, to fill the offices thus made vacant, is
       vested in the civil authorities. The law does not apply to the
       city of Manila or to the settlements of non-Christian tribes,
       because it is believed that in both cases special conditions
       require special legislation. The question as to the best
       methods of dealing with the non-Christian tribes is one of no
       little complexity. The number of these tribes is greatly in
       excess of the number of civilized tribes, although the total
       number of Mahometans and pagans is much less than the number
       of Christianized natives. Still, the non-Christian tribes are
       very far from forming an insignificant element of the
       population. They differ from each other widely, both in their
       present social, moral and intellectual state and in the
       readiness with which they adapt themselves to the demands of
       modern civilization."

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (October).
       United States military forces in the Islands.

       "At the date of my last annual report there were in the
       Philippine Islands 971 officers and 31,344 enlisted men; and
       there were en route for service in those islands 546 officers
       and 16,553 enlisted men—the latter force being principally in
       California. Since that time an additional force ordered to
       China was diverted to the Philippine Islands, making a total
       of 98,668 men sent to the archipelago. Of this number 15,000
       volunteers, first sent to that country in 1898, together with
       the sick and disabled, have been returned to the United
       States, leaving at the present time in the islands, according
       to last report, 2,367 officers and 69,161 enlisted men.
       Fifteen hundred men have been left in China to act as a guard
       for the American legation in that country and for other
       purposes."

          United States, Annual Report of Lieutenant-General
          Commanding the Army, October 29, 1900.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (November).
       The problem of the Spanish Friars.
       Two contradictory representations of their work and influence.
       Views and recommendations of the United States Commission.

       Of the character, work and influence of the Spanish religious
       orders in the Philippine Islands there are two diametrically
       opposite accounts given by different writers. Both are
       represented in two of the quotations below, and those are
       followed by extracts from a report made by the United States
       Commission, November 30, 1900, on the subject of the problem
       they present to the new government of the Islands. The first
       writer is condemnatory. He says:

       "The better classes [of the Filipinos] have absorbed much of
       Spanish civilization in their three-century-old
       apprenticeship. They show extraordinary talent for music. The
       church of the mother land of Spain is much in evidence among
       them. It brought to them its blessings, but also incidentally
       a terrible curse. The mendicant orders—the Franciscans, the
       Dominicans, the Augustinians, no longer poor preachers,
       thinking only of serving, blessing, loving men, but grown
       rich, domineering, and, in many cases, sadly corrupt in
       morals—ate up the land. They added field to field, house to
       house, till there was but little space left for the people.
       They charged enormous rents to those who to put bread in their
       mouths must till their fields. Just such cause for revolt existed
       as that which in France aroused the storm of the great
       revolution; the people taxed without mercy, the clergy
       untaxed, reaping the benefit. Had the Christ-like St. Francis
       of Assisi been endowed with the gift of prophetic vision to
       see this gross degeneracy of his followers, more than ever
       would he have felt the soundness of his intuition which made
       him set his face like flint against the acquisition of any
       property by his order. His beloved fair Lady of Poverty would
       have seemed to him more beautiful than ever. He would have
       been horrified with the knowledge of the cruel rapacity of
       monks bearing his name, who, nevertheless, grossly oppressed
       the Philippine peasantry in rents and taxes,—the very poor
       whom St. Francis founded his order to serve.

       "Perhaps the most deep-seated cause of Filipino insurrection
       against Spanish authority was this unchecked growth of
       ignorant, cruel, and oppressive ecclesiasticism. It was this
       which weighed most heavily upon the people. It made the mere
       question of gaining a livelihood difficult, but especially did
       it strangle intellectual and moral growth. It not only
       oppressed the Filipinos, but it overawed and dominated the
       Spanish authorities. It was the power of the mendicant orders
       which drove out the just Condé de Caspe, and later the
       well-disposed and clement Blanco, which stimulated and
       supported the frightful atrocities of the cruel Polavieja
       during the revolution of 1896. Archbishop Nozaleda, a Spanish
       monk of the Dominican order, was a leader in urging wholesale
       and often wholly unjustifiable arrests, which were succeeded
       by the torture and execution of hundreds of persons. It is
       difficult for a mind reared in the freedom and culture of
       modern Europe, or still freer America, to realize the horrible
       excesses and actual mediæval cruelties which were committed in
       the prisons of Manila and elsewhere in the islands upon Filipino
       insurgents, or those accused of being in league with them,
       during the revolution of 1896. The actual story of these
       things as it is unfolded, not only from Filipino sources, but
       from the Spanish archives of Manila, is like a scene evoked
       from the long-buried and forgotten past in the middle ages.
       Indeed, the only intelligible interpretation of events which
       cast shame on the name of Spanish authority and Spanish
       Christianity is found by reflecting that affairs in the
       Philippines, just previous to the battle of Manila, were
       controlled by ideas and forces which existed generally in
       Europe previous to the Reformation,—ideas which slowly
       retreated before the dawn of the new learning and the
       liberation of the individual conscience."

          H. Welsh,
          The Other Man's Country,
          chapter 1 (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Company).

    {397}

       In the other view there is an appeal to results which cannot
       easily be divested of force. They are set forth in the
       following:

       "The ideals of civilization for the Spanish missionary priests
       in the Philippines were substantially the same as those of
       Bacon and Raleigh, of the founders of New England and the
       founders of New York. In the mind of all, a civilized people
       was one which lived under settled laws by steady labor, which
       was more or less acquainted with the material progress made
       amongst the races of Europe, and, as all would say, which was
       Christian. The Spanish friars undertook the task of giving
       such a civilization to the Malays of the Philippines, and no
       other body of men of any race or any faith have accomplished
       what they have done. A task of somewhat similar kind has been
       attempted by others in our own day in the name of Christian
       civilization but not the Catholic Church. Hawaii has been
       under control of missionaries from New England for
       seventy-five years more completely than the Philippines were
       ever under that of the Spanish friars. The native kings
       adopted the new creed and enforced its adoption on their
       subjects by vigorous corporal punishments. The missionaries
       were abundantly supplied with such resources of civilization
       as money could buy, and they have grown wealthy on their
       mission; but what has been the fate of the natives? They have
       dwindled in numbers to a fourth of what they were when Messrs.
       Bingham and Thurston entered their islands, their lands have
       been taken by strangers, their government overthrown by brute
       force, and the scanty remnant has dropped the religion imposed
       on them. In the Philippines in a hundred and forty years a
       million of Catholic natives has grown seven fold. In Hawaii
       under missioners of the world's manufacture a hundred and
       forty thousand of the same race has shrunk to thirty-eight
       thousand. Have the promises of the Spanish friars or those of
       the American ministers been the most truthfully kept? The
       actual condition of the Catholic population formed by the work
       of the religious orders should not be judged by the excesses
       which have marked the present revolution. Many old Christian
       nations have gone through similar experiences. It would be as
       unreasonable to judge the Christianity of France by the Reign
       of Terror as to condemn the Filipino population for the
       atrocities sanctioned by Aguinaldo. The mass of the country
       population has taken no part in these deeds of blood which are
       the work of a small number of political adventurers and
       aspirants for office by any means. Until lately revolutionary
       disturbance was unknown in the Philippines. During three
       centuries there was only one serious Indian rebellion, that of
       Silan, in the province of Illocos, at the time of the English
       invasion. The Spanish military force was always too small to
       hold the islands had there been any real disaffection to the
       Government. The whole force at Manila in the present war, as
       given by General Otis, was only fifty-six hundred, and about
       as many more represented the entire Spanish force among a
       population of seven millions.

       "The disposition of the Catholic Filipinos is essentially law
       abiding. One of the friars lately driven from the islands by
       the revolution assured the writer that in Panay, an island
       with a population of half a million, a murder did not occur
       more often than once or twice in a year. In our own country
       last year the proportion was more than fifty times as great.
       There is no forced labor as in the Dutch Indian colonies to
       compel the native Filipinos to work, yet they support
       themselves in content without any of the famines so common in
       India under the boasted rule of civilized England. A sure
       evidence of material prosperity is the growth of the
       population, and of its religion a fair test is the proportion
       of Catholic marriages, baptisms and religious interments to
       the whole number. The proportion of marriages in 1806 to the
       population among the natives administered by the friars was
       one to every hundred and twenty, which is higher than England,
       Germany, or any European country. The number of baptisms
       exceeded the deaths by more than two and a half per cent, a
       greater proportion than in our own land. Compare this with
       Hawaii and one feels what a farce is the promise of increased
       prosperity held out by the American Press as the result of the
       expulsion of the Spanish friars. It is not easy to compare
       accurately the intellectual development of the Catholic
       Filipinos with American or European standards. The ideals of
       civilization of the Catholic missioners were different from
       those popular with English statesmen and their American
       admirers. The friars did not believe that the accumulation of
       wealth was the end of civilization, but the support of a large
       population in fair comfort. There are no trusts and few
       millionaires in the islands, but their population is six times
       greater than that of California after fifty years of American
       government. The test so often applied of reading and writing
       among the population finds the Filipinos fairly up to the
       standard of Europe at least. Of highly educated men the
       proportion is not so large as in Europe, but it is not
       inconsiderable, and neither in science nor in literature are
       the descendants of the Malay pirates unrepresented in their
       remote islands. The native languages have developed no
       important literature of their own, but they have a fair supply
       of translations from Spanish works in history, poetry, and
       philosophy. In that they are superior to the Hindoo of British
       India, though spoken by nearly a hundred millions. These are
       facts that throw a strange light on the real meaning of
       civilization as planted by the Spanish friars among a
       barbarian race. Compare them with the fate of the Indian races
       on our own territory and say what benefit the Filipinos may
       expect from the advent of 'Anglo-Saxon' civilization."

          Bryan J. Clinch
          (American Catholic Quarterly Review,
          volume 24, page 15).

       These opposing views are suggestive of the seriousness of the
       problem which the subject offers to the new authority in the
       Philippines. The American Commission now studying such
       problems in those islands has presented its first views
       concerning the Spanish friars in a lengthy report, written by
       Judge Taft, and transmitted to Washington as part of the
       general report of the Commission, bearing date November 30,
       1900. The passages quoted below contain what is most essential
       in the interesting document:

       "Ordinarily, the Government of the United States and its
       servants have little or no concern with religious societies or
       corporations and their members. With us, the Church is so
       completely separated from the State that it is difficult to
       imagine cases in which the policy of a Church in the selection
       of its ministers and the assignment of them to duty can be
       regarded as of political moment, or as a proper subject of
       comment in the report of a public officer.
    {398}
       In the pacification of the Philippines by our Government,
       however, it is impossible to ignore the very great part which
       such a question plays. Excepting the Moros, who are Moslems,
       and the wild tribes, who are pagans, the Philippine people
       belong to the Roman Catholic Church. The total number of
       Catholic souls shown by the Church registry in 1898 was
       6,559,998. To care for these in that year there were in the
       archipelago 746 regular parishes, 105 mission parishes and 116
       missions, or 967 in all. Of the regular parishes all save 150
       were administered by Spanish monks of the Dominican,
       Augustinian, or Franciscan orders. Natives were not admitted
       to these orders. There were two kinds of Augustinians in these
       islands, the shod and the unshod. The latter are called
       Recolletos, and are merely an offshoot from the original order
       of St. Augustine.

       "By the revolutions of 1896 and 1898 against Spain, all the
       Dominicans, Augustinians, Recolletos, and Franciscans acting
       as parish priests were driven from their parishes to take
       refuge in Manila. Forty were killed and 403 were imprisoned,
       and were not all released until by the advance of the American
       troops it became impossible for the insurgents to retain them.
       Of the 1,124 who were in the islands in 1896, only 472 remain.
       The remainder were either killed or died, returned to Spain,
       or went to China or South America. There were also in the
       islands engaged in missions and missionary parishes, 42
       Jesuits, 16 Capuchins, and six Benedictines, and while many of
       these left their missions because of disturbed conditions they
       do not seem to have been assaulted or imprisoned for any
       length of time. In addition to the members of the monastic
       orders, there were 150 native secular clergymen in charge of
       small parishes who were not disturbed. There were also many
       native priests in the larger parishes who assisted the friar
       curates and they have remained, and they have been and are
       acting as parish priests. The burning political question,
       discussion of which strongly agitates the people of the
       Philippines, is whether the members of the four great orders
       of St. Dominic, St. Augustine, St. Francis, and the Recolletos
       shall return to the parishes from which they were driven by
       the revolution. Colloquially the term 'friars' includes the
       members of these four orders. The Jesuits, Capuchins,
       Benedictines, and the Paulists, of whom there are a few
       teachers here, have done only mission work or teaching, and
       have not aroused the hostility existing against the four large
       orders to which we are now about to refer. …

       "The truth is that the whole government of Spain in these
       islands rested on the friars. To use the expression of the
       Provincial of the Augustinians, the friars were 'the pedestal,
       or foundation, of the sovereignty of Spain in these islands,'
       which being removed, 'the whole structure would topple over.'
       … Once settled in a parish, a priest usually continued there
       until superannuation. He was, therefore, a constant political
       factor for a generation. The same was true of the Archbishop
       and the bishops. The civil and military officers of Spain in
       the island were here for not longer than four years, and more
       often for a less period. The friars, priests, and bishops,
       therefore, constituted a solid, powerful, permanent, well
       organized political force in the islands which dominated
       policies. The stay of those officers who attempted to pursue a
       course at variance with that deemed wise by the orders was
       invariably shortened by monastic influence. Of the four great
       orders, one, the Franciscans, is not permitted to own
       property, except convents and schools. This is not true of the
       other three. They own some valuable business property in
       Manila, and have large amounts of money to lend. But the chief
       property of these orders is in agricultural land. The total
       amount owned by the three orders in the Philippines is
       approximately 403,000 acres. Of this 121,000 acres is in the
       Province of Cavité alone. The whole is distributed as follows:
       Cavité, Province of Luzon, 121,747 acres; Laguna, Province of
       Luzon, 62,172 acres; Manila, Province of Luzon, 50,145;
       Bulacan, Province of Luzon, 39,341; Morong, Province of Luzon,
       4,940; Bataan, Province of Luzon, 1,000; Cagayan, Province of
       Luzon, 49,400; Island of Cebu, 16,413; Island of Mindoro,
       58,455. Total, 403,713. …

       "It cannot admit of contradiction that the autocratic power
       which each friar curate exercised over the people and civil
       officials of his parish gave them a most plausible ground for
       belief that nothing of injustice, of cruelty, of oppression,
       of narrowing restraint of liberty, was imposed on them for
       which the friar was not entirely responsible. His sacerdotal
       functions were not in their eyes the important ones, except as
       they enabled him to clinch and make more complete his civil
       and political control. The revolutions against Spain's
       sovereignty began as movements against the friars. … Having in
       view these circumstances, the statement of the bishops and friars
       that the mass of the people in these islands, except only a
       few of the leading men of each town and the native clergy, are
       friendly to them cannot be accepted as accurate. All the evidence
       derived from every source but the friars themselves shows
       clearly that the feeling of hatred for the friars is well nigh
       universal and permeates all classes. In the provinces of
       Cavité, Laguna, and Bulacan, as well as in the country
       districts of Manila, the political feeling against the friars
       has in it also an element of agrarianism. For generations the
       friars have been lords of these immense manors, upon which,
       since 1880, they have paid no taxes, while every 'hombre'
       living on them paid his cedula, worked out a road tax, and, if
       he were in business of any kind, paid his industrial impost. …

       "In the light of these considerations it is not wonderful that
       the people should regard the return of the friars to their
       parishes as a return to the conditions existing before the
       revolution. The common people are utterly unable to appreciate
       that under the sovereignty of the United States the position
       of the friar as curate would be different from that under
       Spain. This is not a religious question, though it concerns
       the selection of religious ministers for religious
       communities. The Philippine people love the Catholic Church. …
       The depth of their feeling against the friars may be measured
       by the fact that it exists against those who until two years
       ago administered the sacraments of the Church upon which they
       feel so great dependence and for which they have so profound a
       respect. The feeling against the friars is solely political.
       The people would gladly receive as ministers of the Roman
       Catholic religion any save those who are to them the
       embodiment of all in the Spanish rule that was hateful.
    {399}
       If the friars return to their parishes, though only under the
       same police protection which the American Government is bound
       to extend to any other Spanish subjects in these islands, the
       people will regard it as the act of that Government. They have
       so long been used to have every phase of their conduct regulated
       by governmental order that the coming again of the friars will
       be accepted as an executive order to them to receive the
       friars as curates with their old, all-absorbing functions. It
       is likely to have the same effect on them that the return of
       General Weyler under an American Commission as Governor of
       Cuba would have had on the people of that island.

       "Those who are charged with the duty of pacifying these
       islands may therefore properly have the liveliest concern in a
       matter which, though on its surface only ecclesiastical, is,
       in the most important phase of it, political, and fraught with
       the most critical consequences to the peace and good order of
       the country, in which it is their duty to set up civil
       government. … It is suggested that the friars, if they
       returned, would uphold American sovereignty and be efficient
       instruments in securing peace and good order, whereas the
       native priests who now fill the parishes are, many of them,
       active insurgent agents or in strong sympathy with the cause.
       It is probably true that a considerable number of the Filipino
       priests are hostile to American sovereignty, largely because
       they fear that the Catholic Church will deem it necessary, on
       the restoration of complete peace, to bring back the friars or
       to elevate the moral tone of the priesthood by introducing
       priests from America or elsewhere. But it is certain that the
       enmity among the people against the American Government caused
       by the return of the friars would far outweigh the advantage
       of efforts to secure and preserve the allegiance of the people
       to American Sovereignty which might be made by priests who are
       still subjects of a monarchy with which the American
       Government has been lately at war, and who have not the
       slightest sympathy with the political principles of civil
       liberty which the American Government represents.

       "We have set forth the facts upon this important issue because
       we do not think they ought to be or can be ignored. We
       earnestly hope that those who control the policy of the
       Catholic Church in these islands with the same sagacity and
       prevision which characterize all its important policies, will
       see that it would be most unfortunate for the Philippine
       Islands, for the Catholic Church and for the American
       Government to attempt to send back the friars, and that some
       other solution of the difficulties should be found. … The
       friars have large property interests in these islands which
       the United States Government is bound by treaty obligations
       and by the law of its being to protect. It is natural and
       proper that the friars should feel a desire to remain where so
       much of their treasure is. … It would avoid some very
       troublesome agrarian disturbances between the friars and their
       quondam tenants if the Insular Government could buy these
       large haciendas of the friars, and sell them out in small
       holdings to the present tenants, who, forgiven for the rent
       due during the two years of war, would recognize the title of
       the Government without demur, and gladly accept an
       opportunity, by payment of the price in small instalments, to
       become absolute owners of that which they and their ancestors
       have so long cultivated. With the many other calls upon the
       insular treasury a large financial operation like this could
       probably not be conducted to a successful issue without the
       aid of the United States Government, either by a direct loan
       or by a guaranty of bonds to be issued for the purpose. The
       bonds or loans could be met gradually from the revenues of the
       islands, while the proceeds of the land, which would sell
       readily, could be used to constitute a school fund. This
       object, if declared, would make the plan most popular, because
       the desire for education by the Filipinos of all tribes is
       very strong, and gives encouraging promise of the future
       mental development of a now uneducated and ignorant people.
       The provincials of the orders were understood in their
       evidence to intimate a willingness on the part of the orders
       to sell their agricultural holdings if a satisfactory price
       should be paid. What such a price would be we are unable
       without further investigation to state. If an agreement could
       not be reached it is probable, though upon this we express no
       definite opinion, that there would be ground in the
       circumstances for a resort to condemnation proceedings."

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901.
       Act of the United States Congress increasing army and
       authorizing the enlistment of native troops.
       Rejection of the proviso of Senator Hoar.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
       Congressional grant of military, civil and judicial
       powers for the government of the Islands to persons whom the
       President may appoint.
       The so-called "Spooner Amendment."

       During the first session of the 56th Congress the following
       bill was introduced in the U. S. Senate by Mr. Spooner, of
       Wisconsin, but received no action:

       "Be it enacted, etc., That when all insurrection against the
       sovereignty and authority of the United States in the
       Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty
       concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, shall
       have been completely suppressed by the military and naval
       forces of the United States, all military, civil, and judicial
       powers necessary to govern the said islands shall, until
       otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and
       persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the
       President of the United States shall direct for maintaining
       and protecting the inhabitants of said islands in the free
       enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion."

       Half the following session of Congress passed before any
       disposition to take the action proposed by Senator Spooner was
       shown. Then the matter was brought to notice and pressed by
       the following communication to the Secretary of War, from the
       Commission in the Philippines:

       "If you approve, ask transmission to proper Senators and
       Representatives of following: Passage of Spooner bill at
       present session greatly needed to secure best result from
       improving conditions. Until its passage no purely central
       civil government can be established, no public franchises of
       any kind granted, and no substantial investment of private
       capital in internal improvements possible." This was repeated
       soon afterwards more urgently by cable in the message
       following:

    {400}

       "Sale of public lands and allowance of mining claims
       impossible until Spooner bill. Hundreds of American miners on
       ground awaiting law to perfect claims. More coming. Good
       element in pacification. Urgently recommend amendment Spooner
       bill so that its operation be not postponed until complete
       suppression of all insurrection, but only until in President's
       judgment civil government may be safely established."

       The request of the Philippine Commission, endorsed by the
       Secretary of War, was communicated to Congress by the
       President, who said in doing so: "I earnestly recommend
       legislation under which the government of the islands may have
       authority to assist in their peaceful industrial development."
       Thereupon the subject was taken up in Congress, not as
       formulated in Senator Spooner's bill of the previous session,
       but in the form of an amendment to the Army Appropriation
       Bill, then pending in the Senate. The amendment, as submitted
       to discussion in the Senate on the 25th of February, 1901, was
       in the following terms:

       "All military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govern
       the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaties
       concluded at Paris on the 10th day of December, 1898, and at
       Washington on the 7th day of November, 1900, shall, until
       otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such person and
       persons and shall be exercised in such manner as the President
       of the United States shall direct, for the establishment of
       civil government and for maintaining and protecting the
       inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their
       liberty, property, and religion: Provided, That all franchises
       granted under the authority hereof shall contain a reservation
       of the right to alter, amend, or repeal the same. Until a
       permanent government shall have been established in said
       archipelago full reports shall be made to Congress, on or
       before the first day of each regular session, of all
       legislative acts and proceedings of the temporary government
       instituted under the provisions hereof, and full reports of
       the acts and doings of said government and as to the condition
       of the archipelago and its people shall be made to the
       President, including all information which may be useful to
       the Congress in providing for a more permanent government."

       Strenuous opposition was made, firstly to the hasty grafting
       of so profoundly important a measure of legislation on an
       appropriation bill, and secondly to the measure itself, as
       being a delegation of powers to the President which did
       violence to the Constitution and to all the precedents and
       principles of the American government, and also as having
       objects which would not only do flagrant wrong to the people
       of the Philippine Islands, but bring dishonor on those of the
       United States. The military authority already exercised by the
       President in the Philippines sufficed fully, it was contended,
       for every purpose of temporary or provisional government
       there, except in its lack of ability to grant franchises and
       to dispose of the public lands. Hence it was freely charged
       that the controlling influences which pressed this measure on
       the government came from capitalists and speculators who were
       reaching after valuable franchises, mining rights and land
       grants in the archipelago. Said Senator Daniel in the debate:
       "So far as any legislation which looks forward to the opening
       of the way to civil government may be involved to the
       softening of the conditions which exist, to the amelioration
       of the distresses which are upon the Philippine people, I
       would give most cheerful acquiescence. But because we desire
       to do these things in a good spirit, in a resolute and
       patriotic spirit, let us not permit the provocation of
       difficult conditions to lead us into enacting any kind of
       provision of law that is not necessary to these ends. Let us
       not undertake to give to the President of the United States
       any power of disposing of the permanent assets of the
       Philippine people; let us not put him in the attitude of being
       a franchise giver or a franchise seller or a franchise lessor.
       The franchises of those islands—their rivers, their ferries,
       their streets, their roads, the thousand and one privileges
       which are granted by public authority—are as important and as
       valuable to that people and as permanently associated with
       their happiness and their prosperity as are their fields or
       their mines or their fisheries or anything else which belongs
       to their country. … It is true there is the reservation of the
       right to alter, amend, or repeal, but while that is legally
       broad enough for any remedial legislation whatsoever to
       follow, we know that practically it is of very small
       consequence. If capital goes in and invests itself in
       improvements which are in themselves of a permanent nature, if
       railroads are constructed, telegraph lines run, telephones
       established, ferries built, steamers and boats, gas
       establishments, electrical establishments—if those things are
       disposed of, the man who once gets in will never be gotten
       out. In all such affairs possession is nine points of the law
       before they get into court, where it is generally made the
       tenth."

       Senator Hoar called attention "to the fact that the report of
       the Taft commission urges that power be given to sell the
       public lands at once, as it is necessary for their
       development, and a large amount of capital is there now
       clamoring to be invested," and he remarked: "So I suppose that
       one of the chief purposes of this is that the public lands in
       the Philippine Islands may be sold before the people of the
       islands have any chance whatever to have a voice in their
       sale." He then quoted the following passages from the report
       of the Taft commission:

       "The commission has received a sufficient number of
       applications for the purchase of public land to know that
       large amounts of American capital are only awaiting the
       opportunity to invest in the rich agricultural field which may
       here be developed. In view of the decision that the military
       government has no power to part with the public land belonging
       to the United States, and that the power rests alone in
       Congress, it becomes very essential, to assist the development
       of these islands and their prosperity, that Congressional
       authority be vested in the government of the islands to adopt
       a proper public-land system, and to sell the land upon proper
       terms. There should, of course, be restrictions preventing the
       acquisition of too large quantities by any individual or
       corporation, but those restrictions should only be imposed
       after giving due weight to the circumstances that capital can
       not be secured for the development of the islands unless the
       investment may be sufficiently great to justify the
       expenditure of large amounts for expensive machinery and
       equipments.
    {401}
       Especially is this true in the cultivation of sugar land. …
       Restricted powers of a military government referred to in
       discussing the public lands are also painfully apparent in
       respect to mining claims and the organization of railroad,
       banking, and other corporations, and the granting of
       franchises generally. It is necessary that there be some body
       or officer vested with legislative authority to pass laws
       which shall afford opportunity to capital to make investment
       here. This is the true and most lasting method of
       pacification." "In other words," said Senator Hoar, "the
       leading, principal, bald proposal on which this amendment
       rests is that before those 10,000,000 people are allowed any
       share in their own government whatever their property is to be
       sold by Americans to Americans in large quantities, as on the
       whole the best means of pacification—that the best way to
       pacify a man is to have one foreign authority to sell his
       property and another to buy it." An amendment to the
       amendment, offered by Senator Bacon, reserving to Congress the
       right to annul any grant or concession made, or any law
       enacted, by any governmental authority created under the
       powers proposed to be conferred on the President; another
       offered, by Senator Vest, providing that "no judgment, order,
       nor act by any of said officials so appointed shall conflict
       with the Constitution and laws of the United States," and
       still others of somewhat kindred aims, were voted down; but
       the influence of Senator Hoar prevailed with the Senate so far
       as to induce its acceptance of the following important
       modification of the so-called "Spooner Amendment":

       "Provided, That no sale or lease or other disposition of the
       public land, or the timber thereon, or the mining rights
       therein, shall be made: And provided further, That no
       franchise shall be granted which is not approved by the
       President of the United States, and is not, in his judgment,
       clearly necessary for the immediate government of the islands
       and indispensable for the interests of the people thereof, and
       which can not, without great public mischief, be postponed
       until the establishment of a permanent civil government, and
       all such franchises shall terminate one year after the
       establishment of such civil government."

       With this proviso added, the "Spooner amendment" was adopted
       by the Senate on the 26th of February (yeas 45, nays 27, not
       voting 16), and agreed to by the House on the 1st of March
       (yeas 161, nays 136, not voting 56).

          Congressional Record,
          February 25-March 1, 1901.

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Organization of provincial governments.
       Establishment of a department of public education.
       Proposed tariff.
       Date fixed for cessation of military regime.

       On the 3d of March, the President of the Philippine
       Commission, Judge Taft, addressed a cable despatch to the U.
       S. Secretary of War in which he reported: "Commission has last
       three weeks organized five provincial governments—Pampanga,
       Pangasinan, Tarlac, Bulacan, Bataan—last two are Tagalog
       provinces. Attended each provincial capital in a body; met by
       appointment Presidentes, Councillors, and principal men of
       towns; explained provisions general provincial act and special
       bill for particular province and invited discussion natives
       present of both bills. Conventions thus held very
       satisfactory; amendments suggested, considered, special bills
       enacted, appointments followed. … In three large provinces
       natives appointed provisional Governors. In Bataan, on
       petition, eight out of nine towns, volunteer officer
       appointed. In Tarlac feeling between loyal factions required
       appointment American. … In compliance with urgent native
       invitations leave March 11 for south to organize provinces
       Tayabas, Romblon, Iloilo, Capiz, Zamboanga, such others are
       ready. Returning shall organize Zambales, Union, Cagayan,
       Ilocos Norte. Military Governor has recommended organization
       Batangas, Cavité, Laguna, Nueva Ecija, but shall delay action
       as to these until return from northern and southern trips."

       On the 18th of March it was announced from Washington that a
       number of recent Acts of the Philippine Commission had been
       received at the War Department, among them one which
       establishes a general department of public instruction, with a
       central office at Manila, under the direction of a general
       superintendent, to be appointed by the commission, at a salary
       of $6,000 a year. "Schools are to be established in every
       pueblo in the archipelago where practicable, and those already
       established shall be reorganized where necessary. There are to
       be ten school divisions in the archipelago, each with a
       division superintendent, and there is to be a superior
       advisory board, composed of the general superintendent and
       four members to be appointed by the Philippine Commission, to
       consider the general subject of education in the islands and
       make regulations. The English language, as soon as
       practicable, shall be made the basis of all public
       instruction, and soldiers may be detailed as instructors until
       replaced by trained teachers. Authority is given to the general
       superintendent to obtain from the United States 1,000 trained
       teachers, at salaries of not less than $75 nor more than $100
       a month, the exact salary to be fixed according to the
       efficiency of the teacher. The act provides that no teacher or
       other person "shall teach or criticise the doctrines of any
       church, religious sect or denomination or shall attempt to
       influence the pupils for or against any church or religious
       sect in any public school." Violation of this section is made
       punishable by summary dismissal from the public service. It is
       provided, however, that it may be lawful for the priest or
       minister of the pueblo where the school is situated to teach
       religion for half an hour three times a week in the school
       building to pupils whose parents desire it. But if any priest,
       minister or religious teacher use this opportunity "for the
       purpose of arousing disloyalty to the United States or of
       discouraging the attendance of pupils or interfering with the
       discipline of schools," the division superintendent may forbid
       such offending priest from entering the school building
       thereafter. The act also provides for a normal school at
       Manila for the education of natives in the science of
       teaching. It appropriates $400,000 for school buildings,
       $220,000 for text books and other supplies for the current
       calendar year, $25,000 for the normal school, $15,000 for the
       organization and maintenance of a trade school in Manila and
       the same amount for a school of agriculture.

    {402}

       The new tariff for the Islands, which the Commission had been
       long engaged in framing, was submitted, in March, to the
       government at Washington for approval. "In his letter of
       transmittal Judge Taft says that the proposed bill follows
       largely the classification of the Cuban tariff, 'but has been
       considerably expanded by the introduction of articles
       requiring special treatment here by reason of different
       surroundings and greater distance from the markets.' Judge
       Taft says also that the disposition of the business interests
       of the islands is to accept any tariff the commission
       proposes, provided only that the duties are specific and not
       ad valorem. The question of revenue was kept steadily in view
       in the preparation of the schedules, but it was not the only
       consideration. Raw materials of Philippine industries, tools,
       implements and machinery of production, materials of
       transportation, the producers and transmitters of power and
       food products are taxed as lightly as possible. … Export
       duties are levied on only six articles—hemp, indigo, rice,
       sugar, cocoanuts, fresh or as copra, and tobacco. The free
       list admits natural mineral waters, trees, shoots and plants,
       gold, copper and silver ores, fresh fruits, garden produce,
       eggs, milk, ice and fresh meat, except poultry and game. There
       is also a list of articles conditionally free of duty. The
       importation of explosives is prohibited, but that of firearms
       is not."

       It is announced from Washington that "Judge Taft and General
       MacArthur have agreed upon July 1 as the date for the
       establishment of civil government in the Philippines. The
       military regime in the islands will therefore cease on June
       30, when General Chaffee will relieve General MacArthur of the
       command, and Governor Taft will be inaugurated the next day
       with considerable ceremony."

    PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
       Capture of Aguinaldo.
       His oath of allegiance to the United States.
       His address to his countrymen, counselling peace.

       A stratagem, executed with great daring by General Funston of
       the American forces, accomplished the capture of the Filipino
       leader, Aguinaldo, on the 23d of March. From intercepted
       correspondence, it had been learned that Aguinaldo, then
       occupying his headquarters at Palanan, Isabela Province, was
       expecting to be joined by some riflemen, whom his brother had
       been ordered to send to him from central Luzon. On this,
       General Funston conceived the plan of equipping a number of
       native troops who should pass themselves off as the expected
       reinforcements, several American officers going with them
       ostensibly as prisoners, the hope being that Aguinaldo might
       thus be reached and taken by surprise. General MacArthur
       approved the scheme, and it was carried out with success. The
       party was made up of 78 Macabebe scouts, four Tagalogs who had
       formerly been officers in the insurgent army, and General
       Funston, Captain Newton, Lieutenants Hazzard and Mitchel, who
       acted the part of prisoners. They were taken by gunboat from
       Cavite to a point above Baler, whence they made their way on
       foot, sending a message in advance that the expected
       reinforcements were on the way and had captured some prisoners
       en route. The following brief narrative of what occurred
       subsequently is taken from a newspaper account of the
       expedition:

       "For six days the expedition marched over an exceedingly
       difficult country, covering 90 miles. When the men reached a
       point eight miles from Aguinaldo's camp they were almost
       exhausted from lack of food and the fatigue of the march. They
       stopped at this place and sent a message to Aguinaldo,
       requesting him to send food to them. The ruse thus far had
       worked with the greatest success, and on March 22d, when
       Aguinaldo sent provisions, it was seen that he did not have
       the slightest suspicion. With the food he sent word that the
       Americans were not wanted in his camp, but instructing their
       supposed captors to treat them kindly. On March 23d the march
       was resumed, the Macabebe officers starting an hour ahead of
       the main body of the expedition. The 'prisoners,' under guard,
       followed them. When the party arrived at Aguinaldo's camp a
       bodyguard of 50 riflemen was paraded, and the officers were
       received at Aguinaldo's house, which was situated on the
       Palanan River. After some conversation with him, in which they
       gave the alleged details of their suppositious engagement with
       an American force, they made excuses and quietly left the
       house. They at once gave orders in an undertone for the
       Macabebes to get in position and fire on the bodyguard. The
       order was obeyed with the greatest rapidity, and three volleys
       were delivered. The insurgents were panic-stricken by the
       sudden turn in affairs, and they broke and ran in
       consternation. Two of them, however, were killed and eighteen
       wounded. Simultaneously with the delivery of the volleys the
       American officers rushed into Aguinaldo's house. Major
       Alhambra, one of Aguinaldo's staff, had been shot in the face.
       He, however, was determined not to be captured and he jumped
       from a window into the river and disappeared. Two captains and
       four lieutenants made their escape in a similar manner.
       Aguinaldo, Colonel Villa, his chief of staff, and Santiago
       Barcelona, the insurgent treasurer, did not have time to make
       an attempt to get away before General Funston and the others
       were upon them, demanding their surrender. Seeing that the
       situation was hopeless, they gave themselves up. Aguinaldo was
       furious at having been caught, but later he became
       philosophical and declared that the ruse by which he had been
       captured was the only one which would have proved successful
       if the Americans had tried for 20 years. One of the Macabebes
       was wounded. The party stayed two days at the camp and then
       marched overland to the coast, where the Vicksburg, whose
       arrival was excellently timed, picked them up and brought them
       back to Manila."

       On the 2d of April, a despatch from General MacArthur to the
       War Department announced that Aguinaldo, on the advice of
       Chief Justice Arellano, had taken the following oath of
       allegiance to the United States: "I hereby renounce all
       allegiance to any and all so-called revolutionary governments
       in the Philippine Islands, and recognize and accept the
       supreme authority of the United States of America therein; I
       do solemnly swear that I will bear true faith and allegiance
       to that government; that I will at all times conduct myself as
       a faithful and law abiding citizen of the said islands, and
       will not, either directly or indirectly, hold correspondence
       with or give intelligence to an enemy of the United States,
       nor will I abet, harbor or protect such enemy; that I impose
       upon myself these voluntary obligations without any mental
       reservations or purpose of evasion, so help me God."

    {403}

       On the 19th of April, Aguinaldo issued the following address
       to his countrymen: "I believe I am not in error in presuming
       that the unhappy fate to which my adverse fortune has led me
       is not a surprise to those who have been familiar with the
       progress of the war. The lessons taught with a full meaning,
       and which have recently come to my knowledge, suggest with
       irresistible force that a complete termination of hostilities
       and lasting peace are not only desirable, but absolutely
       essential to the welfare of the Philippine Islands. The
       Filipinos have never been dismayed at their weakness, nor have
       they faltered in following the path pointed out by their
       fortitude and courage. The time has come, however, in which
       they find their advance along this path to be impeded by an
       irresistible force, which, while it restrains them, yet
       enlightens their minds and opens to them another course,
       presenting them the cause of peace. This cause has been
       joyfully embraced by the majority of my fellow countrymen who
       already have united around the glorious sovereign banner of
       the United States. In this banner they repose their trust and
       believe that under its protection the Filipino people will
       attain all those promised liberties which they are beginning
       to enjoy. The country has declared unmistakably in favor of
       peace. So be it. There has been enough blood, enough tears and
       enough desolation. This wish cannot be ignored by the men
       still in arms, if they are animated by a desire to serve our
       noble people, which has thus clearly manifested its will. So
       do I respect this will, now that it is known to me. After
       mature deliberation, I resolutely proclaim to the world that I
       cannot refuse to heed the voice of a people longing for peace,
       nor the lamentations of thousands of families yearning to see
       their dear ones enjoying the liberty and the promised
       generosity of the great American Nation. By acknowledging and
       accepting the sovereignty of the United States throughout the
       Philippine Archipelago, as I now do, and without any
       reservation whatsoever, I believe that I am serving thee, my
       beloved country. May happiness be thine."

    PHŒNICIANS, The:
       Modified estimates of their influence upon early
       European civilization.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: CRETE.

    PILLAGER INDIAN OUTBREAK.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1898.

    PLAGUE, The Bubonic.

       For years the plague has "continued to breed in various inner
       parts of Asia, and in 1894, coming from the Chinese province
       of Yunnan, it invaded Canton, taking there 60,000 victims in a
       few weeks. Thence it spread to Hong Kong, reached next year
       the island of Haïnan and Macao, invaded Formosa in 1896, and
       in the autumn of the same year appeared at Bombay. In the big
       city of India it found all necessary conditions for breeding,
       unchecked, for several months in succession: famine,
       overcrowding, and the absence of all preventive measures; and
       from Bombay it was carried by rail and road, to different
       parts of India. … Happily enough, the plague is no longer the
       mysterious, revengeful being which it used to be for our
       ancestors. Its cause and modes of propagation are well known.
       It is an infectious disease with a short period of incubation.
       From four to six days after infection takes place, a sudden
       loss of forces—often a full prostration, accompanied by a high
       fever-sets in. A bubo appears, and soon grows to the size of
       an egg. Death soon follows. If not—there is a chance of slow
       and painful recovery; but that chance is very small, because
       even under the best conditions of nursing, the mortality is
       seldom less than four out of each five cases of illness. As to
       the means of propagation of the plague, they are many. The
       poison may infect a wound or a scratch; it may be ingested in
       food; it may be simply inhaled. Dust from an infected house
       was sufficient to infect healthy rats; and when healthy rats
       were shut up in one cage with unhealthy ones, all caught the
       disease and died. Already in 1881 Netten Redcliffe and Dr.
       Pichon indicated that before the plague attacks men it
       destroys mice and rats. This was fully confirmed in 1894 by
       the Japanese and French bacteriologists Kitasato and Yersin,
       at Hong Kong, and by Dr. Rennie, of the Chinese Customs, at
       Canton. Masses of dead rats were seen in the streets of the
       infested parts of Hong Kong, and the keeper of the west gates
       of Canton collected and buried 24,000 of these animals. Dr.
       Rennie also pointed out that among those inhabitants of Canton
       who lived in boats on the river there were no cases of plague,
       except a few imported from town, so that even rich Cantonese
       took to living in boats; and he explained the immunity of the
       boat-dwellers by the absence of infection through rats. The
       worst is, however, that swine, and even goats and buffaloes,
       snakes and jackals, are attacked by the plague. …

       "As soon as the plague broke out at Hong Kong, the great
       Japanese bacteriologist Kitasato and the French doctor Yersin,
       who is well known for his work with Roux on the serum
       treatment of diphtheria, were already on the spot. Yersin
       obtained from the English authorities permission to erect a
       small straw hut in the yard of the chief hospital, and there
       he began his researches. Both Kitasato and Yersin had no
       difficulty in ascertaining that the plague buboes teemed with
       special bacteria, which had the shape of tiny microscopic
       sticklets, thickened at their ends. To isolate these bacteria,
       to cultivate them in artificial media, and to ascertain the
       deadly effects of these cultures upon animals, was soon done
       by such masters in bacteriology as Kitasato and Yersin. The
       cause of the plague was thus discovered. It was evident that
       infected rats and swine—especially swine with the Chinese, who
       keep them in their houses—were spreading the disease, in
       addition to men themselves. The same bacteria teemed in the
       dead animals. As to men, the discharges from their buboes, and
       even, in many cases, their expectorations, were full of plague
       bacteria. Besides, Yersin soon noticed that in his
       'laboratory,' where he was dissecting animals killed by the
       plague, the flies died in numbers. He found that they were
       infested with the same bacteria, and carried them about:
       inoculations of bacteria obtained from the flies at once
       provoked the plague in guinea-pigs. Ants, gnats, and other
       insects may evidently spread infection in the same way, while
       in and round the infested houses the soil is impregnated with
       the same bacteria. As soon as the pest microbe became known,
       experiments were begun, at the Paris Institut Pasteur, for
       finding the means to combat it; and in July 1895 Yersin,
       Calmette, and Borel could already announce that some very
       promising results had been obtained."

          P. Kropotkin,
          Recent Science
          (Nineteenth Century, July, 1897).

    {404}

       Of the first appearance of the plague in India, at Bombay, and
       the early stages of its spread in that country, the Viceroy,
       Lord Elgin, made the following report to the Secretary of
       State for India, on the 27th of January, 1897: "The first
       official intimation of the outbreak which reached us was in a
       telegram from the Government of Bombay, dated the 29th
       September 1896. The disease was then reported to be of a mild
       type, and at first it showed no tendency to increase. …
       Throughout the months of October and November the disease made
       little or no progress, and the number of deaths reported a day
       averaged nine. Early in December there was a marked increase,
       and the number of deaths reported daily from the 2nd to the
       23rd (inclusive) was about 32. From the 24th December onwards
       there was another marked increase, and the number of deaths
       reported from that date to the 14th January (inclusive)
       averaged about 51. The next week shows a further increase, the
       reported number of deaths averaging 74 a day. The total number
       of deaths reported during October was 276; during November,
       268; during December, 1,160; and from the 1st to the 25th
       January, 1,444. The total number of deaths reported from the
       beginning of the outbreak thus amounts to 3,148. We have
       reason to fear that all deaths from the plague have not been
       reported as such, and that the true mortality from the disease
       is higher than is shown by the above figures. … For a
       considerable time, except for a few imported cases in some
       towns in Gujarat, the outbreak was confined to Bombay itself,
       but on the 23rd of December we learnt from the Government of
       Bombay that the plague had broken out in Karachi. … The total
       number of deaths that have been reported in Karachi, from the
       beginning of the outbreak up to the 24th January, is 608. It
       will be observed that the disease has been very malignant in
       Karachi, and that almost all the cases reported have been
       fatal. As soon as the Surgeon General with the Government of
       Bombay reported to that Government that he had seen cases of a
       mild type of bubonic plague in the city, preventive measures
       were adopted and a Committee of medical experts were appointed
       to report on the disease and the situation. The Municipal
       Corporation have from the outset required the infected
       quarters to undergo a thorough and systematic cleaning and
       disinfection; and they have also pushed on vigorously other
       sanitary measures, such as the improvement of house
       connections and the construction of surface drains in quarters
       where the drainage was defective. A house-to-house visitation
       by medical officers has also been instituted. The Corporation
       have sanctioned liberal measures towards these ends, and the
       executive officers have displayed great energy in carrying
       them out. … We have informed the Government of Bombay that we
       consider it necessary that the plan of removing all persons
       from infected houses, and thoroughly cleansing and
       disinfecting the buildings, should be carried out, and we have
       asked His Excellency in Council, if he agrees, to report the
       measures that are adopted to bring the plan into general
       effect."

       To the above suggestion that all persons be removed from
       infected houses, the government of Bombay replied, on the 12th
       of February: "His Excellency is advised that, to give full
       effect to such a proposal, at the lowest computation, 30,000
       persons belonging to different races, castes, and creeds would
       need to be provided with temporary dwellings. There is no site
       within the limits of the Bombay municipality which would
       accommodate a tenth of this number. Great difficulty has
       attended all attempts at the segregation of healthy inmates of
       infected houses hitherto made, and very limited success bas
       been achieved. From the beginning of the outbreak of this
       disease it has been found that the native inhabitants of the
       city are very reluctant to leave their houses or to allow any
       member of their family afflicted with the disease to be taken
       away. Indeed, their dread of the disease itself appears to be
       hardly so powerful as their horror of being removed from their
       houses. Ignorance and superstition prevent them from
       discerning either that removal to a hospital is good for the
       sick or removal [from] infected dwellings good for the
       healthy, and they are far more easily moved by fear of the
       municipal and police authorities than by any realisation of
       the benefits that will accrue from a sensible course of
       action. It is estimated that not less than 300,000 persons
       have already fled from Bombay, moved so to do, not only by
       fear of the plague, but quite as much, if not more, by an
       unfounded and unreasonable fear of what might happen to them
       at the hands of the police and municipal authorities were they
       to remain."

       Contending with such obstacles to the use of the most
       effective measures for checking the spread of the disease, the
       authorities at Bombay and elsewhere, who seem to have worked
       with energy, saw little to encourage their efforts for some
       time. In a second report to the Secretary of State for India,
       made February 10, Lord Elgin was compelled to write: "We much
       regret that we are unable to report that the plague shows any
       signs of abating. In both Bombay and Karachi there has been an
       increase in the daily number of seizures and deaths since the
       beginning of the current month." But, a month later, on the
       10th of March, the Viceroy reported that "the position of
       affairs in Bombay is distinctly better. There has been a
       decrease in the reported number of plague seizures and deaths,
       and the total daily mortality from all causes shows a marked
       diminution. During the week ending the 22nd February, the
       average daily number of seizures and deaths was 115 and 117,
       respectively; during the following week the daily average fell
       to 107 and 99, whilst during the period March 2nd to March 8th
       it has been 99 and 84. … Persons are now returning to the
       quarters of Bombay, which are comparatively free from plague,
       from the more infected outlying suburbs, and the Government of
       Bombay have therefore found it necessary to watch persons
       entering as well as those leaving Bombay. In the suburbs of
       Kurla, Bandora, and Bhiwandi the plague continues to be
       severe. Outside Bombay in the Presidency proper the number of
       indigenous cases has increased, and the disease shows a
       tendency to spread, especially in the Thana and Surat
       districts. … Outside Karachi the plague shows no tendency to
       spread in Sind, and Sukkur is the only other place from which
       indigenous cases have been reported."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: C.-8386, 1897; and C.-8511, 1897).

    {405}

       From that time there appears to have been a nearly steady
       subsidence of the disease until the following September, when
       it showed renewed virulence at Poona, and began to be newly
       spread, invading districts in the Punjab and elsewhere outside
       of the Bombay Presidency. By the middle of November Poona was
       substantially empty of inhabitants, except those stricken with
       the disease and those who bravely cared for the sick and dying.
       In December there was a fresh outbreak in Bombay, which soon
       became more deadly than that of the previous winter and
       spring. By the beginning of February, 1898, and through March,
       the deaths from plague alone in Bombay had risen above a
       thousand a week. Then another subsidence occurred, followed by
       another recrudescence of the disease in August, and another
       decline in October. But the variations in other districts were
       not uniform with those in Bombay. At the end of 1898, the
       total of mortality from plague in all the afflicted districts
       of India, reckoning from the beginning, was believed to exceed
       100,000, including 70,000 in the Bombay Presidency and Sind
       (28,000 in the city of Bombay), and 2,000 in the Punjab. In
       Calcutta there had been but 150 deaths. Although the measures
       taken for checking the spread of the pestilence were far less
       stringent than they would have been among people more capable
       of understanding what they meant and what their importance
       was, they alarmed the religious jealousies of both the Hindus
       and the Mohammedans, and were resisted and resented with
       dangerous fury at a number of times. At Poona, in June, 1897,
       two British officials were murdered by young Brahmins, who had
       been excited to the deed by native journals, the language of
       which was so violent that the government found it necessary to
       prosecute several for sedition. At Bombay, in March, 1898,
       when the plague was at its worst, there were very serious
       riots, in which a number of Europeans were killed, and troops
       were called to the help of the police before the frenzied mob
       could be overcome.

       Again, in 1899, there was a revival of the disease in India,
       especially at Bombay, during the winter, with a decline in
       April and fresh virulence in September. At the end of the year
       the estimate of total mortality from plague in India since the
       beginning was 250,000.

       Of the wider spreading of the pestilence during 1900 the
       following summary of information is given in the annual report
       of the United States Secretary of the Treasury, in connection
       with details of quarantine measures: "The Surgeon-General
       reports that plague has been more widely distributed during
       the year than was ever known in history, and for the first
       time obtained lodgment in the Western Hemisphere, at Santos,
       Brazil, in October, 1899. By this it is not meant that the
       disease has been actually more prevalent than before, but that
       its points of contact have embraced nearly every civilized
       country in the world, though its prompt recognition and
       application of modern methods have either entirely prevented
       its spread or have caused it to disappear after a short period
       of infection. The scientific knowledge of the disease renders
       it far less to be dreaded than before, but increase in rapid
       communication between different parts of the world facilitates
       its transportation. In illustration, the fact is cited that 20
       vessels have been reported, arriving at as many principal
       seaports in different parts of the world, on which plague was
       discovered on arrival or had manifested itself during the
       voyage. As heretofore, its chief ravages have been in India,
       where preventive measures have been hindered by religious
       fanaticism. In India during the year there were 66,294 deaths.
       Notable outbreaks of the disease occurred in Kobe and in
       Formosa, Japan, at Oporto, Santos, Rio de Janeiro, Honolulu,
       Sydney, Mauritius, Hongkong, and Glasgow.

       "In December, 1899, on account of the apparent spread of this
       disease, 12 commissioned officers were detailed by order of
       the President for duty in the offices of the United States
       consuls at the principal ports in England and on the
       Continent. In June, the disease fortunately not having become
       as widespread as anticipated, they were recalled, with the
       exception of five, who are still retained for the purpose of
       furnishing information and for service at any needed point.
       Two of those thus retained, when the plague was announced at
       Glasgow, Scotland, on August 28, 1900, were immediately sent
       to that point and began inspection of vessels for the United
       States and also for Canada, by request of that Government,
       thus enabling vessels to be entered at ports on this side
       without undue restraint. In the laboratory of the Service,
       scientific investigations as to the viability of the plague
       bacillus and the methods and efficiency of disinfection have
       been conducted, and the results, together with excerpts from
       all available literature hearing upon the prevention of
       plague, have been published in the Public Health Reports,
       forming, for this year, a volume containing most complete
       information upon this disease. About 700,000 doses of
       Haffkine's prophylactic were also prepared in the laboratory
       and sent to the United States quarantine officers at home and
       abroad, together with large quantities of Yersin's serum,
       purchased early in the year from the Pasteur Institute in
       Paris. In these two preparations, the one (Haffkine) a
       prophylactic and the other (Yersin) both prophylactic and a
       cure, the Surgeon-General says that science has effective
       methods of combating the spread of this disease."

          United States, Secretary of the Treasury,
          Annual Report, December 4, 1900.

       The "antitoxin, or serum, first prepared by Professor Haffkine
       as a plague inoculation, called Haffkine's prophylactic, is
       now being used in Bombay and western India with remarkable
       results. This prophylactic is prepared by first taking the
       plague bacilli, or the young germs, from a person affected
       with the plague and cultivating them. These microbes are
       killed by artificial means and a high degree of heat. From
       these dead germs and their poisonous excrements is produced a
       fluid that is believed to have acquired the power, when
       injected into the human system, to render the blood immune
       from the attack of plague germs and to neutralize their
       effect. The injection of such a poison has the effect of an
       antitoxin and prevents the system from nourishing plague. A
       dead plague germ being inoculated into a person, plague will
       not follow. A person after having one attack of the disease is
       rarely liable to a second. The person first inoculated is
       subject to symptoms of the plague.
    {406}
       In vaccination for smallpox
       a living germ is dealt with, whereas in plague inoculation
       dead seed only are injected. … Inoculation is exceedingly
       unpopular among the natives. The government has had great
       labor in persuading the Hindoo mind of the efficacy of
       Haffkine's prophylactic against plague and at the same time of
       its utter harmlessness in every other respect. The Hindoo is
       suspicious that the dead germs and their toxic excreta may be
       of animal rather than vegetable substance, which would make
       the injection of the fluid into their body a religious
       offense."

          United States Consular Reports,
          January, 1900, page 101.

       "In the present epidemic, plague-spots are scattered over the
       whole face of the globe from Sydney to Santos and Hongkong,
       and recently from San Francisco suspicious cases have been
       reported. The annual pilgrimage of Moslems to worship at the
       shrines of Mecca and Medina is now, as in the past, of all
       human agencies, the most active in spreading the pest. … Since
       Egypt is nearest, plague first appears there in the seaport
       towns, particularly Alexandria. Sanitary conditions have
       improved vastly, like economics, under British control; and,
       last year, what in other times might have been a devastating
       epidemic was limited to relatively a few scattered cases.
       Recognizing the danger to themselves, the European powers have
       been led to take steps, under the Venice Convention, for their
       own protection. An international quarantine, under the control
       of the Egyptian Sanitary, Maritime, and Quarantine Council, in
       which the powers have one vote each and Egypt three, has
       established stations at two points on the Red Sea."

          American Review of Reviews,
          May, 1900.

    PLATT AMENDMENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    PLURAL VOTING.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PLYMOUTH COLONY:
       Return of the manuscript of Bradford's History to
       Massachusetts.

          See (in this volume)
          MASSACHUSETTS: A. D. 1897.

    POET LAUREATE.

       To the line of English Poets Laureate (see, in volume 3,
       LAUREATE, ENGLISH POETS), there was added on the 1st of
       January, 1896, the name of Alfred Austin, succeeding Tennyson,
       who died October B, 1892.

    POLAND, Russian:
       Relaxation of oppressions.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

    POLAR EXPLORATION, Arctic and Antarctic:
       A chronological record.

       Until quite recent years, the antarctic region had had few
       explorers. In 1598-9 Dirk Gerritz was carried south by a storm
       and found land, probably the South Shetlands, at 64° South
       latitude. Capt. Cook made two antarctic voyages, in the second
       one reaching latitude 71° 10' South, at longitude 106° 54'
       West, sailing entirely around the southern ocean in a high
       latitude, and discovering many islands. In a Russian
       expedition, 1819-21, Bellinghausen discovered Peter I. Island
       and Alexander I. Land. Enderby Land was discovered by John
       Biscoe in 1831-2. In 1840-3 the great English expedition under
       Captain (afterward Sir) James Ross, in the Erebus and Terror,
       discovered and named Victoria Land, and reached latitude 78°
       11', February 23, 1842. The continent which Captain Charles
       Wilkes claimed to have discovered in 1840 has not been found
       by later explorers. In 1874 the Challenger was turned back by
       the ice in latitude 66° 43' South.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1892-1893.

       Whaling voyage of the Dundee vessels, the Balæna, Active,
       Diana and Polar Star, equipped for geographical observation by
       the Royal Geographical Society and others interested, carrying
       William S. Bruce, C. W. Donald, and W. G. Burn Murdoch.
       Accompanied by the Norwegian sealer Jasen, under Captain
       Larsen. South Shetlands and Graham Land visited and valuable
       observations made.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1893-1900.
       Scientific exploration of Labrador by A. P. Low.
       Operations still in progress.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1894-1895.

       Commercial voyage of the Norwegian whaler Antarctic, under
       Captain Kristensen, sent by Captain Svend Foyn, fitted out by
       H. J. Bull, and carrying the scientist C. E. Borchgrevinck.
       The valuable right whale was not found, but large beds of
       guano were discovered in Victoria Land, where a landing was
       made near Cape Adare.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Return of Peary relief expedition with Lieutenant Robert E.
       Peary and his companions. In spite of great difficulties
       Lieutenant Peary had again crossed the ice-sheet to
       Independence Bay, determined the northern limits of Greenland,
       charted 1,000 miles of the west coast, discovered eleven
       islands and the famous Iron Mountain (three great meteorites),
       and obtained much knowledge of the natives. The purely
       scientific results of the expedition are of great value. The
       relief expedition was organized by Mrs. Peary.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.
       Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in Barents Sea.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Return of Martin Ekroll from Spitzbergen after a winter's
       study of the ice conditions there. Convinced that his plan of
       reaching the pole by a sledge journey had little chance of
       success.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Survey of the lower Yenesei River and Obi Bay by Siberian
       hydrographic expedition.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Commercial expedition of Captain Wiggins from England to
       Golchika, at the mouth of the Yenesei.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Russian geological expedition to Nova Zembla.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895.

       Russian expedition under the geologist Bogdanovich to the Sea
       of Okhotsk and Kamchatka.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1895-1896.

       Two scientific voyages of the Danish cruiser Ingolf
       in the seas west and east of Greenland.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Summer expedition of naturalists and college students to the
       northern coast of Labrador.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Attempt of Lieutenant Peary to remove the great meteorite
       discovered by him at Cape York, Greenland. After dislodging it
       he was compelled by the ice to leave it. Small parties from
       Cornell University and Massachusetts Institute of Technology
       and one under Mr. George Bartlett, left by Peary at different
       points to make scientific observations and collections,
       returned with him.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Hydrographical survey of the Danish waters of Greenland and
       Iceland.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Hansen sent to Siberia to look for traces of Nansen.

    {407}

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Return of Dr. Nansen from voyage begun in 1893. After skirting
       the coast of Siberia almost to the Lena delta, the Fram was
       enclosed by the ice and drifted with it north and northwest.
       On March 14, 1895, in 84° 4' North latitude, 102° East
       longitude, Nansen and Johansen left the Fram and pushed
       northward with dogs and sledges across an ice floe till they
       reached latitude 86° 13.6', at about 95° West longitude, on
       April 8, within 261 statute miles of the pole. With great
       difficulty they made their way to Franz Josef Land, where they
       wintered, and in June met explorer Jackson. Returning on the
       Jackson supply steamer Windward, they reached Vardö August 13.
       The Fram drifted to latitude 85° 57' North, 66° East
       longitude, then southwestward, reaching Tromsoë August 20,
       1896. Nansen demonstrated the existence of a polar sea of
       great depth, comparatively warm below the surface, apparently
       with few islands; though he did not find the trans-polar
       current he sought.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Spitzbergen crossed for the first time, by Sir W. Martin
       Conway and party.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Many parties visit the northern coast of Norway and Nova
       Zembla to view the total eclipse of the sun, August 8-9.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1896.

       Expedition sent by Russian Hydrographic Department to find
       site for a sealers' refuge in Nova Zembla. Bielusha Bay, on
       the southwest coast, chosen.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Expedition sent by Canadian government to investigate Hudson
       Bay and Strait as a route to Central Canada. Passage found to
       be navigable for at least sixteen weeks each summer.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Seventh Peary expedition to Greenland. Accompanied by parties
       for scientific research. Preliminary arrangements made with
       the Eskimos for the expedition of 1898, and food-stations
       established. Relics of Greeley's expedition found on Cape
       Sabine, and the great meteorite at Cape York brought away at
       last.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Second expedition of Sir Martin Conway for the exploration of
       Spitzbergen.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       A summer resort established on west coast of Spitzbergen, with
       regular steamer service for tourists during July and August.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Cruise of Mr. Arnold Pike and Sir Savile Crossley among the
       islands east of Spitzbergen.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Cruise of Mr. Pearson and Lieutenant Feilden in the Laura in
       the Kara Sea and along the east coast of Nova Zembla, for the
       purpose of studying the natural history of the region.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Expedition of F. W. L. Popham with a fleet of steamers through
       Yugor Straits to the Yenesei.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Hydrological and commercial expedition, comprising seven
       steamers, under Rear-Admiral Makaroff, sent by the Russian
       government to the north Siberian sea.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Balloon voyage of Salamon August Andrée and two companions,
       Mr. Strindberg and Mr. Fraenkel, starting from Danes' Island,
       north of Spitzbergen, in the hope of being carried to the
       pole. Four buoys from the balloon have been found. The first,
       found in Norway in June, 1899, and containing a note from
       Andrée, was thrown out eight hours after his departure. The
       "north pole buoy," to be dropped when the pole was passed, was
       found empty on the north side of King Charles Island,
       north-east of Spitzbergen, September 11, 1899. A third buoy,
       also empty, was found on the west coast of Iceland July 17,
       1900. Another, reported from Norway, August 31, 1900,
       contained a note showing that the buoy was thrown out at 10 P.
       M., July 11, 1897, at an altitude of 250 metres (820 feet),
       moving North 45 East, with splendid weather. Many search
       expeditions, some equipped at great expense, have returned
       unsuccessful. In spite of many rumors nothing definite is
       known of the fate of any of the party. One message from Andrée
       was brought back by a carrier pigeon. It was dated July 13,
       12.30 P. M., in latitude 82° 2', longitude 12° 5' East, and
       stated that the balloon was moving eastward.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       New islands on the southern coast of Franz Josef Land
       discovered by Captain Robertson of the Dundee whaler Balæna.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Return of Jackson-Harmsworth expedition from three years'
       exploration of Franz Josef Land and the region north of it.
       Franz Josef Land was resolved into a group of islands and
       almost entire]y mapped. Small parties journeying northward
       over the ice, establishing depots of supplies, the most
       northern in latitude 81° 21', discovered and named Victoria
       Sea, the most northern open sea in the world.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897.

       Anglo-Australasian antarctic conference in London.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

       Journey of Andrew J. Stone through the Canadian Rockies, down
       Mackenzie River and along the arctic coast, in search of rare
       mammals and information concerning the native tribes. Mr.
       Stone often had only one companion. He traveled rapidly, in
       one period of five months covering 3,000 miles of arctic coast
       and mountains, between 70° and 72° North latitude and between
       117½° and 140° West longitude.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1897-1899.

       Belgian antarctic expedition under Captain Adrien de Gerlache
       to lands south of America. Sailed from Antwerp to explore and
       chart coast line, expecting to leave party to winter at Cape
       Adare and explore interior. Near Alexander I. Land the Belgica
       caught in the ice pack and held for a year, drifting as far
       south as latitude 71° 36', in longitude 87° 39' West. Finally
       released by the cutting of a canal through the ice. This
       dreary winter the first spent by men far enough south to lose
       sight of the sun. The continent found to be mountainous,
       glaciated, and without land animals except a few insects,
       though sea fowl abounded. One flowering grass, and a few
       mosses, rock lichens, and fresh-water algæ constitute the
       flora. Some 500 miles of coast chartered.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Expedition of Dr. K. J. V. Steenstrup to Greenland to study
       the glaciers of Disko island.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Completion by Dr. Thoroddsen of his systematic exploration of
       Iceland, begun in 1881.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Spitzbergen circumnavigated and surveyed by Dr. A. G.
       Nathorst. Coast mapped and important scientific observations
       made.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Pendulum observations made in Spitzbergen by Professor J. H.
       Gore, with instruments of the United States Coast and Geodetic
       Survey, for the determination of the force of gravity in that
       latitude.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Cruise of Prince Albert of Monaco, on coast of Spitzbergen,
       for the purpose of making scientific observations.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Some claim to Spitzbergen made by Russia. Never before claimed
       by any nation.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       German arctic expedition under Theodor Lerner to the islands
       east of Spitzbergen, for scientific purposes and to obtain
       news of Andrée if possible.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Andrée search expedition under J. Stadling sent to the Lena
       delta, the mouth of the Yenesei and the islands of New Siberia
       by the Swedish Anthropological and Geographical Society.

    {408}

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Conference on antarctic exploration held in the rooms of
       the Royal Society, London, February 24.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

       Reconnoitring expedition by Danish party under Lieutenant G.
       C. Amdrup, to east coast of Greenland. Coast explored and
       mapped from Angmagsalik, 65¾ North latitude, to 67° 22'.
       Remains of a small extinct Eskimo settlement found.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

       Second attempt by Walter Wellman to reach the north pole.
       Wintered in Franz Josef Land, establishing an outpost, called
       Fort McKinley, in latitude 81° North. In February Mr. Wellman,
       with three companions, started northward and seemed likely to
       succeed in their undertaking, but a serious accident befalling
       Mr. Wellman, and an icequake destroying many dogs and sledges,
       a hurried return to headquarters was necessary. Here important
       scientific observations were made. The 82d parallel was
       reached by the explorer.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1899.

       German expedition for deep-sea exploration in antarctic
       waters, in charge of Professor Carl Chun, on the Valdivia.
       Southern ocean found to be of great depth.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898-1900.

       British antarctic expedition under Borchgrevinck to Victoria
       Land; the funds provided by Sir George Newnes. Latitude 78°
       50' South reached, and the present position of the southern
       magnetic pole determined.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.

       Carefully planned expedition of Lieutenant Peary, purposing to
       advance toward the pole by west coast of Greenland,
       establishing food stations and depending upon picked Eskimos
       for co-operation with his small party. In the last dash for
       the pole, supply sledges to be sent back as emptied, and the
       returning explorer, with two companions only, to be met by a
       relief party of Eskimos. The Windward was presented by Mr.
       Harmsworth for this expedition. Lieutenant Peary was disabled
       for several weeks in 1898-9 by severe frost-bites, causing the
       loss of seven toes. The Greeley records were found at Fort
       Conger and sent back by the annual supply vessel. Sextant and
       record of the Nares expedition found and sent back; presented
       by Lieutenant Peary to the Lords of the Admiralty of Great
       Britain and placed in the museum of the Royal Naval College at
       Greenwich. Vessel sent to Greenland each summer to carry
       supplies and bring back letters, carrying also small parties
       of explorers, scientists, university students and hunters, to
       be left at various points and picked up by the vessel on its
       return.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1898.
       Expedition of Captain Sverdrup to northern Greenland
       Lieutenant Peary's especial field.

       Having planned a polar expedition similar to Peary's he sailed
       up the west coast, but the Fram was frozen in near Cape
       Sabine. Sverdrup therefore explored the western part of
       Ellesmere Land, then sailed again in an attempt to round the
       northern coast of Greenland.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       International conference held at Stockholm in June recommended
       a program for hydrographical and biological work in the
       northern parts of the Atlantic ocean, the North Sea, the
       Baltic, and adjoining seas.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Scientific expedition of Edward Bay, a Dane, to Melville Bay,
       Greenland.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Swedish expedition under Dr. A. G. Nathorst to search for
       Andrée in eastern Greenland. Valuable observations made and
       fjord-systems of King Oscar Fjord and Kaiser Franz Josef Fjord
       mapped.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Explorations in Iceland by F. W. W. Howell and party.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Hydrographic surveys on the coasts of Iceland and the Färoe
       Islands by MM. Holm and Hammer in the Danish guard-ship Diana.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Joint Russian and Swedish expedition to Spitzbergen, for the
       measurement of a degree of the meridian. Owing to the
       condition of the ice, the northern and southern surveying
       parties unable to connect their work.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Explorations in Spitzbergen by the Prince of Monaco, with a
       scientific staff.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Successful experimental voyage of the Russian Vice-Admiral
       Makaroff in his ice-breaking steamer, the Yermak, north of
       Spitzbergen.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Russian government expedition, to cost £5,400, to explore
       northern shores of Siberia to mouths of the Obi and Yenesei.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899-1900.

       Arctic expedition of the Duke of the Abruzzi. His ship, the
       Stella Polare, was left at Crown Prince Rudolf Land during the
       winter. The Duke became incapacitated by a fall and by the loss
       of two joints from the fingers of his left hand, incurably
       frost-bitten; but a small party under Captain Cagni pushed
       northward till provisions were exhausted. Nansen's record was
       beaten, the Italian party reaching latitude 86° 33', at about
       56° East longitude. No land was found north or northwest of
       Spitzbergen. Three men were lost from Cagni's party.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1899.

       Exploration of Ellesmere Land, Greenland, by Dr. Robert Stein,
       of the United States Geological Survey, Dr. Leopold Kann of
       Cornell, and Samuel Warmbath of Harvard, who took passage in
       the Peary supply ship Diana, trusting to chance for conveyance
       home. Their totally inadequate outfit was generously augmented
       by Peary's friends of the Diana. Dr. Kann returned in 1900,
       leaving Dr. Stein.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Seward peninsula, the most westward extension of Alaska,
       explored and surveyed by five government expeditions.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Exploration of the interior of northern Labrador by a party
       from Harvard University. Soundings along the coast by schooner
       Brave.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Second Danish expedition under Lieutenant Amdrup to east
       Greenland, completing the work of 1898-9 by mapping the coast
       between 67° 20' North and Cape Gladstone, about 70° North, and
       making valuable scientific collections.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Swedish expedition, under Gustav Kolthoff, to eastern
       Greenland, for study of the arctic fauna.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Swedish scientific expedition of Professor G. Kolthoff to
       Spitzbergen and Greenland.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Exploration of Spitzbergen by a Russian expedition under
       Knipovich.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Russian expedition to east coast of Nova Zembla by Lieutenant
       Borissoff to complete survey of the islands.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Dr. Nansen's expedition under the leadership of Dr. J. Hjort,
       for the physical and biological examination of the sea between
       Norway, Iceland, Jan Mayen and Spitzbergen.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       German expedition, under Captain Bade, to explore East
       Spitzbergen, King Charles' Land and Franz Josef Land, and to
       look for traces of Andrée.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Attempt of a German, Captain Bauendahl, to reach the north
       pole, leaving his vessel in the ice north of Spitzbergen and
       traveling over the ice with provisions for two years, weighing
       ten tons.

    {409}

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1900.

       Scientific expedition of Baron E. von Toll to the unexplored
       Sannikoff Land, sighted in 1805 from the northern coast
       islands of New Siberia. Preceded by a party which established
       food depots at various places months before.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       Three exploring parties sent to Alaska by the United States
       Geological Survey.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       Expedition sent by the Duke of the Abruzzi to Franz Josef Land
       to search for the three men lost from his party in 1900.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       North polar expedition under Mr. Evelyn B. Baldwin of the
       United States Weather Bureau; splendidly equipped by Mr.
       William Ziegler of New York. Mr. Baldwin, who has had arctic
       experience with Lieutenant Peary and Mr. Wellman, will
       probably proceed by way of Franz Josef Land.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       Several expeditions to co-operate in exploration of the
       antarctic region and to reach the south pole if possible. The
       British expedition, long striven for by the Royal Geographical
       Society and the Royal Society and made possible by L. W.
       Longstaff's contribution of £25,000, to be under the command
       of Captain Robert Scott and to explore the Victoria (90°-180°
       East) and Ross (180°-90° West) quadrants,—in the main the
       region south of the Pacific. The Weddell (90° West-0°,
       Greenwich) and Enderby (0°-90 East) quadrants assigned to the
       finely equipped German expedition, under Drygalski, which will
       first explore south of the Indian Ocean. The Swedish expedition
       under Dr. Nordenskïold to explore the lands south of America.
       A private Scottish expedition under William S. Bruce to
       explore the Weddell Sea region south of the Atlantic Ocean. An
       Argentine expedition to visit the South Shetlands.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       Projected expedition of Captain J. E. Bernier of Quebec, on
       Nansen's principle, with a specially built vessel, to sail
       through Bering Strait, coast Siberia to longitude 170° or 165°
       East, then enter the ice. Sledging parties to push toward the
       pole, marking the route with hollow signal poles (of aluminum)
       packed with records and provisions, and maintaining
       communication with the ship by wireless telegraphy. This is
       one of two plans which he lays before the Canadian government.
       The other contemplates a movement, with dogs and reindeers,
       from Franz Josef Land, coming back to Spitzbergen, taking 12
       or 14 men, all scientists.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       Projected expedition of Herr Annschütz-Kämpfe, of Munich, to
       the north pole, in a submarine boat capable of carrying five
       men and remaining under water for fifteen hours at a time.

    POLAR EXPLORATION: 1901.

       As this goes to press (April, 1901), a national antarctic
       expedition is being fitted out, jointly, by the Royal
       Geographical Society and the Royal Society of Great Britain,
       assisted by a subsidy of £45,000 from the British government.
       A steamer named the "Discovery," built especially for the
       expedition, at Dundee, was launched in March, and is being
       equipped with remarkable completeness. Special arrangements,
       says "The Times," will be made for magnetic work, while
       meteorology, geology and biology will be well cared for. "The
       staff of navigating officers and of scientific specialists has
       been carefully selected, and under Commander Robert Scott. R.
       N., who will be in command of the expedition, their work, we
       may be sure, will be so well organized that nothing of
       importance will be neglected. There will be five navigating
       officers, three of them belonging to the Royal Navy and two
       others to the Royal Naval Reserve, while the special
       scientific staff, including the two medical officers, will be
       of equal strength. … Captain Scott is at present investigating
       the question of the utility of balloons."

    POLISH PARTY, in Austria.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896, and after.

    POONA, The Plague at.

          See (in this volume)
          PLAGUE.

    POPE LEO XIII.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY.

    POPULATION:
       Of Europe and countries peopled from Europe.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    POPULIST PARTY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1894.
       Capture by Japanese.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1895.
       Trans-Siberian Railway.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

    PORT ARTHUR: A. D. 1898.
       Lease to Russia.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

       ----------PORTO RICO: Start--------

    Map of Porto Rico.

    PORTO RICO:
       Area and Population.

       In the testimony given, January 13, 1900, before the United
       States Senate Committee on Pacific Islands and Porto Rico,
       General George W. Davis, Military Governor of Porto Rico, gave
       the following information: "The island of Puerto Rico has an area
       of about 3,600 square miles, according to the best information
       that now exists, but that area has to be verified, and it is
       doubted if the area is quite so large. It has a population of
       about a million, perhaps—certainly one of the most densely
       populated areas of 3,000 or 4,000 square miles on the face of
       the earth, approximating the density of population of Belgium,
       I think, and considerably greater than that of any of our
       thickly settled agricultural regions in the United States. New
       England has about 200 to the square mile while Puerto Rico has
       nearly 300. The inhabitants are mostly of Spanish
       origin—emigrants from Spain during the last 400 years and
       their descendants. There is a large representation from the
       Canary Islands and the Balearic group in the Mediterranean, a
       large number of Corsicans and their descendants, and
       consequently they are French subjects, a few Germans, a few
       English, and very few Americans before the occupation; a few
       Venezuelans, a few from Santo Domingo, and a few Cubans, but
       the most of the population is Spanish. Included in that
       million are about 300,000 negroes and mulattoes, approximately
       a little more than that number.
    {410}
       About one-third of the entire population is of the negro or
       mixed race, what would be called in the United States
       'colored' people. Of pure-blood negroes there are about
       70,000, the remainder mulattoes, and all speaking Spanish, and
       largely the slaves liberated in 1874. The number of slaves
       liberated at that time was considerably less than the number
       of negroes in Puerto Rico, the number being only about 30,000,
       for whom some $11,000,000 was paid the owners. That statement
       gives a fair idea of the character of the population as
       respects numbers and race." Several small adjacent islands are
       regarded as belonging to Porto Rico and were included in the
       cession to the United States. One of these, named Viequez,
       about 15 miles long and 3 or 4 miles wide, is very fertile,
       and has about 7,000 inhabitants. On another, called Culebra,
       there are some 600 or 700 people. The remaining islands are
       smaller and unimportant.

          56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 147, pages 1-2.

    PORTO RICO:
       The government as it was under Spanish rule.

       "The civil government of the island was the Governor-General,
       and the Governor-General was the civil government. All power
       was lodged in his hands and he was accountable only to Madrid.
       He was at once the executive, the legislative, and the judicial
       head. As Captain-General, he had chief command of the military
       forces, and made such disposition of them as he chose; as
       Governor-General, he conducted civil affairs, whether insular
       or municipal, according to his own pleasure. … If, as
       occasionally happened, he was a wise and good man, seeking the
       welfare of the people rather than his own personal enrichment
       or the advancement of his political friends, there was less
       cause for complaint from the people, who were completely
       ignored. As the position was one of great power and of large
       opportunities for pecuniary profit, it not infrequently went
       to those who were prepared to exploit it in their own
       interests. …

       "The system of autonomy, which was proclaimed November 25,
       1897 [see, in this volume, CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER)], was
       never fully installed. The war intervened, and the provincial
       legislature, which was its most important feature, was
       dissolved when Sampson's fleet appeared, and the
       Governor-General conducted the government practically on the
       old plan, except that the ministry, as provided by the
       autonomistic law, was retained, as follows: Secretary of
       government or of state, secretary of the treasury, secretary
       of the fomento or interior, including public works, public
       instruction, public lands, mines, etc., agriculture and
       commerce, and secretary of justice and worship. The last three
       secretaries were subordinate to the secretary of government,
       through whom all orders from the Governor-General and all
       communications to or from him must pass. The autonomist law
       allowed the secretaries or ministers to be members of one or
       the other of the two legislative chambers. The
       Governor-General with his council constituted the executive
       power. No act of his was valid unless approved by one of the
       secretaries, and the secretaries could issue no order which he
       had not countersigned. He had the power to convoke or dissolve
       the chambers, to refer objectionable bills to Madrid for
       approval or disapproval, and to appoint or remove the
       secretaries. All matters of a diplomatic character were in his
       hands exclusively, and, constituted by the Pope patronato
       real, he was the head of the church in the island and
       practical director of ecclesiastical affairs. The legislature
       consisted of two chambers, the council and the house of
       representatives. The council was composed of fourteen members,
       eight of whom were elected, and six appointed by the Crown;
       the house of representatives of one representative for each
       25,000 inhabitants, elected by the people. The liberality of
       this law is further indicated by the fact that it gave the
       right of suffrage to all males of 25 years of age and over.
       The two chambers were empowered to legislate on all insular
       questions, such as the estimates, which must be adopted by the
       Cortes at Madrid, public instruction, public works,
       sanitation, charities, etc. It will be seen that the reforms
       granted by this autonomistic decree were large in the letter,
       taking powers which the Governor-General had exercised
       unquestioned and giving them to the people, who had never been
       allowed to participate in the government of their own country.
       Whether it would have proved liberal in practical operation is
       not so certain. The Government invariably discriminated
       against Porto Ricans in favor of Spaniards, and it is also to
       be remembered that Spanish laws as written and Spanish laws as
       administered are not always identical."

          H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
          Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages. 15-16.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (May).
       American bombardment of forts at San Juan.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-August).
       American conquest of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
       Suspension of hostilities.
       Cession to the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (August-July).
       Popular feeling in the Island on the American occupation.
       Welcome to the Stars and Stripes.
       Expectations and desires of the people.
       Their character.
       Extent of illiteracy.
       The Peones.

       "All classes of natives of the island welcomed the American
       Army, American occupation, and American methods, and accepted
       without hesitation the Stars and Stripes in place of the red
       and yellow bars. They had not been disloyal to the old flag;
       but it had come to represent to them, particularly during the
       present century, in which a class feeling developed between
       the insular and the peninsular Spaniard, partiality and
       oppression. In the short war, some of the natives occupying
       official positions made demonstrations of loyalty to the Crown
       of Spain, as was perfectly natural, but they were among the
       first to submit to American rule when the protocol promised
       cession of the island to the United States. On the other hand,
       as the commissioner is informed, a Porto Rican who had hoped
       and prayed for American intervention for fifty years enrolled
       himself as a Spanish citizen some months after the war was
       concluded, and his hopes had been realized. Porto Ricans
       generally complained that the former Government discriminated
       in favor of the Spaniard, who, in the distribution of the
       offices, was preferred to the native, and who, aided by the
       powerful influence of the authorities, prospered in business
       as banker, merchant, manufacturer, or agriculturist. They also
       insist that the internal improvement of the island was
       neglected; that agriculture bore more than its share of the
       burden of taxation; that the assessments were very inequitable
       and unequal; that education was not fostered, and that in
       general the welfare of the people was not the first concern of
       their rulers.

    {411}

       "They expect under American sovereignty that the wrongs of
       centuries will be righted; that they will have an honest and
       efficient government; the largest measure of liberty as
       citizens of the great Republic under the Constitution; home
       rule as provided by the Territorial system; free access to the
       markets of the United States and no customs duties on goods
       coming from our ports; a school system modeled after that of
       the United States; the adoption of the English language in due
       time and the general adaptation to the island of all those
       institutions which have contributed to the prosperity,
       progress, and happiness of the American people. The largest
       and most representative gathering, since American occupation,
       was held in San Juan, October 30, 1898, without distinction of
       party or class with the object of consultation and formulation of
       a programme for the future. In brief, the propositions of the
       congress as submitted to the commissioner for presentation to
       the President of the United States were these: Immediate
       termination of military and inauguration of civil government;
       establishment of the Territorial system, with laws common to
       other Territories of the Union; a legislature in two branches;
       suffrage for all male citizens of 21 years of age or over, the
       right to be surrendered at the end of the first two years by
       those who do not then know how to read and write; judicial
       reform; introduction of the jury system; autonomy for
       municipal governments; taxation on the basis of valuation;
       free and reciprocal commerce with the ports of the United
       States; aid for agriculture; obligatory and universal
       education; trade schools; savings banks. This programme of
       reforms seems to have very general support, although there is
       a difference of opinion on certain points. Many Porto Ricans
       urged the commissioner to represent them as desiring that the
       military regime be made as short as possible, not because the
       military governors were in any way objectionable or their rule
       oppressive, but because the civil status of the island should
       be fixed with no unnecessary delay. There was no other opinion
       except among foreign subjects, many of whom thought that the
       people were not yet ready for self-government, and that the
       firm hand of military power would be needed for probably two
       years. …

       "If the desire to assume the burdens of local self-government
       may be taken as indicating some degree of capacity for
       self-government, the people of Porto Rico certainly have the
       desire. They may be poor, but they are proud and sensitive,
       and would be bitterly disappointed if they found that they had
       been delivered from an oppressive yoke to be put under a
       tutelage which proclaimed their inferiority. Apart from such
       qualifications as general education and experience constitute,
       the commissioner has no hesitation in affirming that the
       people have good claims to be considered capable of
       self-government. Education and experience, although too high
       a value can hardly be set upon them, do not necessarily make
       good citizens. … The unswerving loyalty of Porto Rico to the
       Crown of Spain, as demonstrated by the truth of history, is no
       small claim to the confidence and trust of the United States.
       The people were obedient under circumstances which provoked
       revolt after revolt in other Spanish colonies. The habit of
       obedience is strong among them. Their respect for law is
       another notable characteristic. They are not turbulent or
       violent. Riots are almost unknown in the island; so is
       organized resistance to law; brigandage flourished only for a
       brief period after the war and its object was revenge rather
       than rapine. They are not a criminal people. The more violent
       crimes are by no means common. Burglary is almost unknown.
       There are many cases of homicide, but the number in proportion
       to population is not as large as in the United States.
       Thievery is the most common crime, and petty cases make up a
       large part of this list of offenses. The people as a whole are
       a moral, law-abiding class, mild in disposition, easy to
       govern, and possess the possibilities of developing a high
       type of citizenship."

          H. K. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
          Report on Porto Rico, 1899, pages 55-57.

       "On the 25th day of July, 1899, an election was held in
       Adjuntas for municipal officers, and the registration was made
       in conformity to General Orders, No. 112, c. s., Headquarters
       Department of Puerto Rico. The order imposed the following
       qualifications for electors: Men over 21 years old, able to
       read and write, or who were taxpayers of record, who had been
       actual residents of the island for at least two years, and of
       the municipality for six months preceding the date of the
       election. The number who proved these qualifications before
       the board of registration was 906, out of a population,
       according to the census of 1897, of 18,505; that is, less than
       5 per cent could vote under the conditions stated. There was
       much public interest in this election, and it is believed that
       about all who were eligible were registered. This incident
       indicated that in the whole island there may be approximately
       45,000 who could vote under the conditions of the order above
       referred to. The class who can not fulfill these conditions,
       say 75 per cent of the males over 21 years of age, are usually
       in a state of abject poverty and ignorance, and are assumed to
       include one-fifth of the inhabitants. They are of the class
       usually called peones. This word in Spanish America, under old
       laws, defined a person who owed service to his creditor until
       the debt was paid. While those laws are obsolete, the
       condition of these poor people remains much as before. So
       great is their poverty that they are always in debt to the
       proprietors or merchants. They live in huts made of sticks and
       poles covered with thatches of palm leaves. A family of a
       dozen may be huddled together in one room, often with only a
       dirt floor. They have little food worthy of the name and only
       the most scanty clothing, while children of less than 7 or 8
       years of age are often entirely naked. A few may own a machete
       or a hoe, but more have no worldly possessions whatever. Their
       food is fruit, and if they are wage-earners, a little rice and
       codfish in addition. They are without ambition and see no
       incentive to labor beyond the least that will provide the
       barest sustenance. All over the island they can be seen to-day
       sitting beside their ruined huts, thinking naught of
       to-morrow, making no effort to repair and restore their cabins
       nor to replant for future food.

    {412}

       "The remarks of Mr. James Anthony Froude in his work on 'The
       English in the West Indies' apply with full force to these
       people: 'Morals in the technical sense they have none, but
       they can not be said to sin because they have no knowledge of
       law, and therefore they can commit no breach of the law. They
       are naked and not ashamed. They are married but not parsoned.
       The women prefer the looser tie, that they may be able to lose
       the man if he treats her unkindly. Yet they are not
       licentious. … The system is strange, but it answers. … There
       is evil, but there is not the demoralizing effect of evil.
       They sin, but they sin only as animals, without shame, because
       there is no sense of doing wrong. They eat the forbidden
       fruit, but it brings with it no knowledge of the difference
       between good and evil. … They are innocently happy in the
       unconsciousness of the obligations of morality. They eat,
       drink, sleep, and smoke, and do the least in the way of work
       they can. They have no ideas of duty, and therefore are not
       made uneasy by neglecting it.' Between the negro and the peon
       there is no visible difference. It is hard to believe that the
       pale, sallow, and often emaciated beings are the descendants
       of the conquistadores who carried the flag of Spain to nearly
       all of South America, and to one-third of North America."

          General George W. Davis,
          Report on the Civil Government of Puerto Rico,
          September 30, 1899
          (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1293-1294).

       "The educated class of Puerto Ricans are as well educated and
       accomplished as the educated men of any country. They have had
       the benefit of a liberal education, a few in the United
       States, a good many in France, and a great many in Madrid and
       Habana, where they have passed through the universities. The
       lawyers and doctors are all graduates of either the university
       in Habana or some university in Spain, with very few exceptions.
       The merchants are largely Spanish, many of whom will probably
       preserve their nationality under the provision of the Treaty
       of Paris which gives them that right. A few may adopt American
       citizenship, and ultimately possibly all will, but many of the
       merchants who conduct the largest part of the business of
       Puerto Rico will retain their Spanish citizenship. There are a
       number of merchants who are natives, a few Germans, and a few
       English. I do not remember any American merchant in business
       there before the occupation. The schools in Puerto Rico
       conducted under the Spanish system were few in number. The
       amount allotted for education by the insular budget was
       something like 300,000 pesos a year, as I now recall the
       figures. The teachers were officers of the government, holding
       life positions and receiving pensions when superannuated. They
       belong to a civil-service class which is not dependent upon
       any change of administration, only being removed for cause.
       The lawyers, or judges, rather, of the island, occupy a
       similar position."

          General George W. Davis,
          Testimony before Senate Committee.
          (56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document. No. 147).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).
       The military government instituted by the United States.

       "The government of the island, its various civil institutions,
       its codes and its courts, the systems of taxation, etc., have
       been modified in very important particulars since the American
       occupation began, October 18, 1898. It will be useful, perhaps,
       to indicate the more important changes. Under General John R.
       Brooke [in command of the Department, October 18 to December
       5, 1898] orders were issued declaring

       (1) That the political relations of Porto Rico with Spain were
       at an end; that provincial and municipal laws were in force in
       so far as not incompatible with the changed conditions, and
       that they would be enforced substantially as they were before.

       (2) Abolishing the use of all stamped paper and stamps of
       every kind for documents, public and private.

       (3) Exempting all conveyances and contracts from the payment
       of royal dues.

       (4) Discontinuing the diputacion provincial, and distributing
       its duties among the secretaries or ministers.

       (5) Directing that appeals should not be sent to the supreme
       court in Madrid, but should be heard by the superior court at
       San Juan.

       (6) Abolishing the subdelegation of pharmacy which gave
       degrees to pharmacists.

       (7) Making the fisheries free to all.

       Appropriations for the support of the church ceased with
       American occupation, and the Government lottery was
       discontinued.

       "Under the military government of General Guy V. Henry
       [December 6, 1898 to May 8, 1899], orders were issued:

       (l) Appointing military commissions to try cases of arson and
       murder which had accumulated in the civil courts.

       (2) Closing public offices on Sunday, as far as possible.

       (3) Suspending the municipal tax on fresh beef for use of the
       Army.

       (4) Making Christmas and New Year's holidays.

       (5) Forbidding grants or concessions of public or corporate
       rights or franchises without the approval of the commanding
       general and the Secretary of War.

       (6) Abolishing the municipal consumo tax on articles of food,
       fuel, and drink, and providing for additional assessments on
       the sale of liquors and tobacco.

       (7) Separating the collection of customs duties from that of
       direct taxes.

       (8) Establishing a new system of land taxation, by which
       agricultural lands should be taxed according to the several
       classes instituted, from 1 peso down to 25 centavos per
       cuerda, and levying 50 per cent additional on lands whose
       owners reside abroad.

       (9) Providing for the free vaccination of the people of the
       island.

       (10) Prohibiting the exhumation of bodies in the cemeteries,
       recognizing the right of priests to control burials in
       consecrated grounds, and requiring municipalities to keep
       cemeteries in repair.

       (11) Reducing notarial fees from $1.88 to $1, from $4.50 to
       $1, from $11 to $1, and from $1 to 50 cents, according to
       class of document, and canceling others.

       (12) Reorganizing the cabinet, so as to make all the
       secretaries directly responsible to the governor-general.

       (13) Suspending the foreclosure of mortgages on agricultural
       property and machinery for one year.

       (14) Appointing February 22 a holiday.

       (15) Prohibiting the sale of liquor to children under 14 years
       of age.

       (16) Modifying the civil marriage law.

       (17) Declaring that eight hours shall constitute a day's work.

       (18) Creating an insular police.

    {413}

       "Under the military government of General George W. Davis
       [May 8, 1899, to May 1, 1900], orders were issued

       (1) Modifying the order of

       General Henry concerning hours of labor, so as to allow
       agreements between employer and employee for longer or shorter
       hours.

       (2) Naming May 30 as a holiday.

       (3) Allowing the writ of habeas corpus to be issued.

       (4) Constituting a board of prison control and pardon.

       (5) Continuing the observance as a holiday of June 24.

       (6) Creating a provisional court on the basis of circuit and
       district courts of the United States for the hearing of cases
       not falling within the jurisdiction of local insular courts.

       (7) Creating a superior board of health for the island.

       (8) Reorganizing the bureau of public instruction and the
       system of education.

       (9) Relieving the judiciary from all control by the department
       of justice, discontinuing the office of secretary of justice,
       and appointing a solicitor-general.

       (10) Abolishing the sale at auction of the privilege of
       slaughter of cattle, and making it free.

       (11) Reorganizing the judicial system of the island, with a
       supreme court in San Juan and district courts in San Juan,
       Ponce, Mayaguez, Arecibo, and Humacao, and with modifications
       of civil and criminal procedure.

       (12) Discontinuing the departments of state, treasury, and
       interior, and creating bureaus of state and municipal affairs,
       of internal revenue, and of agriculture, to be placed under
       the direction of a civil secretary, responsible to the
       governor-general, and continuing the bureaus of education and
       public works, with an insular board of nine members to advise
       the governor-general on matters of public interest referred to
       them.

       "The reductions in the budget of expenditures have been
       extensive. That of 1898-99, adopted in June, 1898, amounted to
       $4,781,920, native money. The appropriations for 'general
       obligations,' which went to Madrid, $498,502, for the clergy,
       $197,945; for the army, $1,252,378; for the navy, $222,668,
       making a total of $2,171,493, ceased to be obligations,
       leaving $2,610,428 for the fiscal year. A new budget was
       adopted for the calendar year 1899, which still further
       reduces expenditures, calling only for $1,462,276. This
       budget, if carried out, would have involved a reduction from
       the proposed budget of 1898-99 of $3,319,644; but a new budget
       was formed, as already stated, for 1899-1900, which appears to
       call for an increase over this very moderate sum. The revenues
       were reduced by the abolition of stamped paper, personal
       passports, export duties, royal dues on conveyances, the
       lottery system, and other sources of income, amounting, all
       told, to less probably than a million of pesos."

          H. R. Carroll (Special Commissioner),
          Report on Porto Rico, October 6, 1899, pages 53-55.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (August).
       Destructive cyclone.

       "On the morning of the 7th of August, 1899, the United States
       Weather Bureau, through its branch establishment here,
       announced the approach of a cyclonic disturbance, and the
       danger signal was ordered to be hoisted at substations of the
       Bureau at Ponce and Mayaguez. At the same time I directed that
       the danger be reported to all commanding officers of posts
       throughout the island. There had been no serious or
       destructive storm in Puerto Rico since 1867, and the
       inhabitants had ceased to feel great concern on account of
       tropical tempests. Except at seaports, little heed was given
       to the caution, and in some cases the telegraph operators
       failed to receive or to promptly deliver the warning messages.
       The vortex of the cyclone appears to have traversed the island
       throughout its whole length, from about Humacao to Mayaguez,
       and its path was a scene of very great devastation. … The gale
       struck the island at Humacao about midnight of August 7, and
       furiously blew all the rest of that night and well into the
       next day, while at Mayaguez the violence was not great until 9
       o'clock on the morning of the 8th. But as the latter town was
       under the lee of high mountains, it suffered much less than it
       would have done had it been higher or not thus protected. Most
       of the habitations in the track of the center of the cyclone
       were entirely smashed and the débris strewn all over the
       country. The full reports of the loss of life bring the number
       of deaths up to 2,700. The wind worked dreadful havoc with nearly
       everything useful to man. Besides the mortality, which was
       appalling, the material damage was almost beyond belief. But
       the greatest loss of life resulted, not from the wind, but
       from the terrible downfall of rain that immediately followed.
       … Added to the horror of the situation there came with the
       gale on the southern coast a tidal wave, which submerged large
       areas with sea water and swept away what the wind and rain had
       spared, in some places completing the destruction. Every river
       bed or bottom of a land depression was a roaring torrent. The
       wind uprooted myriads of trees, and the rain, entering and
       permeating the soil, loosened it, and on steep declivities
       resulted in avalanches of earth, mud, and water, covering wide
       areas and piling up the debris in the ravines and gorges. … The
       material loss to the coffee growers can as yet only be
       estimated, but the most conservative figures received place
       this year's crop at one-third of the normal. … Regard being
       had to the fact that five years must elapse before the coffee
       trees and their shade can be replanted and reach a normal
       bearing condition, the total loss can not be safely placed
       below 25,000,000 pesos for Puerto Rico on account of this
       hurricane."

          General George W. Davis,
          Report (Message and Documents: Abridgment, 1899-1900,
          volume 2, pages 1343-1344).

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Census of the Island taken under the direction of the
       War Department of the United States.

       "The population of Porto Rico shown by the schedules of the
       present census taken with reference to the date of October 16,
       1899, was 953,243. This was about nine-tenths of the
       population of Maryland in 1890, the State whose population is
       nearest to that of Porto Rico. … If the figures for … earlier
       censuses may be accepted, it appears that the population of
       Porto Rico has been growing through the last twelve years with
       greater rapidity than before since 1860. Its present rate of
       increase is about the same as that of Ohio, Tennessee, or the
       Carolinas during the decade between 1880 and 1890. … It
       appears that the average increase of population in the
       interior has been more rapid than that on the coast. If the
       figures for the coast cities of San Juan, Ponce, and Mayaguez
       had been excluded, the difference would be yet more marked.
       The depressed condition of sugar-cane growing in the West
       Indies of recent years may have played an important part in
       producing this difference, for the growing of sugar cane is
       prevalent in the coast plains of Porto Rico.

    {414}

       "The area of Porto Rico, including the adjacent and dependent
       islands of Vieques, Culebra, Mona, and Muertos, has been
       measured in connection with this census and found to be 3,606
       square miles. But owing to the imperfect surveys on which all
       maps of Porto Rico are based there must be a considerable and
       indeterminate margin of possible error in any such
       measurement. The island is about three times the size of Long
       Island, which was in 1890 perhaps the largest insular division
       of the United States. It is also slightly greater than the
       eastern shore of Maryland (3,461 square miles). … Porto Rico
       has 264 persons to a square mile. This density of population
       is about the same as in Massachusetts, twice that in New York
       State, and thrice that in Ohio. It is more than seven times
       that of Cuba and not much less than twice that of Habana
       province. …

       "The people of Porto Rico are, in the main, a rural community.
       There are no large cities in the island, the two largest being
       San Juan, which, regarding the entire municipal district as a
       city, had a population of 32,048, and Ponce, which with its
       port constituted practically one city, with a population of
       27,952. These are the only two cities exceeding 25,000
       inhabitants. The next city of magnitude is Mayaguez, on the
       west coast, with a population of 15,187. The only other city
       exceeding 8,000 inhabitants is Arecibo, with a population of
       8,008. The total urban population of the island contained in
       cities exceeding 8,000 inhabitants each is 83,195, or only 8.7
       per cent of the population of the island. This is a much
       smaller proportion than in Cuba, where the corresponding
       figures are 32.3 per cent, or in the United States, where the
       corresponding proportion in 1890 was 29.2 per cent. There are
       in Porto Rico 57 cities, each having a population of 1,000 or
       more. The total urban population of the island, under this
       definition, numbers 203,792, or 21.4 per cent of the total
       number of inhabitants of the island. Similar figures for Cuba
       show 47.1 per cent of the population of that island."

          Census of Porto Rico, Bulletin No.1.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.
       The question of the tariff treatment of its new Territory
       by the United States Government.

       Writing in "The Forum," November, 1899, Mr. H. K. Carroll, who
       had investigated the conditions in Porto Rico as a Special
       Commissioner of the United States government, described the
       obligation which, in his view, they imposed on the latter as
       follows: "The only free market the Puertorican has for his
       products is the island market. All the rest of the world is
       closed to him. He cannot even buy in a free market; everything
       he buys as well as everything he sells being subject to
       duties. This is the penalty of independence; but Puerto Rico
       is not, and does not want to be, independent. She wants such
       commercial relations with us as Alaska, New Mexico, and
       Arizona have, and desires a territorial form of government. I
       am of the opinion that we cannot refuse these reasonable
       requests without doing great injustice to Puerto Rico. It must
       be remembered that we sought Puerto Rico; for Puerto Rico did
       not seek us. We wrested her from the sovereignty of Spain,
       without asking her if she desired to change her allegiance. We
       were of the opinion that she was not justly treated by Spain;
       that she was governed in the interests of the mother country
       solely; that she was oppressed and overtaxed and denied a
       proper measure of home rule; and that in consequence we were
       serving the cause of humanity in breaking the chains that
       bound her. This was what the Puertoricans thought also. They
       welcomed our troops and our control. They were glad to turn
       their backs on the history of the past, and begin under the
       glorious Republic of the North a new and more prosperous
       career. They are disappointed, perhaps unreasonably, that
       their new life has not already begun; they are eagerly
       expectant. They look to the President to recommend, and to
       Congress to adopt, a system of government which will make the
       island a Territory, equal in rank and rights and privileges to
       existing Territories. They ought not to be disappointed
       without the best and strongest of reasons. Three reasons are
       mentioned in opposition to the granting of territorial
       government to Puerto Rico. First, admission as a Territory
       implies ultimate admission to statehood; and statehood for
       islands separated as Hawaii and Puerto Rico are by from 1,200
       to 2,500 miles from the United States is not to be thought of
       for a moment. Second, territorial organization involves the
       relinquishment of customs duties; and the cane and tobacco
       growers of our West India possession would have free access to
       the markets of the United States, and thus come into injurious
       competition with our own farmers. Third, the people of Puerto
       Rico are not competent for the measure of self-government
       which the territorial system provides."

       This most reasonable and just view of the duty of the American
       people to their new fellow citizens received strong
       endorsement from higher official authority in the subsequent
       annual report of the Secretary of War, who said: "It is plain
       that it is essential to the prosperity of the island that she
       should receive substantially the same treatment at our hands
       as she received from Spain while a Spanish colony, and that
       the markets of the United States should be opened to her as
       were the markets of Spain and Cuba before the transfer of
       allegiance. Congress has the legal right to regulate the
       customs duties between the United States and Porto Rico as it
       pleases; but the highest considerations of justice and good
       faith demand that we should not disappoint the confident
       expectation of sharing in our prosperity with which the people
       of Porto Rico so gladly transferred their allegiance to the
       United States, and that we should treat the interests of this
       people as our own; and I wish most strongly to urge that the
       customs duties between Porto Rico and the United States be
       removed."

          Message and Documents:
          Abridgment, 1899-1900, volume 2, page 757.

       And, finally, the President of the United States, in his
       Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, gave his high authority
       to the declaration that this duty of his government to Porto
       Rico was "plain": "It must be borne in mind," he said, "that
       since the cession Porto Rico has been denied the principal
       markets she had long enjoyed and our tariffs have been
       continued against her products as when she was under Spanish
       sovereignty. The markets of Spain are closed to her products
       except upon terms to which the commerce of all nations is
       subjected. The island of Cuba, which used to buy her cattle
       and tobacco without customs duties, now imposes the same
       duties upon these products as from any other country entering
       her ports.
    {415}
       She has therefore lost her free intercourse with Spain and
       Cuba, without any compensating benefits in this market. Her
       coffee was little known and not in use by our people, and
       therefore there was no demand here for this, one of her chief
       products. The markets of the United States should be opened up
       to her products. Our plain duty is to abolish all customs
       tariffs between the United States and Porto Rico and give her
       products free access to our markets."

          Message and Documents: Abridgment,
          volume 1, page 53.

       Notwithstanding all which high official acknowledgments and
       declarations of obligation and duty, on the part of the
       Republic of the United States to the people of the island
       which it had wrested from Spain, certain interests in the
       former that objected to competition from the latter were able
       to secure legislation which deferred the performance of the
       "plain duty" required. An Act of Congress which the President
       approved on the 12th of April, 1900, "temporarily to provide
       revenues and a civil government for Porto Rico and for other
       purposes," enacted as follows:

       "SECTION 3.
       That on and after the passage of this Act all merchandise
       coming into the United States from Porto Rico and coming into
       Porto Rico from the United States shall be entered at the
       several ports of entry upon payment of fifteen per centum of
       the duties which are required to be levied, collected, and
       paid upon like articles of merchandise imported from foreign
       countries; and in addition thereto upon articles of
       merchandise of Porto Rican manufacture coming into the United
       States and withdrawn for consumption or sale upon payment of a
       tax equal to the internal-revenue tax imposed in the United
       States upon the like articles of merchandise of domestic
       manufacture; such tax to be paid by internal-revenue stamp or
       stamps to be purchased and provided by the Commissioner of
       Internal Revenue and to be procured from the collector of
       internal revenue at or most convenient to the port of entry of
       said merchandise in the United States, and to be affixed under
       such regulations as the Commissioner of Internal Revenue, with
       the approval of the Secretary of the Treasury, shall
       prescribe; and on all articles of merchandise of United States
       manufacture coming into Porto Rico in addition to the duty
       above provided upon payment of a tax equal in rate and amount
       to the internal-revenue tax imposed in Porto Rico upon the
       like articles of Porto Rican manufacture: Provided, That on
       and after the date when this Act shall take effect, all
       merchandise and articles, except coffee, not dutiable under
       the tariff laws of the United States, and all merchandise and
       articles entered in Porto Rico free of duty under' orders
       heretofore made by the Secretary of War, shall be admitted
       into the several ports thereof, when imported from the United
       States, free of duty, all laws or parts of laws to the
       contrary notwithstanding; and whenever the legislative
       assembly of Porto Rico shall have enacted and put into
       operation a system of local taxation to meet the necessities
       of the government of Porto Rico, by this Act established, and
       shall by resolution duly passed so notify the President, he
       shall make proclamation thereof, and thereupon all tariff
       duties on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
       the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
       Rico shall cease, and from and after such date all such
       merchandise and articles shall be entered at the several ports
       of entry free of duty; and in no event shall any duties be
       collected after the first day of March, nineteen hundred and
       two, on merchandise and articles going into Porto Rico from
       the United States or coming into the United States from Porto
       Rico.

       "SECTION 4.
       That the duties and taxes collected in Porto Rico in pursuance
       of this Act, less the cost of collecting the same, and the
       gross amount of all collections of duties and taxes in the
       United States upon articles of merchandise coming from Porto
       Rico, shall not be covered into the general fund of the
       Treasury, but shall be held as a separate fund, and shall be
       placed at the disposal of the President to be used for the
       government and benefit of Porto Rico until the government of
       Porto Rico herein provided for shall have been organized, when
       all moneys theretofore collected under the provisions hereof,
       then unexpended, shall be transferred to the local treasury of
       Porto Rico, and the Secretary of the Treasury shall designate
       the several ports and sub-ports of entry in Porto Rico, and
       shall make such rules and regulations and appoint such agents
       as may be necessary to collect the duties and taxes authorized
       to be levied, collected, and paid in Porto Rico by the
       provisions of this Act, and he shall fix the compensation and
       provide for the payment thereof of all such officers, agents,
       and assistants as he may find it necessary to employ to carry
       out the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That as soon as
       a civil government for Porto Rico shall have been organized in
       accordance with the provisions of this Act and notice thereof
       shall have been given to the President he shall make
       proclamation thereof, and thereafter all collections of duties
       and taxes in Porto Rico under the provisions of this Act shall
       be paid into the treasury of Porto Rico, to be expended as
       required by law for the government and benefit thereof instead
       of being paid into the Treasury of the United States."

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Act to provide temporarily for the civil government
       of the Island.

       The fundamental provisions of the act of the Congress of the
       United States to provide temporarily for the civil government
       of Porto Rico, which the President approved April 12, 1900,
       are the following:

       "SECTION 6.
       That the capital of Porto Rico shall be at the city of San
       Juan and the seat of government shall be maintained there.

       "SECTION 7.
       That all inhabitants continuing to reside therein who were
       Spanish subjects on the eleventh day of April, eighteen
       hundred and ninety-nine, and then resided in Porto Rico, and
       their children born subsequent thereto, shall be deemed and
       held to be citizens of Porto Rico, and as such entitled to the
       protection of the United States, except such as shall have
       elected to preserve their allegiance to the Crown of Spain on
       or before the eleventh day of April, nineteen hundred, in
       accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace between
       the United States and Spain entered into on the eleventh day
       of April, eighteen hundred and ninety-nine; and they, together
       with such citizens of the United States as may reside in Porto
       Rico, shall constitute a body politic under the name of The
       People of Porto Rico, with governmental powers as hereinafter
       conferred, and with power to sue and be sued as such.

    {416}

       "SECTION 8.
       That the laws and ordinances of Porto Rico now in force shall
       continue in full force and effect, except as altered, amended,
       or modified hereinafter, or as altered or modified by military
       orders and decrees in force when this Act shall take effect,
       and so far as the same are not inconsistent or in conflict
       with the statutory laws of the United States not locally
       inapplicable, or the provisions hereof, until altered,
       amended, or repealed by the legislative authority hereinafter
       provided for Porto Rico or by Act of Congress of the United
       States: Provided, That so much of the law which was in force
       at the time of cession, April eleventh, eighteen hundred and
       ninety-nine, forbidding the marriage of priests, ministers, or
       followers of any faith because of vows they may have taken,
       being paragraph four, article eighty-three, chapter three,
       civil code, and which was continued by the order of the
       secretary of justice of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth,
       eighteen hundred and ninety-nine, and promulgated by
       Major-General Guy V. Henry, United States Volunteers, is
       hereby repealed and annulled, and all persons lawfully married
       in Porto Rico shall have all the rights and remedies conferred
       by law upon parties to either civil or religious marriages:
       And provided further, That paragraph one, article one hundred
       and five, section four, divorce, civil code, and paragraph
       two, section nineteen, of the order of the minister of justice
       of Porto Rico, dated March seventeenth, eighteen hundred and
       ninety-nine, and promulgated by Major-General Guy V. Henry,
       United States Volunteers, be, and the same hereby are, so
       amended as to read: 'Adultery on the part of either the
       husband or the wife.' …

       "SECTION 14.
       That the statutory laws of the United States not locally
       inapplicable, except as hereinbefore or hereinafter otherwise
       provided, shall have the same force and effect in Porto Rico
       as in the United States, except the internal-revenue laws,
       which, in view of the provisions of section three, shall not
       have force and effect in Porto Rico.

       "SECTION 15.
       That the legislative authority hereinafter provided shall have
       power by due enactment to amend, alter, modify, or repeal any
       law or ordinance, civil or criminal, continued in force by
       this Act, as it may from time to time see fit.

       "SECTION 16.
       That all judicial process shall run in the name of 'United
       States of America, ss: the President of the United States,'
       and all criminal or penal prosecutions in the local courts
       shall be conducted in the name and by the authority of 'The
       People of Porto Rico'; and all officials authorized by this
       Act shall before entering upon the duties of their respective
       offices take an oath to support the Constitution of the United
       States and the laws of Porto Rico.

       "SECTION 17.
       That the official title of the chief executive officer shall
       be 'The Governor of Porto Rico.' He shall be appointed by the
       President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate;
       he shall hold his office for a term of four years and until
       his successor is chosen and qualified unless sooner removed by
       the President; he shall reside in Porto Rico during his
       official incumbency, and shall maintain his office at the seat
       of government; he may grant pardons and reprieves, and remit
       fines and forfeitures for offenses against the laws of Porto
       Rico, and respites for offenses against the laws of the United
       States, until the decision of the President can be
       ascertained; he shall commission all officers that he may be
       authorized to appoint, and may veto any legislation enacted,
       as hereinafter provided; he shall be the commander in chief of
       the militia, and shall at all times faithfully execute the
       laws, and he shall in that behalf have all the powers of
       governors of the Territories of the United States that are not
       locally inapplicable; and he shall annually, and at such other
       times as he may be required, make official report of the
       transactions of the government in Porto Rico, through the
       Secretary of State, to the President of the United States:
       Provided, That the President may, in his discretion, delegate
       and assign to him such executive duties and functions as may
       in pursuance with law be so delegated and assigned.

       "SECTION 18.
       That there shall be appointed by the President, by and with
       the advice and consent of the Senate, for the period of four
       years, unless sooner removed by the President, a secretary, an
       attorney-general, a treasurer, an auditor, a commissioner of
       the interior, and a commissioner of education, each of whom
       shall reside in Porto Rico during his official incumbency and
       have the powers and duties hereinafter provided for them,
       respectively, and who, together with five other persons of
       good repute, to be also appointed by the President for a like
       term of four years, by and with the advice and consent of the
       Senate, shall constitute an executive council, at least five
       of whom shall be native inhabitants of Porto Rico, and, in
       addition to the legislative duties hereinafter imposed upon
       them as a body, shall exercise such powers and perform such
       duties as are hereinafter provided for them, respectively, and
       who shall have power to employ all necessary deputies and
       assistants for the proper discharge of their duties as such
       officials and as such executive council. …

       "SECTION 27.
       That all local legislative powers hereby granted shall be
       vested in a legislative assembly which shall consist of two
       houses; one the executive council, as hereinbefore
       constituted, and the other a house of delegates, to consist of
       thirty-five members elected biennially by the qualified voters
       as hereinafter provided; and the two houses thus constituted
       shall be designated 'The legislative assembly of Porto Rico.'

       "SECTION 28.
       That for the purposes of such elections Porto Rico shall be
       divided by the executive council into seven districts,
       composed of contiguous territory and as nearly equal as may be
       in population, and each district shall be entitled to five
       members of the house of delegates.

       SECTION 29.
       That the first election for delegates shall be held on such
       date and under such regulations as to ballots and voting as
       the executive council may prescribe. … At such elections all
       citizens of Porto Rico shall be allowed to vote who have been
       bona fide residents for one year and who possess the other
       qualifications of voters under the laws and military orders in
       force on the first day of March, 1900, subject to such
       modifications and additional qualifications and such
       regulations and restrictions as to registration as may be
       prescribed by the executive council. …

    {417}

       "SECTION 32.
       That the legislative authority herein provided shall extend to
       all matters of a legislative character not locally inapplicable,
       including power to create, consolidate, and reorganize the
       municipalities, so far as may be necessary, and to provide and
       repeal laws and ordinances therefor; and also the power to
       alter, amend, modify, and repeal any and all laws and
       ordinances of every character now in force in Porto Rico, or
       any municipality or district thereof, not inconsistent with
       the provisions hereof: Provided, however, That all grants of
       franchises, rights, and privileges or concessions of a public
       or quasi-public nature shall be made by the executive council,
       with the approval of the governor, and all franchises granted
       in Porto Rico shall be reported to Congress, which hereby
       reserves the power to annul or modify the same.

       "SECTION 33.
       That the judicial power shall be vested in the courts and
       tribunals of Porto Rico as already established and now in
       operation, including municipal courts. …

       "SECTION 34.
       That Porto Rico shall constitute a judicial district to be
       called 'the district of Porto Rico.' The President, by and
       with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a
       district judge, a district attorney, and a marshal for said
       district, each for a term of four years, unless sooner removed
       by the President. The district court for said district shall
       be called the district court of the United States for Porto
       Rico.

       "SECTION 35.
       That writs of error and appeals from the final decisions of
       the supreme court of Porto Rico and the district court of the
       United States shall be allowed and may be taken to the Supreme
       Court of the United States in the same manner and under the
       same regulations and in the same cases as from the supreme
       courts of the Territories of the United States. …

       "SECTION 39.
       That the qualified voters of Porto Rico shall, on the first
       Tuesday after the first Monday of November, anno Domini
       nineteen hundred, and every two years thereafter, choose a
       resident commissioner to the United States, who shall be
       entitled to official recognition as such by all Departments,
       upon presentation to the Department of State of a certificate
       of election of the governor of Porto Rico, and who shall be
       entitled to a salary, payable monthly by the United States, at
       the rate of five thousand dollars per annum: Provided, That no
       person shall be eligible to such election who is not a bona
       fide citizen of Porto Rico, who is not thirty years of age,
       and who does not read and write the English language.

       "SECTION 40.
       That a commission, to consist of three members, at least one
       of whom shall be a native citizen of Porto Rico, shall be
       appointed by the President, by and with the advice and consent
       of the Senate, to compile and revise the laws of Porto Rico; also
       the various codes of procedure and systems of municipal
       government now in force, and to frame and report such
       legislation as may be necessary to make a simple, harmonious,
       and economical government, establish justice and secure its
       prompt and efficient administration, inaugurate a general
       system of education and public instruction, provide buildings
       and funds therefor, equalize and simplify taxation and all the
       methods of raising revenue, and make all other provisions that
       may be necessary to secure and extend the benefits of a
       republican form of government to all the inhabitants of Porto
       Rico."

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Organization of civil government.
       Appointment of Governor Allen.

       Under the Act to establish civil government in Porto Rico,
       Honorable. Charles H. Allen, formerly a representative in
       Congress from Massachusetts, and lately Assistant-Secretary of
       the Navy, was appointed to the governorship of the island. Mr.
       J. H. Hollander, of Maryland, was appointed Treasurer, and Mr.
       John R. Garrison, of the District of Columbia, Auditor.
       Governor Allen was inducted into office with considerable
       ceremony, at San Juan, on the 1st of May.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (August-October).
       First steps in the creation of a public school system.

       "The report of M. G. Brumbaugh, commissioner of education, on
       education in Porto Rico, dated October 15, 1900, shows what
       has been accomplished in the short time that elapsed after the
       commissioner entered upon his duties on August 4, 1900. … The
       people want schools … and the pupils will attend them. In
       1899, 616 schools were opened in Porto Rico. In 1900 the
       department will maintain at least 800 schools, an increase of
       30 per cent, which will provide for nearly 9,000 additional
       pupils.

       "In 1899 there were 67 Americans in the teaching force of the
       island. Since October 1, 1900, the number has increased to
       100. The commissioner criticises one class of teachers who are
       'seekers after novelty and new experiences, who imposed upon the
       administration and the children, and who used the salary and
       position of teacher solely to see a new country for a year and
       then return. … The people of Porto Rico have patiently borne
       with these adventurers, and quietly longed for their
       departure.' This class of teachers is now gone and the newly
       selected American teachers have some knowledge of Spanish and
       are graduates of universities, colleges, and normal schools in
       the States, and are for the most part young men and women of
       ability and discretion. The salaries of American teachers were
       fixed by law at $40 per month for nine months in cities of
       less than 5,000 population. In cities of larger population the
       salary was $50 per month for nine months and both are
       inadequate, although at the time the salaries were fixed the
       War Department provided free transportation from and to the
       United States. This transportation may now be withdrawn at any
       time, and the small inducement held out by the meager salary
       offered to teachers is not calculated to invite the best class
       of them to the island.

       "The new normal and industrial school at Fajardo, which was to
       have been established by the joint efforts of the local
       municipality and the American Government, was only so far
       advanced that the land had been purchased by the end of
       September, 1900. The normal department was opened October 1,
       in a rented building, while the industrial department cannot
       be opened until suitable quarters are provided. The
       commissioner recommends that the United States make this place
       the site of an agricultural experiment station for which it is
       pre-eminently fitted. On account of the industries of the
       country—coffee, sugar, tobacco, and fruit—agriculture could be
       well studied here, and free boarding, lodging, and tuition would
       be given the students, who would be for the most part poor
       boys and girls.

       "As to the school accommodation, the commissioner states that
       there are no public school buildings in Porto Rico. The
       schools are conducted in rented houses or rooms which are
       often unfit for the purpose, and the hygienic conditions are
       bad. There is a wide field, or rather a demand, for
       improvement in this direction, as well as in the school
       equipment and material.

    {418}

       In 1899, $33,000 was expended for school-books, and in 1900,
       $20,000 will be expended for books and supplies, which shall
       be free. In the United States 'free books' means usually their
       purchase by local boards and free use by the pupils. In Porto
       Rico the books and supplies will be free to the pupils without
       expense to the local boards. A pedagogical museum and library
       has been established for the benefit of teachers and others.
       About 300 volumes have been contributed to the library from
       friends in the States, and the Department will make the number
       up to 500 by purchase. A library of 5,000 volumes of standard
       Spanish and American literature was found in a building in San
       Juan, which has been installed in suitable rooms as a public
       library.

       "Many of the leading institutions of the United States have
       responded cordially to the application of the Department of
       Education on behalf of young Porto Ricans who wish to
       prosecute their studies in colleges and universities. Some
       have offered free tuition, some have added free lodging, while
       others have offered even free living to all such students as
       wish to avail themselves of their instruction. Many young
       Porto Ricans have availed themselves of these generous offers.

       "There are now 800 schools in Porto Rico, and 38,000 pupils
       attending them, while there are 300,000 children of school age
       for whom there are no accommodations. But the commissioner
       expresses the hope that gradually the great illiteracy in
       Porto Rico will be reduced, and the people prepared for the
       duties of citizenship in a democracy by means of the schools
       that shall be established. … The total expenditure for
       education in Porto Rico from the 1st of May to the end of
       September was $91,057.32."

          United States, Secretary of the Interior,
          Annual Report, November 28, 1900, page 116.

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1900 (November-December).
       The first election under U. S. law.
       Meeting of the Legislative Assembly.

       The first election in the Island under the provisions of the
       Act recited above occurred on the 6th of November
       simultaneously with the elections in the United States. It
       seems to have been almost entirely a one-sided vote. "About
       two weeks before election day," says a despatch from San Juan,
       November 7, "the Federal Party, which carried the island at
       the election of less than a year ago by a majority of 6,500
       votes, suddenly withdrew from the electoral contest. The
       Federal leaders sent instruction to their followers not to
       appear at the polls, but the Federal Election Judges were
       instructed to appear and watch the proceedings until the
       elections were concluded in order to gather evidence of any
       unfairness in the registration and any irregularity in the
       voting. The Federal Party intends to institute court
       proceedings after the election in the hope of nullifying it,
       claiming that gross irregularities in the registration and
       voting will be shown, and alleging that the districting was
       not done according to law." Only about 200 Federals voted, it
       is stated, while some 60,000 votes were cast for the
       candidates of the Republicans. Governor Allen cabled the
       following announcement of the election to President McKinley:
       "I am gratified and delighted. The outcome in Porto Rico is a
       guarantee of the island's future. To bring people who had long
       been under different rules and conditions to their first
       general election, to have the election pass off as quietly and
       orderly as in any State of the North conducted by the people
       without let or hindrance, and without a soldier or armed force
       of any sort, and to have nearly 60.000 men march to the polls
       to deposit their first ballot for self-government in such a
       manner, are good reasons for congratulation, not only to the
       people of the island, but to the painstaking members of the
       Administration, who had worked diligently and patiently to
       this end. This overwhelming Republican victory also means
       legislation for the good of the island in line with the
       American Administration. It means stable government and the
       protection of property interests, with which prospective
       investors in Porto Rico are deeply concerned. It means
       education, public works, and all the beneficent works which
       follow legislation wisely and conscientiously undertaken. It
       is an emphatic declaration of unqualified loyalty to the
       United States."

       The newly elected Legislative Assembly met and the House of
       Delegates was organized December 3. A correspondent of the
       "New York Tribune," writing a week later, said: "Already
       nineteen bills have been introduced. To introduce nineteen
       bills in six days after organizing, as well as forming the
       regular committees, is not bad work when it is considered that
       not one of the members had the slightest idea of parliamentary
       procedure. During the session one of the members may be seen
       making frequent trips to the Executive Mansion, where he
       confers with Secretary Hunt in regard to some doubtful point.
       It is said by some that in a short time the lower house will
       be controlled entirely by the portfolio members of the
       Council. It is known that the five Porto Rican members of the
       Council, when considering the question of franchises, etc.,
       often vote contrary to their own ideas in order that the
       Council may continue harmonious. But it is not likely that the
       heads of departments will be able to control the thirty-five
       members of the House. The House, although regularly elected,
       is not representative of the island; the Federals refraining
       from voting kept over half the natives from the polls. The
       Federal party, it is asserted, is made up of the richest and
       best element of Porto Rico. The Republicans, though in power,
       do not feel that they are able to run things alone, so the
       majority is willing to be dictated to by the Council.
       Nevertheless there is a certain element in the House which
       will not be dictated to. So soon as any really important bill
       comes up for debate it is predicted that the House will divide
       against itself. And a little later, when the House passes some
       pet bill and the Council rejects it, the House will probably
       resign in a body. It is a natural trait of the people.'

       After another fortnight had passed, the same correspondent
       wrote very discouragingly of the disposition shown by a
       majority of the members of the House of Delegates, and their
       conduct of business, and stated: "The popular opinion among
       the Americans, even among some of the higher officials, is
       that if the House continues as it is Congress will abolish it
       altogether, and govern the island through a Governor and
       Cabinet. Such irregular procedure has been followed that it is
       a question here whether any business has been legally done."

    {419}

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (January),
       Close of the first session of the Legislative Assembly.

       The first session of the first Legislative Assembly of the
       island came to a close on the 31st of January, 1901, and the
       following remarks on its work were made in a newspaper
       despatch of that date from San Juan: "Over one hundred bills
       have been introduced in the House of Delegates, and dozens
       have been passed by both houses, and are awaiting the
       Governor's approval. … Committees have a hard day's work if
       they get together and agree to pass the bills on hand before
       midnight to-night. Ever since the House of Delegates resumed
       business after the new year, eight or nine members have been
       continually absent. There are only thirty-five members
       altogether, and the island is small, yet twenty-six has been
       the average attendance. A full attendance for even one day is
       not recorded. It was predicted that a number of the members
       would resign; they did not. They simply remained away, like
       truant schoolboys. A bill has been passed providing for the
       education of certain young Porto Rican men and women in the
       United States, about two hundred of them having petitioned the
       House of Delegates to be sent north at the island's expense.
       It is not known on what ground these petitions have been made.
       The island expends about $400,000 yearly on education, and
       excellent educational facilities are offered. But the people,
       in a way, seem to discredit the value of the opportunities at
       hand."

    PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (April).
       Distress of the workingmen of the Island.
       Their appeal to the President of the United States.

       The following petition, signed by 6,000 of the workingmen of
       Porto Rico, was brought to the United States by a delegate
       from the Federation of Labor in Porto Rico and presented to
       President McKinley on the 15th of April:

       "The undersigned, workers of Porto Rico, without distinction
       of color, political or religious creed, have the honor to
       bring to your attention the following facts: Misery, with all
       its horrible consequences, is spreading in our homes with
       wonderful rapidity. It has already reached such an extreme
       that many workers are starving to death while others, that
       have not the courage to see their mothers, wives, sisters and
       children perish of hunger, commit suicide by drowning
       themselves in the rivers or hanging themselves from branches
       of trees. All this, honorable sir, is due to the scarcity of
       work, which keeps us in enforced idleness, the mother of our
       misery. Our beautiful estates are idle; our lands are not
       being cultivated; our shops remain closed; and our Chambers do
       absolutely nothing to prevent our misery on this once so rich
       an island. The Government and municipality do not undertake
       any public works to keep us out of idleness. The emigration of
       workers, unknown in this island before, increases day by day,
       in proportion as misery increases. Under these trying
       conditions we are no longer a happy and contented people. We
       therefore, beg of you, honorable sir, to interest yourself in
       our cause, leading us, as the father of our country, in the
       path that will bring us work, and with it the means of
       subsistence. We want work; nothing but work. We want to earn
       the means of subsistence by the sweat of our brows; and nobody
       better than our Chief Magistrate can help us by lending ear to
       our appeals. "

       ----------PORTO RICO: End--------

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1891-1900.
       Delagoa Bay Arbitration.

          See (in this volume)
          DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1898.
       Alleged Treaty with Great Britain.

       There is said to be knowledge in diplomatic circles of a
       treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, concluded in 1898,
       which has never been made public, but which is understood to
       engage the former to assist the latter financially and to
       protect the kingdom as against dangers both external and
       internal. In return it is believed that England received the
       right to embark and disembark troops, stores and ammunitions
       at any point on Portuguese territory in Africa, to keep them
       there, or to convey them across Portuguese territory to any
       point she might see fit, irrespective as to whether she was at
       war with any third Power. Circumstances have given some
       support to this rumor, but it has no positive confirmation.

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899.
       Reciprocity Treaty with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

    PORTUGAL: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896.
       War with Gungunhana.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (PORTUGUESE EAST AFRICA).

    POSTAGE, British Imperial Penny.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (DECEMBER).

    POWERS, Concert of the.

          See (in this volume)
          CONCERT OF EUROPE.

    POWERS, The four great.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    PRATT, Consul:
       Interviews with Aguinaldo at Singapore.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: PHILIPPINES).

    "PREDOMINANT MEMBER," Remarks of Lord Rosebery on the.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    PREHISTORIC DISCOVERIES.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

    PREMPEH, Overthrow of King.

          See (in this volume)
          ASHANTI.

    PRESBYTERIAN CHURCHES: Union in Scotland.

          See (in this volume)
          SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.

    PRESS, The:
       Relaxation of restrictions in Poland.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.

    PRESS, The:
       Prosecutions in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

    PRETORIA: A. D. 1894.
       Demonstration of British residents.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1894.

    PRETORIA: A. D. 1900.
       Taken by the British forces.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (MAY-JUNE).

    PRIMARY ELECTION LAW.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1898.

    PRINCE EDWARD'S ISLAND.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    {420}

    PRINCETON UNIVERSITY:
       Celebration of 250th anniversary.
       Assumption of new name.

          See (in this volume)
          EDUCATION (UNITED STATES): A. D. 1896.

    PRINSLOO, Commandant: Surrender.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    PROCTOR, Senator Redfield:
       Account of the condition of the Cuban Reconcentrados.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    PROGRESSISTS,
    PROGRESSIVES.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897;
          JAPAN: A. D. 1890-1898, and after;
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898,
          and 1898 (MARCH-OCTOBER).

    PROHIBITION PARTY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    PROHIBITION PLEBISCITE, Canadian.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898 (SEPTEMBER).

    PROTECTIVE TARIFFS.

          See (in this volume)
          TARIFF LEGISLATION.

    PROTOCOL, for suspension of Spanish-American War.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    PRUSSIA: Census, 1895.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895 (JUNE-DECEMBER).

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Canal projects.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST); and 1901 (JANUARY).

    PRUSSIA: A. D. 1901.
       Bicentenary celebration.

       The bicentenary of the coronation of the first King of Prussia
       was celebrated with much ceremony and festivity on the 18th of
       January, 1901.

    PULLMAN.

       A decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois, rendered early in
       1899, deprives the Pullman Car Company of the legal right to
       own and conduct the affairs of the town of Pullman, Illinois.
       The effect is understood to be that the town will be
       incorporated with Chicago.

    PUNJAB, Formation of a new province from districts of the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    PUPIN, Dr. Michael I.:
       Improvement in long-distance telephony.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    Q.

    QUEBEC, Province.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA.

    QUEENS COUNTY:
       Incorporation in Greater New York.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

    QUEENSLAND.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    QUINCY, Josiah:
       Progressive measures as Mayor of Boston.

          See (in this volume)
          BOSTON: A. D. 1895-1899.

    R.

    RACES, European, The expansion of.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    RAILWAY, The Anatolian.
       Extension to the Persian Gulf.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (NOVEMBER).

    RAILWAY, Cape to Cairo.

       "A line now [1899] runs northward from Cape Town to Bulawayo,
       in Rhodesia, a distance of 1,360 miles, and is being pushed
       still farther northward. From Bulawayo to Lake Tanganyika is
       about 1,000 miles; and this Mr. Rhodes hopes to reach by 1905.
       Lake Tanganyika is 410 miles long; and it is likely that its
       waters will be utilized for a time at least for transferring
       northwardly the freights and passengers reaching its southern
       end. Meantime the railroad from Cairo is being pushed
       southwardly to meet the line which is coming from the Cape
       northwardly. It has already been constructed to Atbara, where
       American contractors have just finished the steel bridge in a
       time which British bridge-builders considered impossible; and
       the line is being pushed forward to Khartoum from that point.
       Khartoum is 1,300 miles from Cairo; so that when work on the
       section from Atbara to Khartoum is completed, as it will be
       within a few months, the two gaps to be filled in will be from
       Khartoum to the north end of Lake Tanganyika, a distance of
       1,700 miles, and the 950 miles from the south end of Lake
       Tanganyika to Bulawayo; i. e., 2,700 miles in all. Thus, of
       the necessary land length, assuming that at least the 410
       miles length of Lake Tanganyika will be at first utilized,
       about one-half will be finished on the completion of the
       section from Atbara to Khartoum, within the next few months.
       The remaining 2,700 miles will, it is estimated, cost
       $60,000,000; and Mr. Rhodes confidently predicts its
       completion before the year 1910."

          O. P. Austin,
          Africa: Present and Future
          (Forum, December, 1899).

          See, also (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

       Of course, the plans and calculations of Mr. Cecil Rhodes have
       been seriously interfered with by the South African War. He
       may have anticipated the war, but not the length nor the
       effects of it.

    RAILWAY, Haifa to Damascus and Bagdad.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1899.

    RAILWAY, The Intercontinental, or "Three Americas."

       "One of the important results of the International American
       Conference, held in Washington in 1889-90, was its
       recommendation that an International Commission be created to
       ascertain the feasibility, the cost, and the available
       location for a railroad connecting the countries of South and
       Central America with Mexico and the United States. This
       recommendation was cordially indorsed by Secretary Blaine in
       submitting the report to President Harrison, who transmitted
       it to Congress, asking that an appropriation be made to
       commence the surveys. In the same act which authorized the
       establishment of the Bureau of the American Republics—the
       Diplomatic and Consular Appropriation Act of July 14, 1890—the
       Intercontinental Railway Commission was created.
    {421}
       In this act it was provided that three Commissioners on the
       part of the United States should be appointed by the
       President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, who were
       to act with representatives of the other American Republics to
       devise plans for carrying out the objects recommended by the
       International American Conference. The Commission organized
       December 4, 1890, and at once set about the equipping of the
       surveying parties to make the necessary topographical
       examination. The United States representatives on the
       Commission were practical railroad men—A. J. Cassatt, Henry G.
       Davis, and R. C. Kerens, and eleven other Republics were
       represented on the Commission. The report just issued [March,
       1899] is in four volumes, with four sets of maps and profiles,
       exhibiting the surveys and examination of the country that
       were made from Mexico through Central America to Colombia,
       Ecuador, and Peru, in South America. In addition to the
       personal observations in South America, the officers making
       the reports also gathered from the best obtainable sources
       geographical, railroad, and other information relating to
       Bolivia, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, Chile, and
       Venezuela. The report gives the proposed distances as follows:

       Central American division, from Ayutla, Guatemala, on the
       Mexican border, to Rio Golfito, Colombia, 1,043 miles; from
       Rio Golfito to Buenos Aires, Argentina, 5,446.76 miles;
       through the United States from New York to Laredo, Texas,
       2,094 miles; and from that point, through Mexico to Ayutla,
       Guatemala, 1,644.3 miles; making a total of 10,228.06 miles,
       including the lines already in operation in the different
       countries. The extent of railway to be constructed is a little
       over one-half the total, being 5,456.13 miles. An estimate is
       given of the cost for grading, masonry, and bridges of that
       portion of the line which must be constructed to complete the
       connections, which amounts to $174,290,271.84."

          Bureau of American Republics,
          Bulletin, March, 1899.

       As now surveyed, from New York City to Buenos Ayres, it will
       be 10,221 miles long, and to finish and equip it will cost at
       least $200,000,000. This length and cost will also be
       increased when the line is extended through Patagonia to the
       southern limits of South America. The complete surveys … prove
       that a practicable route can be found and the road built
       within a reasonable time. The route of this road can be traced
       on the map, while the following table shows the distances, the
       miles built, and the gaps to be filled:

                               Built.    Proposed.    Total.
       United States.          2,094           …      2,094
       Mexico                  1,183         461      1,644

       Total North America.    3,277         461      3,738

       ---------

       Guatemala.                 43         126        169
       San Salvador.              64         166        230
       Honduras.                   …          71         71
       Nicaragua.                103         106        209
       Costa Rica.                 …         360        360

       Total Central America.    210         829      1,039

       Colombia.                   …       1,354      1,354
       Ecuador.                    …         658        658
       Peru.                     151       1,833      1,784
       Bolivia.                  195         392        587
       Argentina.                936         125      1,061

       Total South America.    1,282       4,769      5,444

       Grand total.            4,769       5,452     10,221

       "The demands of trade may compel early construction of this
       railroad. It is doubtful if a remunerative commerce can be
       built up between North and South America by ship. The
       conformation of the eastern coast of South America compels a
       long detour to the east, and brings a ship almost as near to
       the ports of Europe as to the ports of the United States. The
       exports of South America, being mainly agricultural, will find
       a readier sale in Europe than in this country, and when they
       are exchanged for the cheap manufactured goods of that
       continent the conditions for trade are supplied. If, for these
       reasons, this country can not build up a commerce with South
       America by water, a quicker means of transit must be had, such
       as the Pan-American Railway would provide. The obstacles to be
       overcome are great. They surpass the difficulties in the way of
       the Siberian or the 'Cape to Cairo' road, but the results will
       be correspondingly greater.

       "South America has greater undeveloped resources than any
       other continent. Its agricultural possibilities are boundless.
       It has the greatest rivers in the world; its soil can produce
       any crop grown on the earth, and its mines of gold, silver,
       and coal have been scarcely touched. A railroad which would
       traverse the coffee lands of the Central American States, pass
       through the mines of Peru, and penetrate the rich pampas of
       Brazil and Argentina, must have great possibilities before it.
       The products of the three great valleys of the Orinoco, the
       Amazon, and the Paraguay rivers would find a market by means
       of it, and the riches of the mines of the Incas be shown to
       surpass those of California and South Africa."

          Bureau of American Republics,
          Bulletin, December, 1899.

    RAILWAY, The Tehuantepec.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    RAILWAY, The Three Americas.

          See, above,
          RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

    RAILWAY, Trans-Siberian.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

    RAILWAY, The Uganda, or Mombasa-Victoria.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA RAILWAY.

    RAILWAYS: in Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

    RAILWAYS: American Inter-State.
       Arbitration of industrial disputes.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

    RAILWAYS: Concessions in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895;
          1897 (MAY-JUNE);
          1897 (NOVEMBER);
          1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER);
          1898 (MARCH);
          1898 (APRIL-AUGUST);
          1898 (MAY);
          1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

    RAILWAYS:
       Russian projects in Persia.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.

    {422}

    RAILWAYS:
       State purchase in Switzerland.

          See (in this volume)
          SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

    RAINES LAW, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK STATE: A. D. 1896-1897.

    RAMAPO WATER CONTRACT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1899-1900.

    RANAVALOMANJAKA, Queen.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR.

    RAND, Gold fields of the.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

    RECIPROCITY:
       Treaties under the Dingley Tariff Act.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.

    RECONCENTRADOS.

          (See in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897;
          and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    RED CROSS SOCIETY, The:
       Relief work in Armenia and Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-MARCH);
          and CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    REFERENDUM, The:
       In Minnesota.

          See (in this volume)
          MINNESOTA: A. D. 1896.

    REFERENDUM, The:
       Introduction in South Dakota.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.

    REFERENDUM, The:
       Its exercise in Switzerland.

          See (in this volume)
          SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.

    REID CONTRACT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NEWFOUNDLAND: A. D. 1897-1900; and 1899-1901.

    REITFONTEIN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    RELIGIOUS ORDERS, Bill to regulate, in France.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    REPRESENTATIVES:
       Reapportionment in the Congress of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    REPUBLICAN PARTY, The,
       in the U. S. Presidential elections, 1896 and 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    RESERVOIRS, Nile.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1898-1901.

    RHINE-ELBE CANAL PROJECT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST);
          and 1901 (JANUARY).

    RHODE ISLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Newport no longer a capital city.

       At the election in November, 1900, a constitutional amendment
       was adopted which makes Providence alone the capital city of
       Rhode Island. Newport had been one of the capitals since the
       colonies of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations were
       united.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Founder of the British South Africa Company.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Master spirit of the British South Africa Company.
       His name given to its dominions.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Participation in Uitlander revolutionary conspiracy at
       Johannesburg, leading to Jameson Raid.
       Resignation of Cape Colony premiership.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Dealing with Matabele revolt.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
          A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Resignation from the Board of the British South Africa
       Company.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY): A. D. 1896 (JUNE).

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Accused by the Cape Colony Assembly of complicity in the
       Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Testimony before British Parliamentary Committee on the
       Jameson Raid.
       The Committee's report.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-JULY).

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       In Cape Colony politics.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1898.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Projection of a Cape to Cairo Railway.

          See (in this volume)
          RAILWAY, CAPE TO CAIRO;
          and AFRICA: A. D. 1899.

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Beleaguered in Kimberley.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    RHODES, Cecil John:
       Projection of a Cape to Cairo Telegraph.

          See (in this volume)
          TELEGRAPH, CAPE TO CAIRO.

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
       Revolt of the Matabeles.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA):
          A. D. 1896 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER).

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1896 (July).
       Parliamentary investigation of British South Africa Company.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1896 (JULY).

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1897.
       Report on compulsory native labor.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1898.
       Reorganized administration.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA
          (RHODESIA AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    RHODESIA: A. D. 1900.
       Protectorate proclaimed over Barotsiland.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (RHODESIA): A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER).

    RIO PRIETO, Engagement at the.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST; PORTO RICO).

    RIZAL, Dr. José.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

    ROBERTS, Field Marshal, Lord (Sir Frederick Sleigh):
       In the South African War.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY), and after.

    ROBINSON, Sir Hercules:
       British High Commissioner in South Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL):
          A. D. 1896 (JANUARY-APRIL).

    ROMAN CATHOLIC CHURCH, The.

          See PAPACY.

    ROMAN CATHOLICS:
       Protest of British Peers against the
       Declaration required from the Sovereign.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    {423}

    ROMAN CATHOLICS:
       Victory in Belgium.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    ROMAN LAW:
       Superseded in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

    ROME:
       The likeness of its early settlement shown by excavations
       at Antemnæ.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: ITALY.

    RÖNTGEN, Wilhelm Konrad:
       Discovery of the X rays.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

    ROOSEVELT, Theodore:
       Elected Vice President of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    ROSEBERY, Earl of:
       Prime minister.
       Remarks on the "predominant member."

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    ROSEBERY, Earl of:
       Tribute to Mr. Gladstone.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1898 (MAY).

    ROSEBERY, Earl of:
       Tribute to Queen Victoria.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    ROUGH RIDERS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

    ROUGH RIDERS, The.
       At Santiago.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    ROUMANIA.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
          and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

    ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    ROYAL NIGER COMPANY, The.
       Transfer of territories to the British crown.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1899.

    RUDINI, Marquis di:
       Resignation of Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JUNE).

    RUMANIA.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES;
          and TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
       Agreement with Great Britain concerning the frontier of
       Afghanistan and spheres of influence in the Pamir region.

          See (in this volume)
          AFGHANISTAN: A. D. 1895.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
       Alliance with France.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1895.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1895.
       Treaty with China giving railway and other privileges and
       rights in Manchuria.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1896 (May-June).
       Coronation of the Tzar.

       The Tzar Nicholas II., who succeeded his father, Alexander
       III., on the death of the latter, November 1, 1894, was not
       formally crowned until May 26, 1896. The splendid festivities
       of the occasion lasted from May 18 until June, and were
       attended by a brilliant assembly of princes and high officials
       from all parts of the world. They were saddened by a frightful
       calamity on the 31st of May, when an attempt was made to
       distribute gifts of food and drink to a vast multitude of
       nearly half a million people, on Khodynskoye plain. Adequate
       measures for controlling the pressure of the crowd had not
       been taken, and nearly 3,000 were suffocated or trampled to
       death.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1897.
       Relaxations of oppressive laws.

       Several important relaxations of oppressive laws were
       commanded by the Tzar in the course of the year. By one, sons
       of the marriage of an orthodox Russian with one of another
       creed were allowed to be brought up in the religion of the
       father and daughters in that of the mother. By another, Jews
       having an university education were allowed freedom of
       residence in any part of the empire. By others, greater
       freedom was given to the Polish press, formerly forbidden to
       discuss political questions; local assemblies of Polish nobles
       were organized; permission was given to restore Roman Catholic
       churches in Poland, and certain special Polish taxes were
       removed.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (February).
       Census of the Empire.

       "For the first time in the history of the Hyperborean Empire,
       a general, and if I may use the expression, scientific, census
       has been taken of the various tongues and tribes, religions
       and sects, cultured races and nomadic hordes who acknowledge
       the sway of the Tsar. It was a Herculean labour, without
       precedent in history and without a formula in statistics. … On
       June 5, 1895, the reigning Tsar gave his sanction to a scheme
       which was both conformable to the exigencies of modern
       statistics and suitable to the various conditions peculiar to
       Russia. … The general plan of operations was simple, and
       calculated as far as possible to impose a large portion of the
       task upon officials of the Administration, and obviate the
       necessity of paying for it. Thus there was a Committee in
       every Government or Province of the Empire, presided over by
       the actual Governor; and there were sub-committees in every
       district under the direction of the Marshal of the Nobility. …
       The task undertaken by the Central Committee was in the
       highest degree formidable: rooted prejudices had to be
       overcome, inarticulate suspicions removed—the half-civilised
       nomads have an insuperable dislike to answer questions of the
       'Tshinovniks'—the confidence of the people gained, languages
       mastered, routes studied, badges prepared for the officials,
       millions upon millions of census papers printed and
       distributed over the length and breadth of the Empire, &c. &c.
       …

       "In order that the work might be finished as early as possible
       at the same time, the cantonal sections were split up into
       divisions, which had to be more or less equal. In country
       places the division was not usually allowed to exceed 400
       households, or say, 2,600 souls; in cities 150 flats, or about
       750 souls. The registrars, who were answerable for the census
       in these districts, were chosen from all classes of society,
       the only condition being that they must be persons of some
       education, and calculated to inspire the population with
       confidence—a very important consideration in Russia. Thus,
       there were priests, officers, school-teachers, students,
       merchants, landowners, and in some cases peasants. The
       remuneration fixed for the work, which was sometimes attended
       with danger and in almost every case with very disagreeable
       experiences, was 12 roubles, or about £1 4s. 6d., in rural
       districts, and 7 roubles in towns.
    {424}
       Labour is still cheap in Russia, but even there this modest
       sum was found insufficient to tempt the competent persons, who
       in out-of-the-way districts were few and far between. When
       this had become painfully evident, it was too late to set the
       clumsy machinery in motion through which alone it might have
       been possible to obtain a higher rate of remuneration. As the
       registrars were, in many places, not to be had, it seemed
       likely that the census would prove a lamentable failure. Then
       the Tsar appeared as a 'deus ex machinâ,' and instituted a
       special medal for all those who should agree to undertake the
       work gratis. Like most Continental peoples, Russians have a
       hankering after 'ribbons to stick in their coats,' and the
       moment the medal was promised for gratuitous services there
       was no lack of willing workmen. Thousands of volunteers
       presented themselves, and the authorities selected the most
       competent. … On January 28 [Old Style, being, N. S. February
       9, 1897], … at break of day an army of 150,000 individuals
       left their homes to count the number of people inhabiting an
       empire which occupies one-sixth of the globe. …

       "The first Russian census … may be considered to have proved a
       brilliant success. The results may be summed up very briefly
       as follows: The population of the Russian Empire and the Grand
       Duchy of Finland numbers 129,211,114 souls, of whom

       94,188,750 inhabit the 50 Governments of European Russia
        9,442,500 inhabit the 10 Governments of Poland
        9,723,553 inhabit the 11 Governments of the Caucasus
        5,731,732 inhabit the 9 Governments of Siberia
        3,415,174 inhabit the 5 Governments of the Steppe regions
        4,175,101 inhabit the Provinces of Transcaspia and of Turkestan.
            6,413 inhabit Khiva and Boukhara
        2,527,801 inhabit Finland
       ----------
      129,211,114 Total

       "Compared with the figures of former years, as given by the
       partial official returns and in the tables of the statistician
       Köppen, we find that the population has increased since the
       year 1851 by 96.2 per cent; since 1858 by 73.2 per cent; since
       1885 by 18.1 per cent. The average density of the population
       is 8.8 persons to the square verst [the verst equalling
       1166.66 yards], but it naturally varies a good deal in the
       different districts and Provinces. Thus, in the 10 Governments
       of Poland it amounts to 84.6 to the sq. verst. In the 50
       Governments of European Russia it amounts to 22.2 to the sq.
       verst. In the Governments of the Caucasus it amounts to 23.6
       to the sq. verst. In Siberia it amounts to 0.5 to the sq.
       verst. In the Steppe region it amounts to 1.6 to the sq.
       verst.

       "Even in the different Governments of European Russia the
       density varies considerably. …

       "There are 19 cities in Russia, with a population of more than
       100,000 souls each, and 35 which have from 50,000 to 100,000.
       In fifteen cities the number of females exceeds that of the
       males, whereas in all the others it is smaller. … The natural
       increase of the population is kept down to a relatively low
       figure by an abnormally large death-rate, which is mainly due
       to avoidable causes. Infectious diseases and insufficiency of
       medical help are among the most obvious. … In no country in
       the world are infectious diseases so frequently mortal as in
       Russia. Children especially suffer, and diphtheria, measles,
       scarlatina, smallpox, &c., literally decimate villages and
       country towns. It has been stated by the statistician Ekk,
       with the help of official figures, that about 1,900,000
       persons, chiefly children, die every year who might, with a
       little care, be preserved to the Empire. The difference which
       this loss makes to the population in fifty years is enormous."

          E. J. Dillon,
          The First Russian Census
          (Contemporary Review, December, 1897).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Treaty with the United States and Japan, to suspend pelagic
       sealing.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1897 (December).
       Adoption of the gold monetary standard.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (DECEMBER).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Contentions with Japan in Korea.

          See (in this volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1895-1898.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).
       Increase of naval armament.

       On the 10th of March an imperial ukase ordered an addition of
       90,000,000 roubles to the expenditure on war ships already
       provided for, the extra disbursement to be spread over seven
       years.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (March).
       Lease of Port Arthur, Talienwan and the Liaotung Peninsula
       from China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 MARCH-JULY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898 (May-December).
       In the Chinese "Battle of Concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       The Tzar's proposal to check the increase of armaments.
       The resulting Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.
       The question of sugar bounties.
       United States countervailing duties and Russian retaliation.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1898-1901.
       The Russianizing of Finland.
       Overthrow of the constitutional rights of the Finns.

          See (in this volume)
          FINLAND: A. D. 1898-1901.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899.
       Famine.

       A fearful famine in eastern Russia, within and beyond the
       valley of the Volga, was caused in 1899 by an almost
       unprecedented failure of crops. With the famine came typhus
       fever, and the tale of suffering and death was one of the most
       heart-rending of the century.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (February-June.)
       Disorder among the students.

       For some months, the universities and most of the higher
       schools of Russia were in a state of disorder, and in conflict
       with the police authorities. Many of the institutions were closed
       and a great number of the students were under arrest. The
       students complained of the statutes of the universities, and
       of the general treatment to which they were subjected, and
       were bitterly hostile to the police. The Tzar seems to have
       given personal attention to their grievances, which he
       appointed a commission to investigate. On the report of the
       commission he issued an imperial order severely censuring the
       administration of the universities, and also reproving the
       police, while, at the same time, he addressed some serious
       admonitions to the students.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (March-April).
       Agreement with Great Britain concerning railway interests in
       China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-APRIL).

    {425}

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May).
       Steps toward the abolition of transportation to Siberia.

       On the 18th of May, the Tzar issued the following order: "A
       commission of the officers of the ministry of justice and
       representatives of the respective departments under the
       auspices of the minister of justice shall be formed. The
       commission is to work out the following: To replace
       transportation of criminals by punishment by courts; to
       abolish or limit administrative transportation by peasant
       boards; to reorganize penal servitude and the deportation
       which follows; to better the condition of the convicts now in
       Siberia; to improve prisons where criminals are confined
       awaiting transportation and deportation; to establish
       compulsory public labor and workhouses as penal measures; to
       provide means for carrying out the measures necessary for the
       reorganization of the transportation of criminals and of penal
       establishments. The minister of justice is to ask direct, and
       not through any department, for the imperial sanction of the
       committee's recommendations." The British Commercial Agent in
       Russia, reporting to the Foreign Office in June, 1900, stated
       in allusion to the above order: "The State Council is reported
       to have just decided, by a majority of votes, to introduce at
       once the necessary changes, as the Central Prisons
       Administration has declared that the gaol accommodation is
       sufficient. The number of exiles to Siberia from 1823 to 1898
       is given as 908,266, mostly to Eastern Siberia."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (December).
       Adhesion to the arrangement of an "open door" commercial
       policy in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Attitude towards impending revolt in Macedonia.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901; and BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.
       Military and naval expenditure.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900 (August).
       Proposal to withdraw troops from Peking.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER.)

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Student outbreaks.
       Serious demonstrations of discontent.
       Severe measures of repression.
       Action of the Tzar.

       A fresh outbreak of revolt among the students in the Russian
       universities, more serious in its nature, apparently, than
       that of 1899 (see above; A. D. 1899, FEBRUARY-JUNE), was
       started at Kieff, in December, 1900, by a remonstrance on the
       part of the students against the retention of a professor whom
       they deemed incompetent. The rector of the university refused
       to dismiss the objectionable professor; whereupon the
       governor-general of the province intervened and forbade him to
       lecture. The rector and the council of the university could
       not resist the authority of the governor-general, but they are
       said to have revenged themselves on the students by requiring
       seven of the latter to choose between three days of
       imprisonment and three years of expulsion from the university.
       They chose the latter and were expelled. Then the students as
       a body began to be troublesome, especially after the rector
       had refused to meet them for a discussion of their grievances.
       Finally the police and the military authorities were called
       in; a large number of the students were arrested and brought
       to trial before a special court which had been created for
       dealing with the student troubles of the year before.
       According to subsequent reports, more than two hundred of them
       were condemned to be sent into the ranks of the army—which seems
       to be a punishment newly devised for such cases, and not
       likely to improve the loyal spirit of the army.

       This hard treatment of the students at Kieff inflamed their
       sympathetic fellows in all the universities of the empire, and
       became the immediate cause of disorderly demonstrations, which
       began, in January or early in February, to be made at St.
       Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa, and elsewhere; but there cannot be
       a doubt that the disturbances since occurring represent an
       instigation deeper, more revolutionary, more serious, than the
       resentment of students misused by their teachers. The students
       persisted resolutely in attempts to hold meetings which were
       prohibited as seditious; to make appeals to the people; to
       circulate forbidden literature; while the authorities struck
       them, at every movement they made, with a relentless hand. As
       usual, the oppressive violence of government provoked
       desperate crime. On the 27th of February, the Minister of
       Public Instruction, Privy Councillor Bogoliepoff, was shot by
       an expelled student, who approached him, in his official
       apartments, under pretense of presenting a petition. He died
       of the wound on the 15th of March. Meantime, the conduct of
       students, at St. Petersburg and Moscow especially, became more
       and more riotous and revolutionary in spirit. There were
       signs, too, of an understanding between them and the
       discontented workingmen of the cities, which caused anxiety. A
       Vienna journal claims to have knowledge that, after the
       troubles at Kieff, a widespread movement of alliance between
       secret associations of students and workmen was set on foot,
       and that it threatened to be the most formidable revolutionary
       organization that the government had yet faced.

       That the sympathy of literary circles in Russia is with the
       students appears to be proved by the following manifesto,
       which was published in Paris on the 22d of March, signed, it
       is said, by forty-five Russian men of letters:

       "We, the undersigned Russian men of letters, deprived of the
       possibility of freely expressing our ideas on the needs of our
       poor Fatherland, prevented by the censorship from speaking of
       what happens before our eyes or indicating an outlet from the
       terrible situation of our country, and conscious of our duty
       towards the people, resort to our foreign brethren for the
       purpose of informing the civilized world of the atrocities now
       being committed among us. On March 17, in the Kazan Square at
       St. Petersburg, the police fell on an inoffensive and unarmed
       crowd of several thousand persons, men, women, and children,
       and without any provocation showed unexampled brutality and
       ferocity. Cossacks, surrounding the crowd and preventing it
       from dispersing, charged without warning the compact mass,
       which had mostly been drawn together by curiosity.
    {426}
       The police seized at random the people who fell into their
       hands, striking them without mercy with their fists or swords.
       Those of the public, even officers in uniform, who begged for
       a cessation of the carnage, were maltreated or even arrested.
       Such are the facts of which several of us have been
       eye-witnesses. Similar atrocities have recently been committed
       in other Russian towns. Full of terror and anguish at the
       future in store for our country, thus given up to the whips of
       Cossacks and the swords of the police, convinced that our
       indignation is shared by those of our Russian brethren whose
       signatures we have not had time to obtain, by all the
       intellectual society of Russia, and by all those from whom
       feelings of self-respect and humanity have not yet been
       eradicated, convinced also that our foreign brethren will not
       remain indifferent to what passes among us, we appeal to the
       Press of the world to give the utmost publicity to the
       attestation of the lamentable facts of which we have been
       witnesses." A despatch from St. Petersburg on the 26th
       reported that the Mutual Aid Association of Russian writers
       attached to the St. Petersburg Literary Society, from which
       this protest emanated, had been suppressed, as the consequence
       of its publication.

       A more significant expression, and one from which a more
       definite idea of the nature and causes of the discontent among
       the students may be obtained, is the following petition,
       addressed to the Tzar by a number of Russian professors and
       Senators in March. The St. Petersburg correspondent of the
       "London Times," who sent a translation of the paper to that
       journal on the 18th of March, remarked that "it is very
       doubtful if it will have any real effect, and its contents may
       very possibly be regarded by the red-tape officials into whose
       hands it may fall, if not by the Emperor himself, as implying
       a request for something like a Constitution. Apart from that
       consideration a collective petition in Russia is illegal." The
       translation of the document is as follows:

       "Your Imperial Majesty,—We, the undersigned loyal subjects,
       consider it our patriotic duty to address you, Sire, with the
       present humble petition on the subject of the recent agitation
       among the students. We desire to express in this paper the
       thoughts that have long been a matter of painful reflection to
       every Russian conscious of the life which he is living. This
       perturbation among the students, which has been of periodical
       recurrence for the last 40 years, has ruined the careers of
       thousands of young men and women animated by the most ardent
       aspirations for the good and happiness of their native
       country. It would undoubtedly be most unjust to lay all the
       blame for these disorders on the students themselves. The
       causes of this state of things lie much deeper. They are
       connected with many of the general conditions of the life of
       our State and society; they are to a great extent rooted in
       the want of organization of academical centres. This want of
       organization was explained by the special commission appointed
       by your Majesty's command two years ago. But the labours of that
       body failed to have the practical result which was apparently
       expected of it; public opinion was not permitted to take part
       in its deliberations, either by means of the Press or in any
       other way. The matter was treated according to the usual
       official routine, and in the Ministry of Public Instruction
       the magnanimous intentions of your Majesty were not only
       rendered colourless, but deprived of all their real
       significance. Instead of properly carrying out your Majesty's
       indications in regard to closer communion between the students
       and professors of the higher educational establishments, the
       Ministry dismissed those among the latter whose moral
       qualities and devotion to duty were calculated to exercise the
       most beneficial influence over their scholars.

       "Those among the students who took part in the disturbances,
       and who should have been worked upon by moral persuasion, were
       expelled from the Universities, and the force of inspectors,
       otherwise the University police, was increased for the purpose
       of controlling those who remained. The temporary law of June
       29, 1899, against further disorders threatened the agitators
       with the punishment of being drafted into the ranks of the
       army. This measure, which has now been enforced, will, of
       course, put down the movement at least for a time; but it is
       impossible to ignore its moral effect. It only represses, but
       does not thoroughly convince. By this means the more
       hot-headed among the students, inspired by the most
       respectable aspirations and feelings, will be weeded out of
       the scholastic ranks, and their parents will be suddenly
       deprived of all hope and consolation in their children perhaps
       for years; while on the rest this measure can only have the
       effect which is always produced by terror and fear for the
       future. It oppresses them, extinguishes their best impulses,
       and tends to bring the weaker ones beneath the influence of
       those petty egotistical motives which are already so powerful
       in our daily life. To bring up an entire generation in such
       conditions is to create and support an oppressive state of
       things in the life of the nation which must finally lead to
       downfall and decay.

       "The oppressiveness of this environment is felt not only by
       the young, but also by their elders. Is it normal that in an
       autocratic State the voice of loyal subjects should be unable
       to reach their Sovereign? And yet at the present moment many
       persons regard the signature of this loyal petition as almost
       an act of the greatest civil courage. In order to loyally and
       honestly bring their wants and traditional desires to the
       notice of their Monarch (Lord), the subjects of your Majesty
       are obliged to act in the dark for fear that the police will
       seize hold on the petition and intercept it before it can
       reach your Majesty's hands. Many who fully agree with all that
       is here expressed will certainly be deterred from signing the
       petition because of the unpleasant consequences to themselves
       which they fear may follow. In such conditions life becomes
       intolerable. A deadening apathy spreads over everyone, all
       interest in public activity is lost, and in all spheres of the
       Government and society there is a decided feeling of the want
       of men. Put an end, Sire, by your magnanimous initiative to
       this oppressive situation! Show confidence in your faithful
       subjects, and, while discontinuing repression, accord us the
       possibility of freely expressing the voice of public opinion,
       which is now stifled. The agitation among the students will
       cease of itself, and the young men will quietly turn to their
       studies as soon as their youthful minds are no longer excited
       by the disagreeable conditions which surround them, when they
       see the prospect on finishing their education of being allowed
       to take a free and useful part in the affairs of their native
       land."

    {427}

       An attempt on the life of a Minister far more important and
       more obnoxious than Mr. Bogoliepoff was made on the 22d of
       March. This was M. Pobiedonostzeff, Procurator of the Holy
       Synod, who has long been credited with being the master-spirit
       of evil influence in Russian councils,—a Torquemada of the
       nineteenth century, responsible for all the mediævalism in
       Russian policy for the past twenty years. Three shots were
       fired at the Procurator from the street, through the windows
       of his study, and he was missed by them all. The would-be
       assassin, named Lagofsky, was promptly seized, and it is
       claimed to have been found that he was chosen by lot to
       execute an avenging decree. On the other hand, it is reported
       that he was moved to the deed by the excommunication of Count
       Tolstoi, which the Russian Church had lately pronounced.

       If reports are to be credited, the Tzar, at length, took the
       direction of measures relating to the disturbances into his own
       hands, and began by putting a stop to the forcing of condemned
       students into the army. He then appointed to the Ministry of
       Public Education General Vannovsky, who had investigated the
       student disorders of 1899 for him, and who seems to have
       recognized that the disaffection of the students was not without
       grounds. It is rumored that unlimited powers for two years have
       been given to the new Minister, so that he cannot be interfered
       with by the powerful reactionaries who evidently stand between
       the best intentions of the Tzar and their execution. The obvious
       difficulty of the autocrat is to learn the truth of things and
       to know what is being done by those who ostensibly obey his
       commands. Apparently he is striving to be served faithfully and
       intelligently in this case, and it is to be hoped that he may
       have success. He addressed a rescript to General Vannovsky, in
       which he said:

       "The regular organization of popular education has always
       formed one of the chief cares of the Russian rulers, who have
       striven, surely but gradually, to perfect it in accordance
       with the fundamental principles of Russian life and the
       requirements of the times. The experiences of recent years,
       however, have shown the existence of defects so material in
       our scholastic system that I think that the time has come to
       undertake an immediate and thorough revision and improvement.
       Highly valuing your experience as a statesman and your
       enlightenment, I have chosen you to co-operate with me in the
       work of renovating and reorganizing Russian schools; and, in
       appointing you to the now specially important office of
       Minister of Public Instruction, I am firmly convinced that you
       will unswervingly endeavour to attain the goal indicated by me,
       and that you will bring into the work of educating the Russian
       youth your cordial sympathy and sagacity ripened by
       experience. May God bless our work, and may parents and
       families, who above all are bound to care for their children,
       help us in our work, and then the time will soon come when I
       with all my people shall see in the young generation, with
       pride and encouragement, the firm and sure hope of the
       Fatherland and its strong protection for the future."

       The Russian "Official Messenger," St. Petersburg, announced on
       the 14th of April that "in consequence of the recent student
       disturbances many of the high schools were closed before the
       Easter holidays, and the young men were compelled either to
       lose a year of their studies or even to leave the college
       altogether. In view of the serious consequences which this
       measure involved for the career of the students, a special
       conference of the principals of the higher colleges was called
       to deliberate, under the presidency of the Minister of Public
       Instruction, upon the situation thus created. The conference
       decided that the following measures were indispensably
       necessary for the re-establishment of the regular course of
       study at the institutions concerned:

       1. Lectures to be renewed in the higher colleges in the course
       of April and intermediate examinations under the direction of
       the scholastic authorities to be held under the usual
       regulations at the customary intervals.

       2. The lectures and examinations to be continued during the
       summer vacation, should they not have been completed during
       the preceding term.

       3. All those who without sufficient reason did not attend the
       examinations or failed to pass them to be liable to all the
       legal consequences thereof.

       4. In particularly important cases autumn and supplementary
       examinations to be permitted in the higher schools
       exceptionally this year."

       According to a later despatch from St. Petersburg to the
       Associated Press, April 23d, the students of the university at
       the capital were informed that day by the rector that "General
       Vannoffsky, the Russian Minister of Public Instruction, had
       refused to defer the examinations until autumn or make further
       concessions to the students. Although the popular professor,
       M. Petrozicky, pleaded against an action which would make it
       difficult for a liberal minister to carry through his
       benevolent intentions, the students decided by a vote of 684
       to 649 against participating in the examinations. They
       resolved, however, not to create obstruction and the minority
       agreed to submit to the will of the majority. The
       electro-technical, the civil engineering, the women's medical
       and the women's academic institutions also will decide against
       taking the examinations. The sincere friends of the students
       regret the step in this respect, believing the students should
       allow the recall of the absentees to come as an act of grace
       from the Government and should not attempt to force
       concessions."

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Operations in Manchuria.
       Practical possession of the country.
       Refusal of Chinese government to sign a demanded treaty.

          See (in this volume)
          MANCHURIA: A. D. 1900-1901.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Strategic importance of Korea.
       Ground of Japanese jealousy.

          See (in this volume)
          KOREA: A. D. 1900.

    RUSSIA: A. D. 1901 (April).
       Expulsion of Count Tolstoi.
       His reply to the decree of excommunication.

       A reply by Count Tolstoi to the decree of excommunication
       pronounced against him by the Russian Church, some weeks
       before, written at Moscow on the 13th of April, was published
       in Paris on the 30th. As reported to the Associated Press, he
       states in his reply that, in consequence of the decree, he has
       received letters from ignorant people menacing him with death.
    {428}
       "He characterizes the decree as illegal or intentionally
       equivocal, arbitrary, unjustified and full of falsehoods.
       Moreover, he says, it constitutes an instigation to evil
       sentiments and deeds. Count Tolstoi denounces the practices of
       the church, and says he is convinced that the teaching of the
       church, theoretically astute, is injurious, is a lie in
       practice and is a compound of vulgar superstitions and
       sorcery, under which entirely disappears the sense of
       Christian doctrine."

       By Press despatch from Vienna, April 23, it was reported that
       a decree expelling Count Tolstoi from Russia had been signed
       by the Tzar, and carried into execution.

    RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.
       The Trans-Siberian Railway.
       Resources of Siberia and the Amur country.

       The following account was reported to the British Foreign
       Office in June, 1900:

       "For over 30 years the question of constructing this line had
       been a theme of interminable discussions and reports. Finally,
       the following unmistakeably emphatic note of its Imperial
       founder, the Emperor Alexander III., appended to a report on
       the general condition of Siberia, moved the whole project
       definitely forward as a thing that was to be and at once: 'How
       many of these reports of the Governors-General of Siberia have
       I perused, and with sorrow and shame must own that the
       Government has hitherto hardly done anything to satisfy the
       demands of this rich but neglected region! It is time, indeed
       time!' A further equally emphatic and still briefer note,
       added to a report of the Minister of Ways with regard to the
       projected Ussuri route, is to form the appropriate inscription
       to the monument to be erected at Vladivostock, the terminus of
       his great work, to his late Imperial Majesty: 'The
       construction of this railway must be begun forthwith.' The
       first stone was laid at Vladivostock on May 19, 1891, by the
       then Grand Duke Nicholas, now the reigning Emperor. … A
       Siberian railway committee was formed under the presidency of
       the then Grand Duke Nicholas Alexandrovich, whose duties were

       (1) to construct the main and necessary feeding lines;

       (2) to take measures for the general commercial and industrial
       development of Siberia; and

       (3) to direct and control the colonisation movement.

       "Taking the direction of the route, not as it was to have
       been, but as it is or will be, we see that with Moscow as the
       European centre point, and the Moscow-Samara-Cheliabinsk line
       as its principal feeder, the main road runs from Cheliabinsk,
       whence it really starts eastward, direct through mid-Siberia
       to Lake Baikal, and thence, viâ Chita, to Stretensk on the
       Shilka, a navigable tributary of the Amur. At present, the
       projected course of the railway viâ the Amur has been
       arrested, owing on the one hand to various technical
       difficulties, and on the other to the facilities, political
       and otherwise, conceded by China, and another direction, in
       the nature of a short cut through Manchuria, has been entered
       upon. The well-known agreement with China [see, in this
       volume, CHINA: A. D. 1895] and the formation of the Chinese
       Eastern Railway Company, rendering the original continuation
       of the line from Stretensk less urgent, it has been resolved,
       instead, to construct two direct lines to the Chinese
       frontiers, from Kaidalovo on the main Siberian route on the
       one side, and from the Ussuri or Habarovsk-Vladivostock line
       on the other. These two lines, traversing Manchuria from
       opposite directions, are to meet at Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin),
       thence running southwards to Dalni and Port Arthur. Thus, we
       see the three lines, the main Siberian road, which, except for
       the brief stoppage at Lake Baikal, will run in a practically
       straight and uninterrupted course from Cheliabinsk to
       Vladivostock; the Ussuri line running northward through
       Russian territory from Vladivostock to Habarovsk; and the
       branch section from Khulan-Chan (Khaorbin), on the main line,
       striking out southward through Eastern China to Dalni and Port
       Arthur.

       "As far as Russia is concerned, it may be said that her
       portion of the work is practically ready, though much
       re-laying and reconstruction may at any time be necessary. The
       main line is open for regular traffic from Cheliabinsk to Lake
       Baikal, and for provisional traffic to Stretensk. According to
       the latest telegrams, regular traffic from Lake Baikal to
       Stretensk is to be commenced on July 1/14, 1900. Thus, there
       is now a direct run (excepting only the lake crossing of 60
       versts (about 40 miles), from Moscow, viâ Samara, Cheliabinsk,
       Omsk, and Irkutch, to Kaidalovo (252 versts—168 miles—this
       side of Stretensk), whence the rail will turn off to Nagodan
       on the Chinese frontier. This latter stretch, a distance of
       325 versts (216 miles), will complete the work as regards
       Russia. The Ussuri line, from Habarovsk to Vladivostock, has
       been open for traffic since 1897. The Circum-Baikal connecting
       line, round the southern bend of the lake, a distance of 292
       versts (195 miles), remains to be laid, the lake being crossed
       at present by steam ferries or ice-breakers. A new
       ice-breaker, built in England, is now on its way in pieces to
       Lake Baikal. It is the Manchurian sections, therefore, that at
       present retard the consummation of the complete overland track
       to Vladivostock. Nor, from recent accounts, does it seem
       likely that the Chinese engaged in the work will bring it to a
       conclusion much before 1902, if then. Even now, however, goods
       can make their way through Siberia to Stretensk by rail, and
       thence down the Shilka and the Amur to Habarovsk, or further
       on, by the Ussuri line, to Vladivostock. As regards the
       railroad from Port Arthur northward, the latest news brings it
       to Telin, north of Mukden, trains with workmen running this
       distance, some 500 versts. The Chinese Eastern Railway Company
       promise to join Port Arthur to Vladivostock by October next,
       it is said, but, even on the route already temporarily in
       rough working order, dwellings, stations and permanent bridges
       have yet to be built. Thus, there is now direct communication
       between Moscow and Stretensk by rail, a distance of 6,471
       versts (4,214 miles), and from Stretensk to Habarovsk and
       Nikolaieff by the Shilka and Amur rivers, a further distance
       to Habarovsk of about 2,000 versts (1,332 miles), and to
       Nikolaieff, the mouth of the Amur, of over 3,000 versts (2,000
       miles). The Amur is navigable from May to September, but for
       shallow-draft vessels only.

       "Various important European feeding lines have been
       constructed, and others, partaking more of the character of
       huge main thoroughfares are projected. Cheliabinsk, the
       starting-point eastwards, is connected with Moscow by the
       Zlatoust-Samara-Moscow Railway, which, touching the Volga at
       Samara, crosses it at Sisran.
    {429}
       Two northern branches, the Tiumen-Perm, and
       Kotlass-Viatka-Perm, meeting at Ekaterinburg, the capital of
       the rich Ural mineral district, run into the main Siberian
       line at Cheliabinsk. From this latter point, too, a new route
       has long been projected direct to St. Petersburg, via Viatka
       and Vologda. So that, while the future will connect
       Cheliabinsk, and with it the main Siberian railway, in a
       direct line with the Baltic, not as now via Moscow, the
       present joins it on the one side with that city, the business
       centre of Russia, and on the other to the new northern through
       route, which, via Kotlass and Archangel, is this year to bring
       the cereals of Siberia to London."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Miscellaneous Series No. 533,
          1900, pages 5-7).

       "It may be a wild idea, but Russian engineers are actually
       talking of a railroad from Stryetensk to Bering Strait, over a
       comparatively easy route that does not enter the Arctic
       Circle. This imaginary line, they hope, would connect with the
       American line which is now being built to Dawson City, the
       distance from which to Stryetensk is about three thousand
       miles. If this road ever is completed they figure that New
       York will be placed in railroad connection with London,
       Calcutta and Cape Town."

          A. H. Ford,
          The Warfare of Railways in Asia
          (Century, March, 1900).

       "Siberia and the Amur lands are rich beyond belief. … This
       vast territory, long looked upon as a barren waste, is
       destined to be one of the world's richest and most productive
       sections. In northern France, wheat ripens in 137 days; in
       Siberia, in 107. Even heavy night frosts do not injure the
       young seed. Under such conditions, the possibilities of
       agriculture are practically unlimited. I may add that oats
       require, in Siberia and in the Amur country, only 96 days, and
       in the regions of the Yenisei only 107. The frost period lasts
       only 97 days in the Irkutsk country. Transbaikalia lies
       entirely within the agricultural regions; so, too, almost the
       entire territory traversed by the Amur as far north as it
       runs. Efforts are being made to obtain along the Amur at least
       300,000 square kilometers (115,835 square miles) for the
       higher forms of northern agriculture. Climatically, the best
       of northern Asia's territory, for planting purposes, is the
       Usuri country, which, in spite of its vast tracts of wood and
       grazing lands, has 195,000 square kilometers (75,292 square
       miles) of arable ground. The building of the Trans-Siberian
       Railroad has already added to the Empire's wheat product.

       "The mineral resources of western Siberia are vast. Between
       Tomsk and Kooznesk lie 60,000 square kilometers (23,167 square
       miles) of coal lands which have never been touched. The coal
       is said to be excellent. In eastern Siberia, with its 280,000
       square kilometers (108,112 square miles) of fruitful soil,
       there are 400 places yielding gold. Rich mineral
       deposits—graphite, lapis lazuli; iron mines, particularly rich
       in quality (as high as 60 per cent); hard and soft coals, i.
       e., black and brown coals—await hands willing to work for
       them. To-day, thousands of colonists are hurrying to these
       promising lands. Russia's output in gold and silver is already
       very large, and is constantly increasing.

       "The industries of Siberia are in their infancy; still, they
       are growing and are bound to grow, so rich are the rewards
       promised. Chemical, sugar, and paper mills have been put up in
       several places and are paying well. Even Manchuria, a province so
       vast that it might make an empire, is looking to Russia for
       its future development. The wealth of this province, like that
       of Siberia and all eastern Russia, is ripe for harvesting. The
       traffic in Siberia and eastern Russia is increasing faster
       than even the advocates of the great Trans-Siberian road
       anticipated. The Ob, one of the world's big rivers, emptying
       through the Gulf of Ob into the Arctic Ocean, has 102 steamers
       and 200 tugs running already. On the Yenisei, 10 steamers
       carry the mails regularly. The mouths of both these rivers
       were visited last summer by English and Russian ships. This
       proves the practicability of connecting eastern and western
       Siberia with Europe by water."

          United States Consular Reports,
          November, 1899, page 411.

       An official publication of the year 1900 from St. Petersburg,
       furnished to American journals by the Russian embassy at
       Washington, is the source of the following statements relative
       to the rapid development of the vast Siberian country along
       the line of the great railway:

       "When viewed with reference to colonization Siberia divides
       itself naturally into two zones, extending east and west, and
       differing essentially from one another. The first of these
       embraces the region traversed by the new Siberian railway, the
       more populous southern portion of Siberia, in which the
       conditions of climate and soil are favorable to the
       development of agriculture and colonization. The other zone
       occupies the extensive, deserted northern region, the land of
       tundras, or polar marshes, with a constantly frozen subsoil
       and a severe climate, a dreary tract of land totally unfit for
       agriculture. Between these two zones stretches a broad belt of
       forests of tall trees, partly primeval pine and fir, partly
       leafy trees. The wealth of these broad agricultural and timber
       areas is, moreover, augmented by mineral deposits of every
       conceivable nature, as abundant and diversified as those of
       America, and into this whole region immigration is pouring in
       volume unequalled except in the history of American
       colonization. Ever since the serfs were emancipated in 1861
       they have formed the bulk of the emigrants from the thickly
       populated agricultural districts of European Russia, but the
       great tide of settlers in the new territory is only now
       assuming tremendous proportions. During the twenty years'
       period of 1860 to 1880 about 110,000 persons emigrated to
       Siberia, while for the thirteen years from 1880 to 1892 there
       were over 440,000, and for the succeeding years since the
       great railway has been building the number of immigrants of
       both sexes has been as follows:

       1893,   65,000;
       1894,   76,000;
       1895,  109,000;
       1896,  203,000;
       1897,   87,000;
       1898,  206,000;
       1899,  225,000.
       Total, 971,000.

       According to the census of 1897, the population of Siberia had
       risen to 8,188,368 inhabitants, of which the Russian peasantry
       formed over 25 per cent."

    RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1899 (May).
       Steps toward the abolition of transportation.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA: A. D. 1899 (MAY).

    {430}

    RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1900.
       Russian railway building and railway projects in
       Persia and Afghanistan.

       By several writers who seem to have knowledge of what is doing
       in those parts of the eastern world, it was reported in the
       spring of 1900 that an active projection, planning, and
       building (to some extent) of railroads in Persia and
       Afghanistan was on foot among the Russians. From Tiflis, it
       was said, their plans contemplated a line of rail to Teheran;
       thence to be extended by one branch, southward, via Ispahan,
       to the Persian Gulf, and by another branch westward to Herat,
       in Afghanistan. From their Central Asian acquisitions they had
       advanced their railway to within 70 miles of Herat, and were
       said to be confidently expecting to push it on, through
       Kandahar and through Baluchistan, to the Arabian Sea. If these
       extensive plans could be carried out, and if Russian influence
       in Persia, said to be growing fast, should become actually
       controlling, the Muscovite Power would have made an enormous
       gain, by planting itself on the shores of the Indian Ocean.
       How far Russia can continue to press forward in this line of
       policy without collision with Great Britain and with
       Germany—which seems to have aims in the same direction,
       through Asiatic Turkey—is an interesting question for the
       future.

       The following is from a despatch to the "London Times" from
       its correspondent at Vienna, February 24, 1901:

       "According to trustworthy information from Teheran, Russia is
       particularly active just now in Persia and the Persian Gulf. …
       The road from Resht to Teheran, which has been built by a
       Russian company, is of no value for European trade in the
       absence of an agreement with Russia respecting the transit
       traffic through that country. European commerce is dependent
       upon the long and expensive caravan routes via Trebizond,
       Bushire, Baghdad, Mochamera,&c. These occupy from four to six
       months."

    RUSSO-CHINESE BANK, Concessions to the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    S.

    SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
       Resignation from Spanish Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

    SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
       Return to power.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (AUGUST-OCTOBER).

    SAGASTA, Señor Praxedes Mateo:
       Resignation.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1899.

    SAGHALIEN.

          See (in this volume)
          SAKHALIN.

    SAHARA, The: French possessions.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    ST. KITTS: Industrial condition.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    ST. LOUIS: A. D. 1896.
       Republican National Convention.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    ST. VINCENT, The British colony of.

          See (in this volume)
          WEST INDIES, THE BRITISH: A. D. 1897.

    SAKHALIN.

       "Of late years … its increasing importance as a place of exile
       for Russian political and criminal offenders has invested
       Sakhalin with a certain interest, derived, perhaps, more from
       penal associations than physical resources, which latter may,
       when fully developed, materially affect trade and commerce in
       the far East. The island of Sakhalin is 584 miles in length,
       its breadth varying from 18 to 94 miles. The southern
       extremity is separated from the island of Yezo, twenty miles
       distant, by the Straits of La Perouse, and its western coast
       by the shallow Gulf of Tartary (at one point barely five miles
       across) from the mainland of Siberia. Although Dutch explorers
       are said to have landed here in 1643, the first reliable
       survey of the island was probably obtained in the year 1787 by
       La Perouse. Russian fur traders followed in the early part of
       the present century, but it was only in 1853 that,
       disturbances having occurred with the natives, a score or so
       of Cossacks were stationed at Dui on the west coast. In 1867
       negotiations were entered into by the Russian and Japanese
       Governments for joint occupation of Sakhalin, but the
       subsequent discovery of coal, and consequent influx of Russian
       convicts, rendered this arrangement highly unsatisfactory.
       Further negotiations, therefore, ensued, with the result that,
       in 1875, the island was formally ceded to Russia, Japan
       receiving, in exchange, the entire Kurile Archipelago.

       "Sakhalin is by no means easy of access. Even during the open
       season (from May to September) but very few vessels visit the
       island, and, with the exception of the monthly arrival of
       convict-ships from Europe, and a couple of small Russian trading
       steamers, there is no fixed service with Vladivostok, which, with
       the exception of Nikolaefsk, is the only Siberian port whence
       Sakhalin may, in three days, be reached. During the winter months
       the island is completely ice-bound and unapproachable by water.
       Communication with the mainland is then maintained by means of
       dog-sledges, and the mails for Europe are dispatched across
       the frozen Gulf of Tartary—a journey, under favourable
       circumstances, of about three months. …

       "Sakhalin is, for administrative purposes, divided into three
       districts, viz.: Korsakovsky-Post in the south, Tymovsk in the
       north, and Alexandrovsky-Post on the western coast. The
       latter, which is situated in the centre of the coal district,
       is a picturesque, straggling town of about 7,000 inhabitants,
       consisting almost entirely of officials and convicts. This is
       the most important penal settlement on the island, contains
       the largest prison, and is, moreover, the residence of the
       Governor of Sakhalin, a subordinate of the Governor-General of
       Eastern Siberia. Alexandrovsky is garrisoned by about 1,500
       men, and contains large foundries and workshops for convict
       labour, but most of the prisoners are employed in the adjacent
       coal mines of Dui. … Korsakovsky-Post, on the south coast, is
       the next largest settlement, containing about 5,000 convicts
       who are chiefly employed in agricultural pursuits. Although it
       may seem a paradox, the remaining prisons in the interior of
       the island, Derbynskaya, Rykovskaya, and Onor are not prisons
       at all, but huge wooden barracks, innocent of bolts and bars.
       Here, also, the work done is solely agricultural."

          Harry de Windt,
          The Island of Sakhalin
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1897).

    SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
       Third Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    {431}

    SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
       Correspondence with the Government of the United States
       on the Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY) and (NOVEMBER).

    SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
       Fourth Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

    SALISBURY, Lord Robert Cecil, Marquis of:
       Tribute to Queen Victoria.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    SALISBURY PLAIN: Purchase by Government.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY).

    SALVADOR.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA.

    SALVATION ARMY, The:
       Secession of the American Volunteers.
       Late account of the Army's work.

       Much feeling in the American branch of the Salvation Army, and
       among those who valued its work, was caused in January, 1896,
       by an order from the London headquarters of the Army recalling
       Mr. Ballington Booth, who had been its American Commander for
       nine years. Commander Booth and Mrs. Booth had been remarkably
       successful in their organization and direction of the
       Salvation Army work, and had won a high place in the esteem,
       not only of their own followers, but of the American public at
       large. A wide and strong movement of protest against their
       removal from the field failed to change the London order,
       which was said to be made in obedience to a necessary rule of
       the Army against long service in any one post. Miss Eva Booth,
       representing her father, General Booth, with Colonel Nicol, from
       London, and Commandant Herbert Booth, from Canada, came to New
       York as mediators, endeavoring to heal a threatened breach in
       the ranks; but their mission failed. Commander Ballington
       Booth resigned his office, and withdrew from the Salvation
       Army service, declining to return to London. After a time, he
       and Mrs. Booth became the heads of a new organization called
       the "Volunteers of America," for religious work, not in
       rivalry with that of the Salvation Army, but directed more
       towards the awakening of the interest of the working people,
       Mr. Ballington Booth was succeeded as Commander in America by
       a son-in-law of General Booth, Commissioner Frederick St.
       Clair Tucker. —For an account of the origin and growth of the
       Salvation Army see, under that heading, in the Supplement
       (volume 5) of the original edition of this work, or in volume
       4 of the revised edition.

       Of results accomplished in that part of the work of the
       Salvation Army known as the "Darkest England Scheme," General
       Booth wrote, early in 1900, an extended account in the "Sunday
       Strand." He stated that the public had subscribed altogether
       for his scheme about $1,300,000. "It is a debated point," he
       wrote, "with the intelligent admirers of the scheme and the
       careful observers of its progress whether the benefits
       bestowed on the wretched classes for whom it was originated
       have been greater within than without our borders. The
       copyists of our plan have been legion, both at home and
       abroad, in church and state. The representatives of the
       different governments specially charged with the
       responsibility for the outcast classes have been gradually
       coming to appreciate the principles and methods involved in
       the scheme, and to show willingness to cooperate in giving it
       a chance. They have done this in two ways:

       (1) In attempting similar tasks themselves;
       (2) in using and subsidizing the army for doing the work for
       them.

       Many governments make grants to our various institutions in
       varying amounts toward the cost of dealing with different
       classes of the submerged."

       The following is a summary of the agencies which have been set
       at work by the general: "We have now 158 shelters and food
       depots for homeless men and women, 121 slum posts, each with
       its own slum sisters, 37 labor bureaus, (10 labor factories
       for the unemployed, 11 land colonies, 91 rescue homes for
       women, 11 labor homes for ex-criminals, several nursing
       institutions, 2 maternity hospitals for deserted women, an
       institution with branches in forty-five countries and colonies
       for finding lost and missing persons, together with a host of
       allied and minor agencies which I am not able here to
       enumerate. The total number of institutions named above is now
       545, under the care of more than 2,000 trained officers and
       others wholly employed, all working in harmony with the
       principles I have laid down for helping the poorest and most
       unfortunate of their fellows, and all more or less experts at
       their work.

       "Nearly 20,000 destitute men and women are in some way or
       other touched by the operations of the scheme every day. No
       less than 15,000 wretched and otherwise homeless people are
       housed under our roofs every night, having their needs met, at
       least in part, with sympathy and prayer and the opportunity
       for friendly counsel. More than 300 ex-criminals are to-day in
       our houses of reformation, having before them another chance
       for this life, and in many cases the first they have ever had
       for preparing for the life to come. More than 5,000 women
       taken from lives of darkness and shame are safely sheltered in
       our homes each year, on the way—as we have abundantly proved
       in the case of others, in respect of a large proportion of
       them—to a future of virtue, goodness, and religion. Over 1,000
       men are employed on the land colonies. Many of them are working
       out their own deliverance, and at the same time helping to
       solve one of the most difficult problems of modern times, and
       proving that many of the helpless loafers of the great cities
       can be made useful producers on the soil. Over the gates of
       every one of these homes, elevators, labor factories, and
       colonies there might be written: 'No man or woman need starve,
       or beg, or pauperize, or steal, or commit suicide. If willing
       to work, apply within. Here there is hope for all.'" General
       Booth adds that he has always 2,000 women in the rescue homes
       of the army.

    SAMOAN ISLANDS, The:
       Ending of the joint control of the Islands by Germany,
       England and the United States.
       Partition between Germany and the United States.
       Retirement of England.

       Said President Cleveland, in his annual Message to the
       Congress of the United States, December 4, 1893: "Led by a
       desire to compose differences and contribute to the
       restoration of order in Samoa, which for some years previous
       had been the scene of conflicting foreign pretensions and
       native strife, the United States, departing from its policy
       consecrated by a century of observance, entered [in 1889] …
       into the, treaty of Berlin [see, in volume 4, SAMOA], thereby
       becoming jointly bound with England and Germany to establish
       and maintain Malietoa Laupepa as King of Samoa.
    {432}
       The treaty provided for a foreign court of justice; a
       municipal council for the district of Apia, with a foreign
       president thereof, authorized to advise the King; a tribunal
       for the settlement of native and foreign land titles, and a
       revenue system for the Kingdom. It entailed upon the three
       powers that part of the cost of the new Government not met by
       the revenue of the islands. Early in the life of this triple
       protectorate the native dissensions it was designed to quell
       revived. Rivals defied the authority of the new King, refusing
       to pay taxes and demanding the election of a ruler by native
       suffrage. Mataafa, an aspirant to the throne, and a large
       number of his native adherents were in open rebellion on one
       of the islands. Quite lately, at the request of the other
       powers and in fulfillment of its treaty obligation, this
       Government agreed to unite in a joint military movement of
       such dimensions as would probably secure the surrender of the
       insurgents without bloodshed. The war ship Philadelphia was
       accordingly put under orders for Samoa, but before she arrived
       the threatened conflict was precipitated by King Malietoa's
       attack upon the insurgent camp. Mataafa was defeated and a
       number of his men killed. The British and German naval vessels
       present subsequently secured the surrender of Mataafa and his
       adherents. The defeated chief and ten of his principal
       supporters were deported to a German island of the Marshall
       group, where they are held as prisoners under the joint
       responsibility and cost of the three powers. This incident and
       the events leading up to it signally illustrate the impolicy
       of entangling alliances with foreign powers."

          United States, Message and Documents
          (Abridgment), 1893-1894.

       In his next annual Message, December 3, 1894, the President
       thus summarized the later situation in the islands: "The
       suppression of the Mataafa insurrection by the powers and the
       subsequent banishment of the leader and eleven other chiefs,
       as recited in my last message, did not bring lasting peace to
       the islands. Formidable uprisings continued, and finally a
       rebellion broke out in the capital island, Upolu, headed in
       Aana, the western district, by the younger Tamasese, and in
       Atua, the eastern district, by other leaders. The insurgents
       ravaged the country and fought the Government's troops up to
       the very doors of Apia. The King again appealed to the powers
       for help, and the combined British and German naval forces
       reduced the Atuans to apparent subjection, not, however,
       without considerable loss to the natives. A few days later
       Tamasese and his adherents, fearing the ships and the marines,
       professed submission. Reports received from our agents at Apia
       do not justify the belief that the peace thus brought about
       will be of long duration. It is their conviction that the
       natives are at heart hostile to the present Government, that
       such of them as profess loyalty to it do so from fear of the
       powers, and that it would speedily go to pieces if the war
       ships were withdrawn. … The present Government has utterly
       failed to correct, if indeed it has not aggravated, the very
       evils it was intended to prevent. It has not stimulated our
       commerce with the islands. Our participation in its
       establishment against the wishes of the natives was in plain
       defiance of the conservative teachings and warnings of the
       wise and patriotic men who laid the foundations of our free
       institutions, and I invite an expression of the judgment of
       Congress on the propriety of steps being taken by this
       Government looking to the withdrawal from its engagements with
       the other powers on some reasonable terms not prejudicial to
       any of our existing rights."

          United States, Message and Documents
          (Abridgment, 1894-1895).

       In the Message of 1895 the subject was again pressed on the
       attention of Congress without result.

       In August, 1898, Malietoa Laupepa died. By the Berlin Treaty
       of 1889 "it was provided that in case any question should
       arise in Samoa, respecting the rightful election of King, or
       of any other Chief claiming authority over the islands, or
       respecting the validity of the powers which the King or any
       Chief might claim in the exercise of his office, such question
       should not lead to war, but should be presented for decision
       to the Chief Justice of Samoa, who should decide it in
       writing, conformably to the provisions of the Act, and to the
       laws and customs of Samoa not in conflict therewith, and that
       the Signatory Governments would accept and abide by such
       decision. After the death of Malietoa an exchange of views
       took place between the Powers, and it was agreed that there
       should be no interference with the right of the Samoans to
       elect a King, and that the election should proceed strictly in
       accordance with the provisions of the Final Act. Some time
       elapsed before any action was taken, pending the completion of
       certain ceremonial usages customary in Samoa on the death of a
       High Chief. … As soon as the funeral ceremonies were at an end,
       deliberation and discussion among the Chiefs ensued. There
       were in the first instance several candidates for the
       succession. Their number was eventually reduced to two:

       1. Malietoa Tanu, the son of the late King.
       2. The High Chief Mataafa.

       This Chief had been in rebellion against Malietoa Laupepa, but
       had suffered defeat, and with other Chiefs had been deported,
       by agreement between the three Powers, to the Marshall
       Islands. On the recommendation of the Consular officers at
       Apia, the Powers, in July 1898, consented to his return. … On
       the 19th September, Mataafa and the other exiled Chiefs landed
       in Samoa. It does not appear that he took any overt steps to
       claim the vacant throne, but a section of the natives
       pronounced in his favour and announced on the 12th November to
       the Consuls and to the Chief Justice that he had been duly
       elected King. On the 13th November the opposing faction
       declared that the real election of a King had not taken place,
       and on the following day announced that their choice had
       fallen upon Malietoa Tanu. Both parties appealed to Mr.
       Chambers, the Chief Justice, who considered himself then in a
       position to take cognisance of the matter, according to the
       provisions of the Final Act, a question having arisen 'in
       Samoa respecting the rightful election or appointment of
       King.'"

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Samoa, Number 1, 1899).

       The decision of the Chief Justice was in favor of Malietoa
       Tanu, and the adherents of Mataafa took up arms, defeating
       those of the favored candidate and driving many of them to
       take refuge on British and German ships of war. Subsequent
       events were related by the President of the United States in
       his Message to Congress, December 5, 1899, as follows: "In
       this emergency a joint commission of representatives of the
       United States, Germany, and Great Britain was sent to Samoa to
       investigate the situation and provide a temporary remedy.
    {433}
       By its active efforts a peaceful solution was reached for the
       time being, the kingship being abolished and a provisional
       government established. Recommendations unanimously made by
       the commission for a permanent adjustment of the Samoan
       question were taken under consideration by the three powers
       parties to the General Act. But the more they were examined
       the more evident it became that a radical change was necessary
       in the relations of the powers to Samoa. The inconveniences
       and possible perils of the tripartite scheme of supervision
       and control in the Samoan group by powers having little
       interest in common in that quarter beyond commercial rivalry
       had been once more emphasized by the recent events. The
       suggested remedy of the Joint Commission, like the scheme it
       aimed to replace, amounted to what has been styled a
       'tridominium,' being the exercise of the functions of
       sovereignty by an unanimous agreement of three powers. The
       situation had become far more intricate and embarrassing from
       every point of view than it was when my predecessor, in 1894,
       summed up its perplexities and condemned the participation in
       it of the United States. The arrangement under which Samoa was
       administered had proved impracticable and unacceptable to all
       the powers concerned. To withdraw from the agreement and
       abandon the islands to Germany and Great Britain would not be
       compatible with our interests in the archipelago. To
       relinquish our rights in the harbor of Pago Pago, the best
       anchorage in the Pacific, the occupancy of which had been
       leased to the United States in 1878 by the first foreign
       treaty ever concluded by Samoa, was not to be thought of
       either as regards the needs of our Navy or the interests of
       our growing commerce with the East. We could not have
       considered any proposition for the abrogation of the
       tripartite control which did not confirm us in all our rights
       and safeguard all our national interests in the islands. Our
       views commended themselves to the other powers. A satisfactory
       arrangement was concluded between the Governments of Germany
       and of England, by virtue of which England retired from Samoa
       in view of compensations in other directions, and both powers
       renounced in favor of the United States all their rights and
       claims over and in respect to that portion of the group lying
       to the east of the one hundred and seventy-first degree of
       west longitude, embracing the islands of Tutuila, Ofoo,
       Olosenga, and Manua."

          United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
          1899-1900, volume 1.

       The compensations to England "in other directions" were given
       by Germany, in the following provisions of a treaty signed at
       London, November 14, 1899:

       "ARTICLE II.
       Germany renounces in favour of Great Britain all her rights
       over the Tonga Islands, including Vavau, and over Savage
       Island, including the right of establishing a naval station
       and coaling station, and the right of extra-territoriality in
       the said islands. … She recognizes as falling to Great Britain
       those of the Solomon Islands, at present belonging to Germany,
       which are situated to the east and southeast of the Island of
       Bougainville, which latter shall continue to belong to
       Germany, together with the Island of Buka, which forms part of
       it. The western portion of the neutral zone in West Africa, as
       defined in Article V of the present Convention, shall also
       fall to the share of Great Britain. …

       "ARTICLE IV.
       The arrangement at present existing between Germany and Great
       Britain and concerning the right of Germany to freely engage
       labourers in the Solomon Islands belonging to Great Britain
       shall be equally extended to those of the Solomon Islands
       mentioned in Article II, which fall to the share of Great
       Britain.

       "ARTICLE V.
       In the neutral zone the frontier between the German and
       English territories shall be formed by the River Daka as far
       as the point of its intersection with the 9th degree of north
       latitude, thence the frontier shall continue to the north,
       leaving Morozugu to Great Britain, and shall be fixed on the
       spot by a Mixed Commission of the two Powers, in such manner
       that Gambaga and all the territories of Mamprusi shall fall to
       Great Britain, and that Yendi and all the territories of Chakosi
       shall fall to Germany.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       Germany is prepared to take into consideration, as much and as
       far as possible, the wishes which the Government of Great
       Britain may express with regard to the development of the
       reciprocal Tariffs in the territories of Togo and of the Gold
       Coast.

       "ARTICLE VII.
       Germany renounces her rights of extra-territoriality in
       Zanzibar, but it is at the same time understood that this
       renunciation shall not effectively come into force till such
       time as the rights of extra-territoriality enjoyed there by
       other nations shall be abolished."

       To the treaty was appended the following "Declaration":

       "It is clearly understood that by Article II of the Convention
       signed to-day, Germany consents that the whole group of the
       Howe Islands, which forms part of the Solomon Islands, shall
       fall to Great Britain. It is also understood that the
       stipulations of the Declaration between the two Governments
       signed at Berlin on the 10th April, 1886, respecting freedom
       of commerce in the Western Pacific, apply to the islands
       mentioned in the aforesaid Convention. It is similarly
       understood that the arrangement at present in force as to the
       engagement of labourers by Germans in the Solomon Islands
       permits Germans to engage those labourers on the same
       conditions as those which are or which shall be imposed on
       British subjects nonresident in those islands."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication,
          (Papers by Command: Treaty Series, Number 7, 1900).

       Article III of the general treaty between the United States,
       Germany and Great Britain stipulated: "It is understood and
       agreed that each of the three signatory Powers shall continue
       to enjoy, in respect to their commerce and commercial vessels,
       in all the islands of the Samoan group, privileges and
       conditions equal to those enjoyed by the sovereign Power, in
       all ports which may be open to the commerce of either of
       them."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 157.

    {434}

       On the 17th of April, 1900, an "instrument of cession" was
       signed by the marks of twenty-two chiefs, conveying to the
       United States the islands of the Samoan group lying east of
       the 171st degree of west longitude, and the American flag was
       raised over the naval station at Pago-Pago. From Pago-Pago,
       March 27, 1901, a Press despatch announced: "The natives under
       the United States Government number 5,800, according to a
       census just taken, while the natives in the other islands
       under German rule number 32,000. The population has increased
       very slightly in the last thirty years, and the main cause of
       this failure to increase is the infant mortality, due to the
       violation of the simplest health principles in the care and
       diet of children. … Reports from the six islands under United
       States control show that the natives are improving in general
       conditions, and that they show a desire to keep their houses
       neat and to educate their children. Not a single native has
       been arrested for drunkenness since the Americans assumed
       control of Tutuila island."

    SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
       Commanding North Atlantic Station.
       Blockade of Cuban ports.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY: CUBA).

    SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
       Operations at Santiago de Cuba.
       See (in this volume)
       UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    SAMPSON, Rear-Admiral William T.:
       Destruction of Spanish squadron.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

    SAN DOMINGO.

          See (in this volume)
          DOMINICAN REPUBLIC.

    SAN FRANCISCO: A. D. 1898.
       New city charter.

       A city charter of a quite new and experimental character was
       adopted by popular vote in May, to go into effect at the
       beginning of the year 1900. Its main features were described
       at the time by the "New York Tribune," as follows:

       "The formation of this charter is an advanced example of the
       exercise of municipal home rule. The constitution of
       California gives the cities of the state the uncommon
       privilege of framing their own charters subject simply to the
       veto power of the legislature. Exercising that right, the
       people, acting through fifteen free-holders, elected for that
       purpose, have drawn up the new charter. … If the legislature
       approves, it will become the local constitution. The charter
       provides for its own amendment by the people without appeal to
       the legislature. So the present provisions of that instrument
       may be only a form to be entirely remodeled by the city at its
       own pleasure until it has no resemblance to the laws to which the
       state authorities gave approval. That is an extreme delegation
       of powers, such as we think has never before been made in an
       American state. The mayor has large powers of appointment and
       removal. He can suspend all elected officers except the
       supervisors—the city legislators—who may remove those whom he
       suspends, and he may remove at any time for cause all
       appointive officers. The elective list is large, for, though
       there are only eighteen supervisors, the number of places
       filled by election each year is thirty. This is a great
       departure from the charter-making practice recently prevalent,
       which has tended to the election of only a few administrative
       officers who are responsible for the selection of agents in
       different departments. Attempt is made to centre
       responsibility in the mayor, but the supervisors and the
       people both can pass ordinances likely to interfere with that
       responsibility. So the charter is as far as possible from
       inaugurating the one-man power, which has been much advocated
       as the cure for the ills which spring from a municipal
       administration animated by no uniform purpose or
       intelligence."

    SAN JUAN HILL, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    SAND RIVER CONVENTION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-1894.

    SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898(May-June).
       Blockade of Spanish squadron in the Bay.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).
       Attack and investment by American army.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).
       Destruction of Spanish fleet.

          See UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

    SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (July 4-17).
       Surrender of the city and Spanish forces.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

    SANTIAGO DE CUBA: A. D. 1898 (August).
       Sickness in the American army.
       Withdrawal of troops.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

    SARGON OF AKKAD.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    SAYINGS OF OUR LORD, Discovery of a fragment of the.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: DISCOVERY OF A FRAGMENT.

    SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:
       In operations at Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JUNE).

    SCHLEY, Admiral W. S.:
       Destruction of Spanish squadron.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JULY 3).

    SCHOOLS.

          See EDUCATION.

    SCHREINER, W. P.:
       Resignation of the Premiership of Cape Colony.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (CAPE COLONY): A. D. 1900 (APRIL-JUNE).

    SCHWAN, General:
       Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    {435}

       ----------SCIENCE, RECENT: Start--------

    NOTABLE ACHIEVEMENTS.

    ARCHÆOLOGICAL DISCOVERY.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH.

    CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
       Acetylene Gas.

       Acetylene gas has been known since 1832, when it was
       discovered by Edmund Davy; but it remained a mere laboratory
       product until 1892, when two experimenters, in America and
       France, stumbled accidentally on the production, in an
       electric furnace, of calcium carbide, which water decomposes,
       readily yielding the gas in question. The American discoverer
       was Mr. Thomas Willson, a Canadian electrician, residing at
       Spray, North Carolina; his French rival was Professor Henry
       Moisson, of Paris. The priority of Mr. Willson in the
       discovery, or in the announcement of it, is most generally
       recognized, and he secured patents in the United States and
       elsewhere. Electrical developments since 1892 have economized
       the manufacture of calcium carbide, by electric heat acting on
       a mixture of lime and coke, and it has become an important
       commercial product, at Niagara Falls and other seats of
       electric power, bringing acetylene gas into extensive use as
       an illuminant. There have been dangers and difficulties in the
       use, however, not easily overcome.

    CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
       Discovery of Argon and Helium.

       "After Lord Rayleigh, in 1892, had proved that nitrogen
       obtained from chemical combinations was about one-half per
       cent lighter than that obtained from the atmosphere, a
       determination that was again verified in 1894, Lord Rayleigh
       and Professor Ramsay separated from atmospheric nitrogen an
       elementary gas of great density which, by reason of its
       chemical indifference, they called argon. They proved that
       this gas formed about 0.8 or 0.9 per cent of the volume of
       nitrogen, from which it could be separated either by
       incandescent magnesium or by the continued action of the
       electric spark. It was established beyond doubt that Cavendish
       produced this gas a hundred years ago by the use of the
       electric spark. Argon, either alone or accompanied by helium,
       has also been found in natural waters as well as in minerals.
       Its discovery in a meteorite of Augusta County, Virginia,
       United States of America, may perhaps lead us to ascribe to it
       an extra-terrestrial origin.

       "The physical properties of argon are very distinct, and its
       characteristic spectrum enables us to at once distinguish it
       with certainty from any other substance, but from a chemical
       point of view this gas is most extraordinarily inactive, and
       we have not yet succeeded in making it form combinations as
       the other elements do. This peculiarity, and also the
       impossibility of finding a place in the periodic system for a
       simple body having the molecular weight of argon (39.88), have
       given rise to all sorts of hypotheses relative to the nature
       of this gas. …

       "Another most interesting discovery was that of helium, made
       by Professor Ramsay. In 1891 Hillebrand showed that uranium
       ore and ores of the same family when dissolved in acids or
       fused with alkaline carbonates, or even merely heated in a
       vacuum, may give off as much as 3 per cent of nitrogen.
       Professor Ramsay obtained this gas from cleveite and by means
       of spectroscopic examination demonstrated the presence of
       argon; and in the course of his experiments—in March, 1895—he
       observed beside the spectrum of argon another bright, yellow
       line that did not belong to that spectrum, and which Crookes
       recognized as identical with the line D that Lockyer had
       already observed in 1868 in the spectrum of the solar
       chromosphere, and which he had attributed to an element as yet
       unknown upon the earth—helium. The same line had also been
       distinguished in the spectra of other fixed stars,
       particularly in the spectrum of Orion, so that it may be
       admitted that helium exists in large quantities
       extra-terrestrially. … On our planet it appears, on the
       contrary, to be very rare, and may be ranked among the rarest
       of elements. … "Helium is the lightest of all the gases except
       hydrogen; Stoney deduces from this fact an explanation of the
       existence of these two elements in but very small quantities
       in a free state upon the face of the earth, while they are
       distributed in enormous masses throughout the universe. The
       comparatively small force of the earth's gravitation does not
       form a sufficient counterpoise to the velocity of their
       molecules, which therefore escape from the terrestrial
       atmosphere unless restrained by chemical combination. They
       then proceed to reunite around great centres of attraction,
       such as the fixed stars, in whose atmospheres these elements
       exist in large quantities."

          C. Winkler,
          The Discovery of new Elements within the last
          twenty-five years
          (Annual Report of Smithsonian Institution, 1897,
          page 237, translated from Revue Scientifique,
          4th series, volume 8).

    CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
       Liquefaction of Oxygen, Hydrogen and Air.

       "The most remarkable recent work in refrigeration is that of
       Professor James Dewar, of the Royal Institution in London. The
       feat of liquefying oxygen by a succession of approaches to its
       critical temperature has been thus described by him, in an
       interview which appeared in 'McClure's Magazine,' November,
       1893: 'The process of liquefying oxygen, briefly speaking, is
       this: Into the outer chamber of that double compressor I
       introduce, through a pipe, liquid nitrous oxide gas, under a
       pressure of about 1,400 pounds to the square inch. I then
       allow it to evaporate rapidly, and thus obtain a temperature
       around the inner chamber of -90° C. Into this cooled inner
       chamber I introduce liquid ethylene, which is a gas at
       ordinary temperatures, under a pressure of 1,800 pounds to
       the square inch. When the inner chamber is full of ethylene,
       its rapid evaporation under exhaustion reduces the temperature
       to -135° C. Running through this inner chamber is a tube
       containing oxygen gas under a pressure of 750 pounds to the
       square inch. The critical point of oxygen gas—that is, the
       point above which no amount of pressure will reduce it to a
       liquid—is—115° C., but this pressure, at the temperature of
       -145° C., is amply sufficient to cause it to liquefy rapidly.'

    {436}

       "In May, 1898, Professor Dewar, by the use of liquid oxygen,
       succeeded in liquefying hydrogen, producing a liquid having
       but one-fourteenth the specific gravity of water; this exploit
       brought him within 21° of the absolute zero of centigrade. He
       afterward reduced the liquid to solid form, attaining a
       temperature estimated at four to five degrees lower. Faraday
       and other investigators of an earlier day surmised that
       hydrogen, when solidified, would prove to be a metal; now that
       the feat of solidification has been accomplished, hydrogen
       astonishes the physicist by displaying itself as non-metallic.
       …

       "For some years the plan was to employ a series of chemical
       compounds, each with a lower boiling-point than its
       predecessor in the process, and all troublesome and hazardous
       in manipulation. A better method has been developed by keeping
       to simple air from first to last, as in the apparatus of Dr.
       Linde, of Dr. Hampson, and of Mr. Charles E. Tripler.

       "As the Tripler machine does its work on a bolder scale than
       either of the others, let its operation be briefly outlined:
       Air is first compressed to 65 pounds pressure to the square
       inch; through a second pump this pressure is exalted to 400
       pounds, and with a third pump the pressure is carried to 2,500
       pounds. After each compression the air flows through jacketed
       pipes, where it is cooled by a stream of water. At the third
       condensation a valve, the secret of whose construction Mr.
       Tripler keeps to himself, permits part of the compressed air
       to flow into a pipe surrounding the tube through which the
       remainder is flowing. This act of expansion severely chills
       the imprisoned air, which at last discharges itself in liquid
       form—much as water does from an ordinary city faucet."

          G. Iles,
          Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
          chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

    CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
       Smokeless Powders.

       "In recent years smokeless powders have largely superseded all
       others. These contain usually nitro-cellulose (gun cotton), or
       nitro-glycerine, or both, made up into a plastic, coherent,
       and homogeneous compound of a gluey nature, and fashioned into
       horn-like sticks or rods by being forced under pressure,
       through a die plate having small holes, through which the
       plastic material is strained into strings like macaroni, or
       else is molded into tablets, pellets, or grains of cubical
       shape. Prominent among those who have contributed to this art
       are the names of Turpin, Abel and Dewar, Nobel, Maxim, Munroe,
       Du Pont, Bernadou and others. In the recent years of the
       Nineteenth Century great activity has been manifest in this
       field of invention. In the United States more than 600
       different patents have been granted for explosives, the larger
       portion of them being for nitro-compounds which partake in a
       greater or less degree of the qualities of gun cotton or
       nitro-glycerine."

          E. W. Byrn,
          Progress of Invention in the 19th Century,
          page 419.

    CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS:
       X Rays.
       The Discovery of Professor Rontgen.

       "Fresh proofs await us of the supreme rank of both electricity
       and photography as resources of art and science as we observe
       the transcendent powers evoked by their union. From this union
       no issue is more extraordinary, more weighty with meaning and
       promise, than the X-ray pictures due to Professor Wilhelm
       Konrad Rontgen. In these pictures he has but crowned labours
       which began when Sir John Herschel noticed that a peculiar
       blue light was diffused from a perfectly colourless solution
       of quinine sulphate. Professor (now Sir) George Stokes
       explained the phenomenon by showing that this blue light
       consists of vibrations originally too rapid to be visible,
       which are slowed down within the limits of perceptibility as
       they pass through the liquid. …

       "One path of approach to the achievement of Professor Röntgen
       was opened by Sir John Herschel; another, as important, was
       blazed and broadened by Professor (now Sir) William Crookes.
       In 1874 and 1875 he was engaged upon the researches which gave
       the world the radiometer, the tiny mill whose vanes rotate
       with rays of light or heat. The action of this mill depends
       upon its being placed in a glass bulb almost vacuous. When
       such a bulb incloses rubies, bits of phenakite, or other
       suitable objects, and electrical discharges are directed upon
       them, they glow with the most brilliant luminescence known to
       art. Excited by a cathode ray, that is, a ray from the
       negative pole of an electrical machine, a Crookes bulb itself
       shines with a vivid golden green ray which reminds the
       onlooker of the fluorescence of earlier experiments. … "Year
       by year the list of substances excitable to luminosity in a
       Crookes bulb has been lengthened, and in 1894 it was the good
       fortune of Professor Philipp Lenard to discover a wonderful
       power of such a bulb. Emerging from it was a cathode ray which
       passed nearly as freely through a thin plate of aluminium as
       common sunshine does through a pane of glass. Hertz had, a few
       years previously, discovered that metals in very thin sheets
       were virtually transparent (or, to use Mr. Hyndman's term,
       transradiable) to his electric waves. This property was found
       by Professor Lenard to extend to the cathode ray and in a much
       higher degree. … The ultra-violet ray of ordinary light has
       the singular power of causing the gases which it may traverse
       to become conductors of electricity, with the effect of
       discharging an electrified metallic plate; this property is
       shared by cathode rays. Associated with them are the rays of
       still more extraordinary powers, discovered by Professor
       Röntgen. In his own words let his achievement be recounted, as
       published in 'McClure's Magazine,' April, 1896.

       "'I have been for a long time interested in the problem of the
       cathode rays from a vacuum tube as studied by Hertz and
       Lenard. I had followed their and other researches with great
       interest, and determined, us soon as I had the time, to make
       some researches of my own. This time I found at the close of
       last October. I had been at work for some days when I
       discovered something new.' 'What was the date?' 'The 8th of
       November.' 'And what was the discovery?' 'I was working with a
       Crookes tube covered by a shield of black cardboard. A piece
       of barium platino-cyanide paper lay on the bench there. I had
       been passing a current through the tube, and I noticed a
       peculiar black line across the paper.' 'What of that?' 'The
       effect was one which could only be produced, in ordinary
       parlance, by the passage of light. No light could come from
       the tube, because the shield which covered it was impervious
       to any light known, even that of the electric arc.' 'And what
       did you think?' 'I did not think; I investigated. I assumed
       that the effect must have come from the tube, since its
       character indicated that it could come from nowhere else. I
       tested it. In a few minutes there was no doubt about it. Rays
       were coming from the tube which had a luminescent effect upon
       the paper.
    {437}
       I tried it successfully at greater and greater distances, even
       at two metres. It seemed at first a new kind of invisible
       light. It was clearly something new, something unrecorded.'
       'Is it light?' 'No.' 'Is it electricity?' 'Not in any known
       form.' 'What is it?' 'I don't know.' And the discoverer of the
       X rays thus stated as calmly his ignorance of their essence as
       has everybody else who has written on the phenomena thus far.

       "'Having discovered the existence of a new kind of rays, I of
       course began to investigate what they would do.' He took up a
       series of cabinet-sized photographs. 'It soon appeared from
       tests that the rays had penetrative power to a degree hitherto
       unknown. They penetrated paper, wood, and cloth with ease; and
       the thickness of the substance made no perceptible difference,
       within reasonable limits.' He showed photographs of a box of
       laboratory weights of platinum, aluminium, and brass, they and
       the brass hinges all having been photographed from a closed
       box, without any indication of the box. Also a photograph of a
       coil of fine wire, wound on a wooden spool, the wire having
       been photographed and the wood omitted.

       "'The rays,' he continued, 'passed through all the metals
       tested, with a facility varying, roughly speaking, with the
       density of the metal. These phenomena I have discussed
       carefully in my report to the Würzburg Society, and you will
       find all the technical results therein stated.' He showed a
       photograph of a small sheet of zinc. This was composed of
       smaller plates soldered laterally with solders of different
       metallic proportions. The differing lines of shadow caused by
       the difference in the solders were visible evidence that a new
       means of detecting flaws and chemical variations in metals had
       been found. A photograph of a compass showed the needle and
       dial taken through the closed brass cover. The markings of the
       dial were in red metallic paint, and thus interfered with the
       rays, and were reproduced. 'Since the rays had this great
       penetrative power, it seemed natural that they should
       penetrate flesh, and so it proved in photographing the hand,
       as I showed you.'" …

       "Provided with a Röntgen bulb, the photographer passes from
       the exterior to the interior of an object, almost as if he
       were a sorcerer with power to transmute all things to glass.
       Equipped with a simple X-ray apparatus, dislocations and
       fractures are detected by the surgeon, diseases of bones are
       studied, and shot, needles, and bits of glass or corroding
       wire within the muscles of a patient are located with
       exactitude. Thanks to the work of Mr. Mackenzie Davidson, the
       like detection of renal calculi can be looked forward to with
       a fair degree of certainty. The same means of exploration
       offers equal aid to medicine: it demonstrates the
       calcification of arteries, and aneurysms of the heart or of
       the first part of the aorta; with improved methods it may be
       possible to study fatty degenerations of the arteries and
       larger blood-vessels. Dr. C. M. Mouillin, addressing the
       Röntgen Society of London as its president, states that the
       fluorescent screen has now reached such a degree of perfection
       that the minutest movement of the heart and lungs, and the
       least change in the action of the diaphragm, can be watched
       and studied at leisure in the living subject. He considers it
       probable that the examination of a patient's chest with this
       screen may become as much a matter of common routine as with
       the stethoscope to-day. …

       "Manifestly, the unseen universe which enfolds us is steadily
       being brought to the light of day. The investigations of Hertz
       established that the light-waves which affect the eye are but
       one octave in a gamut which sweeps indefinitely far both above
       and below them. In his hands, as in those of Joseph Henry long
       before, electric waves found their way through the walls and
       floors of a house; in the Marconi telegraph these waves pass
       through the earth or a fog, a mist or a rain-storm, with
       little or no hindrance. What does all this mean? Nothing less
       than that, given its accordant ray, any substance whatever is
       permeable, and that, therefore, to communicate between any two
       places in the universe is simply a question of providing the
       right means."

          G. Iles,
          Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
          chapter 24 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

       In an article made public in the "New York Tribune" of January
       6, 1901, Professor John Trowbridge, of Harvard University,
       expressed his anticipations from the further improvement of
       the use of the X rays, as follows: "At present all of the
       great hospitals of the world examine injuries of the
       extremities of the human body by means of these rays. In some
       cases the thicker portions of the body can be studied by their
       means. There is, however, much to be desired in the method,
       for in general the rays exhibit only the shadows of the bones
       of the extremities, or reveal at most the regions of greatest
       density in the body. If the muscles and tendons or the veins
       and arteries could be studied by means of these rays, an
       immense aid to surgery would result. Some experiments I have
       conducted with currents of great strength, lead me to believe
       that much can be done in this direction, for I have in certain
       cases obtained unmistakable traces of muscles and tendons, and
       the direction in which to advance is becoming clearer. The use
       of the X rays is not confined to the examination of the body.
       Together with the ultra violet rays, the X rays are used to
       cure cutaneous disorders. We are realizing that electricity is
       an important factor in health and disease. The investigations
       which have resulted from the discovery of these rays have
       opened wide vistas in the molecular world."

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       Power.
       Lighting.
       Electro-chemical and Electro-metallurgical works.
       The development at Niagara Falls.

       "There were perhaps not more than twenty trolley cars in
       actual service in 1887, and these were of doubtful success.
       There were no regularly constituted electric railways worthy
       of the name. The telephone and electric-lighting wires were
       largely overhead, and frequently the construction was of the
       most imperfect and temporary character. … Within the past
       eight or ten years much has been done in the perfection of
       thoroughly practical forms of meters and other instruments for
       the measurement of electric forces and quantities. While such
       work resembles in its delicacy that demanded by watch
       mechanism, on the other hand the large station dynamos are
       examples of the heaviest machine construction. … A few years
       ago a dynamo was large if it demanded 100 or 200 horsepower to
       drive it, while now such machines are diminutive when compared
       with those of 2,000 horsepower commonly constructed.
    {438}
       Dynamos are in use at Niagara of 5,000 horsepower capacity. A
       single one of these would supply more than 50,000 incandescent
       lights such as are ordinarily used, or would give motion to
       500 trolley cars. The period since 1887 has been marked by
       great extension in electric lighting by both arc and
       incandescent lamps. … One of the chief factors in this great
       extension has been the application of alternating electric
       currents, or currents of wave-like nature, reversing their
       direction many times in each second. The direct or continuous
       current had previously occupied the field alone. But the
       alternating current possessed the advantage of readily
       permitting the sending out over a long distance of a high
       pressure current with but little loss and by means of
       comparatively small and inexpensive lines. This current,
       relatively dangerous, could then be exchanged for a safe
       low-pressure current on the house mains for working the
       lights. The device which makes the exchange is called a
       transformer. It is in reality a modified induction coil—a
       simple structure of copper wire, sheet-iron, and insulating
       materials, with no moving parts to need attention or to get
       out of order. The properties and use of the transformer in an
       alternating-current system were comparatively unknown before
       1887, but since that time it has played a part in electric
       development the importance of which cannot easily [not?] be
       overestimated. It has been, furthermore, brought to a high
       degree of perfection by the persistent and painstaking effort
       of numerous workers. In transforming a current of high
       pressure to one of lower pressure, or the reverse, only a very
       slight loss of power or energy is suffered. On a large scale,
       this loss is barely 3 per cent of the energy of the
       transformed current. The larger sizes of transformers now in
       use have capacities equivalent to considerably over 1,000
       horsepower. Some of these structures are employed at Niagara
       and others at Buffalo. As in the case of the apparatus just
       mentioned, the effort spent in the perfection of the huge
       dynamo-electric generators used in lighting and power stations
       has resulted in machines so perfect as to leave but little
       chance of further increase of effectiveness. They waste only a
       small percentage in converting mechanical power into
       electrical energy, and run for years with but little attention
       or need of repairs. Along with all this improvement has gone a
       like betterment in the thousand and one details and minor
       devices which go to make up an electric system. …

       "Perhaps … no better example of the varied application of
       electric energy exists than at Niagara. Certainly no grander
       exemplification of the way in which electric forces may be
       called into play, to replace other and unlike agencies, can be
       cited. Here at Niagara we may forcibly realize the importance
       of cheap and unfailing power developed from water in its fall.
       We find the power of huge water wheels delivered to the
       massive dynamos for giving out electric energy. This energy is
       variously employed. The electric lighting of the city of
       Niagara and surroundings and the electric railways naturally
       depend upon the water power. Besides these, which may be
       termed the ordinary applications of electricity, there are
       clustered at Niagara a number of unique industrial
       establishments, the importance of which will undoubtedly
       increase rapidly. In the carborundum factory we find huge
       furnaces heated by the passage of electric current, and
       attaining temperatures far beyond those of the ordinary
       combustion of fuel. These electric furnaces produce
       carborundum, a new abrasive nearly as hard as the diamond,
       which is a combination of carbon and silicon, unknown before
       the electric furnace gave it birth. Sand and coke are the raw
       substances for its production, and these are acted upon by the
       excessively high heat necessary to form the new product,
       already in extensive use for grinding hard materials. The
       metal aluminum, which not many years ago cost $2 an ounce, is
       now produced on a large scale at Niagara, and sold at a price
       which makes it, bulk for bulk, cheaper than brass. Here,
       again, electricity is the agent; but in this case its power of
       electrolyzing or breaking up strong chemical unions is
       employed. … Works for the production of metallic sodium and
       other metals similarly depend upon the decompositions effected
       by the electric current. Solutions of ordinary salt or brine
       are electrolyzed on a large scale in extensive works
       established for the purpose. … The very high temperature which
       exists in an electric arc, or between the carbons of an arc lamp,
       has in recent years found application in the manufacture of
       another important compound, which was formerly but slightly
       known as a chemical difficult to prepare. Carbide of calcium
       is the compound referred to, and large works for its
       production exist at Niagara. Here again, as in the carborundum
       works, raw materials of the simplest and cheapest kind are
       acted upon in what may be termed an electric-arc furnace.
       Coke, or carbon, and lime are mixed and charged into a furnace
       in which an enormous electric arc is kept going. … The
       importance of carbide of calcium rests in the fact that, by
       contact with water, it produces acetylene gas. The
       illuminating power of this gas, when burned, is its remarkable
       property.

       "It will be seen that the metallurgical and chemical
       developments at Niagara are the direct outgrowth of electrical
       utilization of water power. With many water powers, however,
       the outlet for the application of the electrical energy exists
       many miles away from the place at which the water power is
       found. Even at Niagara there is an example of the beginning of
       long-distance transmission, by a high-pressure line extending to
       Buffalo and delivering electric energy to an electric station
       there. In this case 'step-up' transformers, as they are
       called, are employed at the Niagara power plant to step up or
       raise the electrical pressure or potential from that given by
       the dynamos to that required for the transmission to Buffalo.
       This transformation is from about 2,500 up to 10,000 volts. At
       the Buffalo end the reverse process is carried on by 'step-down'
       transformers, and the energy is delivered to the trolley lines
       at about 500 volts. …  The whole Niagara plant has grown into
       existence within the past five years, and as a consequence of
       the technical advances within the period of the past ten
       years. There are, however, in active operation, besides the
       Niagara power plant, several other water-power transmissions,
       some of them far exceeding in distance that between Niagara
       and Buffalo, and some in which the amount of power conveyed,
       as well as the pressure of the current used upon the line, is
       much greater than is yet to be found at Niagara. … No limit
       can as yet be definitely set as to the distance which can be
       covered in an electrical transmission. … It may be said that
       at present the range of distances is between 30 and 100 miles.
       …

    {439}

       "Electricity seems destined at no distant day to play an
       important part in revolutionizing passenger traffic between
       large centers of population. The facility with which electric
       service may be superposed on ordinary steam roads will greatly
       further this development. The work with the third-rail system,
       undertaken by one of our prominent railway organizations, has
       abundantly demonstrated the practicability of such
       superposition. The future will witness the growing
       substitution of either single motor cars or two or three
       coupled cars for long, heavy trains drawn by locomotives, and
       a more frequent service will result. There is an eventual
       possibility of higher average speeds, since stops will not
       consume much time, and the time required to recover the speed
       after a stop will be much less than at present. … The heating
       power of the electric current is now utilized in a variety of
       ways. Electric welding machinery has been put into service
       either for accomplishing results which were not possible to be
       obtained before its development, or to improve the work and
       lessen the cost."

          Elihu Thomson,
          Electrical Advance in Ten Years
          (Forum, January, 1898).

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       Development of Power at Niagara Falls.

       The following description of the engineering work by which
       Niagara was harnessed to turbines and dynamos, for an enormous
       development of electrical power, is taken from a paper read by
       Mr. Thomas Commerford Martin, of New York, at a meeting of the
       Royal Institution of Great Britain, June 19, 1896, and printed
       in the Proceedings of the Institution, Volume 15; reprinted in
       the Annual Report of the Smithsonian Institution, 1896, page
       223:

       "Niagara is the point at which are discharged, through two
       narrowing precipitous channels only 3,800 feet wide and 160
       feet high, the contents of 6,000 cubic miles of water, with a
       reservoir area of 90,000 square miles, draining 300,000 square
       miles of territory. The ordinary overspill of this Atlantic
       set on edge has been determined to be equal to about 75,000
       cubic feet per second, and the quantity passing is estimated
       as high as 100,000,000 tons of water per hour. The drifting of
       a ship over the Horse Shoe Fall has proved it to have a
       thickness at the center of the crescent of over 16 feet.
       Between Lake Erie and Lake Ontario there is a total difference
       of level of 300 feet, and the amount of power represented by
       the water at the falls has been estimated on different bases
       from 6,750,000 horsepower up to not less than 16,800,000
       horsepower, the latter being a rough calculation of Sir
       William Siemens, who, in 1877, was the first to suggest the
       use of electricity as the modern and feasible agent of
       converting into useful power some of this majestic but
       squandered energy. …

       "It was Mr. Thomas Evershed, an American civil engineer, who
       unfolded the plan of diverting part of the stream at a
       considerable distance above the falls, so that no natural
       beauty would be interfered with, while an enormous amount of
       power would be obtained with a very slight reduction in the
       volume of the stream at the crest of the falls. Essentially
       scientific and correct as the plan now shows itself to be, it
       found prompt criticism and condemnation, but not less quickly
       did it rally the able and influential support of Messrs. W. B.
       Rankine, Francis Lynde Stetson, Edward A. Wickes, and Edward
       D. Adams, who organized the corporate interests that, with an
       expenditure of £1,000,000 in five years, have carried out the
       present work. So many engineering problems arose early in the
       enterprise that after the survey of the property in 1890 an
       International Niagara Commission was established in London,
       with power to investigate the best existing methods of power
       development and transmission, and to select from among them,
       as well as to award prizes of an aggregate of £4,400. This
       body included men like Lord Kelvin, Mascart, Coleman Sellers,
       Turrettini, and Dr. Unwin, and its work was of the utmost
       value. Besides this the Niagara Company and the allied
       Cataract Construction Company enjoyed the direct aid of other
       experts, such as Prof. George Forbes, in a consultative
       capacity; while it was a necessary consequence that the
       manufacturers of the apparatus to be used threw upon their
       work the highest inventive and constructive talent at their
       command.

       "The time-honored plan in water-power utilization has been to
       string factories along a canal of considerable length, with
       but a short tail race. At Niagara the plan now brought under
       notice is that of a short canal with a very long tail race.
       The use of electricity for distributing the power allows the
       factories to be placed away from the canal, and in any
       location that may appear specially desirable or advantageous.
       The perfected and concentrated Evershed scheme comprises a
       short surface canal 250 feet wide at its mouth, 1¼ miles above
       the fans, far beyond the outlying Three Sisters Islands, with
       an intake inclined obliquely to the Niagara River. This canal
       extends inwardly 1,700 feet, and has an average depth of some
       12 feet, thus holding water adequate to the development of
       about 100,000 horsepower. The mouth of the canal is 600 feet
       from the shore line proper, and considerable work was
       necessary in its protection and excavation. The bed is now of
       clay, and the side walls are of solid masonry 17 feet high, 8
       feet at the base, and 3 feet at the top. The northeastern side
       of the canal is occupied by a power house, and is pierced by
       ten inlets guarded by sentinel gates, each being the separate
       entrance to a wheel pit in the power house, where the water is
       used and the power is secured. The water as quickly as used is
       carried off by a tunnel to the Niagara River again. …

       "The wheel pit, over which the power house is situated, is a
       long, deep, cavernous slot at one side, under the floor, cut
       in the rock, parallel with the canal outside. Here the water
       gets a fall of about 140 feet before it smites the turbines.
       The arrangement of the dynamos generating the current up in
       the power house is such that each of them may be regarded as
       the screw at the end of a long shaft, just as we might see it
       if we stood an ocean steamer on its nose with its heel in the
       air. At the lower end of the dynamo shaft is the turbine in
       the wheel pit bottom, just as in the case of the steamer shaft
       we find attached to it the big triple or quadruple expansion
       marine steam engine. …
    {440}
       The wheel pit which contains the turbines is 178 feet in
       depth, and connects by a lateral tunnel with the main tunnel
       running at right angles. This main tunnel is no less than
       7,000 feet in length, with an average hydraulic slope of 6
       feet in 1,000. It has a maximum height of 21 feet, and a width
       of 18 feet 10 inches, its net section being 386 square feet.
       The water rushes through it and out of its mouth of stone and
       iron at a velocity of 26½ feet per second, or nearly 20 miles
       an hour. More than 1,000 men were employed continuously for
       more than three years in the construction of this tunnel. …

       "The American Company has also pre-empted the great
       utilization of the Canadian share of Niagara's energy. The
       plan for this work proposes the erection of two power houses
       of a total ultimate capacity of 125,000 horsepower. … With
       both the Canadian and American plants fully developed, no less
       than 350,000 horsepower will be available."

       "Within the last five years," said the "Electrical Review," in
       a "historical number" issued at the beginning of 1901, "there
       have been built in many parts of the world electrical
       installations of great magnitude, transmitting the power of
       cataracts for considerable distances. The longest of these, in
       California, operates over a distance of 115 miles. Perhaps the
       largest of them is that at Niagara, where 105,000 horse power
       is developed, and much of it transmitted … to the city of
       Buffalo"—20 miles.

       The first transmission of power from Niagara Falls to Buffalo
       was made at midnight, November 15-16, 1896, when 1,000
       horsepower was sent over the wires to the power-house of the
       Buffalo Railway Company. The important event was signalled to
       the citizens by the firing of cannon, the ringing of bells and
       sounding of steam whistles.

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       The rotary magnetic field.
       Polyphased currents.
       Nikola Tesla's inventions.

       "At about the same time [1888], Galileo Ferraris, in Italy,
       and Nikola Tesla, in the United States, brought out motors
       operating by systems of alternating currents displaced from
       one another in phase by definite amounts and producing what is
       known as the rotating magnetic field. This invention seems
       destined to be one of the most important that has been made in
       the history of electricity. The result of the introduction of
       polyphase systems has been the ability to transmit power
       economically for considerable distances, and, as this directly
       operated to make possible the utilization of water-power in
       remote places and the distribution of power over large areas,
       the immediate outcome of the polyphase system was power
       transmission; and the outcome of power transmission almost
       surely will be the gradual supersession of coal and the
       harnessing of the waste forces of Nature to do useful work."

          Electrical Review,
          January 12, 1901.

       The following description of Tesla's invention was given by N.
       W. Perry in the "Engineering Magazine": "If the north and
       south poles of a small horseshoe magnet be suspended over a
       bar of soft iron free to revolve in a horizontal plane, or be
       placed over an ordinary compass-needle, the latter will be
       attracted at either end by the poles of the magnet and take up
       a position parallel to a straight line drawn between the two
       poles of the magnet. Now if the latter be revolved through any
       angle the soft iron or needle will follow, being dragged
       around by the magnet, and if the magnet be caused to revolve
       regularly the iron will also revolve, being pulled around by
       the full force of the magnet. It was not feasible, however, to
       cause the magnet to revolve in this way, and Tesla's invention
       consisted in obviating this trouble and, in fact, greatly
       simplifying the problem. He conceived the idea that if he took
       an iron ring and used two alternating currents, one of which had
       its maximum value at the instant that the other had a zero
       value—or, in other words, two currents whose periods were such
       that one waned as the other increased—he could produce in that
       iron ring by winding these circuits in alternate coils
       surfaces that without any mechanical movement of the parts
       would travel around that ring with a rapidity equal to the
       number of changes of direction of the currents employed. He
       thus had a ring, the north and south poles of which were
       rapidly revolving just as would the poles of the horseshoe
       magnet were it tied at its middle to a twisted string and
       allowed to revolve. A piece of iron pivoted at its middle
       placed concentric with this ring would therefore be dragged
       around by the changing poles of the ring. He had thus
       discovered what is somewhat awkwardly expressed by the
       expression, 'the rotary magnetic field,' and also the use of
       what have been termed 'polyphased currents'—the one referring
       to the magnetism and the other to the combination of currents
       by which this changing magnetism was produced. This discovery
       is undoubtedly one of the most important that has ever been
       made within the domain of alternating currents."

          Engineering Magazine,
          volume 7, page 780.

       Another of Tesla's inventions or discoveries which excited
       greater popular interest was that which produced what were
       called "high frequency effects," first publicly shown in
       connection with a lecture at Columbia College, in the spring
       of 1890. "Mr. Tesla started with the idea of setting matter
       into vibration at a rate approximating that of light (some two
       and a half millions a second), with the expectation that
       under such violent molecular agitation it would emit light. He
       has not as yet succeeded in obtaining so high a rate, but a
       much lower one produced some very surprising luminous effects.
       … The dynamo method for getting very high frequencies was soon
       abandoned as inadequate, and the oscillatory discharge of a
       Leyden jar or plate condensers was substituted. … Perhaps the
       most surprising of the new facts elicited from his
       investigations is that the shock due to these very high
       voltage and high frequency currents can be supported by a
       person without any serious inconvenience. He passes a current
       of two hundred thousand volts through his body with perfect
       impunity."

          F. J. Patten,
          New Science Review,
          volume 1, page 84.

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       Development of the Telephone System.

       The annual report of the American Telephone and Telegraph
       Company (by which the property and business of the American
       Bell Telephone Company were taken over at the close of the
       year 1899) for the year ending December 31, 1900, contains the
       following brief review of the development and growth of the
       telephone system, especially in the United States: "The year
       just passed rounds out the quarter century, within which is
       compassed the discovery and application of the art of
       transmitting speech by telephone.
    {441}
       A brief review of the development and growth of this new
       industry, which has become so important a factor in commercial
       and social life, seems appropriate at this time. Twenty-five
       years ago the wonderful invention of Professor Bell was made
       known to the world. Twenty-three years ago the first telephone
       exchange in the world was established in the United States, and
       from that beginning has been built up the great system of
       exchanges, and the network of connecting lines over which
       conversation can be held between points over a thousand miles
       apart. Twenty years ago there were 47,880 telephone
       subscribers in the United States, and 29,714 miles of wire in
       use for telephonic purposes. At the end of last year, there
       were 800,880 exchange stations equipped with our instruments,
       and 1,961,801 miles of wire were employed for exchange and
       toll line service. The United States has, from the beginning,
       held the leading place among nations in respect not only of
       the extensive development of the business, but in the
       employment of modern and improved appliances, tending to
       greater efficiency of service.

       "In connection with the record of development of telephone
       service in this country, some comparison of the systems of
       foreign countries is of interest. The latest reports that can
       be obtained, part of which are for the year 1899, others to
       the close of 1900, show the countries next in order to the
       United States, as respects the development of telephone
       service, to be the German Empire, having 229,391 stations;
       Great Britain, 171,660; Sweden, 73,500; France, 59,927;
       Switzerland, 38,864: Austria, 32,255; Russia, 31,376;
       Norway, 29,446.

       "As before stated, there were, at the close of last year, more
       than 800,000 stations connected with the exchanges of our
       licensee companies, which exceeds the aggregate number of
       subscribers in all the countries of Continental Europe. In
       addition to this, there were over 40,000 private line stations
       equipped with our telephones. The number of exchange and toll
       line connections in the United States now reaches almost two
       thousand millions yearly."

       More detailed and precise statistics of the telephone service
       in the United States are given in the report as follows:

                                    January 1,   January 1,
                                      1892.       1901.

       Exchanges.                       788        1,348
       Branch offices.                  509        1,427
       Miles of wire on poles.      180,139      627,897
       Miles of wire on buildings.   14,954       16,833
       Miles of wire underground.    70,334      705,269
       Miles of wire submarine.       1,029        4,203
       Total miles of wire.         266,456    1,354,202
       Total circuits.              186,462      508,262
       Total employees.               8,376       32,837
       Total stations.              216,017      800,880

       The estimated number of exchange connections daily in the
       United States, made up from actual count in most of the
       exchanges, is 5,668,986. Or a total per year of about
       1,825,000,000. The number of daily calls per station varies in
       different exchanges from 1 to 15.9, the average throughout the
       United States being 7.1. The average cost to the subscriber
       varies according to the size of the exchange and character of
       the service, from less than 1 to 9 cents per connection.

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       Dr. Pupin's revolutionary improvement
       in long-distance Telephony.

       The most important advance in telephonic science that has been
       made since the invention of the Bell instrument was announced
       at about the beginning of the new century, as the result of
       studies pursued by Dr. Michael I. Pupin, of Columbia
       University, New York. Mathematical and experimental
       investigations which Dr. Pupin had been carrying on, for
       several years, led him to a determination of the precise
       intervals at which, if inductance coils are inserted in a long
       conductor, an electric current in traversing it may be made to
       travel far without much loss of force. He is said to have
       taken a hint from seeing how waves of vibration in a cord are
       strengthened by lightly "loading" it at certain exact points,
       determined by the wave lengths. It is probably correct to
       describe his invention as being a scientific ascertainment of
       the points in a long telephonic circuit at which to load the
       electric current in it, and the precise loading to be applied.

       In a paper published in the "Western Electrician," describing
       his investigations mathematically, Dr. Pupin wrote: "If an
       increase in efficiency of wave transmission over a cord thus
       loaded is to be obtained, it is evident that the load must be
       properly subdivided and the fractional parts of the total load
       must be placed at proper distances apart along the cord,
       otherwise the detrimental effects due to reflections resulting
       from the discontinuities thus introduced will more than
       neutralize the beneficial effects derived from the increased
       mass. … The insertion of inductance coils at periodically
       recurring points along the wave conductor produces the same
       effect upon electrical wave transmission as the distribution
       of the small loads along the stretched cord … produces upon
       mechanical wave transmission along the cord."

       The result is said to be that conversation by telephone over a
       distance of 3,000 miles is made not only practicable but easy,
       and that it is believed to be as practicable through submarine
       cables as through overland wires. If it does not make the
       telephone a common instrument of communication from continent
       to continent, it will, at least, improve oceanic telegraphy
       beyond measure. According to newspaper report, Dr. Pupin's
       invention has been sold to the Bell Telephone Company for a
       very large sum.

    ELECTRICAL SCIENCE:
       Wireless Telegraphy.

       "In 1864 Maxwell observed that electricity and light have the
       same velocity, 186,400 miles a second, and he formulated the
       theory that electricity propagates itself in waves which
       differ from those of light only in being longer. This was
       proved to be true by Hertz, in 1888, who showed that where
       alternating currents of very high frequency were set up in an
       open circuit, the energy might be conveyed entirely away from
       the circuit into the surrounding space as electric waves. … He
       demonstrated that electric waves move with the speed of light,
       and that they can be reflected and refracted precisely as if
       they formed a visible beam. At a certain intensity of strain
       the air insulation broke down, and the air became a conductor.
       This phenomenon of passing quite suddenly from a
       non-conductive to a conductive state is … also to be noted
       when air or other gases are exposed to the X ray.

    {442}

       "Now for the effect of electric waves such as Hertz produced,
       when they impinge upon substances reduced to powder or
       filings. Conductors, such as the metals, are of inestimable
       service to the electrician; of equal value are non-conductors,
       such as glass and gutta-percha, as they strictly
       fence in an electric stream. A third and remarkable vista
       opens to experiment when it deals with substances which, in
       their normal state, are non-conductive, but which, agitated by
       an electric wave, instantly become conductive in a high
       degree. As long ago as 1866 Mr. S. A. Varley noticed that
       black lead, reduced to a loose dust, effectually intercepted a
       current from fifty Daniell cells, although the battery poles
       were very near each other. When he increased the electric
       tension fourfold to sixfold, the black-lead particles at once
       compacted themselves so as to form a bridge of excellent
       conductivity. On this principle he invented a
       lightning-protector for electrical instruments, the incoming
       flash causing a tiny heap of carbon dust to provide it with a
       path through which it could safely pass to the earth.
       Professor Temistocle Calzecchi Onesti of Fermo, in 1885, in an
       independent series of researches, discovered that a mass of
       powdered copper is a non-conductor until an electric wave
       beats upon it; then, in an instant, the mass resolves itself
       into a conductor almost as efficient as if it were a stout,
       unbroken wire. Professor Edouard Branly of Paris, in 1891, on
       this principle devised a coherer, which passed from resistance
       to invitation when subjected to an electric impulse from afar.
       He enhanced the value of his device by the vital discovery
       that the conductivity bestowed upon filings by electric
       discharges could be destroyed by simply shaking or tapping
       them apart. …

       "The coherer, as improved by Marconi, is a glass tube about 1½
       inches long and about 1/12 of an inch in internal diameter.
       The electrodes are inserted in this tube so as almost to
       touch; between them is about 1/30 of an inch filled with a
       pinch of the responsive mixture which forms the pivot of the
       whole contrivance. This mixture is 90 per cent. nickel
       filings, 10 per cent. hard silver filings, and a mere trace of
       mercury; the tube is exhausted of air to within 1/10000 part.
       … The coherer, when unexcited, forms a link which obstructs
       the flow of a current eager to leap across. The instant that
       an electric wave from the sending-station impinges upon the
       coherer it becomes conductive; the current instantly glides
       through it, and at the same time a current, by means of a
       relay, is sent through [a] powerful voltaic battery, so as to
       announce the signal through an ordinary telegraphic receiver.

       "An electric impulse, almost too attenuated for computation,
       is here able to effect such a change in a pinch of dust that
       it becomes a free avenue instead of a barricade. Through that
       avenue a powerful blow from a local store of energy makes
       itself heard and felt. No device of the trigger class is
       comparable with this in delicacy. An instant after a signal
       has taken its way through the coherer a small hammer strikes
       the tiny tube, jarring Hs particles asunder, so that they
       resume their normal state of high resistance. We may well be
       astonished at the sensitiveness of the metallic filings to an
       electric wave originating many miles away, but let us remember
       how clearly the eye can see a bright lamp at the same distance
       as it sheds a sister beam. Thus far no substance has been
       discovered with a mechanical responsiveness to so feeble a ray
       of light; in the world of nature and art the coherer stands
       alone. …

       "An essential feature of this method of etheric telegraphy,
       due to Marconi himself, is the suspension of a perpendicular
       wire at each terminus, its length twenty feet for stations a
       mile apart, forty feet for four miles, and so on, the
       telegraphic distance increasing as the square of the length of
       suspended wire. In the Kingstown regatta, July, 1898, Marconi
       sent from a yacht under full steam a report to the shore
       without the loss of a moment from start to finish. This feat
       was repeated during the protracted contest between the
       'Columbia' and the 'Shamrock' yachts in New York Bay, October,
       1899. On March 28, 1899, Marconi signals put Wimereux, two
       miles north of Boulogne, in communication with the South
       Foreland Lighthouse, thirty-two miles off. In August, 1899,
       during the manœuvres of the British navy, similar messages
       were sent as far as eighty miles. …

       "A weak point in the first Marconi apparatus was that anybody
       within the working radius of the sending instrument could read
       its message. To modify this objection secret codes were at
       times employed, as in commerce and diplomacy. A complete
       deliverance from this difficulty is promised in attuning a
       transmitter and a receiver to the same note, so that one
       receiver, and no other, shall respond to a particular
       frequency of impulses. The experiments which indicate success
       in this vital particular have been conducted by Professor
       Lodge."

          G. Iles,
          Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
          chapter 16 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

       "Shall we not," said Professor John Trowbridge, in an article
       published in the "New York Tribune," January 6, 1901, "in the
       next hundred years dispense with the limitations of wires and
       speak boldly through space, reaching some expectant human ear
       hundreds of miles away with the same ease that we now converse
       in a room? It is already possible to send messages by dots and
       dashes sixty to seventy miles without the use of wires. In the
       early days of the telephone this was the practical limit of
       that instrument, and we are all familiar with the immense
       extension which has taken place. Shall we not see a similar
       extension in the field of wireless telegraphy? Some late
       experiments which I have made lead me to be optimistic in
       regard to a possible great extension of the methods of
       wireless telegraphy.

       "In the first place, I believe that these experiments prove
       that wireless telegraphy is not necessarily or merely
       accomplished through the air, but, on the contrary, that the
       earth plays the controlling part, and that the message flows,
       so to speak, through the earth or over its surface rather than
       through the air. The most striking experiment was as follows:
       The poles of a storage battery of twenty thousand cells were
       connected with the ground at the Jefferson Laboratory, and I
       was enabled to receive the message in a room three quarters of
       a mile from the laboratory without the use of masts or wires
       of any sort. The earth was the medium of communication, and it
       seems possible, by arranging the sending and receiving apparatus
       suitably in connection with the electrical capacity of the
       earth, that we may dispense with lofty masts and overcome in
       this way the curvature of the earth."

    {443}

       Extensive experiments in wireless telegraphy are being
       conducted by the United States Weather Bureau, of which the
       following is a recent report: "Recognizing the advantage that
       would result to commerce and navigation by the establishment
       of wireless electrical communication between vessels at sea
       and exposed points on our lake and sea coasts, and also
       between islands along said coasts and the mainland, the
       Weather Bureau was directed to systematically investigate the
       various methods of electrical communication without wires. The
       progress made is eminently satisfactory. New appliances have
       been devised for the transmission of signals, and receivers
       have been constructed that probably are more delicate than any
       heretofore made. Messages already have been successfully
       transmitted and received over 50 miles of land, which
       presented a rough and irregular surface, conditions most
       unfavorable for the transmission of electro-magnetic waves. It
       is believed that the efficiency indicated by such transmission
       overland is sufficient to operate successfully over several
       hundred miles of water. The apparatus used is capable of
       further improvement. I hope the time is near at hand when the
       great number of craft employed in the coastwise commerce of
       the United States and over its great inland seas will be
       placed in instantaneous communication with the numerous
       stations of our Weather Bureau, which are located at all
       important ports. The matter is one of such great importance to
       our commerce that I have authorized extensive experimentation,
       which, from the success so far attending our efforts, will be
       vigorously prosecuted."

          United States, Annual Report of the
          Secretary of Agriculture,
          November 24, 1900, page 12.

       On the 12th of March, 1901, the chief of the Weather Bureau,
       Professor Moore, gave to the Press the following statement as
       to experiments in progress along the Virginia and North
       Carolina coast: "The most efficient method of long distance
       transmission has been found to be from wire cylinders. The new
       coast stations are being equipped with cylinders of sixteen
       wires each and 140 feet in length. From these cylinders it is
       expected to cover a magnetic field of not less than five
       hundred miles. The stations now in operation are at Hatteras
       and at Roanoke Island, in Pamlico Sound, North Carolina.
       Workmen are beginning the construction of a station at Cape
       Henry, which will be the third station. When this is finished
       the two remote stations will be 127 miles apart."

    MECHANICS:
       Steam turbines.

       "The latest form of steam-engine recalls the first. The
       steam-turbines of De Laval and of Parsons turn on the same
       principle as the æolipile of Hero. That simple contrivance was
       a metallic globe mounted on axes, and furnished through one of
       its trunnions with steam from a boiler near by. As steam rushed
       out from two nozzles diametrically opposite to each other, and
       at tangents to the globe, there resulted from the relieved
       pressure a swift rotation which might have done useful work. …
       Before the steam-turbine could be invented, metallurgists and
       mechanics had to become skilful enough to provide machinery
       which may with safety rotate 10,000 times in a minute; Watt
       had to invent the separate condenser; means had to be devised
       for the thorough expansion of high-pressure steam; and the
       crude device of Hero had to be supplanted by wheels suggested
       by the water-turbine.

       "The feature which gives the Parsons steam-turbine its
       distinction is the ingenious method by which its steam is used
       expansively. In a piston-engine the cylinder is filled to
       one-twelfth or one-fifteenth of its capacity with
       high-pressure steam, when communication with the boiler is cut
       off; during the remainder of its stroke the piston is urged
       solely by the steam's elasticity. In the Parsons turbine, by
       arranging what is practically a series of wheels on the same
       shaft, the steam passes from one wheel to the next, and at
       each wheel parts with only a fraction of its pressure and
       velocity. …

       "The 'Turbinia,' a torpedo-boat of 44½ tons displacement, 100
       feet in length, and 9 feet in beam, driven by this turbine,
       has consumed but 14½ pounds of steam an hour per indicated
       horse-power. The 'Viper,' a torpedo-boat destroyer of 325
       tons, and provided with a turbine capable of developing as
       much as 12,000 horse-power, ran at the rate of 37 knots in a
       rough sea during her trial trip in November, 1899."

          G. Iles,
          Flame, Electricity and the Camera,
          chapter 5
          (New York: Doubleday, Page & Co.).

    MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
       The determination of germ diseases.

       "Since 1880 it has been proved that anthrax, Asiatic cholera,
       cerebro-spinal meningitis, diphtheria, one form of dysentery,
       erysipelas, glanders, gonorrhœa, influenza, certain epidemics
       of meat poisoning, pyæmia and suppuration in general,
       pneumonia, tetanus, relapsing fever, tuberculosis, bubonic
       plague, and typhoid fever are due to minute vegetable
       organisms known as bacteria; that malarial fevers, Texas
       cattle fever, and certain forms of dysentery are due to forms
       of microscopic animal organisms known as microzoa; and for
       most of these diseases the mode of development and means of
       introduction of the micro-organism into the body are fairly
       well understood. To the information thus obtained we owe the
       triumphs of antiseptic and aseptic surgery, a great increase
       of precision in diagnosis, the use of specific anti-toxins as
       remedies and as preventives, and some of the best practical
       work in public hygiene."

          Dr. John S. Billings,
          Progress of Medicine in the Nineteenth Century
          (New York Evening Post, January 12, 1901).

    MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
       Antitoxine.
       Treatment of diphtheria.

       "In the early study of germs and their relation to disease it
       was supposed that the symptoms of the disease depended
       directly upon the germs themselves. This, however, has been
       proven to be false with reference to most of the infectious
       diseases studied. Thus, in diphtheria, the bacilli were found,
       as a rule, only in the throat or upper air passages, while the
       effects of the disease were far-reaching, involving the heart,
       the nerves, and other distant parts of the body. This, and
       other like observations, led to the careful study of the
       products produced by the growth of bacteria. As the result of
       the work of Roux in Paris, and Brieger in Berlin, the exact
       nature of the toxic products of the diphtheria bacillus was
       discovered. It was found that this bacillus produces in its
       growth a poison which is known as the diphtheria 'toxine.'
       This was isolated and injected into animals with the
       reproduction of all the symptoms of diphtheria excepting the
       membrane in the throat. …

    {444}

       "In his early work upon splenic fever and chicken-cholera
       Pasteur, having established the causes of these diseases, set
       himself the task of discovering means of preventing them.
       After very many experiments he found that animals inoculated
       with the germs of splenic fever, when these germs had been
       cultivated at a relatively high temperature, were protected
       against the disease itself, while these inoculations
       themselves were harmless. … These methods of producing
       immunity have been extensively used in Europe for the past
       twenty years and have been of immense practical value.

       "With the discovery that it was not the bacteria themselves
       which produced most of the symptoms, but their poisonous
       products or toxines, new experiments in immunity were made by
       injecting these toxines into animals. It was found that if the
       quantity of the diphtheria toxine introduced was at first so
       small as not to kill the animal, the dose could gradually be
       increased until finally such a tolerance was established that
       the animal could resist enormous doses of it. Many theories
       were advanced as to the manner in which this tolerance was
       established. The conclusion was finally reached that it was
       due to the gradual production in the blood of larger and
       larger quantities of some substance which neutralized the
       toxine, i. e., an 'antitoxine.' … Later experiments showed
       that if some of the blood of an animal, which in this way had
       been made insusceptible to diphtheria, was injected into
       another animal, the latter likewise became to a certain degree
       and for a certain time insusceptible; that is to say, became
       'immunized. …

       "The present plan of producing antitoxine is somewhat as
       follows. Large animals, such as the horse or cow, are usually
       employed for purposes of injection. In the beginning as large
       a quantity of the toxine of diphtheria is injected as the
       animal will bear without danger to life. … It is found that
       the dose of the toxine can gradually be increased with each
       injection until enormous quantities can be tolerated. When
       this point is reached at which the injection of large amounts
       of the toxine produces no reaction, the animal is said to
       possess a high degree of immunity. At this time the
       blood-serum contains a very large amount of the antitoxine. A
       long time is required for the production of this condition,
       the period being from three to twelve months, according to the
       size of the animal, its susceptibility, and many other
       conditions. … The antitoxine is obtained from the blood of the
       animal, generally by bleeding from the jugular vein. … After
       standing for a few hours this blood separates into a clot and
       a clear portion above which is known as the serum. The
       anti-toxine is contained in the blood-serum."

          L. E. Holt,
          The Antitoxine Treatment of Diphtheria
          (Forum, March, 1895).

          See, also (in this volume),
          PLAGUE.

    MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
       Discovery of the secret of malaria.
       Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of disease.

       "Twenty-five years ago the best-informed physicians
       entertained erroneous ideas with reference to the nature of
       malaria and the etiology of the malarial fevers. Observation
       had taught them that there was something in the air in the
       vicinity of marshes in tropical regions, and during the summer
       and autumn in semi-tropical and temperate regions, which gave
       rise to periodic fevers in those exposed in such localities,
       and the usual inference was that this something was of gaseous
       form—that it was a special kind of bad air generated in
       swampy localities under favorable meteorological conditions.
       It was recognized at the same time that there are other kinds
       of bad air, such as the offensive emanations from sewers and
       the products of respiration of man and animals, but the term
       malaria was reserved especially for the kind of bad air which
       was supposed to give rise to the so-called malarial fevers. In
       the light of our present knowledge it is evident that this
       term is a misnomer. There is no good reason for believing that
       the air of swamps is any more deleterious to those who breathe
       it than the air of the sea coast or that in the vicinity of
       inland lakes and ponds. Moreover, the stagnant pools, which
       are covered with a 'green scum' and from which bubbles of gas
       are given off, have lost all terrors for the well-informed
       man, except in so far as they serve as breeding places for
       mosquitoes of the genus Anopheles. The green scum is made up
       of harmless algæ such as Spirogyra, Zygnema Protococcus,
       Euglena, etc.; and the gas which is given off from the mud at
       the bottom of such stagnant pools is for the most part a
       well-known and comparatively harmless compound of hydrogen and
       carbon-methane or 'marsh-gas.'

       "In short, we now know that the air in the vicinity of marshes
       is not deleterious because of any special kind of bad air
       present in such localities, but because it contains mosquitoes
       infected with a parasite known to be the specific cause of the
       so-called malarial fevers. This parasite was discovered in the
       blood of patients suffering from intermittent fevers by
       Laveran, a surgeon in the French army, whose investigations
       were conducted in Algiers. This famous discovery was made
       toward the end of the year 1880; but it was several years
       later before the profession generally began to attach much
       importance to the alleged discovery."

          G. M. Sternberg,
          Malaria
          (Popular Science Monthly, February, 1901).

       "It was the French doctor Laveran who, after a stay in a
       deadly malarial region of Algeria, discovered the malaria
       parasite in 1880. True, that pigment-cells, which we should
       now describe as malaria-parasites, were observed in human
       blood as early as 1835, among others by Virchow; but their
       relation to the disease was not known. In 1881, Laveran
       embodied his researches in a book, but its importance was
       overlooked. Bacteria attracted then general attention, and
       Laveran's parasite, not being a bacterium, was little thought
       of. He stuck, nevertheless, to his discovery, and was soon
       joined in his researches by Golgi (the Italian professor to
       whom we owe the method that led to the discovery of the
       neurons), as also by Marchiafava, Celli, Councilman,
       Sternberg, and the Viennese doctor Mannaberg who published in
       1893 a full compendium of these researches. Dr. Mannaberg
       proved in this book that the real cause of malaria is
       Laveran's parasite, and he told its most interesting
       life-history so far as it was then known.

       "The parasite of malaria is not a bacterium. It is one of the
       protozoa—namely, as it appeared later on, a coccidium, which,
       like all other members of that family, undergoes in its
       development a series of transformations. … Laveran saw that
       some parasites ('corps à flagelles') would send out thin and
       long flagella which soon parted company with the mother body,
       and, owing to a proper helicoidal movement, disappeared in the
       plasm of the blood. This never happened, however, in the body of
       man, but only when a drop of his infected blood was drawn and
       placed on the glass plate under the microscope.
    {445}
       Laveran noticed, moreover, minute 'crescent-shaped bodies'
       which adhered to the red corpuscles and looked very much like
       cysts, protected by a harder envelope. From fifteen to twenty
       minutes after these bodies had been placed under the
       microscope, they also gave origin to a great number of
       'flagella'; and this evolution, too, he remarked, seemed to be
       accomplished only when the cysts were taken out of the human
       body.

       "It was only natural to conclude from these observations that
       the further development of the flagella may take place in the
       body of some other animal than man, and this consideration
       brought Laveran, in a book which he published in 1884, to the
       idea that, taking into consideration the quantities of
       mosquitoes in malarial countries, they may be the agents of
       transition of malaria. This remark passed, however,
       unperceived. Many had the suspicion that gnats may play some
       part in the inoculation of malaria: the Italian peasants
       always thought so, and in the medical literature an American
       doctor, Mr. King, had advocated the same idea. But the
       complete life-history of the malaria parasite being not yet
       known fifteen years ago, the necessity of the mosquito or of
       some other living being serving as a host for the completion
       of the reproduction-cycle was not understood."

          P. Kropotkin,
          Recent Science
          (Nineteenth Century Review, December, 1900).

       Dr. Patrick Manson, of London, is credited with the final
       formulation of the mosquito-malarial theory; but the proofs by
       which it has been established have come from a number of
       investigators, who have patiently traced the singular
       life-history of the parasite, throughout its passage from man
       to the mosquito and from the mosquito back to man, as a
       vehicle of disease. Among the latter, prominence is given to
       Major Ronald Ross, who lectured on the subject in London in
       September, 1900, and was reported in "The Times" as follows:

       "They first carried on their life in man—the intermediary
       host—and later in the mosquito, the definitive host. These
       Hæmamœbidæ began as spores which entered a blood corpuscle,
       grew and became amœbæ. The nuclear matter divided, the
       corpuscle containing it burst, the spores scattered, and each
       spore then attached itself to a fresh corpuscle. The access of
       the typical fever began with this scattering of the spores,
       and thus the periodicity of the fever was accounted for.
       Besides this neutral proliferation there was proliferation by
       gametes. The blood of a fever patient exhibited the first
       forms of the gametocytes. The spore grew inside the blood
       corpuscle, and in that species which caused malignant fever it
       grew until it had almost eaten the whole of the host. It was
       then technically called a crescent. If this crescent were
       examined under the microscope a wonderful development might be
       observed to take place in a few moments. The crescent swelled
       and became first oval, then spherical, and in about 15 minutes
       after the drawing of the blood the microgametes made their escape
       and were to be seen wriggling about in the 'liquor sanguinis.'
       Ultimately they entered the macrogametocytes and produced
       zygotes, which was nothing but a perfect example of the sperm
       and the ovum process. "The whole process could be watched
       under the microscope. The mosquito, having bitten a person in
       whose blood these gametocytes were present, would take perhaps
       100 of them into its own system, where the zygotes acquired a
       power of movement, edging towards the wall of the mosquito's
       stomach. About 12 hours afterwards they would be found
       adhering to the walls of the stomach, through which they
       passed and to which they finally attached themselves on the
       outside. This process was accomplished in about 36 hours. The
       zygotes then grew until they had increased to about eight
       times their original diameter and were almost visible to the
       naked eye. As the zygote increased it divided into meres
       containing nuclear matter, which went to the surface. The
       process here seemed to be closely similar to spermato-genesis,
       and Professor Ray Lankester declared that the process was the
       first known example of audrocratic parthenogenesis. When the
       final development was reached the cells burst and the blasts
       escaped and were immediately carried into all parts of the
       insect. They made their way to the salivary gland, with the
       evident purpose of seeking the blood of a fresh human host;
       and the injection of the secretion of the mosquito's salivary
       gland caused the bump which marked the mosquito's bite. A very
       large series of experiments had shown conclusively that
       malarial infection was caused by the bite of the mosquito.

       "The parasites which infested human blood were carried only by
       one genus of mosquito—'Anopheles'; the genus 'Culex' was
       harmless. The two genera could be readily distinguished. For
       example, 'Anopheles' rested on walls with their tails stuck
       out perpendicular to the wall; 'Culex' attached themselves
       with tails hanging downwards. 'Culex' bred in the water in
       pots and tubs; 'Anopheles' in pools. The larvæ of 'Culex,' if
       disturbed, sank to the bottom; the larvæ of 'Anopheles'
       skimmed along the surface. It was doubtful whether the eggs of
       'Anopheles' would live for more than a few days after
       desiccation. The eggs were laid in an equilateral triangular
       pattern; they were soon hatched, and the larvæ then began to
       feed on the green scum in the water. A still evening, just
       before or after rain, was the time most favourable for the
       hatching out from the pupæ. As to the adults, he believed that
       they could live for a year; at any rate, they had been kept
       alive in tubes for more than a month; and it was certain that
       in England and Italy they hibernated. The female of
       'Anopheles' alone was the biter, and though the favourite
       feeding time was at night, in West Africa the insects had been
       found to bite all day. While 'Culex' could be detected by its
       humming, 'Anopheles' was silent, and it was possible to be
       bitten without knowing of it at the moment. He had found that
       a blood diet was always necessary to the maturing of the eggs.
       He had kept many thousands of mosquitoes under observation and
       had never known one to lay eggs except after a meal of blood.
       Malarial infection was derived chiefly from the native
       children, who swarmed everywhere, and whose blood was full of
       the infecting parasites."

       An expedition sent out to West Africa by the Liverpool School
       of Tropical Medicine, to pursue investigations there, reported
       in December, 1900, that its observations confirm the
       conclusion "that the blood parasite which gives rise to
       malarial fever in man is carried by the mosquito from the
       native to the European—and more especially from the native
       children.
    {446}
       The examination of the blood of hundreds of native children
       revealed the interesting fact that between 50 and 80 per cent.
       of those under five years, between 20 and 30 per cent. of ages
       between five and ten years, and a small percentage over ten
       years contained malarial parasites, often in very large
       numbers. The breeding places of the 'Anopheles' were found to
       be chiefly the dug-out native canoes in the regions of the
       mangrove swamps, claypits and puddles in the forested
       district, and at Lokoja puddles and ditches on and alongside
       the roads and footpaths. It was particularly noticed
       everywhere how carelessness in the construction of roads and
       footpaths, and more especially in the laying out of the areas
       surrounding the factories of the European traders, was
       accountable for the production of a large number of breeding
       places for mosquitoes, which could easily have been avoided.
       In fact, it is certain that in West Africa such conditions are
       far more dangerous and more common than the proximity of a
       marsh or swamp, which is often noted as a cause of fever. …
       The two methods upon which alone any reliance can be placed as
       measures for prevention are—(l) segregation of Europeans from
       natives of all sorts, at a distance of about half a mile; and
       (2) complete and efficient surface drainage of the whole
       district in the immediate neighbourhood of European quarters."

       The detection of the mosquito as a carrier of one disease drew
       suspicion on the pestilent insect of other kindred crimes, and
       strong evidence of its agency in propagating yellow fever has
       been gathered already. A board of medical officers, which went
       from the United States to Cuba in the summer of 1900 to study
       the matter, reported in October that their investigations
       tended quite positively to that conclusion. The board was
       composed of Dr. Walter Reed, surgeon, United States Army, and
       Dr. James Carroll, Dr. A. Agramonte, and Dr. Jesse W. Lazear,
       all acting assistant surgeons of the United States Army. Two
       months later, so much confirmation had been obtained that
       Major-General Wood, Military-Governor of Cuba (himself a
       medical man) was reported, on the 29th of December, to have
       issued a general order directed to his post commanders,
       "reciting that the chief surgeon of the Department of Cuba has
       reported that it is now well-established that malaria, yellow
       fever and filarial infection are transmitted by the bites of
       mosquitoes. Therefore the troops are enjoined to observe
       carefully two precautions: First—they are to use mosquito bars
       in all barracks, hospitals and field service whenever
       practicable. Second—They are to destroy the 'wigglers,' or
       young mosquitoes, by the use of petroleum on the water where
       they breed. Permanent pools or puddles are to be filled up. To
       the others is to be applied one ounce of kerosene to each
       fifteen square feet of water twice a month, which will destroy
       not only the young but the old mosquitoes. This does not
       injure drinking water if drawn from below and not dipped out.
       Protection is thus secured, according to the order, because
       the mosquito does not fly far, but seeks shelter when the wind
       blows, and thus each community breeds its own mosquitoes."

       This was followed in April, 1901, by an order from the chief
       surgeon at Havana, approved by Surgeon-General Sternberg, U.
       S. A., which says: "The recent experiments made in Havana by
       the Medical Department of the Army having proved that yellow
       fever, like malarial fever, is conveyed chiefly, and probably
       exclusively, by the bite of infected mosquitoes, important
       changes in the measures used for the prevention and treatment
       of this disease have become necessary. So far as yellow fever
       is concerned, infection of a room or building simply means
       that it contains infected mosquitoes, that is mosquitoes which
       have fed on yellow fever patients. Disinfection, therefore,
       means the employment of measures aimed at the destruction of
       these mosquitoes. The most effective of these measures is
       fumigation, either with sulphur, formaldehydes or insect
       powder. The fumes of sulphur are the quickest and the most
       effective insecticide, but are otherwise objectionable.
       Formaldehyde gas is quite effective if the infected rooms are
       kept closed and sealed for two or three hours. The smoke of
       insect powder has also been proved useful; it readily
       stupefies mosquitoes, which drop to the floor and can then be
       easily destroyed. The washing of walls, floors, ceilings and
       furniture with disinfectants is unnecessary."

    MEDICAL AND SURGICAL:
       Recent advances in surgery.

       "In no department of surgery has greater progress been made
       than in the treatment of diseases of the abdominal organs. …
       At the present time no abdominal organ is sacred from the
       surgeon's knife. Bowels riddled with bullet-holes are
       stitched up successfully; large pieces of gangrenous or
       cancerous intestine are cut out, the ends of the severed tube
       being brought into continuity by means of ingenious
       appliances; the stomach is opened for the removal of a foreign
       body, for the excision of a cancer, or for the administration
       of nourishment to a patient unable to swallow; stones are
       extracted from the substance of the kidneys, and these organs
       when hopelessly diseased are extirpated; the spleen, when
       enlarged or otherwise diseased, is removed bodily; gall-stones
       are cutout, and even tumours of the liver are excised. The
       kidney, the spleen, and the liver, when they cause trouble by
       unnatural mobility, are anchored by stitches to the abdominal
       wall; and the stomach has been dealt with successfully in the
       same way for the cure of indigestion. Besides all this, many
       cases of obstruction of the bowels, which in days not very
       long gone by would have been doomed to inevitable death, are
       now cured by a touch of the surgeon's knife. The perforation
       of the intestine, which is one of the most formidable
       complications of typhoid fever, has in a few cases been
       successfully closed by operation; and inflammation of the
       peritoneum, caused by the growth of tuberculous masses upon
       it, has been apparently cured by opening the abdominal cavity.
       Among the most useful advances of this department of surgery
       must be accounted the treatment of the condition known as
       'appendicitis,' which has been to a large extent rescued from
       the physician, with his policy of 'laissez faire,' and placed
       under the more resolute and more efficient government of the
       surgeon. A New York surgeon not long ago reported a series of
       100 cases of operation for appendicitis, with only two deaths.
       …

    {447}

       "That surgery could ever deal with the abdominal organs in the
       manner just described would have seemed to our predecessors in
       the earlier part of the Queen's reign the baseless fabric of a
       vision. But the modern surgeon, clad in antisepsis, as the Lady
       in 'Comus' was 'clothed round with chastity,' defies the
       'rabble rout' of microbes and dares things which only a short
       time ago were looked upon as beyond the wildest dreams of
       scientific enthusiasm. It is scarcely twenty years since the
       late Sir John Erichsen declared in a public address that
       operative surgery had nearly reached its furthest possible
       limits of development. He pointed out that there were certain
       regions of the body into which the surgeon's knife could never
       penetrate, naming the brain, the heart, and the lung as the
       most obvious examples of such inviolable sanctuaries of life.
       Within the last fifteen years the surgeon has brought each of
       these organs, which constitute what Bichat called the 'tripod
       of life,' within his sphere of conquest. … It must, however,
       be admitted that the results of brain surgery, though
       brilliant from the operative point of view, have so far been
       somewhat disappointing as regards the ultimate cure of the
       disease. In certain forms of epilepsy, in particular, which at
       first seemed to be curable by removal of the 'cortical
       discharging centre' in the brain which is the source of the
       mischief, the tendency to fits has been found to return after
       a time, and the last state of the patient has been worse than
       the first. Still, the mere fact that the brain has been proved
       to be capable of being dealt with surgically with perfect safety
       is in itself a very distinct progress. …

       "Other parts of the nervous system have been brought within
       the range of surgical art. The vertebral column has been
       successfully trephined, and fragments of bone pressing on the
       cord have been taken away in cases of fractured spine; tumours
       have also been removed from the spinal cord by Mr. Horsley and
       others. There is a steadily increasing record of cures of
       intractable neuralgia, especially of the face, by division or
       removal of the affected nerve trunks. … The ends of cut nerves
       have also been re-united, and solutions of their continuity
       have been filled up with portions of nerve taken from animals.
       … The heart naturally cannot be made so free with, even by the
       most enterprising surgeon, as the brain or the lung. Yet
       within the past twelve months a Norwegian practitioner has
       reported a case which encourages a hope that even wounds of
       the heart may not be beyond surgical treatment. … Tuberculous
       and inflammatory diseases of bones and joints, formerly
       intractable except by the 'ultima ratio' of the amputating
       knife, are now cured without mutilation. Deformities are
       corrected by division of tendons, the excision of portions of
       bone, and the physiological exercise of muscles, without
       complicated apparatus. The healing of large wounds is assisted
       by the grafting of healthy skin on the raw surface; wide gaps in
       bones and tendons are filled up with portions of similar
       structures obtained from animals." …

          Malcolm Morris,
          The Progress of Medicine during the Queen's Reign
          (Nineteenth Century, May, 1897).

          See, also, X RAYS, below.

    SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:
       International cataloguing.

       On the 22d of March, 1894, the Secretaries of the Royal
       Society of London addressed the following communication to
       various institutions and societies: "The Royal Society of
       London, as you are probably aware, has published nine quarto
       volumes of 'The catalogue of scientific papers,' the first
       volume of the decade 1874-1883 having been issued last year.
       This catalogue is limited to periodical scientific literature,
       i. e., to papers published in the transactions, etc., of
       societies, and in journals; it takes no account whatever of
       monographs and independent books, however important. The
       titles, moreover, are arranged solely according to authors'
       names; and though the Society has long had under consideration
       the preparation of, and it is hoped may eventually issue, as a
       key to the volumes already published, a list in which the
       titles are arranged according to subject-matter, the catalogue
       is still being prepared according to authors' names. Further,
       though the Society has endeavored to include the titles of all
       the scientific papers published in periodicals of acknowledged
       standing, the catalogue is, even as regards periodical
       literature, confessedly incomplete, owing to the omission of
       the titles of papers published in periodicals of little
       importance, or not easy of access.

       "Owing to the great development of scientific literature, the
       task of the Society in continuing the catalogue, even in its
       present form, is rapidly increasing in difficulty. At the same
       time it is clear that the progress of science would be greatly
       helped by, indeed, almost demands, the compilation of a
       catalogue which should aim at completeness, and should contain
       the titles of scientific publications, whether appearing in
       periodicals or independently. In such a catalogue the titles
       should be arranged not only according to authors' names, but
       also according to subject-matter, the text of each paper and
       not the title only being consulted for the latter purpose. And
       the value of the catalogue would be greatly enhanced by a
       rapid periodical issue, and by publication in such a form that
       the portion which pertains to any particular branch of science
       might be obtained separately. It is needless to say that the
       preparation and publication of such a complete catalogue is
       far beyond the power and means of any single society.

       "Led by the above considerations, the president and council of
       the Royal Society have appointed a committee to inquire into
       and report upon the feasibility of such a catalogue being
       compiled through international co-operation."

          Library Journal,
          March, 1895.

       The movement thus initiated received cordial support and led
       to the convening of an International Conference in London, in
       1896. The Conference was opened on Tuesday, July 14, at
       Burlington House. "The 42 delegates, representing nearly all
       the governments of civilized countries and most of the leading
       scientific societies of the world, were welcomed by Sir John
       Gorst, as provisional president. … It was decided that
       English, German and French should be the official languages of
       the conference. … The conference closed on Friday, July 17,
       the need of an international catalogue having been fully
       recognized, and a plan for its preparation mapped out. It was
       decided 'That it is desirable to compile and publish by means
       of some international organization a complete catalogue of
       scientific literature, arranged according both to
       subject-matter and to authors' names. That in preparing such a
       catalogue regard shall, in the first instance, be had to the
       requirements of scientific investigators, to the end that
       these may, by means of the catalogue, find out most easily
       what has been published concerning any particular subject of
       inquiry.'

    {448}

       "The preparation of the catalogue is to be in charge of an
       international council, to be appointed, and the final editing
       and publication shall be conducted by a central international
       bureau, under the direction of the international council. Any
       country that is willing to do so shall be entrusted with the
       task of collecting, provisionally classifying, and
       transmitting to the central bureau, in accordance with rules
       laid down by the international council, all the entries
       belonging to the scientific literature of that country. 'In
       indexing according to subject-matter regard shall be had, not
       only to the title (of a paper or book), but also to the nature
       of the contents.' The catalogue shall comprise all published
       original contributions—periodical articles, pamphlets,
       memoirs, etc.—to the mathematical, physical, or natural
       sciences, … 'to the exclusion of what are sometimes called the
       applied sciences—the limits of the several sciences to be
       determined hereafter.' …

       "The central bureau shall issue the catalogue in the form of
       'slips' or 'cards,' the details of the cards to be hereafter
       determined, and the issue to take place as promptly as
       possible. … It was also decided that the central bureau shall
       be located in London, and that the Royal Society appoint a
       committee to study all undecided questions relating to the
       catalogue and to report later. … No system of classification
       was adopted and the subject was turned over for consideration
       to the committee of organization, which should also suggest
       'such details as will render the catalogue of the greatest
       possible use to those unfamiliar with English.' January 1,
       1900, is fixed as the date for the beginning of the
       catalogue."

          Library Journal,
          August, 1896.

       A second international conference, to consider further the
       plans previously outlined, was held October 11-13, 1898, at
       Burlington House, London. "The attendance was a representative
       one, including delegates from Austria, Belgium, France,
       Germany, Hungary, Japan, Mexico, Netherlands, Norway, Sweden,
       Switzerland, the United Kingdom, the United States
       (represented by Dr. Cyrus Adler), Cape Colony, India, Natal,
       New Zealand, and Queensland. Russia, Spain and Italy were the
       only large continental countries unrepresented. …

       "Professor Forster having formally presented the report of the
       Committee of the Royal Society, copies of which were forwarded
       in April last to the several governments represented at the
       conference, the discussion of the recommendations was opened,
       and it was resolved: 'That the conference confirms the
       principle that the catalog be published in the double form of
       cards and books. That schedules of classification shall be
       authorized for the several branches of science which it is
       decided to include in the catalog. That geography be defined
       as limited to mathematical and physical geography, and that
       political and general geography be excluded. That anatomy be
       entered on the list as a separate subject. That a separate
       schedule be provided for each of the following branches of
       science: Mathematics, Astronomy, Meteorology, Physics,
       Crystallography, Chemistry, Mineralogy, Geology (including
       Petrology), Geography, mathematical and physical,
       Paleontology, Anatomy, Zoology, Botany, Physiology (including
       Pharmacology and Experimental Pathology), Bacteriology,
       Psychology, Anthropology. That each of the sciences for which
       a separate schedule is provided shall be indicated by a
       symbol.'" Resolutions were then adopted providing for the
       regulations to be observed in the preparation of cards or
       slips, and for the organization of the work through Regional
       Bureaus.

       "The following recommendations of the Royal Society providing
       for international conventions in connection with the catalog
       were adopted: 'Each region in which a Regional Bureau is
       established, charged with the duty of preparing and
       transmitting slips to the Central Bureau for the compilation
       of the catalog, shall be called a constituent region. In 1905,
       in 1910, and every tenth year afterwards, an international
       convention shall be held in London (in July) to reconsider,
       and, if necessary, revise the regulations for carrying out the
       work of the catalog authorized by the international convention
       of 1898. Such an international convention shall consist of
       delegates appointed by the respective governments to represent
       the constituent regions, but no region shall be represented by
       more than three delegates. The rules of procedure of each
       international convention shall be the same as those of the
       international convention of 1898. The decisions of an
       international convention shall remain in force until the next
       convention meets.'

       "The following recommendations of the Royal Society relating
       to the constitution of an International Council, which shall
       be the governing body of the catalog, were adopted: 'Each
       Regional Bureau shall appoint one person to serve as a member
       of a body to be called The International Council. The
       International Council shall, within the regulations laid down
       by the international convention, be the governing body of the
       catalog. The International Council shall appoint its own
       chairman and secretary. It shall meet in London once in three
       years at least, and at such other times as the chairman, with
       the concurrence of five other members, may specially appoint.
       It shall, subject to the regulations laid down by the
       convention, be the supreme authority for the consideration of
       and decision concerning all matters belonging to the Central
       Bureau. It shall make a report of its doings, and submit a
       balance sheet, copies of which shall be distributed to the
       several Regional Bureaus, and published in some recognized
       periodical or periodicals in each of the constituent
       regions.'"

          Library Journal,
          December, 1898.

       The third international conference on a catalog of scientific
       literature was held in London, June 12, 1900, under the
       auspices of the Royal Society. "Unfortunately the United
       States finds no place in the list [of delegates]. This was
       owing to the failure to secure from Congress the necessary
       appropriation enabling the United States to join in the
       enterprise; and as the call to the conference required that
       delegates be charged with full powers, it was impossible for
       any representative of the United States to be in attendance. …

       "The general results of the conference are reviewed by
       Professor Henry E. Armstrong, in 'Nature,' as follows: 'There
       can be little doubt that the ultimate execution of this
       important enterprise is now assured. … Everyone was of opinion
       that if a fair beginning can once be made, the importance of the
       work is so great; it will be of such use to scientific workers
       at large; that it will rapidly grow in favor and soon secure
       that wide support which is not yet given to it simply because
       its character and value are but imperfectly understood.
       Therefore, all were anxious that a beginning should be made.

    {449}

       "'It has been estimated that if 300 sets or the equivalent are
       sold the expenses of publication will be fully met. As the
       purchase of more than half this number was guaranteed by
       France, Germany, Italy, Norway, Switzerland, and the United
       Kingdom, the conference came to the conclusion that the number
       likely to be taken by other countries would be such that the
       subscriptions necessary to cover the cost of the catalog would
       be obtained. The resolution arrived at after this opinion had
       been formed, That the catalog include both an author's and a
       subject index, according to the schemes of the Provisional
       International Committee, must, in fact, be read as a
       resolution to establish the catalog.

       "'Of the countries represented at the various conferences,
       excepting Belgium, not one has expressed any unwillingness
       eventually to co-operate in the work. Unfortunately, neither
       the United States nor Russia was officially represented on the
       present occasion. The attempts that have been made to induce
       the government in the United States to directly subsidise the
       catalog have not been successful: but that the United States
       will contribute its fair share, both of material and pecuniary
       support, cannot be doubted. There as here private or corporate
       enterprise must undertake much that is done under government
       auspices in Europe. As to Russia, the organization of
       scientific workers there has been so little developed that it
       is very difficult to secure their attention, and probably our
       Russian colleagues are as yet but very imperfectly aware of
       what is proposed. … A Provisional International Committee has
       been appointed, which will take the steps now necessary to
       secure the adhesion and co-operation of countries not yet
       pledged to support the scheme.

       "'Originally it was proposed to issue a card as well as a book
       catalog, but on account of the great additional expense this
       would involve, and as the Americans in particular have not
       expressed themselves in favor of a card issue, it is resolved
       to publish the catalog, for the present, only in the form of
       annual volumes.

       "'From the outset great stress has been laid on the
       preparation of subject indexes which go behind the titles of
       papers and give fairly full information as to the nature of
       their contents. Both at the first and the second International
       Conference this view met with the fullest approval. Meanwhile,
       the action of the German government has made it necessary to
       somewhat modify the original plan. In Germany, a regional
       bureau will be established, supported by a government
       subvention, and it is intended that the whole German
       scientific literature shall be cataloged in this office; no
       assistance will be asked from authors or editors or corporate
       bodies. In such an office it will for the present be
       impossible to go behind titles; consequently, only the titles
       of German papers will be quoted in the catalog. In the first
       instance, some other countries may prefer to adopt this course
       on the ground of economy. But in this country, at least, the
       attempt will be made to deal fully with the literature, and
       the co-operation of authors and editors will be specially
       invited. …

       "'The catalog is to be published annually in seventeen
       distinct volumes. The collection of material is to commence
       from January 1, 1901. As it will be impossible to print and
       issue so many volumes at once, it is proposed to publish them
       in sets of four or five at quarterly intervals.'"

          Library Journal,
          September, 1900.

       The fourth Conference was held at London, December 12-13,
       1900, when "all arrangements were completed for the definitive
       commencement of the work on January 1. … The responsibility
       for publication and for the initial expenditure is undertaken
       by the Royal Society. … A comprehensive and elaborate system
       of classification has been devised with the assent of all the
       countries interested. This uniformity in a region where
       diversity of a perplexing kind has hitherto ruled is in itself
       a great boon to scientific workers everywhere. It may be
       anticipated that the scheme will by degrees be adopted in all
       collections of scientific works. As to the nothing aspects of
       this important undertaking, larger more need be said at
       present than that the scientific cataloguing of all scientific
       work most appropriately celebrates the opening of the
       twentieth century."

       [Transcriber's note: In the previous sentence the words
       "nothing" and "larger" appear interchanged.]

          London Times,
          December 14, 1900.

    SCIENTIFIC LITERATURE:
       In the Nineteenth Century.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: DOMINANT LINES.

       ----------Scientific Literature: End--------

       ----------SCOTLAND: Start--------

    SCOTLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Union of the Free and United Presbyterian Churches.

       "In the ecclesiastical world only one event of the first
       importance has happened [in Scotland, in 1900], the
       consummation of the union between the Free and United
       Presbyterian Churches, which has been the subject of
       negotiation for six years past. The May meetings of the
       leading representative courts of the two denominations were
       occupied almost exclusively with the final arrangements for
       the formal act of union, which was fixed to take place on
       October 31. An attempt by a number of lay office-bearers of
       the Free Church to postpone the final step, on the ground that
       the congregations had not been directly and fairly consulted,
       failed of its object. On October 30 the General Assembly of
       the Free Church and the Synod of the United Presbyterian
       Church held their last meetings in Edinburgh as independent
       bodies. On the following day they formally constituted
       themselves the United Free Church of Scotland in the Waverley
       Market, the largest public hall in Scotland, in presence of an
       audience computed to number 6,000 persons. The union has, as
       is the rule in Scotland, been accompanied by a 'disruption.'
       The minority of the Free Church, which on October 30 resolved
       to remain outside the United Free Church, is very small in
       number and is financially weak, but it claims to be the true
       Free Church of Scotland, it is asserting itself vigorously in
       the Highlands and islands, where Free Church
       'constitutionalism' has always been strongest, and it has
       taken the first step in a process of litigation for the
       purpose of discovering whether it or the United Free Church is
       legally entitled to the property of the original Free Church
       founded in 1843. But for this secession, the strength of which
       is not accurately estimable, the new denomination would,
       according to the latest official returns, have opposed about
       1,680 congregations and about 530,000 members to the 1,450
       congregations and 650,000 members of the Church of Scotland."

          London Times,
          December 27, 1900.

    {450}

    SEA POWER.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    SEAL-KILLING DISPUTES.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    SEGAN FU,
    SI-NGAN-FU,
       The Chinese Imperial Court at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

    SEMINOLES,
       United States Agreement with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    SENEGAL; A. D. 1895.
       Under a French Governor-General.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

    SENOUSSI, The Sect of the.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    SERAPEION, Discovery of the.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT:
          DISCOVERY OF THE SERAPEION.

    SERVIA: A. D. 1894-1901.
       Abolition of the constitution by royal proclamation.
       Final exile and death of ex-King Milan.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES (SERVIA).

    SERVIA: A. D. 1901 (April).
       Promulgation of a new constitution.

       A new constitution for Servia was promulgated by King
       Alexander, at Belgrade, on the 19th of April, 1901. Of the
       character of the instrument, the King had previously given
       intimations in an interview conceded to the editor of the
       "Revue d'Orient," the account of which, translated for the
       "London Times," is partly as follows: "Our three Constitutions
       of 1869, 1888, and 1901 differ from each other in important
       matters of principle. That of 1869 practically amounted to
       absolutism, if I may thus qualify any Constitution. It is true
       that the executive power retained but few prerogatives, but
       that was deceptive, as the rights of the Legislature were
       surrounded by exceptions and restrictions which made it easy
       to paralyse and annihilate them at any moment. The
       Constitution of 1888 had the contrary defects. It subordinated
       the executive power to that of the Legislature, only leaving to
       the former an altogether insufficient sphere of action. It had
       another great fault. It was excessively doctrinaire and
       theoretical, affecting to foresee everything and to regulate
       everything, so that the legislative power was bound hand and
       foot and could not legislate freely. The Constitution which
       will be promulgated on April 19, the anniversary of the day
       when the fortress of Belgrade was finally evacuated by the
       Turks in 1867, is a charter similar to those which organize
       the public powers in several countries of Europe, as, for
       instance, in England and in France. It settles the form of
       government, the powers of the King and of the State, the
       rights of subjects, the working of the national
       representation, &c. But it leaves to the Legislature the
       settlement of all details. What more particularly
       distinguishes the Constitution of 1901 from that of 1869 is
       that it prevents the use and abuse of ordinances by the
       Executive, which will be obliged to frame special laws in
       every case—that is to say, laws accepted and approved of by
       the King, the Senate, and the Chamber of Deputies. Thus
       legality will henceforth be the regulating wheel in the
       machinery of government. The Chamber of Deputies will be much
       better organized, as the enlightened classes will be much more
       numerously represented. The Constitution of 1901 will also
       present great advantages over that of 1888. The Legislature
       will control the acts of the Government as far as can possibly
       be desired. At the same time the constitutional regime as
       established in the new Constitution will give the King all the
       power that he ought to retain in a country that is still new,
       like Servia, without diminishing any of the inviolable
       liberties of the nation.

       "I attach very great importance to the new political
       institution with which I am going to endow Servia—namely, an
       Upper Chamber. Considering that it already exists, not only in
       monarchical countries, but also in most Republics, as, for
       instance, in France and the United States, I cannot admit that
       it should be regarded as involving the slightest aristocratic
       tendency or idea. I know my country well enough to be sure
       that I shall find a sufficient number of high-class
       politicians to recruit the Senate, and that enough will remain
       for the Chamber of Deputies. I am likewise fully persuaded
       that the legislative task of the Parliament will be much
       better performed when the Chamber of Deputies is conscious
       that above it there exists a Senate whose business it is to
       revise and improve the laws which it has elaborated, of course
       for the greater benefit of the nation. Then, again, the Senate
       will form a moderating element which was much wanting in our
       Legislature. What Servia is suffering from is not any lack of
       legislation, but from the circumstances that the existing laws
       were hastily framed or were the outcome of party rancour. If
       we had formerly had a Senate composed of men of experience and
       good patriots, they would never have consented to the conclusion
       of so many onerous loans, to the application of so many
       iniquitous measures, nor to the convocation of the special
       tribunal, 'le tribunal extraordinaire,' of 1899.

       "At first the Radical party was not favourable to the
       institution of an Upper Chamber, but it now recognizes the
       great advantages it will offer, and has rallied to my project.
       The Progressist party has always been favourable to it. The
       majority of the Liberal party has also adhered to it. I
       therefore believe that this new institution will be of the
       greatest service to the country. All that is required, and
       with a little good will it can be easily done, is that the
       members of the two Chambers should endeavour honestly,
       sincerely, and loyally to work for the good of the State and
       of the nation. If I have not thought right to raise the
       qualification for the suffrage, as desired by some people, it
       is because I did not wish to disfranchise any of those who
       have enjoyed the right of voting during the last 35 years. I
       do not wish to restrict any of the rights of the nation.

    {451}

       "The application of the new Constitution will be the great
       task of my Government, in which I have every confidence. The
       Prime Minister, Dr. Vuitch, has the sympathy and support not
       only of his own party but of all who would like to see the
       country governed in a liberal spirit. His presence at the head
       of the Ministry is a pledge for the active and sincere
       co-operation of all elements of order and progress. … As soon
       as the new Constitution has been promulgated, the Government
       will invite the co-operation of all those which admit its
       necessity and fitness. A large Conservative party will thus be
       formed which will have the requisite power and authority for
       all purposes of government, for the application of the
       Constitution, and for the elaboration of financial and
       economic laws necessary for the progress of the country.

       "As regards the question of the succession to the Throne, I
       wanted to settle it finally, as the members of the reigning
       dynasty are not numerous unless the remote collateral lines be
       included, which is not possible. Moreover, everybody wished me
       to take in this matter such decisions as I might think proper
       in view of securing the continuation of the Servian Monarchy.
       The first thing to be done was to safeguard the rights of the
       direct line without seeking to bind ourselves by the Salic
       Law, which there is really no reason to apply in our country.
       I should add here that there are no anti-dynastic elements in
       Servia, with the exception, perhaps, of a few hare-brained
       individuals who really do not enter into account. My people
       are profoundly attached to the reigning dynasty, and never
       lose an opportunity of showing me their loyalty. It is the
       same with all the political parties.

       "Before promulgating the Constitution I decided to consult the
       most influential members of the parties in office. They agreed
       with me, and promised me to assist harmoniously in the work. I
       have also consulted the leading members of the Liberal party,
       and with two or three exceptions they have given me the same
       assurances. Such being the case, I may say that the
       Constitution of 1901 is not a production of my will or of my
       good pleasure, but that it is the result of an understanding
       between the Sovereign and the leaders of the three political
       parties. I consequently reckon upon their sincere and active
       co-operation, and I trust they will not fail me. I am firmly
       convinced that the new Constitution will act as a fresh and
       vigorous stimulus to my country, and that it will bring it
       that calm and stability which it sorely needs. I sincerely
       regard it as a source of prosperity and welfare for Servia."

    SEVERALTY ACT, The Indian.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

    SEYMOUR, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward:
       Expedition to relieve Peking.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

    SEYYIDIEH, The province of.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

    SHAFTER, General:
       Commanding the expedition against Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

    SHAFTER, General:
       Surrender of Spanish forces at Santiago and all eastern Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

    SHAFTER, General:
       Report of sickness in army.
       Removal of troops to Montauk Point.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: CUBA).

    SHANGHAI.

       "Shanghai is the New York of China. It occupies a position on
       the coast quite similar to that of New York on our own eastern
       coast, and its percentage of importations into China is about
       the same as that which New York enjoys in the United States.
       The large share of the foreign trade of China which Shanghai
       controls is due largely to its position at the mouth of the
       great artery through which trade flows to and from China—the
       Yangtze-Kiang. Transportation in bulk in China up to the
       present time having been almost exclusively by water, and the
       Yangtze being navigable by steamers and junks for more than
       2,000 miles, thus reaching the most populous, productive, and
       wealthy sections of the country, naturally a very large share
       of the foreign commerce entering or leaving that country
       passes through Shanghai, where foreign merchants, bankers,
       trade representatives, trade facilities, and excellent docking
       and steamship conveniences exist. The lines of no less than
       eight great steamship companies center at Shanghai, where they
       land freight and passengers from their fleets of vessels which
       are counted by hundreds, while the smaller vessels, for river
       and coastwise service, and the native junks are counted
       literally by thousands. The Yangtze from Shanghai westward to
       Hankow, a distance of 582 miles, is navigable for very large
       steamships that are capable of coasting as well as river
       service. Hankow, which with its suburbs has nearly a million
       people, is the most important of the interior cities, being a
       great distributing center for trade to all parts of central
       and western China and thus the river trade between Shanghai
       and Hankow is of itself enormous, while the coastwise trade
       from Shanghai, both to the north and south, and that by the
       Grand Canal to Tientsin, the most important city of northern
       China, is also very large."

          United States, Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary, March, 1899, page 2191.

       "When the English chose this position, in 1842, for their
       mercantile settlement, it seemed difficult to believe that
       they would ever succeed in making the place a rival of Canton
       or of Amoy. It is true that Shanghai possessed important
       commercial relations already, and the great geographical
       advantage of commanding the entrance to the navigable river
       which traverses the whole empire from west to east; but the
       builders of the city there had to struggle with enormous
       difficulties of soil and climate. They had to solidify and
       drain the land, dig canals, dry up marshes, cleanse the air of
       its miasms, besides incessantly dredging and clearing the
       channel, to keep it open for their ships. The first European
       merchants established at Shanghai were favored in fortune by
       the national disasters of China. The Taiping war drove
       fugitives in multitudes to the territory conceded to
       foreigners, and when the town of Soutcheou was destroyed, in
       1860, Shanghai succeeded it as the great city of the country."

          É. Reclus,
          Nouvelle géographie universelle,
          volume 7, page 455.

    SHANGHAI: A. D. 1898.
       Rioting consequent on French desecration of a cemetery.
       Extension of foreign settlements.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    SHANTUNG, The "Boxer" outbreak in.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    SHIMONOSEKI, Text of the Treaty of.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1894-1895.

    {452}

    SHIPPING OF THE WORLD: In 1900.

       Statement of number and net and gross tonnage of steam and
       sailing vessels of over 100 tons of the several countries of
       the world, as recorded in Lloyd's Register for 1900-1901
       [dated July 1, 1900].

          United States, Commissioner of Navigation,
          Annual Report, 1900, page 125.

    FLAG                            STEAM.                SAIL.             TOTAL.
                         -------------------------  ------------------  -------------
                     Number. Net tons. Gross tons.  Number.  Net tons.  Number.  Tonnage.

    British:
    United Kingdom.  7,020   7,072,401  11,513,759   1,894   1,727,687   8,914  13,241,446
    Colonies.          910     378,925     635,331   1,014     384,477   1,924   1,019,808
    Total.           7,930   7,451,326  12,149,090   2,908   2,112,164  10,838  14,261,254

    American
    (United States):
    Sea.              690      594,237     878,564   2,130   1,156,498   2,820   2,035,062
    Lake.             242      436,979     576,402      73     138,807     315     715,209
    Total.            932    1,031,216   1,454,966   2,203   1,295,305   3,135   2,750,271

    Argentine.         95       36,938      57,239     106      30,407     201      87,646
    Austro-Hungarian  214      240,808     387,471      56      28,613     270     416,084
    Belgian.          115      111,624     162,493       2         420     117     162,913
    Brazilian.        215       85,799     133,507     117      29,580     332     163,087
    Chilean.           52       38,960      62,872      75      48,106     127     110,978
    Chinese.           48       41,847      65,721       1         573      49      66,294
    Colombian.          1          555         877       5       1,110       6       1,987
    Danish.           369      240,599     412,273     433     106,738     802     519,011
    Dutch.            289      307,574     467,209     117      63,068     406     530,277
    French.           662      542,305   1,052,193     552     298,309   1,214   1,350,562
    German.         1,209    1,344,605   2,159,919     501     490,114   1,710   2,650,033
    Greek.            139      111,797     178,137     230      65,957     369     245,094
    Haitian.            5          912       1,750       2         414       7       2,164
    Italian.          312      343,020     540,349     864     443,306   1,176     983,655
    Japanese.         484      303,303     488,187     582      86,370   1,006     574,557
    Mexican.           25        6,562      11,460      13       3,081      38      14,541
    Montenegrin.        1        1,064       1,857      14       3,513      15       5,370
    Norwegian.        806      467,123     764,683   1,574     876,129   2,380   1,640,812
    Peruvian.           3        3,204       4,869      33       9,607      36      14,476
    Portuguese.        48       37,153      57,664     156      53,391     204     111,055
    Roumanian.         17        9,686      17,361       3         659      20      18,020
    Russian.          496      292,277     469,496     750     251,405   1,246     720,901
    Sarawakian.         2          244         418                           2         418
    Siamese.            4          821       1,435       1         294       5       1,729
    Spanish.          422      416,882     642,231     175      52,549     597     694,780
    Swedish.          678      260,023     418,550     755     218,722   1,433     637,272
    Turkish.          135       58,974      94,781     170      48,709     305     143,490
    Uruguayan.         17        6,438      10,468      19       4,032      36      14,500
    Venezuelan.        12        2,450       4,246       8       1,185      20       5,431
    Zanzibarian.        3        1,871       2,808                           3       2,808
    Other countries:
    Hawaii.            23       11,185      16,922      24      29,707      47      46,629
    Cuba.              35       17,651      27,040      11       2,410      46      29,450
    Philippine Islands 69       19,587      31,099      42       8,236     111      39,335
    Various:
       Arabia,
       Salvador,
       Ecuador,
       Liberia,
       Samos,
       Nicaragua,
       Bulgaria,
       Costa Rica,
       Egypt,
       Persia,
       Porto Rico,
       etc.            31       10,130      17,717      22       9,127      53      26,844

    Total.         15,898   13,800,513  22,309,358  12,524   6,674,370   28,422 29,043,728

    SHIRE HIGHLANDS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH CENTRAL AFRICA PROTECTORATE.

    SHOA.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    SHUN-CH'ING, Anti-missionary insurrection at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898-1899 (JUNE-JANUARY).

    SIAH CHAI, or Vegetarians, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

    SIAM: A. D. 1896-1899.
       Declaration between Great Britain and France
       with regard to Siam.

       A declaration of agreement, in part as follows, between Great
       Britain and France, was signed at London, January 15, 1896:

       "I.
       The Governments of Great Britain and France engage to one
       another that neither of them will, without the consent of the
       other, in any case, or under any pretext, advance their armed
       forces into the region which is comprised in the basins of the
       Petcha Bouri, Meiklong, Menam, and Bang Pa Kong (Petriou)
       Rivers and their respective tributaries, together with the
       extent of coast from Muong Bang Tapan to Muong Pase, the
       basins of the rivers on which those two places are situated,
       and the basins of the other rivers, the estuaries of which are
       included in that coast; and including also the territory lying
       to the north of the basin of the Menam, and situated between
       the Anglo-Siamese frontier, the Mekong River, and the eastern
       watershed of the Me Ing. They further engage not to acquire
       within this region any special privilege or advantage which
       shall not be enjoyed in common by, or equally open to, Great
       Britain and France, and their nationals and dependents. These
       stipulations, however, shall not be interpreted as derogating
       from the special clauses which, in virtue of the Treaty
       concluded on the 3rd October, 1893, between France and Siam,
       apply to a zone of 25 kilometers on the right bank of the
       Mekong and to the navigation of that river.

    {453}

       II.
       Nothing in the foregoing clause shall hinder any action on
       which the two Powers may agree, and which they shall think
       necessary in order to uphold the independence of the Kingdom
       of Siam. But they engage not to enter into any separate
       Agreement permitting a third Power to take any action from
       which they are bound by the present Declaration themselves to
       abstain.

       III.
       From the mouth of the Nam Huok northwards as far as the
       Chinese frontier the thalweg of the Mekong shall form the
       limit of the possessions or spheres of influence of Great
       Britain and France. It is agreed that the nationals and
       dependents of each of the two countries shall not exercise any
       jurisdiction or authority within the possessions or sphere of
       influence of the other."

       In a despatch to the British Ambassador at Paris, written on
       the same day, Lord Salisbury explained the intent and purpose
       of the agreement as follows: "It might be thought that because
       we have engaged ourselves, and have received the engagement of
       France, not under any circumstances to invade this territory,
       that therefore we are throwing doubt upon the complete title
       and rights of the Siamese to the remainder of their kingdom,
       or, at all events, treating those rights with disregard. Any
       such interpretation would entirely misrepresent the intention
       with which this arrangement has been signed. We have selected
       a particular area for the application of the stipulations of
       this Treaty, not because the title of the King of Siam to
       other portions of his dominions is less valid, but because it
       is the area which affects our interests as a commercial
       nation. The valley of the Menam is eminently fitted to receive
       a high industrial development. Possibly in course of time it
       may be the site of lines of communication which will be of
       considerable importance to neighbouring portions of the
       British Empire. There seems every prospect that capital will
       flow into this region if reasonable security is offered for
       its investment, and great advantage would result to the
       commerce and industry of the world, and especially of Great
       Britain, if capitalists could be induced to make such an
       application of the force which they command. But the history
       of the region in which Siam is situated has not in recent
       years been favourable to the extension of industrial
       enterprise, or to the growth of that confidence which is the
       first condition of material improvement. A large territory to
       the north has passed from the hands of the Burmese Government
       to those of Great Britain. A large territory to the east has
       passed from the hands of its former possessors to those of
       France. The events of this recent history certainly have a
       tendency to encourage doubts of the stability of the Siamese
       dominion; and without in any degree sharing in those doubts,
       or admitting the possibility, within any future with which we
       have to deal, of the Siamese independence being compromised,
       Her Majesty's Government could not but feel that there would
       be an advantage in giving some security to the commercial
       world that, in regard to the region where the most active
       development is likely to take place, no further disturbances
       of territorial ownership are to be apprehended."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: France, Number 2, 1896, pages 1-3).

       Perhaps the above explanation can be better understood after
       reading the following:

       "In the early eighties France commenced the subjugation of
       Tonquin. … It was not until 1893 that France openly attacked
       Siam. The demand was subtly formulated—on behalf, not of the
       Government of the French Republic, but of 'the Empire of
       Annam.' But even so the French had been in Annam for perhaps a
       quarter of a century, whereas Siam could show an undisturbed,
       undisputed tenure of the Mekong River's 'rive gauche' for at
       least ninety years. … The cession to France of territory
       amounting to rather more than one-third of the entire kingdom
       was insisted upon; and in March 1893 that Power sent the
       ship-of-war Lutin to Bangkok, where she remained for months a
       standing menace. A rigorous blockade of the Siamese seaboard
       followed, resulting in a few short days in complete surrender
       of the disputed territory to France and the payment of a heavy
       war indemnity. … By the Anglo-French Convention of last year
       [as given above] the King of Siam's position became, to say
       the least, slightly anomalous. That agreement practically
       amounted to the fair division, between France and England, of
       the whole of Siam save that portion situate in the fertile
       valley of the Meinam, whose autonomy they still guarantee to
       preserve. … France holds, in addition to the long-coveted port
       of Chantabûn, that part of the province of Luang Phrabang
       which is situate upon the right bank of the Mekong. … The
       Siamese king is 'nulli secundus' among Oriental monarchs as a
       progressive ruler. And fate has been unkind to him indeed! He
       has encouraged English customs and the English language by all
       the means in his power—has taken the kindliest possible
       interest in the introduction of electric light, electric
       tramways, &c., into his capital—has endeavoured to model his
       army and navy, his prison and other systems, upon the English
       method—and has in person opened the first railway (that
       connecting Bangkok with Pâknam) in Siam. It is, indeed, one of
       the strangest and most interesting sights, as you stroll
       through the streets of the capital, to witness the 'riksha and
       gharry of comparative barbarism travelling in juxtaposition to
       the electric tramcar and the bicycle! And for his broad and
       enlightened views the King of Siam has been requited by the
       wholesale and utterly unjustifiable plunder of his most
       fertile lands."

          Percy Cross Standing,
          The Significance of the Siamese Visit
          (Nineteenth Century, June, 1897).

       Frequent collisions between French and Siamese in the
       so-called "neutral zone" on the right bank of the Mekong
       continued, until a new convention was agreed upon in May,
       1890. This gave to France the province of Luang-Phrabang, in
       return for which she agreed to withdraw entirely from the
       neutral territory and from the port of Chantabûn.

    SIAM: A. D. 1898.
       Gift of relics of Buddha.

          See (in this volume)
          BUDDHA.

    SIAM: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    SIAN FU,
    SI-NGAN-FU,
       The Chinese Imperial Court at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

    SIBERIA.

          See (in this volume)
          RUSSIA IN ASIA.

    SIBERIAN ARCTIC EXPLORATION.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1805, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900.

    {454}

    SIERRA LEONE PROTECTORATE.
       Extension of British authority over the Hinterland of the
       Colony of Sierra Leone.
       The hut tax.
       Insurrection of natives.

       "Immediately adjoining the Colony of Sierra Leone, lying to
       the northward and eastward, is the Hinterland, the boundaries
       of which were defined by the Agreement between Great Britain
       and France which was concluded 21st January 1895. The extreme
       depth from south to north is about 210 miles, lying between 7°
       and 10° north latitude, and 180 miles from east to west, lying
       between 10° 40' and 13° 20' of west longitude. The estimated area
       is rather more than 30,000 square miles—about the size of
       Ireland. … Unlike many regions on the west coast of Africa,
       the country is, for the most part, well watered by rivers and
       running streams. The population of the Hinterland has not been
       ascertained. It has been variously estimated, before the
       present troubles, at from about 750,000 up to about 2,000,000.
       The trade and revenue of the Colony depend almost entirely on
       the Hinterland. A very large proportion of the goods imported
       into the Colony are carried into and consumed in the
       Hinterland. These goods are paid for by means of the products
       of the Hinterland, which are exported, and the profits derived
       from the exchange enable the merchants to pay the Customs
       duties, which constitute the bulk of the Colonial revenue. The
       territories forming the Hinterland are, according to the
       native organisation, ruled over by a large number of Chiefs
       (or Kings, as they used to be, and still in native parlance
       are, called). The portions of country under each Chief are
       well ascertained, and recognised by the various Chiefs and
       their subjects. …

       "The relations between the English Government and the Chiefs
       at the time of the conclusion of the Agreement between France
       and England in 1895 was … that some of the Chiefs whose
       territories lay most adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone
       had contracted with the English Crown certain treaties of
       cession, and treaties directed to definite objects of amity
       and good offices. In addition there had sprung up by usage a
       limited consensual and advisory jurisdiction, under which
       Chiefs as well as persons not Chiefs would bring their
       differences (mainly as to territorial boundaries) before the
       Governor of Sierra Leone as a sort of arbitrator, and
       implicitly follow his awards. This jurisdiction was exercised
       over an area of no defined limits, so far as any rules were
       concerned. As a fact, it was limited by conditions of distance
       and facility of travel, so that whilst the usage was most
       established in the countries nearest to Freetown, there was
       none in the more distant regions, or if there was any it was
       at most so rudimentary as to be jurally of no account. … I
       have not been able to trace any instance in which, either
       under treaty or any other form of consent, or without consent,
       the English Government has imposed, or endeavoured to impose
       any direct taxation upon the Chiefs or people of the
       Hinterland prior to 1896.

       "The agreement between France and Great Britain delimited the
       respective spheres of interest of the two countries south and
       west of the Middle or Upper Niger, and thus defined for
       England in the Hinterland of Sierra Leone a territory within
       which, so far as concerned any question between France and
       England, England was at liberty to exercise whatever species
       or extent of jurisdiction she might consider proper. It made,
       of course, no alteration on the existing native organisation,
       nor upon the existing relations between England and the native
       Chiefs, who were not parties to the agreement in any sense. …
       On 31st August 1896 a Proclamation was published setting forth
       that Her Majesty had assumed a Protectorate over the
       territories adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone in which
       Her Majesty had acquired power and jurisdiction. For purposes
       of administration the Hinterland was divided into five
       districts, intended to be of about equal size, avoiding
       severance as far as possible by the district boundary of the
       territories of Paramount Chiefs. These districts have been
       named as the Karene, Ronietta, Bandajuma, Pangmua, and
       Koinadugu districts. In anticipation of the arrangements that
       might become necessary for the government of the Protectorate,
       an Order of the Queen in Council had been made on 24th August
       1895, … whereby, … Her Majesty was pleased, by and with the
       advice of her Privy Council, to order that it shall be lawful
       for the Legislative Council, for the time being, of the Colony
       of Sierra Leone, by Ordinance or Ordinances, to exercise and
       provide for giving effect to all such jurisdiction as Her
       Majesty may at any time, before or after the passing of the
       Order in Council, have acquired in the said territories
       adjacent to the Colony of Sierra Leone. … Following upon the
       Order of the Queen in Council, an Ordinance, entitled 'An
       Ordinance to Determine the mode of exercising Her Majesty's
       Jurisdiction in the Territories adjacent to the Colony of
       Sierra Leone,' was passed by the Legislative Council and
       Governor of Sierra Leone for the Government of the
       Protectorate, on 16th September 1896."

          Great Britain,
          Report and Correspondence on Insurrection in
          the Sierra Leone Protectorate
          (Parliamentary Publications:
          Papers by Command, 1899, C. 9388, pages 10-17).

       The Ordinance above mentioned, which was reenacted, with some
       changes, in September, 1897, provided, among other things, for
       the imposition of a house tax, or hut tax, upon the natives,
       and this proved to be the main cause of a serious native
       revolt in the Protectorate. "By way of asserting the Crown's
       ownership of all lands, whether in use and occupation or
       not—and also of attempting to make the people defray the cost
       of governing them by methods they resent—the Protectorate
       Ordinance imposes a 'house tax' of five shillings a year, and,
       in the case of 'houses with four rooms or more,' of ten
       shillings a year, on every 'householder'; the same to be paid
       in 'sterling coin' on or after the 1st January in each year,
       or, in default of payment on demand, to be distrained for with
       so much addition as will defray the cost of removing the
       property and disposing of it for 'the price current at the
       nearest market.' The absurdity of thus importing the mechanism
       of civilisation into 'house tax' levying among these ignorant
       savages matches the injustice of the tax itself. The mud
       hovels to be taxed are rarely worth more than the equivalent
       of two or three shillings apiece, and shillings or other
       'sterling coin' are rarely seen or handled by the natives,
       such wages as they earn being generally paid in kind, and such
       trade as they carry on being nearly always in the way of barter.
    {455}
       Few who are not chiefs or headmen own property worth as much
       as five shillings, and property for which five shillings could
       be obtained 'at the nearest market' might be worth the
       equivalent of five pounds to them. There was no attempt to
       raise the proposed house or hut tax before last January
       [1898], and perhaps none of the natives have even yet any
       understanding of the clauses of the Protectorate Ordinance
       providing them with new-fangled 'courts of Justice,' and
       taking from them all proprietary rights in their land. But as
       soon as a proclamation was issued on 21st August, 1896,
       notifying the contemplated changes, all who heard of them were
       reasonably alarmed, and wherever the news spread seeds of fresh
       discontent were sown. …

       "There were burning of huts, buffeting of chiefs, and so
       forth, in the south and east, as well as in the north, where,
       owing to the alleged recalcitrancy of Bai Bureh and the zeal
       of Captain Sharpe, the District Commissioner, the havoc was
       greatest. Early in February several chiefs and headmen were
       brought to Freetown from Port Lokko in manacles, to be tried,
       or punished without trial, on a charge of 'refusing to comply
       with the provisions of the Protectorate Ordinance, and
       inciting their subjects to resist the law.' 'The most
       affecting part of the matter,' says the newspaper report, 'is
       that the natives all loudly affirm their unswerving loyalty to
       the Government, and say that they do not refuse to pay the hut
       tax because they do not wish to, but because they really
       cannot pay.' Their apologies were not listened to. Instead, a
       detachment of the West India Regiment was sent up to assist
       Captain Sharpe in the little war on which he had already
       embarked. A futile attempt to arrest Bai Bureh on 18th
       February led to a general uprising, and the first battle was
       fought on 3rd March, when the town of Karina was recovered
       from the 'insurgents' who had occupied it, and over sixty of
       them were killed. Another fight occurred at Port Lokko, on 5th
       March, when the 'insurgents' lost about forty more. These
       victories being insufficient, fresh troops were sent up in
       batches, until the entire force of conquerors numbered 800 or
       upwards. They found it easier to cow than to conquer the
       people, and the unequal struggle went on for three months. At
       the end of May operations had to be suspended during the rainy
       season, and before they can be renewed it may be hoped that
       peace will be patched up. Already, indeed, the 'rebellion'
       appears to be practically crushed, and with it all the
       civilisation and all the commerce that had been planted in the
       Karina district. Hundreds of natives have been shot down, many
       more hundreds have died of starvation. Nearly all the huts
       that it was proposed to tax have been destroyed, either by the
       owners themselves, or by the policemen and soldiers."

          H. R. Fox Bourne,
          Sierra Leone Troubles
          (Fortnightly Review, August, 1898).

    SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1895 (January-February).
       Attitude of Free Silver majority in the U. S. Senate
       towards the Treasury gold reserve.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1895 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY);
          and 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896.
       In the American Presidential election.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1896-1898.
       The Indianapolis Monetary Commission report and
       Secretary Gage's plan in Congress.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.

    SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1897.
       Negotiations by envoys from the United States for an
       international bi-metallic agreement.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    SILVER QUESTION, The: A. D. 1900.
       Practical settlement of the issue in the United States.
       Attempted revival in the Presidential canvass.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (MARCH-DECEMBER), and (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    SILVER REPUBLICANS.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER); and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    SI-NGAN-FU,
    SINGAN FU, The Chinese Imperial Court at.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-SEPTEMBER).

    SIRDAR, Egyptian.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; and 1897-1898.

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1885.
       Emancipation in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1895.
       New anti-slavery law in Egypt.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1895.

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1896.
       Abolition in Madagascar.

          See (in this volume)
          MADAGASCAR: A. D. 1894-1896.

    SLAVERY: SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
       Abolished in Zanzibar.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
       Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1897 (JANUARY).

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1897.
       Subjugation of Fulah slave raiders in Nupé and Ilorin.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (NIGERIA).

    SLAVERY: A. D. 1899.
       Forced labor in Congo State.

          See (in this volume)
          CONGO FREE STATE: A. D. 1899.

    SLESWICK:
       Complaints of German treatment.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899.

    SMOKELESS POWDERS, Invention of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    SOCIAL DEMOCRACY, Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII. on.

          See (in this volume)
          PAPACY: A. D. 1901.

    SOCIALIST PARTIES.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897, and after;

          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895;

          FRANCE: A. D. 1896 (APRIL-MAY), and 1900 (JANUARY);

          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895, and 1897 (JULY);

          ITALY: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY);

          SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898;

          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER),
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    SOKOTO.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    SOLOMON ISLANDS, The:
       Definite division between Great Britain and Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    SOMALIS, Rising of, in Jubaland.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1900.

    SOUDAN.

          See (in this volume)
          SUDAN.

    "SOUND MONEY" DEMOCRATS.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER).

    {456}

       ----------SOUTH AFRICA: Start--------

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1881-1888.
       Organization of the "Afrikander Bund."

       The "Afrikander Bund" or National Party was formed in Cape
       Colony in 1881, but held its first Congress, or convention, in
       1888, at which meeting the following platform, or formal
       statement of objects, was adopted:

       "1. The Afrikander National party acknowledge the guidance of
       Providence in the affairs both of lands and peoples.

       2. They include, under the guidance of Providence, the
       formation of a pure nationality and the preparation of our
       people for the establishment of a 'United South Africa.'

       3. To this they consider belong:

          (a) The establishment of a firm union between all the
          different European nationalities in South Africa, and

          (b) The promotion of South Africa's independence.

       4. They consider that the union mentioned in Article 3 (a)
       depends upon the clear and plain understanding of each other's
       general interest in politics, agriculture, stock-breeding,
       trade, and industry, and the acknowledgment of everyone's
       special rights in the matter of religion, education, and
       language; so that all national jealousy between the different
       elements of the people may be removed, and room be made for an
       unmistakable South African national sentiment.

       5. To the advancement of the independence mentioned in
       Article 3 (b) belong:

          (a) That the sentiment of national self-respect and of
          patriotism toward South Africa should above all be
          developed and exhibited in schools, and in families, and in
          the public press.

          (b) That a system of voting should be applied which not
          only acknowledges the right of numbers, but also that of
          ownership and the development of intelligence, and that is
          opposed, as far as possible, to bribery and compulsion at
          the poll.

          (c) That our agriculture, stock-breeding, commerce, and
          industries should be supported in every lawful manner, such
          as by a conclusive law as regards masters and servants, and
          also by the appointment of a prudent and advantageous
          system of Protection.

          (d) That the South African Colonies and States, either each
          for itself or in conjunction with one another, shall
          regulate their own native affairs, employing thereto the
          forces of the land by means of a satisfactory burgher law;
          and

          (e) That outside interference with the domestic concerns of
          South Africa shall be opposed.

       6. While they acknowledge the existing Governments holding
       rule in South Africa, and intend faithfully to fulfil their
       obligations in regard to the same, they consider that the duty
       rests upon those Governments to advance the interests of South
       Africa in the spirit of the foregoing articles; and whilst, on
       the one side, they watch against any unnecessary or frivolous
       interference with the domestic or other private matters of the
       burgher, against any direct meddling with the spiritual
       development of the nation, and against laws which might hinder
       the free influence of the Gospel upon the national life, on
       the other hand they should accomplish all the positive duties
       of a good Government, among which must be reckoned:

          (a) In all their actions to take account of the Christian
          character of the people.

          (b) The maintenance of freedom of religion for everyone, so
          long as the public order and honor are not injured thereby.

          (c) The acknowledgment and expression of religious, social,
          and bodily needs of the people, in the observance of the
          present weekly day of rest.

          (d) The application of an equal and judicious system of
          taxation.

          (e) The bringing into practice of an impartial and, as far
          as possible, economical administration of justice.

          (f) The watching over the public honor, and against the
          adulteration of the necessaries of life, and the defiling
          of ground, water, or air, as well as against the spreading
          of infectious diseases.

       7. In order to secure the influence of these principles, they
       stand forward as an independent party, and accept the
       cooperation of other parties only if the same can be obtained
       with the uninjured maintenance of these principles.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1884-1894.
       The restored independence of the Boers and their
       dissatisfaction with its terms.
       Frustration of their desire for extended territory.
       The London Convention of 1884.

       After the British-Boer War of 1880-81
       (see, in volume 4, SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1806-1881),
       which had been caused by an arbitrary annexation of the
       Transvaal State to the dominions of the British crown, the
       sense of justice in Mr. Gladstone led him to restore to the
       Transvaal Boers (by the Convention or Treaty of Pretoria,
       1881) their right of internal self-government, with a
       reservation of "the suzerainty of Her Majesty," supposably
       relative to nothing but foreign affairs. The Boers were not
       satisfied with that concession, and began at once to strive
       for the complete independence they had previously possessed,
       under a Convention agreed upon and signed at Sand River, 1852,
       which guaranteed (quoting its precise terms) "in the fullest
       manner, on the part of the British Government, to the emigrant
       farmers (boers) beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage
       their own affairs and to govern themselves, without any
       interference on the part of Her Majesty the Queen's
       Government." To regain that status of complete independence
       became the first object of the Boers. They went far towards
       success in this endeavor, as early as 1884, when the British
       Colonial Secretary, Lord Derby, was induced to agree to a new
       Convention with the South African Republic (as it was then
       styled) which superseded the Convention of 1881. The terms of
       the later instrument are given below. The second aim of the
       Boers appears to have been the widening of their territory, by
       advances, in the first instance, southward into Zululand and
       westward into Bechuanaland. In the former movement they had
       success; in the latter they were thwarted. English
       missionaries complained of their treatment of the natives, and
       stirred up the British government to take the Bechuana tribes
       under its protection. Their eastern frontier they succeeded,
       after long controversies with Great Britain, in stretching
       beyond Swaziland, but they were not allowed to push it to the
       sea. Northward, they would provably have gone far, had it not
       been for the appearance, at this time, of Mr. Cecil Rhodes,
       who came upon the scene of South African politics with
       imperial ambitions, with great energies and capabilities, with
       few apparent hesitations, and with a vast fortune acquired in the
       Kimberley diamond mines. He organized the British South Africa
       Company, under a royal charter, got some settlers into the
       country north of the Limpopo and set up a government there, in
       1890, just in time, it appears, to forestall the Boers

          See, in volume 4,
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

    {457}

       Of the effect of the two conventions, of 1881 and 1884, on the
       relations of the British government to the South African
       Republic, the following is an English view, by a well-known
       publicist: "In the Treaty of Pretoria, bearing date the 5th of
       April, 1881, it is stated that Great Britain guarantees
       'complete self-government, subject to the Suzerainty of Her
       Majesty, to the inhabitants of the Transvaal.' … Article 15
       declares that 'the Resident will report to the High
       Commissioner, as representative of the Suzerain, as to the
       working and observance of the provisions of this Convention.'
       … On the 31st of March, 1881, Lord Kimberley, who was then
       Secretary of State for the Colonies, used these words in the
       House of Lords with reference to the terms of the Convention,
       upon which the Treaty of Pretoria was afterwards based: 'I
       believe the word Suzerainty expresses very correctly the
       relation which we intend to exist between this country and the
       Transvaal. Our intention is that the Transvaal shall have
       independent power as regards its internal government; and we
       shall only reserve certain powers to be exercised by the
       Queen. … With respect to our control over the relations of the
       Transvaal with foreign Powers, … it is quite clear there ought
       to be, as regards foreign relations, only one Government in
       South Africa; that there ought to be no communication with
       foreign Powers upon any subject except through the
       representatives of the Queen.'

       "On the 25th of June, 1881, Mr. Gladstone, while defending in
       the House of Commons an assertion he had made during the
       Midlothian Campaign about the blood-guiltiness of the war with
       the Transvaal, referred to our Suzerainty in the following
       words; 'I apprehend that the term which has been adopted, the
       Suzerainty of the Queen, is intended to signify that certain
       portions of Sovereignty are reserved. … What are these
       portions of Sovereignty? The portions of Sovereignty we desire
       to reserve are, first, the relations between the Transvaal
       community and foreign governments, the whole care of the
       foreign relations of the Boers. The whole of these relations
       will remain in the hands of the Queen.'

       "From these quotations it is obvious that when we agreed to
       restore the independence of the Transvaal, the British public
       were led to believe, both by the then Premier and the then
       Colonial Minister, that this restoration left the control of
       all relations between the Transvaal and foreign Powers
       absolutely and entirely in the hands of Her Majesty's
       Government. … It is possible, or even probable, that at the
       time the Treaty of Pretoria was concluded, Mr. Gladstone, or
       at any rate several of his colleagues, imagined that our
       Suzerainty would really be made effective. But, when once the
       treaty had been signed and sealed, and the South African
       Republic had been granted absolute internal independence, it
       became evident that our Suzerainty could only be rendered
       efficacious, as against the sullen resistance of the Boers, by
       the exercise of force—that is, by the threat of war in the
       event of Boer non-compliance with the demands of the Suzerain
       Power. …

       "For the first two years which succeeded our surrender the
       Boers were too much occupied in the reorganisation of the
       Republic to trouble themselves greatly about their relations
       to the Suzerain Power. … Disputes were mainly connected with
       the treatment of the native chiefs, residing either within, or
       on the borders of, the territory of the Republic, who
       asserted, with or without reason, that they were the objects
       of Boer hostility on account of the support they had given to
       the British authorities during the period of British rule.

       "In May 1883 Mr. Gladstone stated in Parliament, in answer to
       certain protests about the proceedings of the Boers, that the
       British Government had decided to send a Commissioner to the
       Transvaal to investigate the working of the Convention
       concluded at Pretoria in 1881. This intention, however, was
       not carried out owing to the opposition of the South African
       Republic. In lieu of the despatch of a British Commissioner to
       the Transvaal, it was suggested at Pretoria that a Boer
       deputation should be sent to London. The suggestion, as usual,
       was accepted; and thereupon the Africander Bond in the Cape
       Colony forwarded a petition to the Queen, praying Her Majesty
       to entertain favourably the proposals of the Boer delegates
       for the modification of the Treaty of Pretoria. The
       deputation, consisting of President Kruger and Messieurs Du
       Toit and Smit, arrived in London in October, and submitted to
       the late Lord Derby, who had succeeded Lord Kimberley as
       Minister for the Colonies, a statement of the modifications
       they were instructed to demand. The memorandum in question
       distinctly declared that the alleged impracticability of the
       Treaty of Pretoria related, amongst other matters, 'to the
       extent of the Suzerain rights reserved to Her Majesty by
       Articles 2 and 18 of the Treaty of Pretoria, and to the vague
       and indefinite terms in which the powers reserved to Her
       Majesty's Government by the Convention are indicated.'

       "To this memorandum Lord Derby replied, on the 20th of
       November, 1883, admitting that 'expediency of substituting a
       new agreement for that of 1881 might be matter for discussion,
       but asking for information, in what sense it is wished that in
       such new agreement some connection with England should be
       maintained, and, if it is the desire of the Transvaal people
       that their State should hereafter stand in any special
       relation to this country, what is the form of connection which
       is proposed?' In reply to this request the Boer delegates
       answered as follows in the somewhat evasive fashion: 'In the
       new agreement any connection by which we are now bound to
       England should not be broken; but that the relation of a
       dependency "publici juris" in which our country now stands to
       the British Crown be replaced by that of two contractive
       Powers.'

       "The above documents were submitted to the Governor of Cape
       Colony, the then Sir Hercules Robinson. Characteristically
       enough, Sir Hercules recommended the surrender of our
       Suzerainty on the ground that 'The Transvaal burghers
       obviously do not intend to observe any condition in it (the
       Convention of 1881) distasteful to themselves, which Her
       Majesty's Government are not prepared to insist on, if
       necessary, by the employment of force. Her Majesty's
       Government, I understand, do not feel justified in proceeding
       to this extremity; and no provision, therefore, of the
       Convention which is not agreeable to the Transvaal will be
       carried out.'

    {458}

       "A few days later the delegates submitted a draft treaty, in
       which the following clause stands first: 'It is agreed that
       Her Britannic Majesty recognises and guarantees by this treaty
       the full independence of the South African Republic, with the
       right to manage its own affairs according to its own laws,
       without any interference on the part of the British
       Government; it being understood that this system of
       non-interference is binding on both parties.' To the letter
       enclosing this draft treaty Lord Derby replied that the
       proposed treaty was 'neither in form nor in substance such as
       Her Majesty's Government could adopt.' Meanwhile the
       discussion between the British Government and the Boer
       delegates seems to have turned mainly upon the extension of
       the territories of the Transvaal and the relations between the
       Republic and the native chiefs, subjects which had only an
       indirect bearing on the question of Suzerainty. It was only on
       the 25th of January, 1884, that the Colonial Office wrote to
       the delegates stating that if a certain compromise with regard
       to the frontier line were accepted, the British Government
       would be prepared 'to proceed at once with the consideration
       of the other proposals for the modification of the Treaty of
       Pretoria.' The delegates replied on the next day virtually
       accepting the proposed frontier compromise, and requested the
       British Government to proceed at once with the substitution of
       a new Convention. … The draft treaty was signed on the 27th of
       February, 1884. …

       "The Convention of London did not repeat the preamble of the
       original Convention in which the words 'subject to the
       Suzerainty of Her Majesty' are to be found. Nor is the word
       Suzerainty mentioned in the Convention of 1884, which declares
       that the articles contained therein, if endorsed by the
       Volksraad, 'shall be substituted for those of the Convention
       of 1881.' No formal withdrawal, however, of the Queen's
       Suzerainty is to be found in the Convention of 1884. On the
       contrary, it is distinctly affirmed in Article 4 of the
       modified Convention that 'the South African Republic will
       conclude no treaty or engagement with any State or nation,
       other than the Orange Free State, until the same has been
       approved by Her Majesty the Queen.'"

          Edward Dicey,
          British Suzerainty in the Transvaal
          (Nineteenth Century, October, 1897).

       In its preamble, the Convention of 1884 recites that—"Whereas
       the Government of the Transvaal State, through its Delegates,
       consisting of [Kruger, Du Toit and Smit], have represented
       that the Convention signed at Pretoria on the 3rd day of
       August, 1881, and ratified by the Volksraad of the said State
       on the 25th of October, 1881, contains certain provisions
       which are inconvenient, and imposes burdens and obligations
       from which the said State is desirous to be relieved, and that
       the south-western boundaries fixed by the said Convention
       should be amended with a view to promote the peace and good
       order of the said State, … now, therefore, Her Majesty has
       been pleased to direct," &c.—substituting the articles of a
       new Convention for those signed and ratified in 1881.

       Article I. of the new Convention describes the lines of
       boundary as amended. Article II. binds the two governments,
       respectively, to guard said boundaries against all
       trespassing. Article III. provides for the reception and
       protection, at Pretoria, of a resident British officer, "to
       discharge functions analogous to those of a consular officer."

       Article IV. reads as follows: "The South African Republic will
       conclude no Treaty or engagement with any State or nation
       other than the Orange Free State, nor with any native tribe to
       the eastward or westward of the Republic, until the same has been
       approved by Her Majesty the Queen. Such approval shall be
       considered to have been granted if Her Majesty's Government
       shall not, within six months after receiving a copy of such
       Treaty (which shall be delivered to them immediately upon its
       completion), have notified that the conclusion of such Treaty
       is in conflict with the interests of Great Britain, or of any
       of Her Majesty's possessions in South Africa."

       Articles V. and VI. relate to public debts. Article VII.
       guarantees the non-molestation of persons in the South African
       Republic who "remained loyal to Her Majesty during the late
       hostilities." Article VIII. is a declaration against slavery
       in the Republic. Article IX. is in language as follows: "There
       will continue to be complete freedom of religion and
       protection from molestation for all denominations, provided
       the same be not inconsistent with morality and good order; and
       no disability shall attach to any person in regard to rights
       of property by reason of the religious opinions which he
       holds." Article X. relates to graves of British soldiers; XI.
       to former grants of land which the present arrangement of
       boundary places outside of the Republic; XII. to the
       independence of the Swazis; XIII. to non-discrimination in
       import duties on both sides.

       Articles XIV. and XV. read thus: Article XIV. "All persons,
       other than natives, conforming themselves to the laws of the
       South African Republic, (a) will have full liberty, with their
       families, to enter, travel or reside in any part of the South
       African Republic; (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess
       houses, manufactories, warehouses, shops and premises; (c)
       they may carry on their commerce either in person or by any
       agents whom they may think fit to employ; (d) they will not be
       subject, in respect of their persons or property, or in
       respect of their commerce or industry, to any taxes, whether
       general or local, other than those which are or may be imposed
       upon citizens of the said Republic." Article XV. "All persons,
       other than natives, who establish their domicile in the
       Transvaal between the 12th day of April, 1877, and the 8th day
       of August, 1881, and who within twelve months after such last
       mentioned date have had their names registered by the British
       resident, shall be exempt from all compulsory military service
       whatever." Article XVI. provides for a future extradition
       treaty; XVII. for the payment of debts in the same currency in
       which they were contracted; XVIII. establishes the validity of
       certain land grants; XIX. secures certain rights to the
       natives; XX. nullifies the Convention if not ratified by the
       Volksraad within six months from the date of its
       signature—February 27, 1884.

    {459}

       With considerable reluctance, the Convention was ratified by
       the Volksraad of the South African Republic in the following
       terms: "The Volksraad having considered the new Convention
       concluded between its deputation and the British Government at
       London on 27th February 1884, as likewise the negotiations
       between the contracting parties, which resulted in the said
       Convention, approves of the standpoint taken by its deputation
       that a settlement based upon the principle of the Sand River
       Convention can alone fully satisfy the burghers of the
       Republic. It also shares the objections set forth by the
       deputation against the Convention of Pretoria, as likewise
       their objections against the Convention of London on the
       following points:

       1st.
       The settlement of the boundary, especially on the western
       border of the Republic, in which the deputation eventually
       acquiesced only under the express conditions with which the
       Raad agree.

       2nd.
       The right of veto reserved to the British Crown upon treaties
       to be concluded by the Republic with foreign powers; and

       3rd.
       The settlement of the debt.

       Seeing, however, that in the said Convention of London
       considerable advantages are secured to the Republic,
       especially in the restoration of the country's independence,
       Resolves, With acknowledgment of the generosity of Her
       Britannic Majesty, to ratify, as it hereby does, the said
       Convention of London."

          Selected Official Documents of the South African
          Republic and Great Britain
          (Supplement to the Annals of the American Academy
          of Political and Social Science, July, 1900).

          Also in:
          State Papers, British and Foreign, volume 75.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1885-1890.
       The gold discoveries on the Rand and the influx
       of Uitlanders (Outlanders or Foreigners).

       "It was not until 1884 that England heard of the presence of
       gold in South Africa. A man named Fred Stuben, who had spent
       several years in the country, spread such marvellous reports
       of the underground wealth of the Transvaal that only a short
       time elapsed before hundreds of prospectors and miners left
       England for South Africa. When the first prospectors
       discovered auriferous veins of wonderful quality on a farm
       called Sterkfontein, the gold boom had its birth. It required
       the lapse of only a short time for the news to reach Europe,
       America, and Australia, and immediately thereafter that vast
       and widely scattered army of men and women which constantly
       awaits the announcement of new discoveries of gold was set in
       motion toward the Randt [the Witwatersrand or
       Whitewatersridge]. … In December, 1885, the first stamp mill
       was erected for the purpose of crushing the gneiss rock in
       which the gold lay hidden. This enterprise marks the real
       beginning of the gold fields of the Randt, which now yield one
       third of the world's total product of the precious metal. The
       advent of thousands of foreigners was a boon to the Boers, who
       owned the large farms on which the auriferous veins were
       located. Options on farms that were of little value a short
       time before were sold at incredible figures, and the prices
       paid for small claims would have purchased farms of thousands
       of acres two years before. In July, 1886, the Government
       opened nine farms to the miners, and all have since become the
       best properties on the Randt. … On the Randt the California
       scenes of '49 were being re-enacted. Tents and houses of sheet
       iron were erected with picturesque lack of beauty and
       uniformity, and during the latter part of 1886 the community
       had reached such proportions that the Government marked off a
       township and called it Johannesburg. The Government, which
       owned the greater part of the land, held three sales of
       building lots, or 'stands,' as they are called in the
       Transvaal, and realized more than $300,000 from the sales. …
       Millions were secured in England and Europe for the
       development of the mines, and the individual miner sold his
       claims to companies with unlimited capital. The incredibly
       large dividends that were realized by some of the investors
       led to too heavy investments in the Stock Exchange in 1889,
       and a panic resulted. Investors lost thousands of pounds, and
       for several months the future of the gold fields appeared to
       be most gloomy. The opening of the railway to Johannesburg and
       the re-establishment of stock values caused a renewal of
       confidence, and the growth and development of the Randt was
       imbued with renewed vigour. Owing to the Boers' lack of
       training and consequent inability to share in the development
       of the gold fields, the new industry remained almost entirely
       in the hands of the newcomers, the Uitlanders [so called in
       the language of the Boers], and two totally different
       communities were created in the republic. The Uitlanders, who,
       in 1890, numbered about 100,000, lived almost exclusively in
       Johannesburg and the suburbs along the Randt. The Boers,
       having disposed of their farms and lands on the Randt, were
       obliged to occupy the other parts of the republic, where they
       could follow their pastoral and agricultural pursuits. The
       natural contempt which the Englishmen, who composed the
       majority of the Uitlander population, always have for persons
       and races not their intellectual or social equals, soon
       created a gulf between the Boers and the newcomers."

          H. C. Hillegas,
          Oom Paul's People,
          chapter 3
          (with permission of D. Appleton & Co., copyright, 1899).

       As the influx of newcomers increased and advanced, "the Boers
       realized that the world and civilisation were once more upon
       them. In spite of all the opposition that patriarchal
       prejudice could muster, railways usurped the place of the slow
       moving ox-waggon, and in the heart of their solitude a city
       had arisen; while to the north and to the east between them
       and the sea were drawn the thin red lines of British boundary.
       … A primitive pastoral people, they found themselves isolated,
       surrounded—'shut in a kraal for ever,' as Kruger is reported
       to have said,—while the stranger was growing in wealth and
       numbers within their gates. Expansion of territory, once the
       dream of the Transvaal Boers, as their incursions into
       Bechuanaland, into Zululand, and the attempted trek into
       Rhodesia, all testify, was becoming daily less practicable.
       One thing remained,—to accept their isolation and strengthen
       it. Wealth, population, a position among the new States of the
       world had been brought to them, almost in spite of themselves,
       by the newcomer, the stranger, the Uitlander. What was to be
       the attitude towards him politically? Materially he had made
       the State—he developed its resources, paid nine-tenths of its
       revenue. Would he be a strength or a weakness as a citizen—as
       a member of the body politic? Let us consider this new element
       in a new State—how was it constituted, what were its component
       parts? Was it the right material for a new State to
       assimilate?
    {460}
       Cosmopolitan to a degree—recruited from all the corners of the
       earth—there was in it a strong South African element,
       consisting of young colonists from the Cape Colony and
       Natal—members of families well known in South Africa—and many
       of them old schoolfellows or in some other way known to each
       other. Then the British contingent, self-reliant, full of
       enterprise and energy—Americans, for the most part skilled
       engineers, miners and mechanics—French, Germans, and
       Hollanders. A band of emigrants, of adventurers, and
       constituted, as I think all emigrants are, of two great
       classes—the one who, lacking neither ability nor courage, are
       filled with an ambition, characteristic particularly of the
       British race, to raise their status in the world, who find the
       conditions of their native environment too arduous, the
       competition too keen, to offer them much prospect, and who
       seek a new and more rapidly developing country elsewhere; and
       another, a smaller class who sometimes through misfortune,
       sometimes through their own fault, or perhaps through both,
       have failed elsewhere.

       "Adventurers all, one must admit; but it is the adventurers of
       the world who have founded States and Kingdoms. Such a class
       as this has been assimilated by the United States and absorbed
       into their huge fabric, of which to-day they form a huge and
       substantial portion. What should the Transvaal Boers have done
       with this new element so full of enterprise and vigour? This
       had been for the last ten years the great question for them to
       solve. … Enfranchisement, participation in the political life
       of the State by the Uitlander,—this means, they said, a
       transference of all political power from our hands to those of
       men whom we do not trust. 'I have taken a man into my coach,'
       said President Kruger, 'and as a passenger he is welcome; but
       now he says, Give me the reins; and that I cannot do, for I
       know not where he will drive me.' To the Boer it is all or
       nothing; he knows no mean, no compromise. Yet in that very
       mean lies the vital spirit of republicanism. What is the
       position of the Boers in the Cape Colony? Are they without
       their share, their influence, their Africander bond in the
       political affairs of the country? And so it is throughout the
       world today,—in the United States, in England, in France, in
       the British Colonies, wherever the individual thrives and the
       State is prosperous—the compromise of divided political power
       among all classes, all factions, is the great guarantee of
       their well being. … That the enfranchisement of the Uitlander
       would mean a complete transference of political power into his
       hands involves two assumptions: the first is that the
       Uitlanders would form a united body in politics; the second is
       that their representatives would dominate the Volksraad. The
       most superficial acquaintance with the action of the
       inhabitants of the Witwatersrand district on any public matter
       will serve to refute the first of these. … The second of these
       assumptions—though it is continually put forward—almost
       answers itself. The number of representatives from the
       Uitlander districts under any scheme of redistribution of
       seats which the Boer could reasonably be expected to make
       would fall considerably short of those returned from the Boer
       constituencies. Such was the attitude of the Boers on this
       vital question which led to the Reform Movement of 1895; and I
       have stated what I believe to be the injustice of it as
       regards the Uitlanders and the unwisdom of it in the true
       interests of the Boers."

          A. P. Hillier,
          Raid and Reform,
          pages 24-29 (London: Macmillan & Co.).

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       Portuguese Possessions: A. D. 1891.
       Delagoa Bay Railway question.

          See (in this volume)
          DELAGOA BAY ARBITRATION.

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.
       Estimated population.

       In October, 1894, the British agent at Pretoria, J. A. de Wet,
       estimated the population of the Transvaal (on the basis of a
       census taken in 1890) as follows:
        "Transvaalers and Orange Free Staters, 70,861:
        British subjects, 62,509:
        other foreigners, 15,558;"
        total, 148,928.

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       The Transvaal: A. D. 1894.
       The "Commandeering" question.
       Visit of the British High Commissioner to Pretoria.
       Demonstration of British residents.

       The first question which came to a sharp issue between the
       government of the South African Republic and the British
       subjects resident in the gold fields related to the claim
       which the former made on the latter for military service in
       the wars of the Republic with neighboring native tribes. The
       demand for such service was made, in each case, by what was
       called a "commando," the commando being defined in the
       military law of the Boers as follows: "By commando is
       understood a number of armed burghers and subjects of the
       state called together to suppress rebellion amongst the
       natives, or disturbances amongst the white population."
       British residents protested against the requirement of this
       service from them; and the British Government, in 1894, opened
       negotiations with that of the Boer Republic to obtain their
       exemption from it. It was acknowledged that there is "nothing
       contrary to international comity in the application of such a
       law as the commando law to a foreigner"; but, said the British
       Colonial Secretary, in a despatch (June 8, 1894) giving
       instructions to the British High Commissioner in South Africa,
       "Her Majesty's Government consider that a special reason for
       now claiming exemption for our people is afforded by the fact
       that treaties have been concluded by the South African
       Republic under which, as they understand, the subjects of no
       less than seven Powers—Portugal, Holland, Belgium, Germany,
       France, Italy, and Switzerland—are now exempt from this
       liability; and they consider that they can hardly be expected
       to acquiesce in a state of things under which Her Majesty's
       subjects, whose interests in the South African Republic are
       greater and more intimate than those of any other Power,
       should remain in a position of such marked disadvantage. I
       have therefore to instruct you to address, in moderate and
       courteous terms, a friendly representation to the Government
       of the South African Republic on the subject."

       Negotiations on the subject were then opened, which led to a
       visit to the Boer capital by the British High Commissioner,
       Sir H. B. Loch, on invitation from President Kruger. His
       arrival at Pretoria (June 25) gave occasion for a
       demonstration on the part of British residents which showed
       the state of feeling existing more plainly, no doubt, than it
       had appeared before. The circumstances were reported a few
       days later by the High Commissioner, as follows: "When I
       entered the carriage with President Kruger, two men got on to
       the box with a Union Jack, and the crowd, notwithstanding the
       President's remonstrances, took the horses out and dragged the
       carriage to the hotel, a distance of nearly a mile, singing all
       the way 'God save the Queen,' and 'Rule Britannia.'
    {461}
       On arrival at the hotel, the address was presented, to which I
       briefly replied, and then called for three cheers for the
       President, which were heartily given. He was then dragged in
       his carriage to the Government Office. I am satisfied that no
       personal insult was intended, by this demonstration, to the
       President, and any annoyance with which he viewed the
       occurrence seemed to be caused from the fact of the
       arrangements for keeping order having been so defective. The
       political atmosphere, however, was charged with such an amount
       of electricity that every moment an explosion was imminent.
       The Legislative and Executive enactments which press heavily
       on the great industry which contributes upwards of £1,000,000
       annually out of a total revenue of little more than a million
       and a quarter, without the population that produces this
       wealth possessing any franchise rights, or voice in the
       government of the country, has created a deep-seated feeling
       of dissatisfaction, shared alike by the English, American,
       German, and other foreign residents in the country. The
       compulsory commandeering was the last straw that broke down
       the patience they had hitherto exhibited. … The Transvaal
       Government were, before my arrival, seriously alarmed at the
       state of feeling at Johannesburg, but when they came to
       consider the real meaning of the demonstration on my arrival
       at Pretoria, which showed to them how general the
       dissatisfaction was amongst all classes of British subjects,
       who formed the majority of the whole population of the
       Republic, they, for the first time, realised the imminent
       danger of the situation, and told me of their dread of a
       collision that at any moment might occur between the Boer
       burghers, who were in considerable numbers in the town, and
       the English and foreign residents."

       To avoid any further excitement of feeling, the Commissioner
       declined to visit Johannesburg, which he had intended to do.
       During his stay at Pretoria, he submitted to President Kruger
       the draft of a Convention stipulating that "the subjects of
       Her Majesty the Queen whilst residing within the limits of the
       South African Republic, and the citizens of the South African
       Republic whilst residing within the dominions of Her Majesty
       the Queen, shall enjoy the same rights and privileges as the
       subjects of the most favoured nation with regard to military
       service and all obligations of a like nature"; and he received
       from President Kruger a counter proposition, for the
       negotiation of a new agreement, to take the place of the
       London Convention of 1884, embodying the desired provision
       concerning military service, along with other amendments of
       the old Convention. To this proposal, President Kruger added:
       "In order, however, to meet the request of Her Majesty's
       Government, the Government will, in the meantime,
       provisionally, no more commandeer British subjects for
       personal military service." Practically, this assurance
       disposed of the commandeering grievance; but no Convention on
       the subject was attained.

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publication.
          (Papers by Command, C. 8159).

       "A great mass meeting was held at Johannesburg (July 14) for
       the purpose of demanding that the franchise should be extended
       to all aliens, and insisting that the Constitution should be
       amended and made more genuinely democratic. In consequence of
       this meeting the Volksraad passed at one sitting two readings
       of a bill restricting severely the right of public meeting. No
       outdoor meetings or addresses were to be allowed, and an
       assemblage of six persons would be considered a public
       meeting. The police were given power by this bill to order
       those present to disperse, and everyone attending was made
       liable to imprisonment for two years, while the callers of any
       meeting that the police might consider to be against the
       public peace might be fined £500 or sentenced to two years
       hard labour. … On the return of the 'commandeered' men from
       the war [with the rebellious chief Malaboch] President Kruger
       welcomed them, and said that no doubt the Volksraad would
       bestow on them the rights of full citizenship. The effect of
       the Franchise Act passed in June, however, was in general to
       prevent any citizen from obtaining the franchise unless his
       father was born in the State or had been naturalized. The
       formation of committees by aliens for the support of political
       candidates was rendered penal. … The Volksraad postponed for
       one year the consideration of the Government proposal to grant
       the franchise to the foreign residents who had recently served
       in the various 'commandos' against the Kaffir rebels."

          Annual Register, 1894, page 369.

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       British South Africa Company: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Extended charter and enlarged powers of the Company.
       Its master spirit, Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes.
       Attitude towards the South African Republic.

       The British South Africa Company, royally chartered in 1889
       for the promotion of "trade, commerce, civilization and good
       government" in "the region of South Africa lying immediately
       to the north of British Bechuanaland, and to the north and
       west of the South African Republic, and to the west of the
       Portuguese dominions," was now in full possession, both
       politically and commercially, not only of the great domain of
       the Matabeles and the Mashonas, stretching to the Zambesi
       River, but likewise of a vast territory beyond that stream.
       Its charter had been extended in 1891, to cover the whole
       sphere of British influence north of the Zambesi, except the
       strip of country called Nyassaland, which borders the western
       shore of Nyassa Lake. It had subjugated the Matabeles,
       extinguished their kingdom, driven its native sovereign, Lo
       Bengula, to exile and death.

          See in volume 4,
          SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1885-1893.

       By a new agreement with the British Government, signed on the
       23d of May, 1894, it had received political authority over
       this imperial domain, in addition to the powers and privileges
       which its broad charter gave.

       The administration of the government of the region was to be
       conducted by the Company, under an Administrator and a Council
       of four members composed of a Judge and three other members.
       The Administrator to be appointed by the Company, with the
       approval of the Colonial Secretary, and to be removed either
       by the Secretary or by the Company, with the approval of the
       Secretary. The Judge, appointed by the Company, with the
       approval of the Colonial Secretary, and removable only by the
       Secretary, was to be a member of the Council ex officio.
    {462}
       The members of the Council, other than the Judge, to be
       appointed by the Company, with the approval of the Secretary,
       and to be removable by the Company. … The Administrator
       should, as representative of the Company, administer the
       government, but must take the advice of his Council on all
       questions of importance. In cases of emergency, when he found
       it impracticable to assemble a quorum, the Administrator might
       take action alone, but must report such action to the Council
       at its next meeting. Moreover, he might overrule the Council,
       but must, in that case, report the matter forthwith to the
       Company, with the reasons for his action; and the Company
       might rescind the decision of the Administrator, whether made
       with, or without, or against, the advice of the Council. With
       the concurrence of at least two members of the Council, and
       with the approval of the British High Commissioner for South
       Africa, the Administrator was empowered to frame and issue
       regulations, which should have the force of law; but the
       Colonial Secretary or the Company could veto any such
       regulation at any time within twelve months of the date of
       approval by the High Commissioner. This power of making
       ordinances included the power to impose such taxes as might be
       necessary, and the right to impose and to collect customs
       duties. The armed forces of the Company were expressly
       forbidden to act outside the defined limits of its territory
       without the permission of Her Majesty's Government.

       The master spirit of the Company which exercised these
       imperial powers of government over so great a dominion in
       Africa was Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes, Premier of Cape Colony,
       organizer and chief of the De Beers Consolidated Mining Co. in
       the diamond fields,—millionaire projector and manager of
       everything stupendous in the enterprises of the African world.
       He seemed, in fact, to be more than a master spirit in the
       Company. Apparently he had created it as an instrument of his
       ambitions, and it moved in his shadow throughout. Its
       Administrator, Dr. Leander S. Jameson, was his closely
       confidential friend. Presently it stamped his name on the
       broad empire which bore already the stamp of his personality
       and will, by proclaiming (May 1, 1895): "The territories now
       or hereafter placed under the control of the British South
       Africa Company shall be named collectively Rhodesia. The
       provinces at the present time included in the territory of
       Rhodesia are Mashonaland, Matabeleland, and Northern
       Zambesia." Great ambitions—imperial ambitions—had thus come
       to be powerfully embodied in a corporation which practically
       served the will of one remarkably able man. They were
       ambitions which had been in conflict from the beginning with
       the interests as well as the ambitions of the Boers of the
       South African Republic, and the conflict was not to be ended
       by the triumph which the Rhodesians had won. Naturally the
       Boer was jealous and distrustful of the energetic men who had
       seized lands which he desired and hemmed his republic in.
       Naturally, too, the bold adventurers of Rhodesia, arrogant in
       their success and as little scrupulous as "empire-builders"
       are apt to be, looked with contempt and impatience at the
       plodding Boer, as an obstacle to their booming development in
       Africa of a civilization "up to date." Between the two
       incongruous neighbors rose the cry of the angry Uitlanders at
       Johannesburg, threatening the one and appealing to the
       sympathy of the other. The consequences soon appeared.

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (July).
       Opening of Delagoa Bay Railway.-

       The opening of the railway to Delagoa Bay was celebrated with
       much ceremony at Pretoria on the 8th of July.

    SOUTH AFRICA:
       The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (September-December).
       Closing of Vaal River "drifts" (fords) as ports of entry.
       Anger in Cape Colony.
       A threatening situation.

       In September, the government of the South African Republic
       adopted a measure, for the benefit of its new railway,
       connecting Delagoa Bay with Pretoria, and for the development
       of foreign trade via Delagoa Bay rather than through Cape
       Colony, which raised a storm of indignation at the Cape,
       giving birth to a grievance there which became for a time more
       threatening than the grievances of the Uitlanders of the Rand.
       The measure in question was one that closed the "drifts" or
       fords of the Vaal River, between Cape Colony and the
       Transvaal, as ports of entry for the importation of over-sea
       goods. As stated by the British High Commissioner, in a
       despatch (October 7) to Mr. Chamberlain, the British Colonial
       Secretary, the history of the case is as follows:

       "In the year 1891 the Cape Government came to an agreement
       with the Transvaal Government and the Netherlands Railway
       Company to advance the latter £600,000 towards the
       construction of the railway from the Vaal river to
       Johannesburg, receiving in exchange for such advance
       Netherlands Railway Company 4 per cent. bonds at £93,
       guaranteed by the Transvaal Government. It was stipulated in
       the agreement that the Cape Government might fix the traffic
       rates on the Transvaal extension until the close of 1894, or
       until the completion of the railway from Delagoa Bay to
       Pretoria, if such completion should take place before that
       date. The railway extension from the Vaal river so provided
       for was opened in September, 1892, and the Cape Government
       secured thereby, during the continuance of the agreement,
       practically the monopoly of the Johannesburg traffic. The
       agreement terminated on the 31st December, 1894, the Delagoa
       Bay to Pretoria Railway having shortly before been completed
       and commenced working. Up to the close of the agreement the
       through-traffic rates from the coast to Johannesburg had been
       fixed by the Cape at the average rate of about 2.4d. per ton
       per mile. After the close of the agreement the Netherlands
       Railway Company raised the rates on its 52 miles of railway,
       from the Vaal river to Johannesburg, to an average of nearly
       8d. per ton per mile. Upon this importers began to remove a
       portion of their goods from the railway at the Vaal river, and
       to send them on by road and bullock-waggon to their
       destination in the Transvaal, instead of by the Netherlands
       Railway to Johannesburg and elsewhere as before. This move has
       recently been met by the Transvaal Government issuing a
       Proclamation closing the drifts on the Vaal river alongside
       the railway as ports of entry for over-sea goods, leaving them
       open for other goods, the produce of South Africa. Importers of
       over-sea goods have thus only the choice between making use of
       the Netherlands line from the Vaal to Johannesburg at the
       enhanced traffic rates imposed on that line, or of importing
       via Delagoa Bay or Durban."
    {463}
       Vigorous remonstrances against this measure were made
       instantly by the government of Cape Colony, not only on the
       ground of its unfriendliness to the Colony, but also as being
       an infraction of the 13th article of the London Convention of
       1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), and the British government
       was appealed to for its interference. To this appeal the
       British Colonial Secretary replied with much caution, on the
       1st of November, in a communication cabled to the High
       Commissioner, as follows: "Subject to the conditions stated
       further on, I am prepared to authorize you to send to the
       Government of the South African Republic a message to the
       following effect.:—'I am advised by the Law Officers of the
       Crown (who, it is hardly necessary to state, have examined the
       question from a purely legal standpoint) that the recent
       action of the South African Republic is a breach of Article
       XIII. of the London Convention. I am further advised that the
       Government of the South African Republic cannot now set itself
       right by making general the prohibition of entry by the
       drifts, so as to include Colonial goods, if and when they
       reissue their Proclamation, which, I am surprised to observe,
       they appear to have some intention of doing. Her Majesty's
       Government accept the legal advice which they have received;
       but independently of their Conventional rights they are of
       opinion that the closing of the drifts, and especially the
       extension of that measure to Colonial goods, is so unfriendly
       an action as to call for the gravest remonstrance on their
       part. While anxious for an amicable settlement of the
       question, they must therefore protest against what they regard
       as an attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government in
       Conference by a proceeding which almost partakes of the nature
       of an act of hostility.' You will communicate this message
       confidentially to your Ministers in writing, pointing out that
       when once it is sent Her Majesty's Government cannot allow the
       matter to drop until they have obtained a compliance with
       their demands, even if it should be necessary to undertake an
       expedition for that purpose. Her Majesty's Government do not
       intend that such au expedition should, like most previous
       Colonial wars, be conducted at the entire cost of this
       country; and you should explain to your Ministers that you are
       therefore instructed to require from them a most explicit
       undertaking in writing that, if it becomes necessary to send
       an expedition, the Cape Parliament will bear half the gross
       expense, and that the Local Government will furnish a fair
       contingent of the fighting force, so far as its resources in
       men may suffice, besides giving the full and free use of its
       railways and rolling stock for military purposes. If your
       Ministers cannot give you such assurances you will report
       fully by telegraph, and defer action pending further
       instructions from me; but if you obtain these assurances in
       writing, explicitly and without qualification, you may send
       the above message to the Government of the South African
       Republic."

       This was followed by a further cautionary message, November 3,
       in these words: "Referring to my telegrams of the 1st
       November, although willing to support your Ministers on the
       conditions already stated, I should think it would be well, in
       their own interests, and those of South African commerce
       generally, if they will be as moderate as they can find it
       consistent with their duty to be in their demands as to their
       share of railway business. I have no doubt that you have
       availed yourself of any chances you may have had of impressing
       such a view on them and if you think it expedient you may tell
       them, confidentially, that such is my view." On the 4th, Sir
       Hercules Robinson replied: "My Ministers, including Schreiner
       and Faure, the two Dutch Members, were unanimous in their
       decision to accept your conditions. I am assured by Mr. Rhodes
       that he can count on the support of the majority in the Cape
       Parliament, and there are no facts before me which would lead
       me to a different view; but I do not think that the question
       will arise, as the Government of the South African Republic
       will not hold out against the united action of the Cape and
       Her Majesty's Government." On the same day he transmitted to
       President Kruger the message contained (as above) in Secretary
       Chamberlain's despatch of November 1. On the 21st of November
       the reply of the Transvaal Government was given, as follows:

       "This Government most deeply regrets that the Cape Colony has
       by its own acts created a condition of things, in consequence
       of which it afterwards found itself compelled to invoke the
       intervention of the British Government, and it still more
       deeply regrets that Her Majesty's Government, on the 'ex
       parte' representations of the Cape Colony, felt itself
       constrained to telegraph to this Government in the terms of
       the communication of the 3rd instant. From the reply of this
       Government, it will be evident to your Excellency that it
       wishes to contribute in every possible way to preserve the
       good understanding in South Africa, and it therefore considers
       a passage such as occurs in your Excellency's telegram of the 3rd
       instant, 'An attempt to force the hand of the Cape Government
       at the Conference by a measure which almost resembles the
       nature of a hostile act,' not justified as regards this
       Republic. This Government adheres to its opinion and view that
       it has an undoubted right to regulate the ports of entrance on
       the borders of the Republic, and if Her Majesty's Government
       calls this an unfriendly act, this Government can only say
       that it was the consequence of an unfriendly act of the Cape
       Colony. In order not to be the cause of disturbance in South
       Africa, this Government is prepared to submit the regulating
       of the ports of entrance on the borders to arbitration, it
       being convinced of the justice of its assertion that the
       regulating of the ports of entrance on its borders by it is no
       infringement of Article 13 of the Convention of London."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8474, pages 11-21.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895 (November).
       The state of discontent among the Uitlanders, and its causes.
       The franchise question.
       Growth of British Imperialistic designs.

       The suspension of commandeering went a very little way towards
       removing the grievances of the British residents in the
       Transvaal. Underlying that and all other causes of discontent
       was the evident determination of the Boer inhabitants of the
       Republic to keep in their own hands the whole power of
       government, both state and municipal, and to deal with the
       increasing multitude of incomers from the outside world (whom
       they called Uitlanders, or Outlanders) permanently as aliens,
       excluded from citizenship by as many bars as a jealous
       legislature could raise.
    {464}
       Until 1882, a foreigner, settling in the Transvaal, could
       become a citizen and a voter after a residence of two years.
       The required residence was then raised to five years, and in
       1887 it was carried up to fifteen. By this time the immigrant
       population was growing numerous, and its complaints of
       disfranchisement and non representation in the Volksraad, or
       Legislature, soon took on angry tones. In 1890 a nominal
       concession was made to the discontented Uitlanders, by the
       creation of a Second Volksraad (see, in this volume,
       CONSTITUTION OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC—the bracketed
       amendments or added articles following Article 29), to which
       they could elect representatives. The suffrage in elections to
       this new chamber was given after two years residence, on the
       taking of an oath of allegiance to the Republic, and
       qualification for sitting in it was acquired after a residence
       of four years. But the Second Volksraad had no independent
       power. It could act only on certain specified subjects,
       taxation not included, and all that it did was subject to
       overruling by the First Volksraad, while the enactments of the
       latter were entirely valid without its consent. The Second
       Volksraad, in fact, was no actual branch of the national
       legislature, but a powerless appendage to it, where an
       appearance of representation in the government could be given
       to the Uitlander population without the reality.

       Naturally, this aggravated rather than pacified the discontent
       of the new comers. They were a rapidly increasing multitude,
       congregated, for the most part, in one district, where it was
       easy for them to feel and act in combination. By 1895 there
       was said to be 100,000 of them in the 'Witwatersrand, and some
       60,000 natives were working in their mines. They were being
       heavily taxed, and they complained that they could get nothing
       adequate in return for the taxation,—neither an efficient
       police, nor decent sanitary regulations, nor a proper water
       supply, nor a safe restraint upon the sale of liquors to their
       native work people. At the same time it was charged that
       corruption prevailed in the omnipotent First Volksraad, and
       among public officials, and that, on the whole, the Republic
       was in bad as well as in ignorant hands. This was not alone
       the view of the complaining foreign residents, but was shared
       more or less by unprejudiced visitors to the country,
       including Mr. James Bryce, who travelled in the Transvaal in
       1895, and who wrote of the grievances of the Uitlanders in
       quite a sympathetic vein.

       Until the gold-seekers came into it, the Republic had been
       poor and its revenues small. Their coming gave it a full
       treasury. They were the principal consumers of the imported
       goods on which its tariff was laid. Their large use of
       dynamite and other explosives in mining gave the government an
       opportunity to make a highly profitable monopoly of the
       manufacture, afterwards exchanged for an equally profitable
       concession to a monopolistic company. Their mines were the
       proper subject of a tax which yielded large returns. In fact,
       the Republic was taking much to itself from the Uitlanders,—no
       more, perhaps, than it had a fair right to take,—but,
       according to what seems to be trustworthy testimony, it was
       giving them far less in return for it than they had a just
       right to demand, and it was offering them no prospect of
       anything better in time to come.

       It seems to be certain that responsibility for whatever was
       hostile and unjust in the treatment of the foreign population
       rested largely upon the President of the Republic, Mr. Paul
       Kruger, who had been at the head of the government for many
       years. He exercised an influence and authority that had
       scarcely any limit. The Volksraad was obedient to his will,
       and most of its legislation was understood to emanate from him
       and from those whose council he took. There can be little
       doubt that he practically shaped the whole policy of the Boer
       Republic in its dealing with the Uitlanders, and that it
       expressed the attitude of his mind toward foreigners in
       general and Englishmen in particular. He distrusted even the
       Dutch of Cape Colony, and sought Hollanders for the public
       service when he needed qualifications which his own people did
       not possess.

       "While within the Transvaal there was growing discontent,
       matters were so shaping themselves without as to still further
       complicate the situation. The idea of a Confederation of
       British South Africa and the extension of the British sphere
       to the Zambesi, had long been the dream of imperialists, and
       the ruling classes at the Cape had persistently urged this
       upon the home government. … After the consolidation of the
       diamond companies. Mr. Cecil Rhodes became the imperialist
       leader in South Africa and marshaled behind him all the
       corporate interests and combined influence of his many
       associates. The Boer Republics stood in the way of the success
       of imperialistic enterprise. Then too the 'scramble for
       Africa,' which began with the efforts of the King of Belgium
       to consolidate the native tribes of central Africa under
       Belgian rule and which resulted in the carving out of the
       Congo Free State, the assertion of German protection over
       Damaraland and Namaqueland, and the joint effort of European
       powers to check the British sphere, all lent zest to ambition
       and brought the English popular mind into temper for concerted
       action. Under such circumstances the 'little England' party
       lost its standing and an imperial policy gained fullest
       support. With such an atmosphere surrounding the Transvaal the
       grievances of the 'aliens' within could not long be
       disregarded without serious trouble."

          F. A. Cleveland,
          The South African Conflict
          (The American Academy of Political and Social Science,
          Number 265), pages 19-22.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Revolutionary conspiracy of disaffected Uitlanders
       at Johannesburg with Rhodesians.
       The Jameson Raid and its results.

       In the fall of 1895, certain of the disaffected Uitlanders at
       Johannesburg, leaders of an organization called the Transvaal
       National Union, abandoned attempts to obtain what they sought
       from the President and the Volksraad by petition and
       agitation, and either invited or accepted proposals of
       assistance from the armed forces of the British South Africa
       Company, with a view to some kind of a revolutionary
       undertaking. The story of the plot has been told with great
       frankness by one of the actors in it, Mr. Alfred P. Hillier,
       who writes:

    {465}

       "Mr. Cecil Rhodes, … accustomed as he was to success, quick
       movement and rapid developments, in his great career, had …
       watched with impatient eyes the setting back of the clock
       within the South African Republic. His chief lieutenant, Dr.
       Jameson, who had shared with him the labour of reclaiming from
       barbarism and developing Rhodesia, and whose ambition was no
       less than his superior's, discussed with him the desirability
       of some active outside pressure; and between them was evolved
       what is known as the Jameson plan. Mr. Beit, the capitalist
       most largely interested in the mines of the Rand, an old
       financial colleague of Mr. Rhodes, both in the De Beers
       amalgamation and in the establishment of the Chartered
       Company, promised both his influence and his purse in support
       of the plan. Overtures were then made to Mr. Lionel Phillips,
       who was at the head of the Chamber of Mines, and Mr. Charles
       Leonard, the Chairman of the National Union. … The plan at
       this early stage was presented in a very attractive form. A
       force under Dr. Jameson was to be quietly gathered on the
       border. The Johannesburg agitation, reinforced with capitalist
       support, was to be steadily pushed forward. Rifles and
       ammunition were to be smuggled into Johannesburg. Both the
       High Commissioner and the Colonial Office might be counted on,
       it was said, to support a vigorous forward movement for
       reform. Mr. Phillips and Mr. Leonard, sick and weary of the
       hopelessness of unsupported constitutional action, and of the
       continual set back in Boer politics, already casting round in
       their minds for some new departure, accepted and from that
       time forth co-operated with Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jameson in the
       development of the Jameson plan.

       "In October, 1895, a meeting took place at Groote Schuur, Mr.
       Rhodes' residence near Cape Town, at which were present, in
       addition to Mr. Cecil Rhodes, Mr. Lionel Phillips, Mr.
       Hammond, Mr. Charles Leonard, and Colonel Frank Rhodes. At
       this meeting the plan was more fully discussed and matured;
       and in November, 1895, when Dr. Jameson visited Johannesburg,
       the details were finally settled. The letter of invitation was
       written, signed and handed to Dr.Jameson, and the date of
       combined action provisionally fixed for the end of December.
       Dr. Jameson's force was to be about 1,000 strong, and the
       start to be made when finally summoned by the signatories of
       the letter. In the meantime the Johannesburg leaders were to
       have sent in to them 4,500 rifles and 1,000,000 rounds of
       ammunition, and were, if possible, to arrange for an attack on
       the Pretoria Arsenal simultaneously with the move from
       outside. With regard to the letter of invitation which was
       subsequently used by Dr. Jameson as a justification for his
       start, … Mr. Leonard, Colonel Rhodes, and Mr. Phillips have
       all distinctly stated that this letter was never intended as
       an authority to Dr. Jameson to enter the Transvaal, unless and
       until he received a further summons from them. Such was in
       brief the history of the Jameson plan as far as concerned
       Johannesburg. And it is necessary here to refer to the
       position with regard to it of the bulk of the men who
       subsequently constituted the Reform Committee. They at this
       time, with the exception of a few of their number, of which I
       personally was one, were entirely ignorant of what was going
       on. … The Johannesburg leaders, relying on the general
       sentiment of the community, assumed the responsibility of
       arranging a basis of operations. So that the plan when it was
       gradually revealed to various men had either to be accepted by
       them in its entirety or rejected. … Men demanded and received
       assurance that the movement was to be a republican one, and in
       no way to be an attempt on the independence of the country. A
       sufficient number of rifles were also to be forthcoming, and
       the High Commissioner was to be on the spot to expedite the
       adjustment of matters immediately disturbances arose."

          A. P. Hillier,
          Raid and Reform,
          pages 47-53.

       The practical working of the conspiracy proved less easy than
       the planning of it. Arms and ammunition were smuggled into
       Johannesburg, but not in sufficient quantities. The time of
       action had been fixed for the 28th of December. When it came
       near there were found to be only 2,500 rifles at hand, instead
       of the 10,000 that were wanted. A scheme for the surprising of
       the Boer arsenal at Pretoria was pronounced at the last moment
       impracticable. Still more disconcerting to many was a report
       which came from Cape Town, that Jameson would require the
       rising to be made under and in favor of the British flag. "The
       movement within the Transvaal," says Mr. Hillier, "had from
       its outset been one in favour, not of a British Colony, but of
       a sound Republic. … Many Americans and South Africans had
       accorded their support only on this understanding." Until a
       clearer arrangement with the Rhodesians on this point could be
       reached, the leaders in Johannesburg determined not to act.
       Accordingly, on the 26th of December, two days before the
       appointed date of insurrection, they telegraphed to Jameson,
       in covert language which he understood, that it was
       "absolutely necessary to postpone the flotation." On the
       following day they issued a lengthy manifesto, setting forth
       all their grievances, and deferring until the 6th of January a
       general meeting of the National Union which had been called
       for the 27th of December—the eve of the intended rising. The
       manifesto concluded as follows:

       "We have now only two questions to consider:
       (a) What do we want?
       (b) how shall we get it?

       I have stated plainly what our grievances are, and I shall
       answer with equal directness the question, 'What do we want?'
       We want:

       (1) the establishment of this Republic as a true republic:

       (2) a Grondwet or Constitution which shall be framed by
       competent persons selected by representatives of the whole
       people and framed on lines laid down by them—a constitution
       which shall be safeguarded against hasty alteration;

       (3) an equitable franchise law, and fair representation;

       (4) equality of the Dutch and English languages;

       (5) responsibility of the Legislature to the heads of the
       great departments;

       (6) removal of religious disabilities;

       (7) independence of the courts of justice, with adequate and
       secured remuneration of the judges;

       (8) liberal and comprehensive education;

       (9) efficient civil service, with adequate provision for pay
       and pension;

       (10) free trade in South African products.

       That is what we want. There now remains the question which is
       to be put before you at the meeting of the 6th January. viz.,
       How shall we get it?"

          Great Britain: Papers by Command, 1896, C.—7933.

    {466}

       Acting, as appears, on his own responsibility, Dr. Jameson
       refused to be stopped by the postponement at Johannesburg,
       and, on the evening of December 29, he entered the Transvaal
       territory, from Pitsani-Pitlogo, in Bechuanaland, with a force
       of about 500 men. His movement created consternation in all the
       circles of the conspiracy, and received no effectual support.
       It was promptly disavowed and condemned by the British
       authorities, and by the home officials of the British South
       Africa Company. Cecil Rhodes could do nothing but tacitly
       acknowledge his responsibility for what his lieutenant had
       done (though the precipitation of the raid was evidently a
       surprise and a trouble to him) by resigning the premiership of
       Cape Colony. Meantime, the invaders had learned that the Boers
       were not to be ridden over in the easy fashion they supposed.
       Hasty levies had intercepted their march, had repulsed them at
       Krugersdorp, with a heavy loss in killed and wounded,
       surrounded them at Doornkop, and forced them to surrender on
       New Year's day. A few days later, the Uitlanders at
       Johannesburg, some of whom had made a confused and ineffectual
       attempt to take arms, proclaiming a provisional government,
       and around whose town the excited Boers had gathered in large
       force, were persuaded by the British High Commissioner to
       submit to the Transvaal authorities, and more than fifty of
       the leaders were placed under arrest.

       "With great difficulty, President Kruger overcame the desire
       of his people that Jameson and his officers should be brought
       to trial and punished in the country they had outraged by
       their invasion, and they were handed over to the British
       government for removal to England and trial by an English
       court. The trial took place in July (20-28), before the Lord
       Chief Justice (Lord Russell of Killowen), Baron Pollock, and
       Justice Hawkins, with a special jury. The charge on which the
       prisoners were tried was that of having fitted out a warlike
       expedition against a friendly state, in violation of the
       Foreign Enlistment Act. The charge of the Lord Chief Justice
       gave the following questions to the jury: Were preparations
       for a raid made by the defendants? Did they aid, abet,
       counsel, or procure such preparation? Were they employed in
       the actual expedition? Did the Queen exercise dominion and
       sovereignty in Pitsani-Pitlogo? The jury returned affirmative
       answers, which were held to constitute a verdict of "guilty,"
       and sentence was pronounced,—fifteen months of imprisonment
       for Dr. Jameson, and terms varying from five to ten months for
       his four subordinate officers. During the trial and after
       there were many demonstrations of popular sympathy with the
       prisoners. Meantime, in April, the Transvaal authorities had
       brought the imprisoned leaders of the Johannesburg "reform
       committee" to trial at Pretoria on charges of treason and had
       convicted them all. Four, namely, Colonel Rhodes (brother of
       Cecil), Lionel Phillips, George Farrar, and John Hays Hammond
       (an American), were sentenced to death; the remainder to a
       payment of heavy fines. The death sentences were soon
       commuted, first to imprisonment for fifteen years, and
       subsequently to fines of $125,000 on each of four prisoners.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Message of the German Emperor to President Kruger,
       relative to the Jameson Raid.

       The critical situation of affairs produced by the Jameson raid
       was dangerously complicated at the beginning by the
       publication of the following telegram, sent to President
       Kruger, on the 3d of January, by the German Emperor: "I
       express my sincere congratulations that, supported by your
       people and without appealing for help to friendly powers, you
       have succeeded by your own energetic action against the armed
       bands which invaded your country as disturbers of the peace,
       and have thus been enabled to restore peace, and safeguard the
       independence of your country against attacks from without."
       President Kruger replied: "I testify to Your Majesty my very
       deep and heartfelt thanks for Your Majesty's sincere
       congratulations. With God's help we hope to do everything
       further that is possible for the holding of our dearly bought
       independence and the stability of our beloved republic." This
       kindled a white heat of indignation in England. It was
       supposed to signify a disposition on the part of the German
       Emperor to recognize the absolute independence which the South
       African Republic claimed, and to threaten interference as
       between Great Britain and the Boers. A powerful "flying
       squadron" was instantly put in commission, and several ships
       were ordered to Delagoa Bay. For some time the relations
       between Great Britain and Germany were seriously strained; but
       various influences gradually cooled the excited feeling in
       England, though not a little distrust of German intentions has
       remained.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896 (January-April).
       Urgency of the British Colonial Secretary for redress of
       Uitlander grievances.
       Invitation to President Kruger to visit England.
       His requirement that Article IV. of the London Convention
       shall be discussed.
       Deadlock of the parties.

       The complaints of the Uitlanders, effectually silenced for the
       time being at Johannesburg by the vigorous action of the
       Boers, were now taken up by the British Secretary of State for
       the Colonies, Mr. Chamberlain, and pressed in strenuous
       despatches to the High Commissioner in South Africa, Sir
       Hercules Robinson. On the 4th of January, 1896, four days
       after the surrender of Jameson and four days before the
       insurgent Uitlanders at Johannesburg had laid down their arms,
       a long despatch was cabled by Mr. Chamberlain to the High
       Commissioner, instructing him to make "friendly
       representations" to President Kruger on the subject of those
       complaints. "I am aware," wrote the Colonial Secretary, "that
       victory of Transvaal Government over Administrator of
       Mashonaland may possibly find them not willing to make any
       concessions. If this is the attitude they adopt, they will, in
       my opinion, make a great mistake; for danger from which they
       have just escaped was real, and one which, if the causes which
       led up to it are not removed, may recur, although in a
       different form. I have done everything in my power to undo and
       to minimise the evil caused by late unwarrantable raid by
       British subjects into the territory of the South African
       Republic, and it is not likely that such action will be ever
       repeated; but the state of things of which complaint has been
       made cannot continue forever. If those who are now a majority
       of inhabitants of the Transvaal, but are excluded from all
       participation in its government, were, of their own
       initiative, and without any interference from without, to
       attempt to reverse that state of things, they would, without
       doubt, attract much sympathy from all civilised communities
       who themselves live under a free Government, and I cannot
       regard the present state of things in the South African
       Republic as free from danger to the stability of its
       institutions.
    {467}
       The Government of the South African Republic cannot be
       indifferent to these considerations, and President of South
       African Republic himself has on more than one occasion,
       expressed his willingness to inquire into and to deal with
       just reasons for discontent; and the Volksraad have now the
       opportunity to show magnanimity in the hour of their success
       and to settle all differences by moderate concessions. They
       must fully admit the entire loyalty of yourself and of Her
       Majesty's Government to the terms of London Convention, as
       shown by their recent intervention, and they must recognise
       that their authority in crisis through which they have passed
       could not have been so promptly and effectively asserted
       without that intervention. If they will recognise this by
       making concessions in accordance with our friendly advice, no
       one will be able to suggest that they are acting under
       pressure, and their voluntary moderation will produce best
       effect among all who are interested in well-being of the
       Transvaal and in future of South Africa."

       On the 13th of January the Colonial Secretary pursued the
       subject in another despatch to Sir Hercules Robinson, as
       follows: "Now that Her Majesty's Government have fulfilled
       their obligations to the South African Republic, and have
       engaged to bring the leaders in the recent invasion to trial,
       they are anxious that the negotiations which are being
       conducted by you should result in a permanent settlement by
       which the possibility of further internal troubles will be
       prevented. The majority of the population is composed of
       Uitlanders, and their complete exclusion from any share in the
       government of the country is an admitted grievance which is
       publicly recognised as such by the friends of the Republic as
       well as by the opinion of civilised Europe. There will always
       be a danger of internal disturbance so long as this grievance
       exists, and I desire that you will earnestly impress on
       President Kruger the wisdom of making concessions in the
       interests alike of the South African Republic and of South
       Africa as a whole. There is a possibility that the President
       might be induced to rely on the support of some foreign Power
       in resisting the grant of reforms or in making demands upon
       Her Majesty's Government; and in view of this I think it well
       to inform you that Great Britain will resist at all costs the
       interference of any foreign Power in the affairs of the South
       African Republic. The suggestion that such interference was
       contemplated by Germany was met in this country by an
       unprecedented and unanimous outburst of public feeling. In
       order to be prepared for all eventualities, it has been
       thought desirable by Her Majesty's Government to commission a
       Flying Squadron of powerful men-of-war, with twelve
       torpedo-ships; and many other vessels are held in reserve. Her
       Majesty's Government have no reason, at the present moment, to
       anticipate any conflict of interest with foreign Powers; but I
       think it right for you to know that Great Britain will not
       tolerate any change in her relations with the Republic, and
       that, while loyally respecting its internal independence,
       subject to the Conventions, she will maintain her position as
       the Paramount Power in South Africa, and especially the
       provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884. It is my
       sincere hope that President Kruger, who has hitherto shown so
       much wisdom in dealing with the situation, will now take the
       opportunity afforded to him of making of his own free will
       such reasonable concessions to the Uitlanders as will remove
       the last excuse for disloyalty, and will establish the free
       institutions of the Republic on a firm and lasting basis."

       To this Sir Hercules replied with a remonstrance, saying:
       "Your telegram 13 January No.1 only reached me last night
       after I had left Pretoria. I could, if you consider it
       desirable, communicate purport to President of South African
       Republic by letter, but I myself think such action would be
       inopportune. … Nearly all leading Johannesburg men are now in
       gaol, charged with treason against the State, and it is
       rumoured that Government has written evidence of a
       long-standing and wide-spread conspiracy to seize Government
       of country on the plea of denial of political privileges, and
       to incorporate the country with that of British South Africa
       Company. The truth of these reports will be tested in the
       trials to take place shortly in the High Court, and meanwhile
       to urge claim for extended political privileges for the very
       men so charged would be ineffectual and impolitic. President
       of South African Republic has already promised municipal
       government to Johannesburg, and has stated in a Proclamation
       that all grievances advanced in a constitutional manner will
       be carefully considered and brought before the Volksraad
       without loss of time; but until result of trials is known
       nothing, of course, will now be done." Mr. Chamberlain saw
       force in the High Commissioner's objections, and assented to a
       momentary suspension of pressure on the Transvaal President,
       but not for long. "I recognise," he telegraphed on the 15th,
       "that the actual moment is not opportune for a settlement of
       the Uitlanders' grievances, and that the position of the
       President of the South African Republic may be an embarrassing
       one, but I do not consider that the arrest of a few score
       individuals out of a population of 70,000 or more, or the
       supposed existence of a plot among that small minority, is a
       reason for denying to the overwhelming majority of innocent
       persons reforms which are just in themselves and expedient in
       the interests of the Republic. Whatever may be said about the
       conduct of a few individuals, nothing can be plainer than that
       the sober and industrious majority refused to countenance any
       resort to violence, and proved their readiness to obey the law
       and your authority. I hope, therefore, to hear at an early
       date that you propose to resume the discussion with President
       of South African Republic on lines laid down in my previous
       telegrams. I do not see that the matter need wait until the
       conclusion of the trial of the supposed plotters."

       On the 28th of January the High Commissioner, under
       instructions from London, addressed to President Kruger the
       following invitation: "I am directed by Her Majesty's
       Government to tender to your Honour a cordial invitation to
       visit England, with a view to discussing with them all those
       questions which relate to the security of the South African
       Republic and the general welfare of South Africa. I am to add
       that, although Her Majesty's Government cannot consent to
       modify Article 4 of the London Convention [see above; A. D.
       1884-1894], other matters are open to friendly discussion.
    {468}
       Her Majesty's Government hope that your Honour will come as
       the guest of the British Government." While this invitation
       was being considered, and before a reply to it had been made,
       the British Colonial Secretary reopened his own discussion of
       the questions at issue, February 4, in a despatch of great
       length, reviewing the whole history of the relations of the
       Uitlanders to the government of the South African Republic,
       and of the recent occurrences which had been consequent upon
       their discontent. It praised "the spirit of wisdom and
       moderation" shown by President Kruger, who "kept within bounds
       the natural exasperation of his burghers," and it gave
       especial attention to a proclamation which President Kruger
       had addressed to the inhabitants of Johannesburg, on the 10th
       of January, in which he had said: "It is my intention to
       submit a draft Law at the first ordinary session of the
       Volksraad, whereby a Municipality with a Mayor at its head
       will be appointed for Johannesburg, to whom the whole
       municipal government of this town will be entrusted."

       On this the Secretary made the following suggestions: "Basing
       myself upon the expressed desire of President Kruger to grant
       municipal government to Johannesburg, I suggest, for his
       consideration, as one way of meeting the difficulty, that the
       whole of the Rand district, from end to end, should be erected
       into something more than a municipality as that word is
       ordinarily understood; that, in fact, it should have a
       modified local autonomy, with powers of legislation on purely
       local questions, and subject to the veto of the President and
       Executive Council; and that this power of legislation should
       include the power of assessing and levying its own taxation,
       subject to the payment to the Republican Government of an
       annual tribute of an amount to be fixed at once and revised at
       intervals, so as to meet the case of a diminution or increase
       in the mining industry. As regards judicial matters in such a
       scheme, the Rand, like the Eastern Provinces and the Kimberley
       District of the Cape Colony, might have a superior court of
       its own. It would, of course, be a feature of this scheme that
       the autonomous body should have the control of its civil
       police, its public education, its mine management, and all
       other matters affecting its internal economy and well-being.
       The central Government would be entitled to maintain all
       reasonable safeguards against the fomenting of a revolutionary
       movement, or the storage of arms for treasonable purposes
       within the district. Those living in, and there enjoying a
       share in the government of, the autonomous district, would
       not, in my view, be entitled to a voice in the general
       Legislature or the Central Executive, or the presidential
       election. The burghers would thus be relieved of what is
       evidently a haunting fear to many of them—although I believe
       an unfounded one—that the first use which the enfranchised
       newcomers would make of their privileges would be to upset the
       republican form of government. Relieved of this apprehension,
       I should suppose that there would not be many of them who
       would refuse to deal with the grievances of the comparatively
       few Uitlanders outside the Rand on those liberal principles
       which characterized the earlier legislation of the Republic.
       The President may rest assured that in making the above
       suggestions I am only actuated by friendly feeling towards
       himself and the South African Republic. They are not offered
       in derogation of his authority, but as the sincere and
       friendly contribution of Her Majesty's Government towards the
       settlement of a question which continues to threaten the
       tranquillity of the Republic and the welfare and progress of
       the whole of South Africa. A proper settlement of the
       questions at issue involves so many matters of detail which
       could be more easily and satisfactorily settled by personal
       conference, that I should be glad to have the opportunity of
       discussing the subject with the President, if it suited his
       convenience, and were agreeable to him, to come to this
       country for the purpose. Should this be impracticable, I rely
       upon you to make my views known to him and to carry on the
       negotiations."

       This despatch, as soon as it had been forwarded from the
       Colonial Office, was published in the "London Gazette," so
       that a telegraphed summary of its contents reached President
       Kruger before it came to him officially,—which naturally added
       something to the irritations existing at Pretoria. However,
       the President, on the 8th of February, by telegram to the High
       Commissioner, and more fully on the 25th by letter, responded
       to the invitation to visit England. In his telegram he said:
       "In order to give me the liberty to let the Honourable
       Volksraad judge whether permission and power to act will be
       given me to go out of the country, an understanding must, of
       course, first be come to as to what points will he discussed
       or not, so that I may lay those points before the Volksraad
       for deliberation and resolution." In his letter he wrote:

       "At the commencement, I wish to observe that the object of
       this letter is to pave the way for a friendly discussion of
       the matters herein mentioned, in order to arrive at a
       satisfactory solution, and further that, although as yet I
       desire no positive and direct assent to the desires expressed
       herein, I would, nevertheless, to prevent a misunderstanding,
       desire to have an assurance that they will be taken into the
       most mature consideration with the earnest endeavour and the
       sincere desire to comply with my wishes. The desire to receive
       this assurance will be respected by your Excellency and Her
       Majesty's Government as reasonable, when I say that,
       considering especially my advanced age and the unavoidable
       delay, owing to my absence, in the transaction of matters
       affecting the highest State interests, I would, with
       difficulty, be able to make the sacrifice in going only to
       discuss matters without arriving at the desired result, and it
       is evident that if the assurance referred to by me cannot be
       given by Her Majesty's Government, in all probability the
       Honourable Volksraad would not grant its consent and
       commission. … Although, as already said, the Government could
       tolerate no interference in its internal relations and the
       official discussion of affairs with the object of requiring
       changes therein will have to be avoided, on the other hand I
       wish it to be understood that private hints given by statesmen
       of experience in the true interest of the country and its
       independence will always be warmly appreciated by me, from
       whatever side they may come.

    {469}

       "Going over to a summing up of the points which, in my
       opinion, should be brought under discussion, I wish to mention
       in the first place:—

       1. The superseding of the Convention of London with the eye,
       amongst others, on the violation of the territory of the South
       African Republic: because in several respects it has already
       virtually ceased to exist; because in other respects it has no
       more cause for existence; because it is injurious to the
       dignity of an independent Republic; because the very name and
       the continual arguments on the question of suzerainty, which
       since the conclusion of this Convention no longer exists, are
       used as a pretext, especially by a libellous press, for
       wilfully inciting both white and coloured people against the
       lawful authority of the Republic; for intentionally bringing
       about misunderstanding and false relations between England and
       the Republic, whereby in this manner the interests of both
       countries and of their citizens and subjects are prejudiced
       and the peaceful development of the Republic is opposed. In
       the discussion of the withdrawal of the Convention as a whole,
       Article IV. should naturally not be kept back. I have reason
       to believe that the British Government has come to the
       decision to make no alteration in this on account of false
       representations made to it and lying reports spread by the
       press and otherwise with a certain object, to the effect that
       the Government of the Republic has called in, or sought, the
       protection of other Powers. While I thankfully acknowledge and
       will ever acknowledge the sympathy of other Powers or their
       subjects, and the conduct of the last named has, in the light
       of the trials recently passed through, on the whole offered a
       favourable contrast to that of British subjects, there is
       nevertheless nothing further from my thoughts than to strive
       for the protection of a foreign power, which I will never even
       seek. Neither I nor the people of the Republic will tolerate an
       interference with the internal relations from any power
       whatever, and I am prepared, if the course proposed by me be
       adopted, to give the necessary assurances for this, in order
       that Her British Majesty's Government need have no fear that
       Her interests in South Africa should be injured.

       2. Further should be discussed the superseding of the
       Convention by a treaty of peace, commerce and friendship, by
       which the existing privileges of England in the dominion of
       commerce and intercourse and the interests of British subjects
       in the Republic will be satisfactorily guaranteed on the
       footing of the most-favoured nation, and herein I would be
       prepared to go to the utmost of what can reasonably be asked.

       3. Then the necessary guarantees will have to be given against
       a repetition of the violation of territory out of the
       territory of the Chartered Company or the Cape Colony, and of
       disturbing military operations and unlawful military or police
       or even private movements on the borders of the Republic.

       4. Further should be discussed the compensation for direct and
       indirect injury to be given or caused to be given by England
       for and by reason of the incursion that recently took place.
       The reasons for this are evident and need no argument. The
       amount to be demanded it is impossible as yet to determine,
       but, if required, it can still be given before my departure to
       England.

       5. I would, although in the following respects I would not
       insist beforehand on an assurance such as that intended with
       regard to the above-mentioned points, nevertheless wish to
       request the earnest consideration of a final settlement of the
       Swaziland question, in this sense, that that country shall
       henceforth become a part of the Republic. …

       6. Further, I would very much like to have discussed the
       revocation of the charter of the Chartered Company, which, if
       this does not take place, will continue to be a threatening
       danger to the quiet and peace of the Republic and thereby also
       to the whole South Africa. I am of opinion that all the above
       desires are fair and just. … I will be pleased to receive the
       views of Her Majesty's Government on the points herein brought
       forward, in order that I may be enabled to bring the matter
       for decision before the Honourable Volksraad."

       Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this communication was, in part, as
       follows: "Her Majesty's Government regret that President has
       given no definite reply to invitation to visit England which
       was sent to him on 28th January. This invitation was the
       result of private information conveyed to Her Majesty's
       Government that the President was desirous of arranging with
       them a settlement of all differences, and of placing on a
       permanent and friendly basis the relations between the United
       Kingdom and the South African Republic. Before forwarding the
       invitation, Her Majesty's Government knew that his Honour was
       in full possession of their opinion, that no arrangement can
       be satisfactory or complete which does not include a fair
       settlement of those grievances of the Uitlander population
       which have been recognized by the general public opinion of
       South Africa, and which have been the cause of discontent and
       agitation in the past, and are likely—unless remedied—to lead
       to further disturbances in future, Her Majesty's Government
       also took care to satisfy themselves that the President had
       been made aware that they were not prepared to modify in any
       way the provisions of Article IV. of the Convention of 1884,
       and this was again made clear in the formal invitation to
       visit England. Under these circumstances, it was with great
       surprise that Her Majesty's Government learnt from the
       Despatch of the President of 25th February that his Honour
       objected to discuss the question of the reforms asked for by
       the Uitlanders, and that he desired to propose withdrawal of
       Article IV. of the Convention, and Her Majesty's Government
       regret that they were not informed of his Honour's views on
       the subject at an earlier date, as they would not have felt
       justified in inviting the President to encounter the fatigue
       of a journey to this country if they had not been led to
       believe that he was in agreement with them as to the general
       object of such a visit.

       "In their view, Her Majesty's Government were able to offer a
       complete guarantee in the future to the South African Republic
       against any attack upon its independence, either from within
       any part of Her Majesty's dominions or from the territory of a
       foreign Power. In return, they assumed that the President
       would make known to them the measures which he proposed to
       take to remedy the acknowledged grievances of the Uitlanders,
       and to consider any suggestions which Her Majesty's Government
       might wish to offer as to the adequacy of these measures for
       the removal of all cause of internal disturbances. … Such a
       discussion as they contemplate would not involve any
       acknowledgment on the part of the President of a right of
       interference in the internal concerns of the Republic, but
       would only at the most amount to a recognition of the friendly
       interest of Her Majesty's Government in its security, and in
       the general welfare of South Africa.
    {470}
       The President would be, of course, at liberty to accept or to
       reject any advice that might be tendered to him by Her
       Majesty's Government, but in the latter case the
       responsibility for the result would naturally rest wholly with
       him. Her Majesty's Government have already expressed a
       willingness to give full consideration to any representations
       which his Honour may wish to make on the other points named in
       his letter, although some of them are matters wholly in
       jurisdiction of Her Majesty's Government. But unless the
       President is satisfied with the explanations I have now given,
       Her Majesty's Government are reluctantly obliged to come to
       the conclusion that no good purpose can be served by the
       proposed visit."

       In return to this despatch, President Kruger, on 17th of
       March, expressed his "deep disappointment" at its contents, by
       reason of which, he said, "it is not possible for me to
       proceed to convene a special session of the Volksraad at once"
       for the purpose of action upon the invitation of the British
       Government. Thereupon (April 27), the Colonial Secretary
       cabled to the High Commissioner in South Africa: "Her
       Majesty's Government have no alternative but to withdraw the
       invitation, which it appears from the President's message was
       given under a misapprehension of the facts." Thus the two
       parties were at a deadlock.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1896,
          C. 7933, pages 19-91; and C. 8063, pages 11-17.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1896 (March-September).
       Matabele revolt.

       Taking advantage of the confusion in affairs which followed
       the Jameson raid, and its removal of part of the police force
       from the country, the Matabele rose in revolt. The main
       provocation of the rising appears to have been from severe
       measures that were adopted for stamping out rinderpest in the
       country. Many whites were killed in the regions of scattered
       settlement, and Buluwayo and Gwelo, where considerable numbers
       had taken refuge, were in much danger for a time. But prompt
       and vigorous measures were taken by the colonial and imperial
       authorities, as well as by the officers of the South Africa
       Company. Troops were sent from Cape Colony, Natal, and
       England, and Major-General Sir Frederick Carrington was
       ordered from Gibraltar to take command. Cecil Rhodes hastened
       to Salisbury on the first news of the outbreak and organized a
       force of volunteers for the relief of the beleaguered towns. The
       Transvaal government offered help. By June, when General
       Carrington arrived, and Lord Grey had succeeded Dr. Jameson as
       Administrator, the insurgent natives had been put on the
       defensive and had nearly ceased their attacks. They were
       driven into the Matoppo hills, where their position was
       formidably strong. At length, in August, Mr. Rhodes opened
       negotiations with some of the chiefs, and went, with three
       companions, unarmed, into their stronghold. He there made an
       agreement with them, which the British military authorities
       and many of the Matabele warriors refused to be bound by. But
       the revolt had been practically broken and soon came to an
       end.

    SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (June).
       Resignation of Mr. Rhodes.

       On the 26th of June the resignations of Cecil J. Rhodes and
       Mr. Beit from the Board of Directors of the British South
       Africa Company, and of Mr. Rutherford Harris as its Secretary,
       were accepted by the Board.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1896 (July).
       Investigation of the Jameson Raid.
       Responsibility of Cecil J. Rhodes.

       On the 17th of July a Select Committee of the Cape Colony
       House of Assembly, appointed in the previous May "to inquire
       into the circumstances, as affecting this colony, in connexion
       with the preparations for and carrying out of the recent armed
       inroad into the territory of the South African Republic," made
       its report, rehearsing at length the facts ascertained, with
       evidence in full, and submitting a number of "conclusions,"
       among them the following: "Your Committee are of opinion that
       no member of the then Colonial Government with the exception
       of the then Prime Minister [Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes], had any
       knowledge whatever or suspicion of the intention to send an
       armed force across the border of the South African Republic. …
       Your Committee is convinced that the stores and workshops of
       the De Beers Consolidated Mines were for some time previous to
       the inroad used for the storage and for the unlawful
       exportation of arms destined for the South African Republic,
       in connexion with this inroad, and also that 11 men were sent
       from De Beers to Johannesburg, who were afterwards allowed to
       resume their positions. The evidence is clear, and leaves no
       room for doubt on this point. The local directors give an
       emphatic denial to any guilty knowledge on their part, and
       your Committee must acquit them of anything beyond negligence,
       which, looking to the magnitude of the transactions and the
       length of time over which they extended, must have been very
       marked. It is not conceivable that such proceedings could have
       been permitted without the knowledge and approval of the
       Chairman and Life Governor, Mr. C. J. Rhodes. With regard to
       the Chartered Company, your Committee find that the principal
       officials in Cape Town either knew, or were in a position to
       have known, the existence of this plot. Two at least of the
       directors, Mr. Beit and the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes,
       were, together with the Administrator, Dr. Jameson, and Dr.
       Harris, the South African Secretary of the Company, active as
       promoters and moving spirits throughout, and they were from
       time to time kept informed of the preparations. … The whole
       movement was largely financed and engineered from outside, and
       in both cases certain directors and officials of the Chartered
       Company of British South Africa were active throughout. As
       regards the Right Honorable C. J. Rhodes, your Committee can
       come to no other conclusion than that he was thoroughly
       acquainted with the preparations that led to the inroad. That
       in his capacity as controller of the three great joint-stock
       companies, the British South Africa Company, the De Beers
       Consolidated Mines, and the Gold Fields of South Africa, he
       directed and controlled the combination which rendered such a
       proceeding as the Jameson raid possible. … It would appear
       that Mr. Rhodes did not direct or approve of Dr. Jameson's
       entering the territory of the South African Republic at the
       precise time when he did do so, but your Committee cannot find
       that that fact relieves Mr. Rhodes from responsibility for the
       unfortunate occurrences which took place. Even if Dr. Jameson
       be primarily responsible for the last fatal step, Mr. Rhodes
       cannot escape the responsibility of a movement which had been
       arranged, with his concurrence, to take place at the precise
       time it did, if circumstances had been favourable at
       Johannesburg."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897,
          C. 8380, pages 7-9.

    {471}

    SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1896 (July).
       Parliamentary movement to investigate its administration.

       In the British House of Commons, on the 30th of July, Mr.
       Chamberlain, Secretary of State for the Colonies, made a
       motion for the appointment of a select committee of fifteen to
       conduct an inquiry into the administration of the British
       South Africa Company, and the motion was adopted.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1896-1897 (May-April).
       Continued controversies between the British Colonial
       Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, and the Government of the
       South African Republic.
       Complaints and counter complaints.
       Aliens Immigration Law, etc.

       For a time after the abandonment of the proposed visit of
       President Kruger to England, the older questions at issue
       between Great Britain and the Transvaal fell into the
       background; but new ones were constantly rising. Each party
       watched the other with suspicious and critical eyes, sharply
       questioning things that would hardly have been noticed in
       ordinary times. The Boer authorities, on their side, were
       naturally disturbed and made inquisitive by every movement of
       troops or arms in the surrounding British territory, both of
       which movements were being somewhat increased by the revolt of
       the Matabeles. They were impatient, too, for some action on
       the part of the British government against the chief authors
       of the recent invasion,—the officials of the British South
       Africa Company,—and against the Company itself. On the 11th of
       May, 1896, the State Secretary of the Transvaal government
       telegraphed to the British High Commissioner as follows: "The
       newspapers of the last few days state that Her Majesty's
       Government still continue to take the part of the Directors of
       British South Africa Company, especially Mr. Rhodes. This
       Government will not believe the accuracy of these reports, but
       it is of opinion that the Chartered Company as administering
       the Government up to now is a source of danger to whole of
       South Africa. The inroad into this Republic was made by
       officers, troops, and arms of that Chartered Company, and even
       the explicit prohibition of Her Majesty's Government was
       unable to restrain them, notwithstanding the Chartered Company
       had taken upon itself the international obligations of Great
       Britain. The behaviour of the persons who knew of the scheme
       of the inroad beforehand and supported it is, as we see,
       defended by saying that they acted thus in the interests of
       and for the extension of Imperialism in South Africa. This
       Government does not believe that the end justifies the means,
       and is convinced that Her Majesty's Government does not wish
       to be served by misdeed."

       When this had been communicated to the British Colonial
       Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, he replied (May 13) that the
       President of the South African Republic "has been misinformed
       if he supposes that Her Majesty's Government have taken the
       part of any of British South Africa Company Directors,
       including Mr. Rhodes, with regard to any connexion which they
       may be hereafter proved to have had with the recent raid. … On
       the contrary, while appreciating Mr. Rhodes's services in the
       past, Her Majesty's Government have condemned the raid, and
       the conduct of all the parties implicated by the telegrams
       recently published. Her Majesty's Government have promised a
       full Parliamentary inquiry, as soon as legal proceedings
       against Dr. Jameson and his officers have been concluded, to
       examine the Charter granted to British South Africa Company
       and the operation of its provisions, and to consider whether
       any improvements in it are desirable. Such an inquiry will go
       into the whole subject, not only of recent events, but of the
       whole administration. Her Majesty's Government cannot be
       expected to announce any decision as to the future of the
       Company until the Parliamentary Committee has made its
       recommendations."

       On the 15th President Kruger replied: "This Government is very
       pleased at receiving the assurance that a searching inquiry is
       being instituted against British South Africa Company and its
       Directors, and will follow its course with interest." But the
       following month found the authorities at Pretoria still
       unsatisfied as to the intention of the British government to
       bring Mr. Rhodes and the South Africa Company to account for
       what they had done. On the 19th of June, the then Acting High
       Commissioner (Sir Hercules Robinson having gone to England on
       leave) transmitted to Mr. Chamberlain two telegrams just
       received by him from the government of the South African
       Republic. The first was as follows: "Acting under
       instructions, I have the honour to acquaint your Excellency,
       for the information of Her Majesty's Government, that, with a
       view to the welfare and peace of South Africa, this Government
       is convinced that the proofs in the possession and at the
       disposal of Her Majesty's Government now completely justify
       and compel the bringing to trial of Messrs. Cecil Rhodes,
       Alfred Beit, and Doctor Rutherford Harris, as has already been
       done with Doctor Jameson and his accomplices. In the interests
       of all South Africa, this Government feels itself obliged to
       press the taking of this step upon Her Majesty's Government. I
       have also the honour to request your Excellency to communicate
       this despatch by cable to Her Majesty's Government in London."

       The second was in this language: "This Government regards with
       great regret the delay in the matter of the inquiry with
       respect to the complicity and responsibility of British South
       Africa Company in connexion with the raid of Doctor Jameson
       and his band within the territory of this Republic. This
       Government considers it its right and duty to press for the
       speedy holding of the inquiry, not merely because it is the
       injured party but also because of its interest and share in
       the well-being of South Africa, whose interests, as repeatedly
       intimated, are also dear to Her Majesty the Queen. This
       Government is also convinced that it is urgently necessary
       that the entire control and administration, as well civil as
       military, be taken out of hands of British South Africa
       Company and transferred to Her Majesty's Government, and I am
       instructed to press this point on behalf of this Government. I
       have further the honour to request your Excellency to cable
       this despatch to Her Majesty's Government in London."

    {472}

       To these communications Mr. Chamberlain made a somewhat
       haughty response. "Inform the Government of the South African
       Republic," he cabled on the 25th of June, "that Her Majesty's
       Government have received their telegrams of the 19th June,
       which were published in London almost simultaneously with
       their receipt by me. Her Majesty's Government do not require
       to be reminded of their duty in regard to the recent invasion
       of the South African Republic, and they cannot admit the claim
       of the Government of the Republic to dictate the time and
       manner in which they shall fulfil their obligations. I am
       unable to understand the reasons which have suddenly
       influenced the Government of the South African Republic to
       make representations which are inconsistent with their
       previous statements. On 18th April and on 15th May the
       Government of the Republic appeared to be satisfied with the
       assurances given them by Her Majesty's Government, from which
       there has never been any intention of departing. It would not
       be in accordance with English ideas of justice to condemn the
       British South Africa Company and deal with its powers as
       proposed in the telegrams before an enquiry had been made, and
       before the Company had been heard in its own defence. With
       regard to the demand of the Government of the South African
       Republic that the three gentlemen specifically named shall now
       be placed on their trial, you will remind them that Her
       Majesty's Government can only act in this matter upon the
       advice of the Law Officers of the Crown, and in accordance
       with the principles of English law."

       But Mr. Secretary Chamberlain, on his side, was
       equally—perhaps more than equally—watchful and critical of the
       doings and omissions of the government of the South African
       Republic. He kept an eye upon them that was especially alert
       for the detection of infractions of the London Convention of
       1884 (see above: A. D. 1884-1894), with its provisions very
       strictly construed. He found treaties negotiated with foreign
       powers in contravention of Article IV. of that Convention, and
       laws passed which he deemed an infringement of its Article
       XIV. He arraigned the government of the Republic upon each as
       it came to his knowledge, and then, on the 6th of March, 1897,
       went back over the record of his complaints and summed them
       up, as follows: "It will be convenient if I recapitulate
       briefly the occasions for such complaint, beginning with the
       cases relating to Article IV. of the Convention. …

       "1.—Netherlands Treaty.
       On the 9th November 1895, an Extradition Treaty between the
       South African Republic and the Netherlands was signed at the
       Hague, and the ratifications were exchanged on the 19th June
       last, without the Treaty being submitted for the approval of
       Her Majesty. The case was therefore one of a clear infraction
       of the Convention, inasmuch as the Treaty had not been
       submitted to Her Majesty's Government on its completion, and
       had been concluded by the exchange of ratifications without
       obtaining the previous approval of the Queen. The Government
       of the South African Republic, on their attention being called
       to the infraction, did not deny that there had been a
       departure from the general practice, but urged that they had
       made no publication of the Treaty in anticipation of the
       approval of Her Majesty. The Treaty had, however, been
       published in the 'Netherlands Gazette' of the 3rd July, and I
       observed that when the Treaty was published in the 'Staats
       Courant' of the South African Republic after Her Majesty's
       approval had been given, the official notice merely stated
       that the Treaty was signed and ratified on certain dates, no
       reference being made to that approval.

       "2.-The Accession of the South African Republic to the
       Geneva Convention.
       After Dr. Jameson's raid, owing to a report made by the St.
       John's Ambulance Association, Her Majesty's Government
       determined to invite the South African Republic to accede to
       the Geneva Convention, and the necessary instructions were
       sent to Sir J. de Wet, who, however, omitted to carry them
       out. The South African Republic, on the 30th September,
       formally communicated to the Swiss Government, through their
       Representative at the Hague, their act of accession to the
       Geneva Convention. Her Majesty's Government, in the
       circumstances, did not hesitate to convey the Queen's
       approval, but the action of the Government of the Republic
       none the less constituted a breach of the London Convention.

       "3.—Portuguese Treaty.
       An Extradition Treaty between the South African Republic and
       Portugal was signed on the 3rd November 1893, but, contrary to
       the usual practice, has not yet been submitted for the Queen's
       approval, although two years have elapsed since Lord Ripon, in
       his Despatch of the 25th February 1895, requested your
       predecessor to call the attention of the President to the
       omission to communicate this Convention to Her Majesty's
       Government under the provisions of Article IV. of the London
       Convention. … I now pass to the consideration of some of the
       recent legislation of the Volksraad in its relation to Article
       XIV. It will be found that it involves in more than one case
       actual or possible breaches of the Convention. Article XIV.
       runs as follows:—'All persons, other than natives, conforming
       themselves to the laws of the South African Republic
          (a) will have full liberty, with their families, to enter,
          travel, or reside in any part of the South African
          Republic;
          (b) they will be entitled to hire or possess houses,
          manufactories, warehouses, shops, and premises;
          (c) they may carry on their commerce either in person or by
          any agents whom they may think fit to employ;
          (d) they will not be subject, in respect of their persons
          or property, or in respect of their commerce or industry,
          to any taxes, whether general or local, other than those
          which are or may be imposed upon citizens of the said
          Republic.'

       "4.—The Aliens Immigration Law.
       This law imposes upon aliens conditions of a new and
       burthensome character in excess of the simple requirement that
       they must conform themselves to the laws of the Republic. … 2.
       The Aliens Expulsion Law. This law empowers the President,
       with the advice and consent of the Executive Council, after
       consulting the State Attorney, to expel, without an appeal to
       the Court, any foreigner who, by word or writing, excites to
       disobedience or transgression of the law, or takes any steps
       dangerous to public peace and order. … Her Majesty's
       Government … do not admit that the Government of the Republic
       have a right to expel foreigners who are not shown to have
       failed to conform to the laws of the Republic, and they
       reserve the right to object to proceedings under the Act which
       may amount to a breach of the Convention.
    {473}
       3. The Press Law. This law empowers the State President, on
       the advice and with the consent of the Executive, to prohibit
       entirely or for a time the circulation of printed or published
       matter the contents of which are, in his judgment, contrary to
       good morals or a danger to the peace and order in the
       Republic. The suppression of the 'Critic' newspaper, the
       property of a British subject, under this law, is a matter
       which may raise a serious question as to whether the action of
       the Government of the Republic has been consistent with the
       Convention, but as Her Majesty's Government have not yet
       received the explanation of the Government of the Republic in
       that case, it is only necessary for me to make a passing
       allusion to it in this Despatch.

       "In several of the cases above cited, the strict letter of the
       Convention could apparently have been observed without any
       difficulty, while in others the objects which the Government
       of the South African Republic had in view could have been
       attained without any infringement of the Convention by a
       previous understanding with Her Majesty's Government. Her
       Majesty's Government therefore cannot conceal from themselves
       that the Government of the South African Republic have in
       these cases failed to give effect in practice to the
       intention, so frequently expressed in public and official
       utterances, of upholding the Convention on the part of the
       Republic, and of maintaining that good understanding with Her
       Majesty's Government which is so necessary in the interests of
       South Africa."

       Of the laws complained of by Mr. Chamberlain, that relating to
       immigrant aliens had raised the most protest, because of its
       requirement that all such aliens who were permitted to enter
       and remain in the country must carry "travelling and
       residential passes," to be shown on demand. The Transvaal
       Government had met Mr. Chamberlain's first remonstrance on
       this subject, in January, by saying: "It is an evident fact
       that, especially during the last time, the immigration of
       aliens of the lowest class and without any means of
       subsistence has been increasing in a disquieting manner. These
       persons are dangerous to the peace of the inhabitants and of
       the State itself, and, in the opinion of this Government, no
       country whatever can be obliged to admit such undesirable
       persons. The regulation of unrestricted entry, as it at
       present takes place, is thus, from the point of view of police
       requirement, not only necessary but also entirely justified
       and constitutes no infringement of Article 14 of the
       Convention. This Government does not desire as yet to express
       any opinion on the suggestion that under the circumstances
       mentioned it should have approached Her Britannic Majesty's
       Government with a view to arriving at an understanding. In
       case, however, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty has
       another practical measure to propose whereby its
       above-mentioned subjects, whose presence here is not desired
       for the reasons stated, can be prevented from seeking an
       outlet on the soil of the South African Republic, and that
       measure can be found to be applicable to the subjects of other
       Powers as well (since the law makes no distinction in that
       respect) it will be ready, with gratitude, to give its full
       consideration to such measure."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1897, C. 8423.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and Natal: A. D. 1897.
       Conference of colonial premiers with
       the British Colonial] Secretary.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE-JULY).

    SOUTH AFRICA: British South Africa Company: A. D. 1897 (January).
       Compulsory labor in Rhodesia.

       In January, 1897, the Deputy Commissioner of the British
       government in Rhodesia made a report to the High Commissioner
       on several subjects pertaining to the native administration of
       the British South Africa Company which he had been instructed to
       investigate. One question to be answered was "whether there
       exists a law or practice whereby compulsory labor is exacted
       from natives, either by the government of the British South
       Africa Company, or by private persons with consent of the
       government, or by both?" From his lengthy report on this
       subject the High Commissioner deduced the following summary of
       conclusions, which he communicated to the colonial secretary:

       "(1.) That compulsory labour did undoubtedly exist in
       Matabeleland, if not in Mashonaland.

       (2.) That labour was procured by the various Native
       Commissioners for the various requirements of the Government,
       mining companies, and private persons.

       (3.) That the Native Commissioners, in the first instance,
       endeavoured to obtain labour through the indunas, but, failing
       in this, they procured it by force."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: 1897, C.—8547.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (January-March).
       Conflict of the Judiciary with the Executive and the Volksraad.
       The case of R. E. Brown.

       In January, 1897, a decision was rendered by the High Court of
       the Republic which brought it into conflict with President
       Kruger and the Volksraad. This decision was given in
       connection with a suit brought against the government of the
       South African Republic by an American engineer, Mr. R. E.
       Brown, and the claim of Mr. Brown had arisen out of
       circumstances which were subsequently related by a speaker in
       the United States Senate, as follows: Mr. R. E. Brown, a young
       American mining engineer, living and operating in the Cœur
       d'Alene district, in the State of Idaho, about eight years
       ago, at the invitation of English capitalists, left this
       country to go to the South African Republic for the purpose of
       assisting in the development of the gold mines of that
       country. It was about that time that Hammond, Clements, and
       other American engineers went there, and it is not too much to
       say that the genius and the energy of those young Americans
       more than anything else made that country a great gold
       producer and its mines the most valuable of any in the world.
       At that time most of the mines were held by English companies
       or Germans. The laws were very simple, but in some respects
       appear to have been drawn in the interest of the wealthy
       syndicates. Upon the discovery of new mines the President of
       the Republic by proclamation opened them to mining locations,
       fixing a day and hour at which they would be opened to such
       location. Thereafter persons desiring to stake out mines had
       to go to the office of the responsible clerk of the district
       in which the mines were located to make application for
       licenses to locate the mines, and thereafter they were
       authorized, either in person or by deputy, to go on the ground
       and make mining locations.
    {474}
       Under this system most of the valuable mines of the country
       had been absorbed, as I said, by English and German
       syndicates. The mode in which they operated to absorb the
       mines was to place their men upon the newly opened ground and
       at the earliest possible moment apply for licenses to locate
       the mines, and then by means of couriers with swift horses, or
       by signals from mountain to mountain where that was possible, to
       convey information to their men and cause the mines to be
       located before their rivals could get on the ground. Mr. Brown
       had not been in the country very long before he learned of this
       antiquated system, and he determined on the next opening of
       mines to apply to their location some of the snap and go of
       American methods.

       "In June, 1895, President Kruger by proclamation opened the
       mines on the Witfontein farm, district of Potchefstroom, the
       responsible clerk for which resided at Doornkop, in that
       district. Mr. Brown determined that he would acquire some of
       these mines, at least, and as large a number of them as
       possible. Witfontein was only 30 miles from Doornkop. The
       mines were known to be very valuable, because they had been
       prospected on each side and it was found that valuable
       gold-bearing reefs ran through them from end to end.
       Accordingly he purchased heliographic instruments and employed
       expert heliographic operators, and without the knowledge of his
       rivals established heliographic communication between Doornkop
       and Witfontein. Then he placed his men upon the ground, and on
       the 19th day of July, 1895, the earliest period at which he
       was permitted to do so, he appeared at the office of the
       responsible clerk and sought licenses to locate 1,200 mines
       upon this ground. However, on the day before the opening of
       the mines his rivals had found out about the heliographic
       communication, but they were beaten in the race. In that
       extremity they communicated with President Kruger by wire and
       induced him on the night of the 18th to issue a second
       proclamation, withdrawing the mines of Witfontein from the
       privilege of mining locations, and when Mr. Brown appeared at
       the office of the responsible clerk and tendered his money he
       was met with the information of this action on the part of the
       President of the South African Republic, and his application
       was refused. But nothing daunted he caused his agents on the
       ground to locate the mines the same as if the licenses had
       been granted to him, and then he brought suit before the high
       court of justice of the South African Republic against the
       Republic, alleging the facts substantially as I have stated
       them and praying that the authorities be compelled to issue to
       him licenses for the mines located, or in lieu thereof that
       compensation be made to him in the sum of £372,400, amounting
       to about $1,850,000. While this suit was pending it was sought
       to re-enforce the action of the President in withdrawing these
       lands, and the Volksraad [passed a resolution approving the
       withdrawal and declaring that no person should be entitled to
       compensation on account of it]."

          United States Congressional Record,
          January 21, 1901, page 1370.

       On Mr. Brown's suit, the High Court of the Republic decided
       that the claimant's right to the land was good, and could not
       be set aside by ex post facto measures of the Executive or the
       Legislature. The President and the Volksraad refused to submit to
       this decision, and passed a law to overrule it, on the ground
       that, under the Grondwet (constitution), the Volksraad is the
       highest power in the state. In a subsequent public statement
       of the matter, Justice Kotze, the Chief Justice, explained the
       issue that was thus raised between his court and the
       President, and also related the circumstances of a compromise
       by which it was settled temporarily, as follows:

       "This so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 seeks to deprive the
       judges of the testing right, authorizes the President to put a
       certain question to the members of the bench that they would
       not arrogate to themselves the so-called testing power, and
       empowers him to instantly dismiss the judge or judges from
       whom he receives no answer, or, in his opinion, an
       unsatisfactory answer. The judges for the future are also
       subjected to a humiliating form of oath. This measure, it
       seems almost superfluous to observe, is no law. It alters the
       constitution of the country without any previous reference to
       the people, and for the reasons given in the Brown case it is
       devoid of all legal validity. The five judges, on March 1,
       1897, unanimously issued a declaration, stating that by this
       so-called Law Number 1 of 1897 a vital violation of the
       independence of the bench had taken place, and that the judges
       were exposed in future to the suspicion of bribery. In fact,
       the nature and tendency of this measure are so immoral that
       one of the judges openly said that no honorable man can occupy
       a seat on the bench while Law Number 1 of 1897 remains on the
       statute book.

       "The question above referred to was duly put by the President
       to the judges, who had unanimously signed a letter to the
       effect that they did not feel themselves at liberty to give
       any answer, when the chief justice of the Cape Colony arrived
       in Pretoria, and through his mediation a written understanding
       was proposed by the judges on March 19, and accepted without
       any qualification by the President on March 22, 1897. By the
       terms of this compact the judges undertook not to test laws
       and resolutions of the Volksraad on the distinct understanding
       that the President would as soon as possible submit a draft
       Grondwet to the Volksraad providing how alone the Grondwet can
       be altered by special legislation in a manner analogous to the
       provisions contained in the constitution of the Orange Free
       State on the subject, and incorporating the guaranties for the
       independence of the judiciary. By these means the judges
       intended to protect both the constitution and the bench
       against sudden surprises and attacks, such as, for instance,
       the oft-quoted measure known as Law Number 1, of 1897. They
       did this to avert a crisis, and, in order to help the
       Government and Volksraad out of a difficulty of their own
       creation, placed themselves under a temporary obligation upon
       the faith of the President as speedily as possible complying
       with his portion of the understanding."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 618.

       The promised amendment of the Grondwet was not made, and the
       issue concerning it was brought to a crisis in the next year.

          See below: A. D. 1898 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    SOUTH AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (February):
       Appointment of Sir Alfred Milner.

       In February, Sir Alfred Milner was appointed High Commissioner
       for South Africa and Governor of Cape Colony, to succeed Sir
       Hercules Robinson, retired, and raised to the peerage as Lord
       Rosmead.

    {475}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February).
       The franchise.

       The government of the Transvaal extended the full franchise to
       862 Uitlanders who supported it at the time of the Jameson
       raid.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February.)
       Indemnity claimed by the South African Republic for
       the Jameson Raid.

       On the 16th of February, 1877, the State Secretary of the
       South African Republic, Dr. W. J. Leyds, presented to the
       British High Commissioner the following "specification of the
       compensation to which the Government of the South African
       Republic lays claim for and in connexion with the incursion
       into the Territory of the South African Republic by Dr.
       Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered Company at the end of
       December 1895 and the beginning of January 1896.

       1. Expenditure for military and commando
       services In connexion with the incursion,
       the sum of.                                  £136,733 s.4 d.3

       2. Compensation to the Netherlands South
       African Railway Company for making use,
       in accordance with the concession granted
       to that Company, of the railway worked by
       it during the commando on account of the
       incursion of Dr. Jameson.                      £9,500 s.0 d.0

       3. Disbursements to surviving relatives
       of slain and wounded.                            £234 s.19 d.6

       4. For annuities, pensions, and disbursements
       to widows and children of slain burghers and
       to relatives of unmarried slain burghers, as
       also to wounded burghers, a total sum of.     £28,243 s.0 d.0

       5. Expenses of the telegraph department,
       for more overtime, more telegrams on service
       in South African communication, more
       cablegrams, &c.                                £4,692 s.11 d.9

       6. Hospital expenses for the care of the
       wounded and sick men, &c. of Dr. Jameson.        £225 s.0 d.0

       7. For support of members of the families of
       commandeered burghers during the commando.       £177 s.8 d.8

       8. Compensation to be paid to the and the
       commandeered burghers for their services
       troubles and cares brought upon them.         £62,120 s.0 d.0

       9. Account of expenses of the Orange
          Free State.                                £36,011 s.19 d.1

       Total                                        £677,936 s.3 d.3

       "Moral or intellectual compensation to which the Government of
       the South African Republic lays claim for and in connexion
       with the incursion into the Territory of the South African
       Republic by Dr. Jameson and the Troops of the Chartered
       Company at the end of December 1895 and the beginning of
       January 1896. One million pounds sterling (£1,000,000)."

       To this claim the British colonial secretary, Mr. Chamberlain,
       replied on the 10th of April, saying, with reference to the
       specification under the second head, "for moral or
       intellectual damage," that "Her Majesty's Government … regret
       that they do not feel justified in presenting it to the
       British South Africa Company"; and adding: "Her Majesty's
       Government fear that they may be compelled to take similar
       exception to certain of the items composing the first head,
       especially in view of the very short period which elapsed
       between the crossing of the frontier by Dr. Jameson's force
       and its surrender; but as it is apparent from the nature of
       the figures that the Government of the South African Republic
       have proceeded on very precise data in arriving at the various
       sums to which they lay claim, Her Majesty's Government, before
       offering any observations on this part of the claim, would ask
       his Honour to be so good as to furnish them with full
       particulars of the way in which the different items comprised
       in the first head have been arrived at."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: C.—8404, 1897; and C.—8721, 1898.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (February-July).
       British parliamentary investigation of the Jameson Raid.

       A Committee of the British House of Commons, appointed "to
       inquire into the origin and circumstances of the incursion
       into the South African Republic by an armed force, and into
       the administration of the British South Africa Company," began
       its sittings on the 16th of February, 1897. Among the members
       of the Committee were the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the
       Attorney-General, Mr. Chamberlain, the Secretary of State for
       the Colonies, Sir William Harcourt, Sir John Lubbock, Sir H.
       Campbell-Bannerman, Mr. Labouchere, Mr. John Ellis, Mr.
       Buxton, Mr. Blake, and others. Mr. Rhodes, who was first
       examined by the Committee, read a statement of the
       circumstances leading up to the raid, in which he said that,
       as one largely interested in the Transvaal, he felt that the
       unfriendly attitude of the Boer Government was the great
       obstacle to common action among the various states in South
       Africa, and that, therefore, he had assisted the movement in
       Johannesburg with his purse and influence. "Further," he said,
       "acting within my rights, in the autumn of 1895 I placed a
       body of troops under Dr. Jameson, prepared to act in the
       Transvaal in certain eventualities." Subsequently Mr. Rhodes
       declared: "With reference to the Jameson raid, I may state
       that Dr. Jameson went in without my authority." He concluded
       his statement by declaring that in what he did he was greatly
       influenced by his belief that the policy of the Boer
       Government was to "introduce the influence of another foreign
       Power into the already complicated system of South Africa."
       Mr. Rhodes was kept under examination before the Committee for
       four days, and then "almost the next thing heard of him was
       that he had started for South Africa on his way back to
       Rhodesia." Another witness examined was Sir Graham Bower,
       Secretary to the High Commissioner at the Cape. "His evidence
       was certainly most startling, and at the same time of great
       importance. He stated that late in October, 1895, Mr. Rhodes
       came into his office and said: 'I want you to give me your
       word of honour that you will not say a word to anyone about
       what I am going to tell you.' Sir Graham Bower—who, as he
       said, had a great many Cape secrets in his possession—pledged
       his word, and soon found he was in possession of a secret
       which it was his official duty to disclose to the High
       Commissioner and his private duty not to disclose. Mr. Rhodes
       then said that he was negotiating about the Protectorate, that
       there was going to be a rising in Johannesburg, and that he
       wished to have a police force on the border. He added in
       substance: 'If trouble comes I am not going to sit still. You
       fellows are infernally slow.' It further transpired that on
       the fateful Sunday (December 28) Mr. Rhodes had told him that
       Jameson had gone in, but that he hoped that the message he had
       sent would stop him."
    {476}
       When Dr. Jameson was examined he fully acknowledged his
       conspiracy with the Johannesburg revolutionists, and stated
       that he had given information of it to Mr. Rhodes, adding; "He
       agreed, and we arranged that when the rising took place he
       should go to Johannesburg or Pretoria with the High
       Commissioner and Mr. Hofmeyr to mediate between the Transvaal
       Government and the Uitlanders. With these matters settled, I
       left Cape Town and joined my camp at Pitsani. I required no
       orders or authority from Mr. Rhodes, and desired neither to
       receive nor to send any messages from or to Cape Town."

       In the course of the inquiry, Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial
       Secretary, desired to give testimony, and related that Dr.
       Harris, the Secretary in South Africa to the British South
       Africa Company, said to him, "I could tell you something in
       confidence," or "I could give you some confidential
       information"; but that he (Chamberlain) stopped him at once,
       saying, "I do not want to hear any confidential information. I
       am here in an official capacity, and I can only hear
       information of which I can make official use"; and adding: "I
       have Sir Hercules Robinson in South Africa. I have entire
       confidence in him, and I am quite convinced he will keep me
       informed of everything I ought to know." In concluding his
       testimony, Mr. Chamberlain said: "I desire to say, in the most
       explicit manner, that I did not then have, and that I never
       had, any knowledge or—until, I think it was, the day before
       the raid took place—the slightest suspicion of anything in the
       nature of a hostile or armed invasion of the Transvaal." The
       Committee having called upon Mr. Rhodes' solicitor, a Mr.
       Hawksley, to produce telegrams which had passed between Mr.
       Rhodes and himself, refused to do so.

       "The proceedings which ensued were not to the credit of the
       Committee, for instead of reporting the matter to the House at
       once in a special report, they decided to refer to it in the
       interim report on the raid. Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake alone
       opposed this course, which was either a confession of
       unwillingness to reach the bottom of the business, or the
       suggestion that somebody was to be shielded. … Having devoted
       two days to hearing counsel on behalf of Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Beit
       and Dr. Harris, the Committee adjourned to consider its
       report. The general feeling was that the proceedings had been
       conducted with singular laxity or want of skill. Those
       interested in keeping secret the true history of the raid were
       entirely successful, and it was generally by the merest chance
       that any fact of importance was elicited from the witnesses.
       The representatives of the Opposition, Sir William Harcourt,
       Sir H. Campbell-Bannerman and Mr. Buxton, were, after Mr.
       Rhodes had been unaccountably permitted to quit England,
       willing to allow the breakdown of the proceedings; and what
       was even more surprising in so strict a parliamentarian as Sir
       William Harcourt, a witness was allowed to treat the Committee
       with defiance, and to pass unchecked. To a very great extent the
       inquiry had been obviously factitious, but in whose interest
       concealment was considered necessary remained undivulged. It
       was surmised that reasons of State had been found which
       outweighed party considerations, and that the leaders of the
       Opposition had been privately convinced that the alleged
       grounds were sufficient for the course adopted."

       The report of the majority of the Committee, signed by all of
       its members except Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Blake (the former of
       whom submitted a minority report), was made public on the 13th
       of July. The results of its inquiry were summed up under the
       following heads:

       I. "Great discontent had, for some time previous to the
       incursion, existed in Johannesburg, arising from the
       grievances of the Uitlanders.

       II. Mr. Rhodes occupied a great position in South Africa; he
       was Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, and, beyond all other
       persons, should have been careful to abstain from such a
       course of action as that which he adopted. As managing
       director of the British South Africa Company, as director of
       the De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Gold Fields of South
       Africa, Mr. Rhodes controlled a great combination of
       interests; he used his position and those interests to promote
       and assist his policy. Whatever justification there might have
       been for action on the part of the people of Johannesburg, there
       was none for the conduct of a person in Mr. Rhodes' position
       in subsidising, organising, and stimulating an armed
       insurrection against the Government of the South African
       Republic, and employing the forces and resources of the
       Chartered Company to support such a revolution. He seriously
       embarrassed both the Imperial and Colonial Governments, and
       his proceedings resulted in the invasion of the territory of a
       State which was in friendly relations with her Majesty, in
       breach of the obligation to respect the right to
       self-government of the South African Republic under the
       conventions between her Majesty and that State. Although Dr.
       Jameson 'went in' without Mr. Rhodes' authority, it was always
       part of the plan that these forces should be used in the
       Transvaal in support of an insurrection. Nothing could justify
       such a use of such a force, and Mr. Rhodes' heavy
       responsibility remains, although Dr. Jameson at the last
       moment invaded the Transvaal without his direct sanction.

       III. Such a policy once embarked upon inevitably involved Mr.
       Rhodes in grave breaches of duty to those to whom he owed
       allegiance. He deceived the High Commissioner representing the
       Imperial Government, he concealed his views from his
       colleagues in the Colonial Ministry and from the board of the
       British South Africa Company, and led his subordinates to
       believe that his plans were approved by his superiors.

       IV. Your committee have heard the evidence of all the
       directors of the British South Africa Company, with the
       exception of Lord Grey. Of those who were examined, Mr. Beit
       and Mr. Maguire alone had cognisance of Mr. Rhodes' plans. Mr.
       Beit played a prominent part in the negotiations with the
       Reform Union; he contributed large sums of money to the
       revolutionary movement, and must share full responsibility for
       the consequences.

       V. There is not the slightest evidence that the late High
       Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Rosmead, was made
       acquainted with Mr. Rhodes' plans. The evidence, on the
       contrary, shows that there was a conspiracy to keep all
       information on the subject from him. The committee must,
       however, express a strong opinion upon the conduct of Sir
       Graham Bower, who was guilty of a grave dereliction of duty in
       not communicating to the High Commissioner the information
       which had come to his knowledge. Mr. Newton failed in his duty
       in a like manner.

       VI. Neither the Secretary of State for the Colonies nor any of
       the officials of the Colonial Office received any information
       which made them, or should have made them or any of them,
       aware of the plot during its development.

    {477}

       VII. Finally, your committee desire to put on record an
       absolute and unqualified condemnation of the raid and of the
       plans which made it possible."

       "The result caused for the time being grave injury to British
       influence in South Africa. Public confidence was shaken, race
       feeling embittered, and serious difficulties were created with
       neighbouring States. The course of action subsequently taken by
       the Government increased the suspicions which were aroused by
       such an emasculated report. Two days after its publication
       (July 15), Mr. Balfour was asked to set apart a day for the
       formal discussion of so important a matter. To this request
       Mr. Balfour, with the tacit concurrence of the front
       Opposition bench, replied that he saw no useful purpose to be
       served by such a debate."

       Those who were known as the "Forward Radicals," or "Forwards,"
       in the House, were not to be silenced in this manner, and
       debate was forced upon a motion expressing regret at "the
       inconclusive action and report of the select committee on
       British South Africa," and summoning Mr. Hawksley to the bar
       of the House, to produce "then and there," the telegrams which
       he had refused to the committee. In the course of the
       discussion which followed, Mr.Chamberlain expressed his
       conviction that, "while the fault of Mr. Rhodes was about as
       great a fault as a politician or statesman could commit, there
       existed nothing which affected his personal character as a man
       of honour." When Sir Elliott Lees, a supporter of the
       government, rose to protest against such a doctrine, he was
       met by cries which silenced his speech. The House then
       divided, and the resolution was defeated by 304 to 77. "It was
       an open secret that throughout the debate one member,
       unconnected with either front bench, sat with the famous
       telegrams in his pocket, and with them certain correspondence
       relating thereto which he had been instructed to read in the
       event of Mr. Rhodes' character being aspersed."

          Annual Register, 1897.

       "The position … stands thus. The Colonial Office conceals its
       own documents. From none of its officials have we had any
       detailed or frank statement as to their relations to South
       African affairs during the critical period. The High
       Commissioner himself has not been examined. Mr. Rhodes has
       been allowed to go without any serious inquiry into this
       branch of the case. The most important cables are refused by
       Mr. Rhodes's order, and the Committee decline to exercise
       their power to compel the production of them. The story, in
       fact, so far as it concerns this question of the truth or
       falsity of the allegation that Mr. Chamberlain was 'in it,' is
       being smothered up, with an audacious disregard of the
       principles which guide all ordinary tribunals. The last steps
       in this proceeding have been taken with the direct assent of
       the leader of the Opposition. Everybody, therefore, is
       inquiring what reason can have induced Sir William Harcourt to
       execute this startling change of front. There is only one
       reason that can, with any probability, be assigned-that is,
       that some member of the Government has made a 'Front Bench
       communication' to the leader of the Opposition, indicating to
       him explicitly that there are 'reasons of State' for stopping
       the disclosures. There can be little doubt that this is what
       has happened, and conjecture, not only in this country but
       elsewhere, will naturally be keen to know what the nature of
       this momentous disclosure was.

       "If Mr. Chamberlain was as absolutely free from knowledge of
       the Jameson plan as he has professed to be, it is hard to see
       how full disclosure could do any damage to the Empire, or
       could do anything but good to the Colonial Secretary himself.
       Mr. Chamberlain, of course, professes in words his private
       desire that everything should come out. He has not, however,
       assisted in the attainment of that result. The consequence is
       that a national and international question of very grave
       importance has arisen. It is said in circles usually well
       informed, that when the Raid occurred, it became necessary to
       give assurances to foreign Governments, and in particular to
       Germany, that the Queen's Government was in no way
       compromised. These assurances, it is said, were given. It is
       even said that they were given expressly in the name of the
       Queen. Something of this kind may well have happened; but it
       is hard to see how, if it did happen, and if the Colonial
       Office was as innocent as it claims to be, the disclosure of
       the facts can do anything but confirm the Queen's word. That
       documents exist which are supposed to be compromising, and
       which the very authors of them allege to be compromising, is a
       fact past hiding. It casts, unless it is cleared up, a damning
       doubt. Therefore it would appear to be the duty of all honest
       men, and, above all, of the Parliament of Great Britain, to
       see that an immediate end is put to a policy which may be
       aptly described as 'thimble-rigging,' and that the truth,
       whether it suits Mr. Rhodes or Mr. Chamberlain, or neither of
       them, must be told at fist."

          Contemporary Review,
          July, 1897.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State and Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).
       Treaty of alliance.

       In April, the two republics entered into a treaty for mutual
       support and defense against attacks on the independence of
       either, each opening its political franchises to the citizens
       of the other on the taking of an oath of allegiance.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (April).
       Military expenditure by British and Boer Governments.

       The budget of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer,
       submitted to the House of Commons in April, contained an item
       of '£200,000 for increased military expenditure in South
       Africa. This was promptly attacked by the opposition, who
       accused the government of pursuing a war policy in its
       dealings with the Transvaal. Sir William Harcourt declared
       that Mr. Chamberlain had, "in every utterance of his during
       the last few months, been endeavouring to exasperate sentiment
       in South Africa, and to produce what, thank God! he had failed
       in producing—a racial war." Mr. Chamberlain retorted that Sir
       William Harcourt's attitude was unpatriotic and injurious to
       the cause of peace. He denied aggressiveness in the policy of
       the government, asserting that the South African Republic had
       been spending millions on armaments imported from abroad, in
       view of which the strengthening of the British garrison at the
       Cape by an additional regiment and three batteries was no
       unreasonable measure. Mr. Balfour, also, begged the House and
       the country to believe that the troops were sent only as a
       measure of precaution, to maintain admitted rights.

    {478}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1897 (May-October).
       The British assertion of suzerainty and declination of
       proposal to arbitrate disagreements.

       On the 7th of May, 1897, the Acting State Secretary of the
       South African Republic addressed to the British Agent at
       Pretoria a communication of great length, reviewing the
       positions taken by Mr. Chamberlain in his several arraignments
       of the government of the Republic for alleged violation of the
       London Convention of 1884, and proposing an arbitration of the
       questions involved. "The complaint," he wrote, "which Her
       British Majesty's Government has advanced in an unmistakably
       pronounced manner over an actual or possible breach of the
       Convention has deeply grieved this Government, as it thinks
       that it has fulfilled its obligations. It sees in the
       fulfilment of the mutual obligations under the Convention one
       of the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual good
       understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.
       To this good understanding and that confidence, however,
       severe shocks have been given by events which cannot be
       lightly forgotten. And if it were not that this Government
       wishes to guard itself against adopting a recriminating tone,
       it might put the question whether, for example, the incursion
       of Dr. Jameson, whether considered as a breach of the
       Convention or a grievance, is not of immeasurably greater
       importance than the various matters adduced by Her British
       Majesty's Government would be, even if the contention that
       they constitute breaches of the Convention could be accepted.
       There should, in the view of this Government, be a strong
       mutual endeavour to restore the shocked confidence and to calm
       the excited spirit which this Government with sincere regret
       sees reigning throughout almost the whole of South Africa.
       This Government is anxious to co-operate for this end, for the
       desire of the Republic, with the maintenance of its
       independence and rights, is for peace, and where for the
       reasons given it has been unable to entertain the proposal of
       Her British Majesty's Government in the matter of the Aliens
       Law,—and it appears very difficult to arrive at a solution of
       the question by means of correspondence,—it wishes to come to
       a permanent good understanding along a peaceful course, not
       only with respect to its undisturbed right to make an alien
       law, but also with regard to all points touching the
       Convention which are referred to in the two Despatches under
       reply by Her British Majesty's Government. While it respects
       the opinion of Her British Majesty's Government, it takes the
       liberty, with full confidence in the correctness of its own
       views, to propose to Her British Majesty's Government the
       principle of arbitration with which the honourable the First
       Volksraad agrees, in the hope that it will be taken in the
       conciliatory spirit in which it is made. …

       "Although this Government is firmly convinced that a just and
       impartial decision might be obtained even better in South
       Africa than anywhere else, it wishes, in view of the
       conflicting elements, interests, and aspirations, which are
       now apparent in South Africa, and in order to avoid even the
       appearance that it would be able or desire to exercise
       influence in order to obtain a decision favourable to it, to
       propose that the President of the Swiss Bondstate, who may be
       reckoned upon as standing altogether outside the question, and
       to feel sympathy or antipathy neither for the one party nor
       for the other, be requested to point out a competent jurist,
       as has already oftener been done in respect of international
       disputes. The Government would have no objection that the
       arbitrator be subject to a limitation of time, and gives the
       assurance now already that it will willingly subject itself to
       any decision if such should, contrary to its expectation, be
       given against it. The Government repeats the well-meant wish
       that this proposal may find favour with Her British Majesty's
       Government, and inasmuch as the allegations of breaches of the
       Convention find entrance now even in South Africa, and bring
       and keep the feelings more and more in a state of suspense,
       this Government will be pleased if it can learn the decision
       of Her Majesty's Government as soon as possible."

       Mr. Chamberlain's reply to this proposal was not written until
       the 16th of the following October, when he, in turn, reviewed,
       point by point, the matters dealt with, in the despatch of Mr.
       Van Boeschoten. With reference to the Jameson raid he said: "Her
       Majesty's Government note with satisfaction that the
       Government of the South African Republic see in the fulfilment
       of the mutual obligations under the London Convention one of
       the best guarantees for the maintenance of a mutual
       understanding and for the promotion of reciprocal confidence.
       Her Majesty's Government have uniformly fulfilled these
       obligations on their part, and they must strongly protest
       against what appears to be an implication in the Note under
       consideration that the incursion of Dr. Jameson can be
       considered as either a breach of the Convention by Her
       Majesty's Government or a grievance against them. That
       incursion was the act of private individuals unauthorised by
       Her Majesty's Government, and was repudiated by them
       immediately it became known. The immense importance to the
       Government of the South African Republic of that repudiation,
       and of the proclamation issued by the High Commissioner under
       instructions from Her Majesty's Government, is recognised
       throughout South Africa. Her Majesty's Government maintain
       strongly that since the Convention of 1881 there has never
       been any breach or even any allegation of a breach on their
       part of that or the subsequent Convention, and, as the subject
       has been raised by the implied accusation contained in the
       Note under consideration, Her Majesty's Government feel
       constrained to contrast their loyal action in the case of the
       Jameson raid with the cases in which they have had cause to
       complain that the Government of the South African Republic
       failed to interfere with, if they did not countenance,
       invasions of the adjacent territories by its burghers in
       violation of the Convention, and they feel bound to remind the
       Government of the Republic that in one of these cases Her
       Majesty's Government were compelled to maintain their rights
       by an armed expedition at the cost of about one million
       sterling, for which no compensation has ever been received by
       them."

       Concerning the proposal of arbitration, the reply of the
       British colonial secretary was as follows: "In making this
       proposal the Government of the South African Republic appears
       to have overlooked the distinction between the Conventions of
       1881 and 1884 and an ordinary treaty between two independent
       Powers, questions arising upon which may properly be the
       subject of arbitration.
    {479}
       By the Pretoria Convention of 1881 Her Majesty, as Sovereign
       of the Transvaal Territory, accorded to the inhabitants of
       that territory complete self-government subject to the
       suzerainty of Her Majesty, her heirs and successors, upon
       certain terms and conditions and subject to certain
       reservations and limitations set forth in 33 articles, and by
       the London Convention of 1884 Her Majesty, while maintaining
       the preamble of the earlier instrument, directed and declared
       that certain other articles embodied therein should be
       substituted for the articles embodied in the Convention of
       1881. The articles of the Convention of 1881 were accepted by
       the Volksraad of the Transvaal State, and those of the
       Convention of 1884 by the Volksraad of the South African
       Republic. Under these Conventions, therefore, Her Majesty
       holds towards the South African Republic the relation of a
       suzerain who has accorded to the people of that Republic
       self-government upon certain conditions, and it would be
       incompatible with that position to submit to arbitration the
       construction of the conditions on which she accorded
       self-government to the Republic. One of the main objects which
       Her Majesty's Government had in view was the prevention of the
       interference of any foreign Power between Her Majesty and the
       South African Republic, a matter which they then held, and
       which Her Majesty's present Government hold, to be essential
       to British interests, and this object would be defeated by the
       course now proposed. The clear intention of Her Majesty's
       Government at the time of the London Convention, that
       questions in relation to it should not be submitted to
       arbitration, is shown by the fact that when the delegates of
       the South African Republic, in the negotiations which preceded
       that Convention, submitted to Her Majesty's Government in the
       first instance (in a letter of the 26th of November, 1883,
       which will be found on page 9 of the Parliamentary Paper C.
       3947 of 1884) the draft of a treaty or convention containing
       an arbitration clause, they were informed by the Earl of Derby
       that it was neither in form nor in substance such as Her
       Majesty's Government could adopt."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command.
          C.—8721, 1898.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Natal: A. D. 1897 (December).
       Annexation of Zululand.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898.
       The position of political parties.
       The Progressives and the Afrikander Bund.

       "The present position of parties at the Cape is as unfortunate
       and as unwarranted as any that the severest critic of
       Parliamentary institutions could have conjured up. … The Cape
       has always had the curse of race prejudice to contend with.
       Time might have done much to soften, if not to expunge it, if
       home-made stupidities had not always been forthcoming to goad
       to fresh rancour. The facts are too well known to need
       repetition. It is true not only of the Transvaalers that 'the
       trek has eaten into their souls,' and up to the time of
       emancipation and since, every conceivable mistake has been
       committed by those in authority. Thus, when the breach was, to
       all appearances, partly healed, the fatal winter of 1895 put
       back the hands of the clock to the old point of departure. As
       Englishmen, our sympathies are naturally with the party that
       is prevalently English, and against the party that is
       prevalently Dutch; but to find a real line of political
       difference between them other than national sentiment requires
       fine drawing. … According to our lines of cleavage both
       Bondsmen [Afrikander Bund] and Progressives are Conservatives
       of a decided type. Practically they are agreed in advocating
       protective duties on sea-borne trade, although in degree they
       differ, for whilst the Bond would have imposts as they are,
       the Progressives wish to reduce the duties on food stuffs to
       meet the grievance of the urban constituencies, and might be
       induced to accord preferential treatment to British goods. On
       the native question neither party adopts what would in England
       be considered an 'advanced' programme, for education is not
       made a cardinal point, and they would equally like, if
       possible, to extend the application of the Glen Grey Act,
       which, by levying a tax on the young Kaffirs who have not a
       labour certificate, forces them to do some service to the
       community before exercising their right of 'putting the
       spoon,' as the phrase is, 'into the family pot.' Neither party
       wishes to interfere with the rights of property or the
       absolute tenure of land under the Roman-Dutch law. A tax on
       the output of diamonds at Kimberley has been advocated by some
       members of the Bond as a financial expedient, but it is
       understood to have been put forward rather as a threat against
       Mr. Rhodes personally than as a measure of practical politics.
       Questions of franchise are tacitly left as they are, for no
       responsible politicians wish to go back upon the enactment
       which restricted the Kaffir vote to safe and inconsiderable
       limits. The redistribution of seats was the subject of a Bill
       upon which the last House was dissolved, after the rebuff that
       the Ministry received upon a crucial division, but it has been
       dealt with rather for practical than theoretical reasons. Two
       schemes of redistribution have been formulated, and each has
       been proposed and opposed with arguments directed to show the
       party advantage to be derived. For political reform, in the
       abstract, with or without an extension of the suffrage, there
       is no sort of enthusiasm in any quarter. Railway
       administration furnishes, no doubt, an occasional battle-field
       for the two sides of the House. Roughly, the Progressives
       favour the northern extension, and are willing to make
       concessions in rates and charges to help on the new trade with
       Rhodesia; whilst the Bond declare themselves against special
       treatment of the new interests, and would spend all the money
       that could be devoted to railway construction in the farming
       districts of the colony itself. Mr. Rhodes, however, has
       warned the Cape that any hostile action will be counteracted
       by a diversion of traffic to the East, and it is unlikely that
       any line of policy will be pursued that is likely to injure
       the carrying trade of the southern ports. Between the
       followers of Mr. Rhodes and the followers of Mr. Hofmeyr there
       is no wide divergence of principle on public affairs of the
       near future, so far as they have been or are to be the subject
       of legislation; where the difference comes in is in the
       attitude they severally assume towards the two republics and
       the territories of the north, but when talk has to yield to
       action it is improbable that there will be much in their
       disagreement."

          N. L. W. Lawson,
          Cape Politics and Colonial Policy
          (Fortnightly Review, November 1898).

    {480}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898 (January-February).

       Re-election of President Kruger.
       Renewed conflict of the Executive with the Judiciary.
       Dismissal of Chief-Justice Kotze.

       The Presidential election in the South African Republic was
       held in January and February, the polls being open from the 3d
       of the former month until the 4th of the latter. President
       Kruger was re-elected for a fourth term of five years, by
       nearly 13,000 votes against less than 6,000 divided between
       Mr. Schalk Burger and General Joubert, who were opposing
       candidates. Soon afterwards, the conflict of 1897 between the
       Judiciary and the Executive (see above: A. D. 1897,
       JANUARY-MARCH), was reopened by a communication in which
       Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court, called the attention
       of the President to the fact that nothing had been done in
       fulfilment of the agreement that the independence of the Court
       and the stability of the Grondwet should both be protected by
       law against arbitrary interference, and giving notice that he
       considered the compromise then arranged to be ended. Thereupon
       (February 16) President Kruger removed the judge from his
       office and placed the State Attorney in his seat. Justice
       Kotze denied the legality of the removal, and adjourned his
       court sine die. In a speech at Johannesburg, some weeks
       afterwards, he denounced the action of President Kruger with
       great severity, saying: "I charge the President, as head of
       the State, with having violated both the constitution and the
       ordinary laws of the land; with having interfered with the
       independence of the High Court; and invaded and imperilled the
       rights and liberties of everyone in the country. The
       guarantees provided by the constitution for the protection of
       real and personal rights have disappeared, and these are now
       dependent on the 'arbitrium' of President Kruger."

    SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia and the British South Africa Company:
       A. D. 1898 (February).
       Reorganization.

       In February, the British government announced the adoption of
       plans for a reorganization of the British South Africa Company
       and of the administration of its territories. The Company,
       already deprived of military powers, was to give up, in great
       part, but not wholly, its political functions. It was still to
       appoint an Administrator for Rhodesia south of the Zambesi,
       and to name the majority of members in a council assisting
       him, so long as it remained responsible for the expenses of
       administration; but, by the side of the Administrator was to
       be placed a Resident Commissioner, appointed by the Crown, and
       over both was the authority of the High Commissioner for South
       Africa, to whom the Resident Commissioner made reports. At
       home the status of the Board of Directors was to be
       considerably altered. The life directorships were to be
       abolished, and the whole Board of Directors in future to be
       elected by the shareholders,—any official or director removed
       by the Secretary of State not being eligible without his
       consent. The Board of Directors was to communicate all
       minutes, etc., to the Secretary of State, and he to have the
       power of veto or suspension. Finally, the Secretary of State
       was to have full powers to inspect and examine all documents;
       Colonial Office officials named by him were, in effect, to
       exercise powers like those of the old Indian Board of Control.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1898 (March-October).

       Election in favor of the Afrikander Bund.
       Change in the government.

       Elections to the Upper House of the Cape Parliament, in March,
       gave the party called the Progressives, headed by Mr. Rhodes, a
       small majority over the Afrikander Bund—more commonly called
       the Bond. The Parliament opened in May, and the Progressive
       Ministry, under Sir Gordon Sprigg, was defeated in the Lower
       House in the following month, on a bill to create new
       electoral divisions. The Ministry dissolved Parliament and
       appealed to the constituencies, with the result of a defeat on
       that appeal. The Bond party won in the elections by a majority
       of two, which barely enabled it to carry a resolution of want
       of confidence in the government when Parliament was
       reassembled, in October. The Ministry of Sir Gordon Sprigg
       resigned, and a new one was formed with Mr. Schreiner at its
       head.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Continued dispute with the British Government
       concerning Suzerainty.

       During 1898 and half of 1899, a new dispute, raised by Mr.
       Chamberlain's emphatic assertion of the suzerainty of Great
       Britain over the South African Republic, went on between the
       British Colonial Office and the government at Pretoria.
       Essentially, the question at issue seemed to lie between a
       word and a fact and the difference between the disputants was
       the difference between the meanings they had severally drawn
       from the omission of the word "suzerainty" from the London
       Convention of 1884. On one side could be quoted the report
       which the Transvaal deputation to London, in 1884, had made to
       their Volksraad, when they brought the treaty back, and
       recommended that it be approved. The treaty, they reported,
       "is entirely bilateral [meaning that there were two sides in
       the making of it] whereby your representatives were not placed
       in the humiliating position of merely having to accept from a
       Suzerain Government a one-sided document as rule and
       regulation, but whereby they were recognized as a free
       contracting party. It makes, then, also an end of the British
       suzerainty, and, with the official recognition of her name,
       also restores her full self-government to the South African
       Republic, excepting one single limitation regarding the
       conclusion of treaties with foreign powers (Article 4). With
       the suzerainty the various provisions and limitations of the
       Pretoria Convention which Her Majesty's Government as suzerain
       had retained have also, of course, lapsed."

       On the other side, Mr. Chamberlain could quote with effect
       from a speech which Lord Derby, then the British Colonial
       Secretary, who negotiated the Convention of 1884 with the Boer
       envoys, made on the 17th of March, that year, in the House of
       Lords. As reported in Hansard, Lord Derby had then dealt with
       the very question of suzerainty, as involved in the new
       convention, and had set forth his own understanding of the
       effect of the latter in the following words: "Then the noble
       Earl (Earl Cadogan) said that the object of the Convention had
       been to abolish the suzerainty of the British Crown. The word
       'suzerainty' is a very vague word, and I do not think it is
       capable of any precise legal definition.
    {481}
       Whatever we may understand by it, I think it is not very easy
       to define. But I apprehend, whether you call it a
       protectorate, or a suzerainty, or the recognition of England
       as a paramount Power, the fact is that a certain controlling
       power is retained when the State which exercises this
       suzerainty has a right to veto any negotiations into which the
       dependent State may enter with foreign Powers. Whatever
       suzerainty meant in the Convention of Pretoria, the condition
       of things which it implied still remains; although the word is
       not actually employed, we have kept the substance. We have
       abstained from using the word because it was not capable of
       legal definition, and because it seemed to be a word which was
       likely to lead to misconception and misunderstanding."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: C. 9507, 1899, pages 24 and 34.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (March).
       Petition of British subjects to the Queen.

       A fresh excitement of discontent in the Rand, due especially
       to the shooting of an Englishman by a Boer policeman, whom the
       Boer authorities seemed disposed to punish lightly or not at
       all, led to the preparation of a petition to the British
       Queen, from her subjects in the South African Republic,
       purporting to be signed in the first instance by 21,684, and
       finally by 23,000. The genuineness of many of the signatures
       was disputed by the Boers, but strenuously affirmed by those
       who conducted the circulation of the petition. It set forth
       the grievances of the memorialists at length, and prayed Her
       Majesty to cause them to be investigated, and to direct her
       representative in South Africa to take measures for securing
       from the South African Republic a recognition of their rights.
       The petition was forwarded to the Colonial Office on the 28th
       of March.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9345.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-June).
       The Bloemfontein Conference between President Kruger and
       the British High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner.

       There seems to be no mode in which the questions at issue
       between the British and the Boers, and the attitude of the two
       parties, respectively, in their contention with each other,
       can be represented more accurately than by quoting essential
       parts of the official report of a formal conference between
       President Kruger and the British High Commissioner in South
       Africa, Sir Alfred Milner, which was held at Bloemfontein, the
       capital of the Orange Free State, during five days, May
       31-June 5, 1899. The meeting was arranged by President Steyn,
       of the Orange Free State, with a view to bringing about an
       adjustment of differences by a free and full discussion of
       them, face to face. In the official report of the
       conversations that occurred, from which we shall quote, the
       remarks of President Kruger are given as being made by the
       "President," and those of the High Commissioner as by "His
       Excellency." The latter, invited by the President to speak
       first, said:

       "There are a considerable number of open questions between Her
       Majesty's Government and the Government of the South African
       Republic on which there is at present no sign of agreement. On
       the contrary, disagreements seem to increase as time goes on.
       … In my personal opinion the cause of many of the points of
       difference, and the most serious ones, arises out of the
       policy pursued by the Government of the South African Republic
       towards the Uitlander population of that Republic among whom
       many thousands are British subjects. This policy, the bitter
       feeling it engenders between the Government and a section of
       Uitlanders, and the effect of the resulting tension in South
       Africa, and the feeling of sympathy in Great Britain, and even
       throughout the British Empire generally, with the Uitlander
       population, creates an irritated state of public opinion on
       both sides, which renders it much more difficult for the two
       Governments to settle their differences amicably. It is my
       strong conviction that if the Government of the South African
       Republic could now, before things get worse, of its own motion
       change its policy towards the Uitlanders, and take measures
       calculated to content the reasonable people among them, who,
       after all, are a great majority, such a course would not only
       strengthen the independence of the Republic but it would make
       such a better state of feeling all round that it would become
       far easier to settle outstanding questions between the two
       Governments. … The President, in coming here, has made a
       reservation as to the independence of the Republic. I cannot
       see that it is in any way impairing the independence of the
       Republic for Her Majesty's Government to support the cause of
       the Uitlanders as far as it is reasonable. A vast number of
       them are British subjects. If we had an equal number of
       British subjects and equally large interests in any part of
       the world, even in a country which was not under any
       conventional obligations to Her Majesty's Government we should
       be bound to make representations to the Government in the
       interests of Her Majesty's subjects, and to point out that the
       intense discontent of those subjects stood in the way of the
       cordial relations which we desire to exist between us. I know
       that the citizens of the South African Republic are intensely
       jealous of British interference in their internal affairs.
       What I want to impress upon the President is that if the
       Government of the South African Republic of its own accord,
       from its own sense of policy and justice, would afford a more
       liberal treatment to the Uitlander population, this would not
       increase British interference, but enormously diminish it. If
       the Uitlanders were in a position to help themselves they
       would not always be appealing to us under the Convention. …

       "President.—I shall be brief. I have come with my commission,
       in the trust that Your Excellency is a man capable of
       conviction, to go into all points of difference. … I should
       like His Excellency to go point by point in this discussion,
       so that we can discuss each point that he thinks requires
       attention, not with a view to at once coming to a decision,
       but to hear each side, and we can go back on any point if
       necessary, and see if we can arrive at an understanding. I
       would like to give concessions as far as is possible and
       practicable, but I want to speak openly, so that His
       Excellency may be able to understand. I should like to say
       that the memorials placed before Her Majesty's Government came
       from those who do not speak the truth. I mean to convey that
       we do give concessions wherever we think it practicable to do
       so, and after we have discussed it in a friendly way Your
       Excellency will be able to judge whether I or the memorialists
       are right. I have said that if there are any mistakes on our
       side, we are willing to discuss them. Even in any matter
       concerning internal affairs I would be willing to listen to
       his advice if he said it could be removed in this way or that
       way. But when I show him that by the point we may be
       discussing our independence may be touched, I trust he will be
       open to conviction on that subject. …

    {482}

       "His Excellency.—I think the point which it would be best to
       take first, if the President agrees, … would be the Franchise.
       … There are a number of questions more or less resting upon
       that. … I should like to know a little more about the
       President's views. I want to know more because if I were to
       begin and say I want this, that, and the other, I know I
       should be told this was dictation. I do not want to formulate
       a scheme of my own, but I can, if necessary.

       "President.—As long as I understand that it is meant in a
       friendly manner, and you mean to give hints, I won't take it
       that they are commands. It has already been arranged that you
       give me friendly hints and advice, and I will not take it as
       dictation, even though it should be on points on which I
       should consider you have no right to interfere. … I would like
       you to bear one point in view, namely, that all kinds of
       nations and languages, of nearly all powers, have rushed in at
       the point where the gold is to be found. In other countries …
       there are millions of old burghers, and the few that come in
       cannot out-vote the old burghers, but with us, those who
       rushed in to the gold fields are in large numbers and of all
       kinds, and the number of old burghers is still insignificant;
       therefore we are compelled to make the franchise so that they
       cannot all rush into it at once, and as soon as we can assure
       ourselves by a gradual increase of our burghers that we can
       safely do it, our plan was to reduce the time for anyone there
       to take up the franchise, and that is also my plan. … As His
       Excellency doubtless knows, I have proposed to the Volksraad
       that the time should be reduced by five years, and gradually
       as more trusted burghers join our numbers, we can, perhaps, go
       further. There are a number who really do not want the
       franchise, but they use it as pretext to egg on people with
       Her Majesty. … You must remember, also, on this subject, that
       the burghers in our Republic are our soldiers, who must
       protect the land, and that we have told these men to come and
       fight when we have had difficulties with the Kaffirs. They
       wanted the vote, but they would not come and fight. Those who
       were willing to help obtained the franchise, but it appears
       that many do not want to have it.

       "His Excellency.—They did not want to take the obligations
       without the rights of citizenship, and in that I sympathize
       with them. If they should obtain that right, then naturally
       they would have to take those burdens upon them.

       "President.—Those who want the franchise should bear the
       burdens.

       "His Excellency.—Yes. Immediately they get the franchise they
       take upon themselves the obligations connected therewith."

       [From this the talk wandered to the subject of commandeering,
       until the High Commissioner brought it back to the franchise
       question.]

       "His Excellency.—If I made a proposal to admit strangers under
       such conditions as to swamp the old burghers it would be
       unreasonable. But the newcomers have, at present, no influence
       on the legislation of the Republic, which makes an enormous
       difference. They haven't got a single representative. The
       First Volksraad consists of 28 members, and not one member
       represents the feelings of the large Uitlander population.

       "President.—Men from any country could after two years vote
       for the Second Volksraad, and after two years more sit in the
       Second Raad. There are Englishmen who have obtained the full
       franchise in that way, and are eligible for the Volksraad. And
       now I have proposed to shorten the last ten years of the
       period required for the full franchise and make it five years.

       "His Excellency.—There are a great many objections of the
       gravest kind to the process by which men may now obtain
       burgher rights. First of all, before he can begin the process
       of gradually securing burgher rights—which will be completed
       in 14 years at present, and in 9 years according to the
       President—he has to forswear his own allegiance. Take the case
       of a British subject, which interests me most. He takes the
       oath, and ceases to be a British subject by the mere fact of
       taking that oath; he loses all the rights of a British
       subject, and he would still have to wait for 12 years, and
       under the new plan 7 years, before he can become a full
       citizen of the Republic. British subjects are discouraged by
       such a law from attempting to get the franchise. Even if they
       wanted to become citizens, they would not give up their
       British citizenship on the chance of becoming in 12 years
       citizens of the Republic.

       "President.—The people are the cause of that themselves. In
       1870 anyone being in the land for one year had the full
       franchise.

       "His Excellency.—That was very liberal.

       "President.—In 1881, after the war of independence, some of
       our officials and even members of our Raad then said that they
       were still British subjects, although they had taken the oath
       of allegiance, and I had to pay back, out of the £250,000,
       what I had commandeered from them. That was the reason the
       oath had to be altered. …

       "His Excellency.—In 1882, after all this had happened, there
       was a franchise law in the Transvaal, which demanded five
       years' residence, but it did not require the oath that is now
       taken. It required a simple declaration of allegiance to the
       State, though all this that the President refers to happened
       before. Why was not it necessary to introduce this alteration
       then?

       "President.—The people who, before the annexation, had taken
       that oath, but had not forsworn their nationality, 1887, sent
       a lying memorial, as they are sending lying memorials now, to
       say that everybody was satisfied, as they now say that
       everybody is dissatisfied.

       "His Excellency.—I think I must just explain a little more
       clearly my views on the point we are now discussing. … I think
       it is unreasonable to ask a man to forswear one citizenship
       unless in the very act of giving up one he gets another, and I
       think it is also unnecessary to ask him to do more than take
       an oath of fealty to the new State, of willingness to obey its
       laws and to defend its independence, when it is known and
       certain that the taking of that oath deprives him of his
       existing citizenship. I think the oath should be a simple oath
       of allegiance, and that it should not be required of a man
       until the moment he can get full rights in a new State. Now
       that was the position under the law of 1882, and all these
       reasons which the President has been giving are based on what
       happened before that.
    {483}
       Why were they not considered and acted upon when the law of
       1882 was made? … As for the period required to qualify for the
       full franchise, I do not see why the length of time should be
       longer in the South African Republic than in any other South
       African State. They are all new countries. In the new country
       which is springing up in the north, and which is getting a new
       Constitution this year, the period is one year. The people who
       have conquered that country for the white race may find that
       the newcomers are more numerous than they are. But I do not
       expect that anything like that will be done in the South
       African Republic; something far short of that would be
       reasonable. What I do think and desire, and that is the object
       of my suggestion, is this: that the numerous foreign population
       engaged in commerce and industry—to which the country, after
       all, owes its present great position in wealth and influence—
       should have a real share in the government of the Republic,
       not to over-rule the old burghers—not at all—but to share the
       work of Government with them, to give them the benefit of
       their knowledge and experience, which is in many cases greater
       than that of the old burghers, so that through their gradual
       co-operation a time may come when, instead of being divided
       into two separate communities they will all be burghers of the
       same State. It is not enough that a few people should be let
       in. It is obvious, however, that you could not let in the
       whole crowd, without character or anything—I do not ask
       it—but you want such a substantial measure that in elections
       of members of the Volksraad the desires of the new industrial
       population should have reasonable consideration. They have not
       got it now, and when the questions that interest them come
       before the Volksraad it is too evident that they are discussed
       from an outside point of view. The industrial population are
       regarded as strangers. … I do not want to swamp the old
       population, but it is perfectly possible to give the new
       population an immediate voice in the legislation, and yet to
       leave the old burghers in such a position that they cannot
       possibly be swamped.

       "President.—I hope you will be open to conviction on that
       point. I would like to convince you on the subject, and to
       show you that it would be virtually to give up the
       independence of my burghers. In the Republic the majority of
       the enfranchised burghers consider they are the masters. Our
       enfranchised burghers are probably about 30,000, and the
       newcomers may be from 60,000 to 70,000, and if we give them
       the franchise to-morrow we may as well give up the Republic. I
       hope you will clearly see that I shall not get it through with
       my people. We can still consult about the form of oath, but we
       cannot make the time too short, because we would never get it
       through with the people—they have had bitter experience. I
       hope His Excellency will think about what I have said, and
       weigh it well.

       "His Excellency.—I see your point, and want to meet it.

       "President.—I will think over what has been said, and will try
       and meet every difficulty.

       At the opening of the Conference on the second day the
       President spoke of reports of an increase of British forces in
       South Africa, which the High Commissioner assured him were
       untrue. The latter in turn referred to accounts that had
       appeared of an extensive purchase of arms in the Transvaal;
       and was assured by the President that the armament of the
       burghers was only for their proper preparation to deal with
       the surrounding natives. The President then produced a
       memorial purporting to be signed by 21,000 Uitlanders,
       contradictory of the representations contained in the memorial
       sent to the Queen in March (see above). After discussion upon
       this, the conversation returned to the question of the
       franchise.

       "His Excellency.—What makes this whole discussion so difficult
       is the intense prejudice on the side of the present burghers,
       and their intense suspicion of us. They think Her Majesty's
       Government wants to get their country back in one way or
       another. Her Majesty's Government does not; but what it does
       desire is that it should have such a state of rest in the
       country as will remove causes of friction and difficulty
       between the Republic and Her Majesty's possessions in South
       Africa, and the whole of the British Empire, and my
       suggestions here are directed to that end. I do not want to
       say it over and over again, I say it once for all. …

       "President.—I should like to make a slight explanation to His
       Excellency. His Excellency yesterday mentioned that in some
       States those going in from outside speedily got burgher
       rights, but he must not forget, as I said before, they are
       glad of the people who come in. But, here we have all nations
       and all kinds, and if they were to get burgher rights quickly
       then that would be the end of our independence, and then they
       could send us away where they liked. I would like His
       Excellency to bear that in mind.

       "His Excellency.—I do not see how the old burghers can have it
       both ways. They cannot have a very large population streaming
       in to develop the resources of the country, and giving it a
       much higher position in the world than it would otherwise
       have, and at the same time exclude these people from
       participation in the Government of the country.

       "President.—Your Excellency must bear this in mind. There is
       no Gold Law in the world that is so liberal as that of the
       Republic."

       The President then recurred to the right which the Uitlanders
       might obtain, of voting for the Second Volksraad after two
       years, and becoming eligible to seats in it after four years,
       and said that it was in the Second Volksraad that their own
       interests were dealt with—not in the First. The High
       Commissioner asked if the Second Raad could act without
       consent of the First. The President acknowledged that the
       latter could alter any law which "appears to be against the
       general welfare," but contended that it had no wish to go into
       gold field matters, though it has the power, and that it had
       interfered with action of the Second Rand in but three or four
       instances. The High Commissioner remarked that Uitlanders who
       abandoned their own nationality to wait years for full
       citizenship in the Republic might have the latter prospect
       taken away from them at any moment by a single resolution of
       the First Raad. The President replied: "They haven't done it
       yet. The legislatures of all the world have the same power."
       To which the High Commissioner made answer: "This power
       existing, the new comers cannot be expected—I should not
       recommend one of them—to give up his present citizenship for
       the mere chance of becoming a citizen of the new country."

    {484}

       "His Excellency.—If the President thinks we are asking too
       much … I must report to Her Majesty's Government that the
       President rejects our friendly suggestions.

       "The President.—I would be misleading you if I should tell you
       that I can give all the strangers the franchise in a very
       short time. I would consider that our independence was
       sacrificed thereby: but I say this, let His Excellency keep
       impartially in view my points of difficulty, and let him make
       his proposals and submit them to us, so that we can consider
       them and judge about them. … I have already said that perhaps
       means may be found to alter the form of oath. … I would now
       like His Excellency to propose a scheme.

       "His Excellency.— … What I suggest is this: That every
       foreigner who can prove satisfactorily that he has been
       resident in the country for five years, and that he desires to
       make it his permanent place of residence, that he is prepared
       to take the oath to obey the laws, to undertake all the
       obligations of citizenship, and to defend the independence of
       the country, should be allowed to become a citizen on taking
       that oath. This should be confined to persons possessing a
       certain amount of property, or a certain amount of yearly
       wages, and who have good characters. In order to make that
       proposal of any real use for the new citizens who mostly live
       in one district in the Republic, and a district which only
       returns one member in 28 to the First Raad, and one in 28 to
       the Second Raad, I propose that there should be a certain
       number of new constituencies created, the number of which is a
       detail upon the discussion of which I will not now enter. But
       what is vital from my point of view is that the number of
       these districts should not be so small as to leave the
       representatives of the new population in a contemptible
       minority.

       "President.—With us the majority of the enfranchised burghers
       constitutes the ruling voice, and must be listened to in the
       Volksraad. If the 60,000 came in immediately, they would swamp
       the 30,000. … I mean this: that if they are all enfranchised then
       they would at once form the majority of the whole population,
       and the majority of enfranchised burghers, according to our
       law, must be listened to by the Volksraad; since in a Republic
       we cannot leave the sovereign voice out of account.

       "His Excellency.—This is pure theory, that the Volksraad have
       to do what the majority of the people desire. The Volksraad
       does what it considers right in its own eyes; it is elected by
       the people, and does what it thinks right, and the President has
       made it quite clear during the last year or two that anything
       the Volksraad does is law."

       At an afternoon meeting on the same day, there was a long
       discussion of the dynamite grievance of the Uitlanders, and
       the President wished to bring up other points; but the High
       Commissioner objected:

       "His Excellency.—I think the discussion will be of
       interminable length if we are to proceed in this way, and if
       we cannot approach one another on the point on which I have
       made my suggestions, and which lies outside all the pending
       questions between the two Governments, these other
       controversies may as well be allowed to go on in the usual
       course. If the President to-morrow will give me an answer on
       the first subject I raised, and then wishes to bring forward
       his grievances, I will consider them to-morrow. I do not want
       to go on with a long list of my own until I understand what is
       the basis on which I stand in regard to what I consider the
       most important question of all.

       "President.—I think it would be as well if we returned in a
       little while to discuss our points, but I would like to give
       His Excellency some things to think over. The first point I
       would like to mention is my wish that Swaziland should now be
       handed over to me as a portion of my land. … Secondly, the
       demand made with regard to the damages for the Jameson Raid,
       Mr. Chamberlain said he was against paying the million, but he
       is not against paying the expenses incurred. Thirdly, that
       differences such as those now existing between us, should be
       settled by arbitration, and then no war or quarrel could arise
       between us. … These are some of the questions I wish His
       Excellency to think about."

       At the opening of the Conference on the third day, the
       President sought to commit the High Commissioner to an
       "understanding," that "if we came," he said, "to some
       agreement on the franchise Her Majesty's Government then would
       engage not in any way to concern itself with internal affairs in
       the Republic any longer, and that in future questions that
       then may arise, whether out of the Convention or otherwise,
       Her Majesty would agree to have such questions referred to
       arbitration." The High Commissioner declined to deal with the
       subject of the franchise as a matter of "bargain." It was a
       subject of grievances and discontent, dangerous to the
       Republic and dangerous to the relations between the Republic
       and Great Britain, which ought to be dealt with on its merits
       alone. Nevertheless, after some controversy, he said:

       "His Excellency.— … As far as the Jameson Indemnity is
       concerned I know that a despatch is on the way to me at this
       present moment, which forwards a statement from the British
       South Africa Company examining the details of the claim which
       has been sent in, and asking that the question of the amount
       payable in respect of the Raid may be submitted to
       arbitration. I have received a telegram that that despatch is
       coming. The position is this—the British Government have
       admitted in principle that the Company must pay what is fairly
       due on account of that raid; but the question of the amount is
       still under discussion, and I hope that this proposal will lead
       to a settlement. As to the question of arbitration, which I
       think is the matter that interests the President most, I am in
       so far entirely with him that I want if possible to have in
       future as few questions to discuss with the Government of the
       South African Republic, as I now have with the Government of
       the Orange Free State. I feel that the President will need, if
       he accepts my scheme of franchise, or any other similar
       proposal, to have some assurance that there shall not be
       perpetual controversies between him and England, and that if
       there are controversies, some regular way of dealing with them
       should be devised.
    {485}
       The President once proposed that some question, or a number of
       questions, should be submitted to the President of the Swiss
       Republic. The British Government refused that on the general
       principle—from which I am sure they will not depart—that they
       will not have any foreign Government, or any foreign
       interference at all, between them and the South African
       Republic. But if some other method can be devised of
       submitting to an impartial tribunal questions that may in
       future arise between us, and perhaps even some questions which
       exist at present—but in any case to provide for the future—if
       such a plan can be devised and suggested to me, I will lay it
       before Her Majesty's Government and do what I can personally
       to assist in a satisfactory solution of the matter. The
       President must understand that I cannot pledge Her Majesty's
       Government in any way on this subject. The question has taken
       me by surprise; I didn't come here contemplating a discussion
       on it, but I must say if it could be satisfactorily arranged
       while excluding the interference of the foreigner, it would
       seem to me to open a way out of many difficulties. But all the
       same, I adhere firmly to my proposal that we should first try
       and settle on the scheme which the President would accept as
       regards the matter which I put forward."

       At the close of the morning interview, both parties expressed
       hopelessness of agreement. On meeting again in the afternoon,
       the President submitted in writing the following proposals
       concerning the franchise: "As the purpose I had in view at
       this Conference principally consists in the removal of
       existing grounds of disagreement and further to provide for
       the friendly regulation of the way of settling future disputes
       by means of arbitration, the following proposals with regard to
       the franchise must be considered as conditional and dependent
       on the satisfactory settlement of the first mentioned points,
       and on the request that my request to incorporate Swaziland in
       the South African Republic shall be submitted by the High
       Commissioner to Her Majesty's Government. Subject to the
       foregoing I undertake to submit without delay to the approval
       of the Volksraad and the people the following proposals about
       the franchise:

       "I. Every person who fixes his residence in the South African
       Republic has to get himself registered on the Field-cornets'
       books within fourteen days after his arrival according to the
       existing law; will be able after complying with the conditions
       mentioned under 'A.,' and after the lapse of two years to get
       himself naturalised; and will five years after naturalisation,
       on complying with the conditions mentioned under 'B.,' obtain
       the full franchise.

       "A.—
       1. Six months' notice of intention to apply for naturalisation;
       2. Two years' continued registration;
       3. Residence in the South African Republic during that period;
       4. No dishonouring sentence;
       5. Proof of obedience to the laws; no act against Government
       or independence;
       6. Proof of full State citizenship and franchise or title
       thereto in former country;
       7. Possession of unmortgaged fixed property to the value of
       £150 approximately, or occupation of house to the rental of
       £50 per annum, or yearly income of at least £200. Nothing,
       however, shall prevent the Government from granting
       naturalisation to persons who have not satisfied this
       condition;
       8. Taking of an oath similar to that of the Orange
       Free State.

       "B.—
       1. Continuous registration five years after naturalisation;
       2. Continuous residence during that period;
       3. No dishonouring sentence;
       4. Proof of obedience to the laws, &c.;
       5. Proof that applicant still complies with the condition A(7).

       "II. Furthermore, the full franchise shall be obtained in the
       following manner:—
       (a.)
       Those who have fixed their residence in the South African
       Republic before the taking effect of Act 4, 1890, and who get
       themselves naturalised within six months after the taking
       effect of this Act on complying with the conditions under 1A,
       shall obtain the full franchise two years after such
       naturalisation on proof of compliance with the conditions
       mentioned under 1B (altering the five into two years). Those
       who do not get themselves naturalised within six months under
       Article 1,
       (b.)
       Those who have been resident in the South African Republic for
       two years or more can get themselves immediately naturalised
       on compliance with the conditions under 1A., and shall five
       years after naturalisation obtain the full franchise on
       compliance with the conditions under 1B.
       (c.)
       Those who have been already naturalised shall five years after
       naturalisation obtain the full franchise on compliance with
       the conditions under 1B."

       At the meeting next day, the High Commissioner presented to
       the President a written memorandum in reply to the proposals
       of the latter. He admitted that "the scheme proposed is a
       considerable advance upon the existing provisions as to
       franchise," but said that he could not recommend its
       acceptance as adequate to the needs of the case. "Under this
       plan," he continued, "no man who is not already naturalised,
       even if he has been in the country 13 or 14 years, will get a
       vote for the First Volksraad in less than 2½ years from the
       passing of the new law. There will be no considerable number
       of people obtaining that vote in less than five years, that is
       if they come in and naturalise. But I fear the majority of
       them will not come in, because the scheme retains that
       unfortunate provision, first introduced in 1890, by which,
       owing to the two stages—first, naturalisation with a partial
       franchise, and then, after five years, full franchise—a man
       has to abandon his old citizenship before he becomes a
       full-fledged citizen of his new country. My plan avoided this.
       My doctrine is that, however long a period of residence you
       fix before a man becomes a citizen of your State, you should
       admit him, once for all, to full rights on taking the oath of
       allegiance. And this is especially important in the South
       African Republic, because, owing to the facility and frequency
       with which laws—even fundamental laws—are altered, the man who
       takes the oath and thereby loses his old country will never
       feel quite sure that something may not happen in the interval,
       when he is only half a citizen, to prevent his becoming a whole
       one. The vote for the First Volksraad is the essential point.
       According to the present constitution of the Transvaal, the
       First Volksraad and the President really are the State. But
       under this scheme it will be a considerable time before any
       number of Uitlanders worth mentioning can vote for the First
       Volksraad, and even then they will only command one or two
       seats. My point was to give them at once a few
       representatives. They might be a minority, even a small
       minority.
    {486}
       I have said over and over again I do not want to swamp the old
       burghers. But as long as the representatives of the new comers
       are entirely excluded from the supreme legislative council,
       they will, as a body, remain an inferior caste. The
       co-operation and gradual blending of the two sections of the
       population will not take place. The old separation and
       hostility will continue. I see no prospect here of that
       concord to which I had looked both to bring about a more
       progressive system of government, and to remove causes of
       friction between the Government of the South African Republic
       and Great Britain. For these reasons I regret to say the
       scheme seems to me so inadequate that I think it would be
       wasting the time of the Conference to discuss its details."

       The President rejoined in another memorandum, which added one
       more to his former proposals, namely this: "I am ready to
       propose and to recommend to the First Volksraad to increase
       the number of members of the First Volksraad, whereby the Gold
       Fields will be represented by five, instead of as now by two,
       members."

       The response to this by the High Commissioner was a review, at
       length, of all that had been proposed, leading to the
       conclusion which he expressed as follows:

       "If I am asked whether I think they will satisfy the Uitlander
       community, and are calculated to relieve the British
       Government from further solicitude on the score of its
       Uitlander subjects, I cannot answer in the affirmative. Still
       less can I encourage the idea that the British Government can
       be asked to give something in exchange for such legislation
       as the President proposes. My own proposal was put forward in
       no bargaining spirit. I asked myself, in advancing it, what is
       the smallest measure of reform that will really be of any use,
       that is to say, which will allay the present unrest and enable
       the Uitlanders to exercise within a reasonable time an
       appreciable influence on the Government of the country. It was
       in that spirit that I suggested the outline of a scheme,
       intentionally not working it out in detail (for I was ready to
       listen as to details), but indicating a certain minimum from
       which I am not prepared to depart. … When I came here I came
       in the hope that I might be able to report to Her Majesty's
       Government that measures were about to be adopted which would
       lead to such an improvement in the situation as to relieve Her
       Majesty's Government from pressing for the redress of
       particular grievances on the ground that the most serious
       causes of complaint would now gradually be removed from
       within. I do not feel that what His Honour has seen his way to
       propose in the matter of franchise or what he indicates as the
       extreme length to which he might, at some future time, be
       willing to go in the extension of local government is
       sufficient to justify me in reporting in that sense."

       The Conference was ended by a last memorandum from the
       President, in which he said: "As it is my earnest wish that
       this Conference should not be fruitless, I wish to make the
       following proposal to His Excellency, viz.:—As according to
       his own admission my proposal about franchise is an important
       step in the right direction, I shall be prepared to lay my
       proposal before the Volksraad and to recommend it, even though
       His Excellency does not fully agree with it. From his side I
       shall then expect that His Excellency will lay before and
       recommend to Her Majesty's Government my request about
       arbitration on future matters of difference under the
       Convention. His Excellency will, however, readily understand
       that if Her Majesty's Government should not meet me so far, so
       as to grant my acknowledged fair request for arbitration, it
       could be with difficulty expected that the people of the South
       African Republic would approve of my comprehensive proposal
       with regard to franchise."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: 1899, C. 9404.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (May-August).
       Advice to President Kruger from Cape Afrikanders, and
       from Holland and Germany.

       Several private letters written at the time of these
       occurrences by Sir J. E. De Villiers, a leading Afrikander,
       Chief Justice of Cape Colony, and one of the Commissioners who
       negotiated the Convention of 1881, addressed to persons who
       might have influence with President Kruger, were made public a
       year later. In the first of these letters, written to
       President Steyn of the Orange Free State, on the 21st of May,
       1899, Justice De Villiers used strong expressions, as follows:
       "On my recent visit to Pretoria I did not visit the President
       as I considered it hopeless to think of making any impression
       on him, but I saw Reitz, Smuts, and Schalk Burger, who, I
       thought, would be amenable to argument, but I fear that either
       my advice had no effect on them, or else their opinion had no
       weight with the President. I urged upon them to advise the
       President to open the Volksraad with promises of a liberal
       franchise and drastic reforms. It would have been so much
       better if these had come voluntarily from the Government
       instead of being gradually forced from them. In the former
       case they would rally the greater number of the malcontents
       around them, in the latter case no gratitude will be felt to
       the Republic for any concessions made by it. Besides, there
       can be no doubt that as the alien population increases, as it
       undoubtedly will, their demands will increase with their
       discontent, and ultimately a great deal more will have to be
       conceded than will now satisfy them. The franchise proposal
       made by the President seems to be simply ridiculous. I am
       quite certain that if in 1881 it had been known to my fellow
       Commissioners that the President would adopt his retrogressive
       policy, neither President Brand nor I would ever have induced
       them to consent to sign the Convention. They would have
       advised the Secretary of State to let matters revert to the
       condition in which they were before peace was concluded; in
       other words, to recommence the war. … If I had any influence
       with the President I would advise him no longer to sit on the
       boiler to prevent it from bursting. Some safety-valves are
       required for the activities of the new population. In their
       irritation they abuse the Government, often unjustly, in the
       press, and send petitions to the Queen; but that was only to
       be expected. Let the Transvaal Legislature give them a liberal
       franchise and allow them local self-government for their
       towns, and some portion of the discontent will be allayed. The
       enemies of the Transvaal will not be satisfied; on the
       contrary, the worst service that can be done to them is the
       redress of the grievance, but it is the friends of the country
       who should be considered."

    {487}

       On the 31st of July, the Justice wrote still more urgently and
       impatiently to a Mr. Fischer, who was in close relations with
       the Transvaal President: "I do not think that President Kruger
       and his friends realize the gravity of the situation. Even now
       the State Secretary is doing things which would be almost
       farcical if the times were not so serious. Some time ago I
       begged of him to drop the censorship of telegrams because it
       serves no useful purpose and only delays the publication of
       lies by a few days. His answer was that the Government should
       not disseminate lies by its own wires. He might as well have
       said Government should not disseminate lies by its own
       post-office. To crown all, I see that he has now gone so far
       as to stop a private telegram (which had been paid for)
       because it contained a lie. I really do not know where he is
       going to stop or whether he intends to guarantee that all
       telegrams allowed to pass contain the truth and nothing but
       the truth. Could you not induce him to stop such childish
       nonsense? The Transvaal will soon not have a single friend
       left among the cultivated classes. Then there is the Franchise
       Bill, which is so obscure that the State Attorney had to issue an
       explanatory memorandum to remove the obscurities. But surely a
       law should be clear enough to speak for itself, and no
       Government or Court of Law will be bound by the State
       Attorney's explanations. I do not know what those explanations
       are, but the very fact that they are required condemns the
       Bill. That Bill certainly does not seem quite to carry out the
       promises made to you, Mr. Hofmeyr, and Mr. Herholdt. The time
       really has come when the friends of the Transvaal must induce
       President Kruger to become perfectly frank and take the
       newcomers into his confidence. It may be a bitter pill to have
       to swallow in yielding to further demands, but it is quite
       clear to the world that he would not have done as much as he
       has done if pressure had not been applied. What one fears is
       that he will do things in such a way as to take away all grace
       from his concessions. Try to induce him to meet Mr.
       Chamberlain in a friendly manner and at once remove all the
       causes of unrest which have disturbed this unhappy country for
       so many years. As one who signed the Convention in 1881, I can
       assure you that my fellow Commissioners would not have signed
       it if they had not been led to believe that President Kruger's
       policy towards the Uitlanders would have been very different
       from what it has been."

       Three confidential despatches sent to President Kruger, in the
       same period, by the Minister for Foreign Affairs in the
       Netherlands government were laid before the States General at
       The Hague, October 25, 1900, and made public through Reuter's
       press agency, as follows:

       "In the first despatch, which is dated May 13, 1899, the
       Minister states that news received from different capitals
       leads him to believe in the imminence of the danger of a
       violent solution of the problem in South Africa. As a faithful
       friend he counsels Mr. Kruger in the true interests of the
       Republic to show himself as conciliatory and moderate as
       possible, and adds that he learns from a trustworthy source
       that the German Government fully shares that opinion. Mr.
       Kruger replied that he had always been conciliatory and did
       not desire war, but that he could not sacrifice the
       independence of the Republic. He was willing enough to grant
       the suffrage, but he could not tolerate Englishmen remaining
       subjects of the Queen while receiving at the same time the
       right to vote in the Republic. In the second despatch, dated
       August 4, 1899, the Netherlands Minister for Foreign Affairs
       advised President Kruger, in the interests of the country, not
       to refuse peremptorily the British proposal for an
       international commission. Mr. Kruger replied that the
       commission would not be international, but an Anglo-Transvaal
       commission. He intended to ask for further information from
       Great Britain as to the scope and composition of the
       commission, and did not mean to give a decided refusal.
       Finally, the Netherlands Minister, in a telegram dated August
       15, 1899, stated that the German Government entirely shared
       his opinion as to the inadvisability of declining the English
       proposal, adding that the German Government, like himself, was
       convinced that any request to one of the Great Powers at such
       a critical moment would be barren of result and highly
       dangerous to the Republic. To this Mr. Kruger replied that the
       British proposal would result in very direct interference by
       the English in the internal affairs of the Republic. He added
       that he had no intention of appealing to a Great Power."

       Speaking in the German Reichsrath, on the 10th of December,
       1900, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von Bülow, referred to
       the above publications by the Dutch government, and confirmed
       them, saying that it was in accordance with the views of the
       German Government that the Dutch Foreign Minister "strongly
       advised Mr. Kruger to maintain a moderate attitude. In June,
       1899, Mr. Kruger was advised by Germany through the Dutch
       Government to invite mediation, but Dr. Leyds informed the
       Dutch Minister in Paris that Mr. Kruger did not consider 'that
       the moment had yet come for applying for the mediation of
       America.' Some time afterwards Mr. Kruger made the attempt to
       obtain arbitration, but 'feeling had become too heated,' and
       in August Mr. Kruger complained to the Dutch Government that
       arbitration could not be arranged. The answer to this
       complaint is given in the Dutch Yellow-book under the date of
       August 15, 1899, and points out that the German Government
       would at that date have regarded any appeal to a Great Power
       as hopeless and as very dangerous for the Republics. The
       German Government also shared the Dutch view that Mr. Kruger
       ought not to reject the English proposal then before him."

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1899 (July-September)
       Amendment of the Franchise Law.

       After much discussion and many changes, an amended Franchise
       Law was adopted by the First Volksraad of the Republic and
       published on the 26th of July. It conceded to foreigners who
       had already been resident in the Republic for seven years a
       possibility of obtaining full burgher rights simultaneously
       with the taking of the oath of allegiance, but subjected the
       proceeding to conditions which would make it, in Uitlander
       opinion, of service to very few. The judgment of Sir Alfred
       Milner, the High Commissioner, as expressed to Secretary
       Chamberlain, was to the effect that "the bill, as it stands,
       leaves it practically in the hands of the Government of the
       South African Republic to enfranchise or not enfranchise the
       Uitlanders as it chooses. If worked in a liberal spirit, its
       clumsy and unreasonable provisions may be got over.
    {488}
       But if it is to be enforced rigidly, there will be practically
       unlimited opportunities of excluding persons whom the
       Government may consider undesirable, nor does the tone of the
       debate in the Raad leave much doubt as to the spirit in which
       some at least of the authors of the Bill would like to see it
       worked." His criticism applied especially to the certificate
       required from every applicant. "The certificate," he said,
       "which every applicant must obtain from three different
       officials, as to (a) continuous registration and domicile, (b)
       obedience to the laws, (c) committing no crime against the
       independence of the country, is one which these officials,
       even if well disposed, would be able in hardly any case to
       give. None of them can have any such knowledge of the
       Uitlander population as would enable them to give this
       comprehensive certificate; it is acknowledged that some of the
       Johannesburg lists have been lost; and the Field-cornet has, I
       believe, held his present office for less than four years."
       Moreover, a requirement of "continuous" registration "may
       mean," said the High Commissioner, "(and I cannot understand
       what else it could mean) registration for seven years in one
       ward and district; so that a person having resided and been
       registered in one district and subsequently removed to another
       would forfeit the benefit of his first period of residence. Even
       if this were not so, he would doubtless have to get a double
       set of certificates."

       Simultaneously with the publication of the new Franchise Law
       it was announced that the Executive Council had decided to
       give the Witwatersrand Gold Fields a representation of five
       members (out of 31) in the First Volksraad, as well as
       representation by the same number in the Second Volksraad. To
       the British Agent at Pretoria, Mr. Conyngham Greene, this
       seemed to be "so wholly inadequate as not to be worthy of
       serious consideration."

       In view of the complexities and uncertainties involved in the
       new Franchise Law, the High Commissioner addressed the
       following communication to the government of the South African
       Republic, August 1:

       "Her Majesty's Government authorize me to invite President
       South African Republic to appoint delegates to discuss with
       delegates to be appointed by me on behalf of Her Majesty's
       Government, whether Uitlander population will be given
       immediate and substantial representation by franchise law
       recently passed by Volksraad, together with other measures
       connected with it, such as increase of seats, and, if not,
       what additions or alterations may be necessary to secure that
       result. In this discussion it should be understood that the
       delegates of Her Majesty's Government would be free to make
       any suggestions calculated to improve measures in question and
       secure their attaining the end desired."

       The reply to this proposal was given by the Boer government to
       the British Agent at Pretoria in two notes, the first, dated
       August 19, as follows: "With reference to your proposal for a
       joint enquiry contained in your despatches of the 2nd and 3rd
       August, Government of South African Republic have the honour
       to suggest the following alternative proposal for
       consideration of Her Majesty's Government, which this
       Government trusts may lead to a final settlement.

       (1.) The Government are willing to recommend to the Volksraad
       and the people a 5 years' retrospective franchise, as proposed
       by His Excellency the High Commissioner on the 1st June, 1899.

       (2.) The Government are further willing to recommend to the
       Volksraad that 8 new seats in the First Volksraad, and, if
       necessary, also in the Second Volksraad, be given to the
       population of the Witwatersrand, thus with the 2 sitting
       members for the Goldfields giving to the population thereof 10
       representatives in a Raad of 36, and in future the
       representation of the Goldfields of this Republic shall not
       fall below the proportion of one-fourth of the total.

       (3.) The new Burghers shall equally with the old Burghers be
       entitled to vote at the election for State President and
       Commandant-General.

       (4.) This Government will always be prepared to take into
       consideration such friendly suggestions regarding the details
       of the Franchise Law as Her Majesty's Government, through the
       British Agent, may wish to convey to it.

       (5.) In putting forward the above proposals Government of
       South African Republic assumes:

          (a) That Her Majesty's Government will agree that the
          present intervention shall not form a precedent for future
          similar action and that in the future no interference in
          the internal affairs of the Republic will take place.

          (b) That Her Majesty's Government will not further insist
          on the assertion of the suzerainty, the controversy on the
          subject being allowed tacitly to drop.

          (c) That arbitration (from which foreign element other than
          Orange Free State is to be excluded) will be conceded as
          soon as the franchise scheme has become law.

       (6.) Immediately on Her Majesty's Government accepting this
       proposal for a settlement, the Government will ask the
       Volksraad to adjourn for the purpose of consulting the people
       about it, and the whole scheme might become law say within a
       few weeks.

       (7.) In the meantime the form and scope of the proposed
       Tribunal are also to be discussed and provisionally agreed
       upon, while the franchise scheme is being referred to the
       people, so that no time may be lost in putting an end to the
       present state of affairs. The Government trust that Her
       Majesty's Government will clearly understand that in the
       opinion of this Government the existing Franchise Law of this
       Republic is both fair and liberal to the new population, and
       that the consideration that induces them to go further, as
       they do in the above proposals, is their strong desire to get
       the controversies between the two Governments settled, and
       further to put an end to present strained relations between
       the two Governments and the incalculable harm and loss it has
       already occasioned in South Africa, and to prevent a racial
       war from the effects of which South Africa may not recover for
       many generations, perhaps never at all, and therefore this
       Government, having regard to all these circumstances would
       highly appreciate it if Her Majesty's Government, seeing the
       necessity of preventing the present crisis from developing
       still further and the urgency of an early termination of the
       present state of affairs, would expedite the acceptance or
       refusal of the settlement here offered.
          (Signed) F. W. REITZ."

       The second note, which followed on the 21st of August, was
       in these terms:

    {489}

       "In continuation of my despatch of the 19th instant and with
       reference to the communication to you of the State Attorney
       this morning, I wish to forward to you the following in
       explanation thereof, with the request that the same may be
       telegraphed to His Excellency the High Commissioner for South
       Africa, as forming part of the proposals of this Government
       embodied in the above-named despatch.

       (1.) The proposals of this Government regarding question of
       franchise and representation contained in that despatch must
       be regarded as expressly conditional on Her Majesty's
       Government consenting to the points set forth in paragraph 5
       of the despatch, viz.:
          (a) In future not to interfere in internal affairs of the
          South African Republic.
          (b) Not to insist further on its assertion of existence of
          suzerainty.
          (c) To agree to arbitration.

       (2.) Referring to paragraph 6 of the despatch, this Government
       trusts that it is clear to Her Majesty's Government that this
       Government has not consulted the Volksraad as to this question
       and will only do so when an affirmative reply to its proposals
       has been received from Her Majesty's Government.
       (Signed) F. W. REITZ."

       The above notes were repeated by cable, in full, to the
       Colonial Secretary, at London, and, on the 28th of August, he
       returned by the same medium his reply, as follows:

       "Her Majesty's Government have considered the proposals which
       the South African Republic Government in their notes to the
       British Agent of 19th and 21st August have put forward as an
       alternative to those contained in my telegram of 31st July.
       Her Majesty's Government assume that the adoption in principle
       of the franchise proposals made by you at Bloemfontein will
       not be hampered by any conditions which would impair their
       effect, and that by proposed increase of seats for the
       Goldfields and by other provisions the South African Republic
       Government intend to grant immediate and substantial
       representation of the Uitlanders. That being so, Her Majesty's
       Government are unable to appreciate the objections entertained
       by the Government of the South African Republic to a Joint
       Commission of Inquiry into the complicated details and
       technical questions upon which the practical effect of the
       proposals depends. Her Majesty's Government, however, will be
       ready to agree that the British Agent, assisted by such other
       persons as you may appoint, shall make the investigation
       necessary to satisfy them that the result desired will be
       achieved and, failing this, to enable them to make those
       suggestions which the Government of the South African Republic
       state that they will be prepared to take into consideration.
       Her Majesty's Government assume that every facility will be
       given to the British Agent by the Government of the South
       African Republic, and they would point out that the inquiry
       will be both easier and shorter if the Government of the South
       African Republic will omit in any future Law the complicated
       conditions of registration, qualification and behaviour which
       accompanied previous proposals, and would have entirely
       nullified their beneficial effect. Her Majesty's Government
       hope that the Government of the South African Republic will
       wait to receive their suggestions founded on the report of the
       British Agent's investigation before submitting a new
       Franchise Law to the Volksraad and the Burghers. With regard
       to the conditions of the Government of the South African
       Republic: First, as regards intervention; Her Majesty's
       Government hope that the fulfilment of the promises made and
       the just treatment of the Uitlanders in future will render
       unnecessary any further intervention on their behalf, but Her
       Majesty's Government cannot of course debar themselves from
       their rights under the Conventions nor divest themselves of
       the ordinary obligations of a civilized Power to protect its
       subjects in a foreign country from injustice. Secondly, with
       regard to suzerainty Her Majesty's Government would refer the
       Government of the South African Republic to the second
       paragraph of my despatch of 13th July. Thirdly, Her Majesty's
       Government agree to a discussion of the form and scope of a
       Tribunal of Arbitration from which foreigners and foreign
       influence are excluded. Such a discussion, which will be of
       the highest importance to the future relations of the two
       countries, should be carried on between the President and
       yourself, and for this purpose it appears to be necessary that
       a further Conference, which Her Majesty's Government suggest
       should be held at Cape Town, should be at once arranged. Her
       Majesty's Government also desire to remind the Government of
       the South African Republic that there are other matters of
       difference between the two Governments which will not be
       settled by the grant of political representation to the
       Uitlanders, and which are not proper subjects for reference to
       arbitration. It is necessary that these should be settled
       concurrently with the questions now under discussion, and they
       will form, with the question of arbitration, proper subjects
       for consideration at the proposed Conference."

       On the 2d of September the Boer government replied to this at
       length, stating that it considered the proposal made in its
       note of August 19 to have lapsed; again objecting to a joint
       inquiry relative to the practical working of the Franchise
       Law, but adding: "If they [the Government] can be of
       assistance to Her Majesty's Government with any information or
       explanation they are always ready to furnish this; though it
       appears to it that the findings of a unilateral Commission,
       especially when arrived at before the working of the law has
       been duly tested, would be premature and thus probably of
       little value."

       Meantime, on the 31st of August, Sir Alfred Milner had
       telegraphed to Mr. Chamberlain: "I am receiving
       representations from many quarters to urge Her Majesty's
       Government to terminate the state of suspense. Hitherto I have
       hesitated to address you on the subject, lest Her Majesty's
       Government should think me impatient. But I feel bound to let
       you know that I am satisfied, from inquiries made in various
       reliable quarters that the distress is now really serious. The
       most severe suffering is at Johannesburg. Business there is at
       a standstill; many traders have become insolvent; and others
       are only kept on their legs by the leniency of their
       creditors. Even the mines, which have been less affected
       hitherto, are now suffering owing to the withdrawal of
       workmen, both European and native. The crisis also affects the
       trading centres in the Colony. In spite of this, the purport
       of all the representations made to me is to urge prompt and
       decided action; not to deprecate further interference on the
       part of Her Majesty's Government. British South Africa is
       prepared for extreme measures, and is ready to suffer much in
       order to see the vindication of British authority. It is
       prolongation of the negotiations, endless and indecisive of
       result, that is dreaded."

    {490}

       On the 8th of September, the High Commissioner was instructed
       by Mr. Chamberlain to communicate the following to the
       government of the Transvaal:

       "Her Majesty's Government are still prepared to accept the
       offer made in paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of the note of the 19th
       August taken by themselves, provided that the inquiry which
       Her Majesty's Government have proposed, whether joint—as Her
       Majesty's Government originally suggested—or unilateral, shows
       that the new scheme of representation will not be encumbered
       by conditions which will nullify the intention to give
       substantial and immediate representation to the Uitlanders. In
       this connection Her Majesty's Government assume that, as
       stated to the British Agent, the new members of the Raad will
       be permitted to use their own language. The acceptance of
       these terms by the Government of the South African Republic
       would at once remove the tension between the two Governments,
       and would in all probability render unnecessary any further
       intervention on the part of Her Majesty's Government to secure
       the redress of grievances which the Uitlanders would
       themselves be able to bring to the notice of the Executive and
       the Raad."

       In a lengthy response to this by State Secretary Reitz,
       September 16, the following are the essential paragraphs:
       "However earnestly this Government also desires to find an
       immediate and satisfactory course by which existing tension
       should be brought to an end, it feels itself quite unable, as
       desired, to recommend or propose to South African Republic
       Volksraad and people the part of its proposal contained in
       paragraphs 1, 2, and 3 of its note 19th August, omitting the
       conditions on the acceptance of which alone the offer was
       based, but declares itself always still prepared to abide by
       its acceptance of the invitation [of] Her Majesty's Government
       to get a Joint Commission composed as intimated in its note of
       2nd September. It considers that if conditions are contained
       in the existing franchise law which has been passed, and in
       the scheme of representation, which might tend to frustrate
       object contemplated, that it will attract the attention of the
       Commission, and thus be brought to the knowledge of this
       Government. This Government has noticed with surprise the
       assertion that it had intimated to British Agent that the new
       members to be chosen for South African Republic Volksraad
       should be allowed to use their own language. If it is thereby
       intended that this Government would have agreed that any other
       than the language of the country would have been used in the
       deliberations of the Volksraad, it wishes to deny same in the
       strongest manner."

       Practically the discussion was ended by a despatch from the
       British Colonial Secretary, September 22d, in which he said;
       "Her Majesty's Government have on more than one occasion
       repeated their assurances that they have no desire to
       interfere in any way with independence of South African
       Republic, provided that the conditions on which it was granted
       are honourably observed in the spirit and in the letter, and
       they have offered as part of a general settlement to give a
       complete guarantee against any attack upon that independence,
       either from within any part of the British dominions or from
       the territory of a foreign State. They have not asserted any
       rights of interference in the internal affairs of the Republic
       other than those which are derived from the Conventions
       between the two countries or which belong to every
       neighbouring Government (and especially to one which has a
       largely predominant interest in the adjacent territories) for
       the protection of its subjects and of its adjoining
       possessions." Referring to his despatch of September 8, the
       Secretary concluded: "The refusal of the Government of the
       South African Republic to entertain the offer thus made,
       coming as it does at the end of nearly four months of
       protracted negotiations, themselves the climax of an agitation
       extending over a period of more than five years, makes it
       useless to further pursue a discussion on the lines hitherto
       followed, and Her Majesty's Government are now compelled to
       consider the situation afresh, and to formulate their own
       proposals for a final settlement of the issues which have been
       created in South Africa by the policy constantly followed for
       many years by the Government of the South African Republic.
       They will communicate to you the result of their deliberations
       in a later despatch."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          1899, C. 9518, 9521, 9530.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1899 (September-October).
       The Free State makes common cause with
       the South African Republic.

       On the 27th of September, President Steyn communicated to the
       British High Commissioner a resolution adopted that day by the
       Orange Free State Volksraad, instructing the government to
       continue efforts for peaceful settlement of differences
       between the South African Republic and Great Britain, but
       concluding with the declaration that "if a war is now begun or
       occasioned by Her Majesty's Government against South African
       Republic, this would morally be a war against the whole of
       white population of South Africa and would in its results be
       calamitous and criminal, and further, that Orange Free State
       will honestly and faithfully observe its obligations towards
       South African Republic arising out of the political alliance
       between the two Republics whatever may happen."

       On the 11th of October, the High Commissioner communicated to
       President Steyn the ultimatum that he received from the South
       African Republic, and asked: "In view of Resolution of
       Volksraad of Orange Free State communicated to me in Your
       Honour's telegram of 27th September I have the honour to
       request that I may be informed at Your Honour's earliest
       possible convenience whether this action on the part of the
       South African Republic has Your Honour's concurrence and
       support." The reply of the Orange Free State President was as
       follows:

       "The high handed and unjustifiable policy and conduct of Her
       Majesty's Government in interfering in and dictating in the
       purely internal affairs of South African Republic,
       constituting a flagrant breach of the Convention of London,
       1884, accompanied at first by preparations, and latterly
       followed by active commencement of hostilities against that
       Republic, which no friendly and well-intentioned efforts on
       our part could induce Her Majesty's Government to abandon,
       constitute such an undoubted and unjust attack on the
       independence of the South African Republic that no other
       course is left to this State than honourably to abide by its
       Conventional Agreements entered into with that Republic. On
       behalf of this Government, therefore, I beg to notify that,
       compelled thereto by the action of Her Majesty's Government,
       they intend to carry out the instructions of the Volksraad as
       set forth in the last part of the Resolution referred to by
       Your Excellency."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          1899, C.—9530, pages 38 and 67.

    {491}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and Orange Free State:
       A. D. 1899 (September-October).
       Preparations for war.
       Troops massed on both sides of the frontiers.
       Remonstrances of Orange Free State.
       The Boer Ultimatum.

       Before the controversy between Boer and Briton had reached the
       stage represented above, both sides were facing the prospect
       of war, both were bringing forces to the frontier, and each
       was declaring that the other had been first to take that
       threatening step. Which of them did first begin movements that
       bore a look of menace seems difficult to learn from official
       reports. On the 19th of September, the British High
       Commissioner gave notice to the President of the Orange Free
       State that "it has been deemed advisable by the Imperial
       military authorities to send detachments of the troops
       ordinarily stationed at Cape Town to assist in securing the
       line of communication between the Colony and the British
       territories lying to the north of it"; and "as this force, or
       a portion of it, may be stationed near the borders of the
       Orange Free State," he wished the burghers of that State to
       understand that the movement was in no way directed against
       them. Eight days later, President Steyn, of the Orange Free
       State, addressed a long despatch to the High Commissioner,
       remonstrating against the whole procedure of the British
       government in its dealing with the South African Republic, and
       alluding to the "enormous and ever increasing military
       preparations of the British government." On the 2d of October
       he announced to the Commissioner that he had "deemed it
       advisable, in order to allay the intense excitement and unrest
       amongst our burghers, arising from the totally undefended state
       of our border, in the presence of a continued increase and
       movement of troops on two sides of this State, to call up our
       burghers, to satisfy them that due precaution had been taken."
       The High Commissioner replied on the 3d: "Your Honour must be
       perfectly well aware that all the movements of British troops
       which have taken place in this country since the beginning of
       present troubles, which have been necessitated by the natural
       alarm of the inhabitants in exposed districts, are not
       comparable in magnitude with the massing of armed forces by
       government of South African Republic on the borders of Natal."
       Some days previous to this, on the 29th of September,
       Secretary Chamberlain had cabled from London to Sir Alfred
       Milner: "Inform President of Orange Free State that what he
       describes as the enormous and ever-increasing military
       preparations of Great Britain have been forced upon Her
       Majesty's Government by the policy of the South African
       Republic, which has transformed the Transvaal into a permanent
       armed camp, threatening the peace of the whole of South Africa
       and the position of Great Britain as the paramount State."

       On the 9th of October the High Commissioner received another
       telegram from the President of the Orange Free State, of which
       he cabled the substance to London as follows: "He demurs to
       statement that military preparations of Her Majesty's
       Government have been necessitated by conversion of South
       African Republic into an armed camp. Her Majesty's Government
       must be entirely misinformed and it would be regrettable if,
       through such misunderstanding, present state of extreme
       tension were allowed to continue. Though Her Majesty's
       Government may regard precautions taken by South African
       Republic after Jameson Raid as excessive, Government of South
       African Republic cannot be blamed for adopting them, in view
       of large Uitlander population constantly being stirred up,
       through hostile press, to treason and rebellion by persons and
       organizations financially or politically interested in
       overthrowing the Government. Arming of Burghers not intended
       for any purpose of aggression against Her Majesty's dominions.
       People of South African Republic have, since shortly after
       Jameson Raid, been practically as fully armed as now, yet have
       never committed any act of aggression. It was not till Her
       Majesty's Government, with evident intention of enforcing
       their views on South African Republic in purely internal
       matters, had greatly augmented their forces and moved them
       nearer to borders that a single Burgher was called up for the
       purpose, as be firmly believed, of defending country and
       independence. If this natural assumption erroneous, not too
       late to rectify misunderstanding by mutual agreement to
       withdraw forces on both sides and undertaking by Her Majesty's
       Government to stop further increase of troops."

       But, in reality, it was already too late; for, on the same day
       on which the above message was telegraphed from Bloemfontein,
       the government of the South African Republic had presented to
       the British Agent at Pretoria a note which ended the
       possibility of peace. After reviewing the issue between the
       two governments, the note concluded with a peremptory
       ultimatum, as follows: "Her Majesty's unlawful intervention in
       the internal affairs of this Republic in conflict with the
       Convention of London, 1884, caused by the extraordinary
       strengthening of troops in the neighbourhood of the borders of
       this Republic, has thus caused an intolerable condition of
       things to arise whereto this Government feels itself obliged,
       in the interest not only of this Republic but also [?] of all
       South Africa, to make an end as soon as possible, and feels
       itself called upon and obliged to press earnestly and with
       emphasis for an immediate termination of this state of things
       and to request Her Majesty's Government to give it the
       assurance
       (a) That all points of mutual difference shall be regulated by
       the friendly course of arbitration or by whatever amicable way
       may be agreed upon by this Government with Her Majesty's
       Government.
       (b) That the troops on the borders of this Republic shall be
       instantly withdrawn.
       (c) That all reinforcements of troops which have arrived in
       South Africa since the 1st June, 1899, shall be removed from
       South Africa within a reasonable time, to be agreed upon with
       this Government, and with a mutual assurance and guarantee on
       the part of this Government that no attack upon or hostilities
       against any portion of the possessions of the British Government
       shall be made by the Republic during further negotiations
       within a period of time to be subsequently agreed upon between
       the Governments, and this Government will, on compliance
       therewith, be prepared to withdraw the armed Burghers of this
       Republic from the borders.
    {492}
       (d) That Her Majesty's troops which are now on the high seas
       shall not be landed in any port of South Africa. This
       Government must press for an immediate and affirmative answer
       to these four questions, and earnestly requests Her Majesty's
       Government to return such an answer before or upon Wednesday
       the 11th October, 1899, not later than 5 o'clock p. m., and it
       desires further to add that in the event of unexpectedly no
       satisfactory answer being received by it within that interval
       [it] will with great regret be compelled to regard the action
       of Her Majesty's Government as a formal declaration of war,
       and will not hold itself responsible for the consequences
       thereof, and that in the event of any further movements of
       troops taking place within the above-mentioned time in the
       nearer directions of our borders this Government will be
       compelled to regard that also as a formal declaration of war."

       To this ultimatum the British government gave its reply, in a
       despatch from Mr. Chamberlain to Sir Alfred Milner, October
       10, as follows: "Her Majesty's Government have received with
       great regret the peremptory demands of the Government of the
       South African Republic conveyed in your telegram of 9th
       October, Number 3. You will inform the Government of the South
       African Republic, in reply, that the conditions demanded by
       the Government of the South African Republic are such as Her
       Majesty's Government deem it impossible to discuss."

          Great Britain,
          Papers by Command: 1899, C.—9530.

       Efforts which were being made at the time in Holland to assist
       the Boer Republic in pacific negotiations with Great Britain
       were suddenly frustrated by this action. A year later (in
       November, 1900) it was stated in the States General at The
       Hague that "in the autumn of 1899 the Netherlands Government
       offered in London its good offices for the resumption of
       negotiations with the Transvaal, but these efforts had no
       result in consequence of the sudden ultimatum of the Transvaal
       and the commencement of hostilities by the armies of the
       Republics, actions which surprised the Netherlands Government.
       When once the war had broken out any effort in the direction of
       intervention would have been useless, as was shown by the
       peremptory refusal given by Great Britain to the offer of the
       United States."

       An Englishman who was in the country at the time gives the
       following account of the Boer preparation for war: "In the
       towns the feeling was strongly against war; in the country
       districts war was popular, as the farmers had not the
       slightest doubt they would be able to carry out their threat
       of 'driving the English into the sea.' … Skilled artillerymen
       were finding their way into the country towards the end of
       August last [1899]. The Boers themselves did not put much
       faith in their artillery, but they were reassured by the
       officers who told them that they would yet learn to respect
       its usefulness and efficiency—a prophecy which to our cost has
       been more than fulfilled. … General Joubert was always ready
       and willing, at any time, to inspect and test new guns or
       military necessaries, and no expense was spared to make the
       Transvaal burgher army a first-class fighting-machine. …
       Surprise has been expressed at the inaccurate statements made
       by colonials as to the fighting strength of the Boers. They
       had not allowed for the enormous increase of population. From
       an absolutely reliable source the writer ascertained in
       September last that they could put in the field between 50 and
       60 thousand men, made up as follows: Transvaal burghers,
       22,000; resident foreigners, etc., 10,000; Free Staters,
       16,000; colonists who would cross the border and join, 6,000;
       total, 54,000. … As soon as war seemed likely, no time was
       lost in perfecting the military arrangements. Before Great
       Britain had thought of mobilizing a soldier, the Boer
       emissaries were again scouring the colonies of Natal and the
       Cape, sounding the farmers as to what part they were prepared
       to take in the coming conflict. … While people at home were
       wondering what the next move would be, the Boers were ready to
       answer the question. Towards the middle of September all
       preparations were completed, the Government had laid in large
       quantities of supplies (mainly of flour, Boer meal, and tinned
       foods), which they anticipated would tide them over twelve to
       eighteen months, and by that time, if they had not beaten the
       British, they relied on foreign intervention. They had also
       received large sums of money from Europe, and some additional
       supplies of arms and ammunition. Ammunition was distributed in
       large quantities throughout the country, each burgher
       receiving a sealed packet in addition to his ordinary supply.
       The last batch of the Mauser rides was distributed, and the
       mobilization scheme finally arranged, by which, on a given
       word being telegraphed to the different centres, the first
       Republican army corps would be mobilized within twenty-four
       hours. This actually took place. … The British Government
       could hardly fail to be aware of the fact that the Transvaal
       was in earnest this time. A visit to the country districts
       towards the end of August, about the time when the Boer
       Executive themselves sounded the country through their private
       agencies, would have revealed the fact that the people were
       not only perfectly willing to go to war, but that they
       absolutely wished for it. As one Boer put it to the writer:
       'We look on fighting the English as a picnic. In some of the
       Kaffir wars we had a little trouble, but in the Vryheids
       Oorlog (the Boer War of 1881) we simply potted the Rooineks as
       they streamed across the veld in their red jackets, without
       the slightest danger to ourselves.' They had the utmost
       contempt for Tommy Atkins and his leaders, many of them
       bragging that the only thing that deterred them from
       advocating war instanter was the thought that they would have
       to kill so many of the soldiers, with whom individually they
       said there was no quarrel. With such a state of things, which
       should have been perfectly clear to the Intelligence
       Department (and through it to the War Office) in
       London—because no resident with eyes to see could be deceived
       in the matter—we allowed the present war to find us
       unprepared!"

          J. Scoble and H. H. Abercrombie,
          The Rise and Fall of Krugerism,
          chapter 16 (New York: F. A. Stokes Co.).

    The Boer Republics and the Surroundings.

    {493}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-November).
       The Boer advance.
       Invasion of Cape Colony and Natal.
       The invaders joined by Dutch farmers of the colony.
       The British unprepared.
       Investment of Kimberley and Mafeking.

       In a despatch dated January 16, 1900, Sir Alfred Milner gave
       particulars of the first advance of the Boer forces from the
       Orange Free State into Cape Colony, and of the extent to which
       they were joined by Dutch farmers in districts south of Orange
       River. He wrote: "The portion of the Colony with which I
       propose to deal is that which lies south of the Orange River.
       The districts north of that river have been so completely cut
       off, and our accounts of what has been, and is, going on there
       are so scanty and imperfect, that the history of their
       defection cannot yet be written. I shall content myself with
       quoting an extract from a report upon the state of affairs in
       that region by a gentleman lately resident in Vryburg, which
       undoubtedly fairly expresses the truth so far as he has been
       in a position to observe it:—'All the farmers in the Vryburg,
       Kuruman, and Taungs districts,' he says, 'have joined the
       Boers, and I do not believe that you will find ten loyal
       British subjects among the Dutch community in the whole of
       Bechuanaland.' … The districts invaded by the enemy south of
       the Orange River are:—Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North,
       Wodehouse, and Barkly East. It was on the 12th October that
       the enemy committed the first act of war and of invasion near
       Vryburg, on the western border, but it was not till more than
       a month later, namely, the 14th November, that they occupied
       Colesberg. Apparently they were waiting for reinforcements,
       for when they actually did cross the frontier they were 1,100
       strong. Whatever the cause of their delay, it was not due to
       any discouragement from the people of Colesberg. The small
       British garrison then in the country being engaged elsewhere,
       and the district being entirely unguarded save by a few
       policemen, people from there continually visited the river to
       communicate with the enemy. The Chief Constable reports that
       when he left the town 300 Colesberg farmers had already joined
       the enemy, and that 400 more were expected from the adjoining
       district of Philipstown. … On the 16th November General
       Grobler, the Boer Commandant, addressed the following telegram
       to Bloemfontein:—'Colesberg was occupied by me without
       opposition. … I was very well pleased with the conduct of the
       Afrikanders. We were everywhere welcomed.' … Eastwards along
       the border the tide of insurrection ran strong. In the closing
       days of October a Boer force assembled at Bethulie Bridge, which
       was guarded only by a handful of police. As the days passed
       and the alarm grew, the Cape police force was withdrawn from
       Burghersdorp, which lies south of Bethulie, down the line to
       Stormberg, while, in their turn, the Imperial forces abandoned
       the important position of Stormberg, and retired on
       Queenstown, thus leaving the district clear for the invaders.
       That they did not immediately advance was certainly not owing
       to any fear of resistance at Burghersdorp, the inhabitants of
       which fraternised with the commando stationed on the river,
       continually passing to and fro. Finally, on the 14th November,
       the date of the occupation of Colesberg, the advance was made,
       and on the following morning a body of 500 Boers occupied the
       town. … According to the despatch of the Boer Commandant,
       dated 16th November, Burghersdorp was occupied 'amidst cheers
       from the Afrikanders,' and 'the Colonial burghers are very
       glad to meet us.' Commandeering at once began throughout the
       district of Albert, and a Burghersdorp resident estimated that
       about 1,000 farmers were prepared to join at the date of his
       leaving the place. …

       "Within a space of less than three weeks from the occupation
       of Colesberg, no less than five great districts—those of
       Colesberg, Albert, Aliwal North, Barkly East, and
       Wodehouse—had gone over without hesitation, and, so to speak,
       bodily, to the enemy. Throughout that region the Landdrosts of
       the Orange Free State had established their authority, and
       everywhere, in the expressive words of a Magistrate, British
       loyalists were 'being hunted out of town after town like
       sheep.' In the invaded districts, as will be seen from the
       above, the method of occupation has always been more or less
       the same. The procedure is as follows:-A commando enters, the
       Orange Free State flag is hoisted, a meeting is held in the
       Court-house or market-place, and a Proclamation is read,
       annexing the district. The Commandant then makes a speech, in
       which he explains that the people must now obey the Free State
       laws generally, though they are at present under martial law.
       A local Landdrost is appointed, and loyal subjects are given a
       few days or hours in which to quit, or be compelled to serve
       against their country. … The number of rebels who have
       actually taken up arms and joined the enemy during their
       progress throughout the five annexed districts can for the
       present only be matter of conjecture. I shall, however, be on
       the safe side in reckoning that during November it was a
       number not less than the total of the invading commandos, that
       is, 2,000, while it is probable that of the invading commandos
       themselves a certain proportion were colonists who had crossed
       the border before the invasion took place. And the number,
       whatever it was, which joined the enemy before and during
       November has been increased since. A well-informed refugee
       from the Albert district has estimated the total number of
       Colonial Boers who have joined the enemy in the invaded
       districts south of the Orange River at 3,000 to 4,000. In the
       districts north of that river, to which I referred at the
       beginning of this despatch, the number can hardly be less.
       Adding to these the men who became burghers of the Transvaal
       immediately before, or just after, the outbreak of war, with
       the view of taking up arms in the struggle, I am forced to the
       conclusion that, in round figures, not less than 10,000 of
       those now fighting against us in South Africa, and probably
       somewhat more, either are, or till quite recently were,
       subjects of the Queen."-

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Cd. 264, 1900, pages 1-5.

       The above relates to movements from the Orange Free State into
       Cape Colony, where the most of reinforcement from Afrikander
       inhabitants of British soil was to be got. From the Transvaal,
       the movement of Boer forces across the frontiers, both
       eastward and westward, was equally prompt. Early on the
       morning of the 12th they were in Natal, advancing in three
       strong columns, under General Joubert, upon Newcastle,
       threatening the advance posts of the British at Dundee and
       Glencoe (some 40 miles northeast of Ladysmith), where valuable
       coal mines claimed defence. At the same time, another Boer
       army, under General Cronje, had passed the western border and
       was moving upon Mafeking, where Colonel (afterwards General)
       Baden-Powell, with an irregular force of about 1,200 men, was
       preparing for a siege.
    {494}
       The inhabitants of the town, including refugees, numbered
       about 2,000 whites and 7,000 blacks. A few days later Boer
       forces were skirmishing with the defenders of the diamond
       mines at Kimberley, where Colonel Kekewich commanded about
       1,000 men, and where Cecil Rhodes was among the beleaguered
       citizens. The population of Kimberley was 33,000, more than
       half blacks. It is plain that the British were wholly
       unprepared for so vigorous an opening of hostilities on the
       part of the Boers. A military writer in the "London Times,"
       discussing the "Lessons of the War," at the end of a year
       after its beginning, made the following statements and
       comment:—"There was no difficulty in obtaining the fullest
       information as to the resources of the Transvaal and the Free
       State, and we have been officially informed that 'the armed
       strength of the Boers, the number of their guns, with their
       character and calibre,' as laid down in the report of the
       Director of Intelligence, 'corresponds exactly with our
       recently-ascertained knowledge of what the enemy has put into
       the field.' Whether or not these reports ever travel from
       Queen Anne's gate to Pall-mall seems uncertain, since the
       Commander-in-Chief publicly stated that 'We have found that
       the enemy … are much more powerful and numerous than we
       expected.' The report of the Intelligence Department seems,
       therefore, to have been as valueless for practical purposes as
       were those transmitted to Paris by Colonel Stoffel prior to
       the outbreak of the Franco-German war, and Lord Wolseley was
       apparently as little aware of the fighting resources of the
       Boers as was Marshal Lebœuf of those of the Germans. When,
       early in September, 1899, it became a pressing necessity to
       reinforce the troops in South Africa, it was painfully
       realized that not a single unit at home was ready to take the
       field. One weak battalion and three field batteries, hastily
       compounded by wholesale drafting from others, represented the
       available contribution from a standing army at home whose
       nominal effectives considerably exceeded 100,000. The
       reinforcements, totally inadequate to meet the crisis, were
       made up by drawing upon India and the colonial garrisons."

          London Times, November 22, 1900.

       Another writer in "The Times," reviewing, at nearly the same
       time, the previous year of the war, gave this account of its
       opening circumstances:—"If the organization of the British
       Army had permitted the despatch at short notice of 30,000
       troops from Great Britain, the whole course of the war would
       have been different. It was a prevailing illusion that Mr.
       Kruger would yield to diplomatic pressure not backed by
       available force, and political expediency, over-riding
       military considerations, led to a compromise. It was tardily
       decided to bring the forces in South Africa up to a total of
       about 22,000 by drawing on India and the colonial garrisons;
       mobilization was deferred till October 7. Thus the first
       reinforcements arrived barely in time to prevent Natal from
       being over-run by the Boers, and the expeditionary force did
       not begin to reach Durban [the port of Natal] till after
       Ladysmith had been closely invested. … There were advisers of
       the Cabinet who held that the military strength of the Boers
       was a bubble easily pricked. Thus it was widely believed that
       a severe repulse in Northern Natal would suffice to break up
       the Boer forces, and, knowing only that a body of 4,000
       British troops was assembled at Dundee and another somewhat
       larger at Ladysmith, we hastily assumed that these places were
       naturally well suited and had been specially prepared for
       defence. When, on the 26th, the concentration at Ladysmith was
       accomplished, after a painful and a hazardous march, it was
       imagined that our forces occupied an intrenched camp, which,
       if necessary, could be held with ease. Later it became clear
       that Ladysmith was exceedingly ill-adapted for defence, that
       it was practically unfortified when invested, and finally
       that, if the attacking force had been composed of trained
       troops, it must have fallen, in spite of every effort on the
       part of the garrison. The occupation of Dundee, it was
       discovered, was maintained against the military judgment of
       Sir G. White. …

       "When at length the army corps and the cavalry division began,
       early in November, to arrive in South Africa, we believed that
       the bulk of this large force, which was apparently ready to
       take the field, would invade the Orange Free State and strike
       for Bloemfontein, clearing Cape Colony and inevitably drawing
       Boer forces away from the investments of Kimberley and of
       Ladysmith. This was another illusion. At least one-half of the
       expeditionary force was despatched to Durban and the rest was
       frittered away between three separate lines of advance. There
       were thus four separate groupings of British troops, spread
       over an immense front, and incapable of affording each other
       mutual support. Moreover, the Commander-in-Chief being
       involved in a difficult campaign in Natal, there was no
       responsible head in Cape Colony, where partial chaos soon
       supervened. … Faulty as was the strategy which substituted
       scattered efforts with insufficient force for a primary
       object, that of the Boers was happily even more ill-conceived.
       In place of attempting to occupy our troops in Natal and throwing
       their main strength into Cape Colony, where a Dutch rising on
       a large scale would inevitably have occurred, they also
       preferred to fritter away their strength, devoting their main
       efforts against Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking, and
       contenting themselves with the occupation of Colesberg and
       Stormberg in small force, which, however, was quickly swelled
       by local rebels."

          London Times,
          November 5, 1900.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1899 (October-December).
       The early battles.
       British reverses.
       Siege of Ladysmith.

       The serious fighting of the war began in Natal, as early as
       the 20th of October, when three columns of the Boer forces
       closed in on the British advance post at Glencoe. The first of
       the Boer columns to arrive opened a precipitate attack, and in
       the hard battle which ensued (at Talana Hill) the British
       could claim the final advantage, though at very heavy cost.
       Their commander, General Sir W. Penn Symons, received a mortal
       wound and died three days afterwards, kindly cared for and
       buried by the enemy, his successor in the command, General
       Yule, having found it necessary to retreat from Glencoe and
       Dundee to Ladysmith. The Boers were already striking at the
       railroad between Glencoe and Ladysmith, and sharp fighting had
       taken place on the 21st at Elandslaagte, a station on the line
       only seventeen miles from the latter town.
    {495}
       The Boers, in that encounter, had been driven from the
       neighboring hills, but the British had again suffered greatly,
       and began to realize the quality of the foe with which they had
       to deal. A graphic account of the battle at Elandslaagte was
       written by the famous newspaper correspondent, G. W. Steevens,
       who died shortly afterwards at Ladysmith. Two days after
       Elandslaagte there was another engagement at Reitfontein,
       still nearer to Ladysmith, fought for the purpose of keeping
       the Boers from intercepting the retreat of General Yule. The
       British forces defending Natal were now concentrated at
       Ladysmith, which they had chosen for their main position, and
       in which they had been collecting large quantities of military
       stores. General Sir George White was there in general command.
       The Boers, with General Joubert in chief command, were rapidly
       closing in upon the town, and, on the 29th, they had a Creusot
       (French) six-inch gun on a neighboring hill, within range,
       ready to drop shells into its streets. That night General
       White made an attempt to break their lines which ended in sore
       disaster. One column, which marched far out, to a hill called
       Nicholson's Nek, for a flanking attack on the enemy, lost most
       of its ammunition and its battery, by a stampede of mules, and
       then was caught in so helpless a position that it had to lay down
       its arms. "The cursed white flag," wrote Mr. Steevens. "was up
       again over a British force in South Africa. The best part of a
       thousand British soldiers, with all their arms and equipment
       and four mountain guns, were captured by the enemy. The Boers
       had their revenge for Dundee and Elandslaagte in war; now they
       took it full measure in kindness. As Atkins had tended their
       wounded and succoured their prisoners there, so they tended
       and succoured him here. One commandant wished to send the
       wounded to Pretoria; the others, more prudent as well as more
       humane, decided to send them back into Ladysmith. They gave
       the whole men the water out of their own bottles; they gave
       the wounded the blankets off their own saddles and slept
       themselves on the naked veldt. They were short of transport,
       and they were mostly armed with Martinis; yet they gave
       captured mules for the hospital panniers and captured
       Lee-Metfords for splints." It is consoling to come on a bit of
       incident like this in the generally horrid story of war.

       A few days later the communications of Ladysmith southward
       were cut off, and the forces commanded by General White, about
       10,000 in number, were hemmed in by superior numbers of the
       Boers. British reinforcements were now beginning to arrive in
       South Africa, and great numbers were at sea, not only imperial
       troops, coming from England, India, Ceylon and elsewhere, but
       colonial troops, offered by Canada, New Zealand and the
       Australian colonies, and accepted by the imperial government.
       The first operations of the British campaign were planned with
       three objects, more or less distinct, namely, to rescue
       General White's army, at Ladysmith, to relieve Kimberley, and
       to expel the Boers from northern Cape Colony. They were
       conducted on three lines, from the Natal port of Durban,
       towards Ladysmith, under General Clery at the beginning; from
       Cape Town towards Kimberley, under General Lord Methuen; from
       Port Elizabeth and East London to Queenstown and the Cape
       districts occupied by the Boers, under General Gatacre.

       In the early battles of General Methuen's campaign, fought at
       Belmont, November 23d, at Enslin, or Graspan, on the 25th, and
       at Modder River, only 25 miles from Kimberley, on the 28th, he
       carried his point, and kept up his advance, but at a heavy
       sacrifice of men. The battle with Cronje's forces at Modder
       River was a desperate struggle of ten hours duration, in which
       the British lost nearly 500 men and gained little. The Boers
       withdrew to an equally strong position, behind fortified lines
       which extended, some six miles in length, on hills between two
       points which bore the names of Spytfontein and Majesfontein.
       There General Methuen attacked them again, December 11, and
       met with a terrible repulse. His Highland Brigade, advancing
       in the darkness, before daybreak, was in the midst of the
       enemy's intrenchments before it knew them to be near, and was
       horribly cut to pieces, losing 53 officers, including its
       commander, General Wauchope, and 650 men. The British fell
       back to Modder River, leaving not less than 1,000 men behind.
       Just one day before this catastrophe, on the 10th, another of
       like nature, but little less serious, was sustained by General
       Gatacre's column, moving from Queenstown. He, too, attempted a
       night march and an early morning attack on the Boers in a
       fortified position at Stormberg, was misled by guides,
       miscalculated the distance, neglected to send scouts ahead,
       and so took his men to the very muzzles of waiting guns. From
       the storm which then opened on them there were more than 500
       who did not escape. Besides the dead and wounded, many went as
       prisoners to Pretoria. Before the week of these defeats
       reached its end, another, far worse, had been added in the
       Natal campaign. General Sir Redvers Buller, appointed to the
       chief command in South Africa, had arrived at Cape Town on the
       last day of October, and, after some general study of the
       field at large, had taken personal direction of the operations
       in Natal, for the relief of Ladysmith. His movements were
       undoubtedly hurried by urgent appeals from General White. On
       the 15th of December he felt prepared to attempt the passage
       of the Tugela River, near Colenso, and did so with his full
       force, at two drifts, or fords, some two miles apart. Like
       Methuen and Gatacre, he seems to have been strangely
       misinformed as to the location and strength of the
       intrenchments of the Boers. The latter had succeeded again and
       again in concealing lines of deadly rifle-pits and batteries
       until their assailants fairly stumbled against them, within
       fatally close range. This happened at Colenso, as at Stormberg
       and Majesfontein and the ill-managed attempt to begin an
       advance upon Ladysmith cost 165 men and officers killed, 670
       wounded, 337 prisoners and missing, besides 11 guns.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900.
       Fighting qualities of the Boers.

       "Take a community of Dutchmen of the type of those who
       defended themselves for fifty years against all the power of
       Spain at a time when Spain was the greatest power in the
       world. Intermix with them a strain of those inflexible French
       Huguenots who gave up home and fortune and left their country
       forever at the time of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes.
       The product must obviously be one of the most rugged, virile,
       unconquerable races ever seen upon earth.
    {496}
       Take this formidable people and train them for seven
       generations in constant warfare against savage men and
       ferocious beasts, in circumstances under which no weakling
       could survive, place them so that they acquire exceptional
       skill with weapons and in horsemanship, give them a country
       which is eminently suited to the tactics of the huntsman, the
       marksman, and the rider. Then, finally, put a finer temper
       upon their military qualities by a dour fatalistic Old
       Testament religion and an ardent and consuming patriotism.
       Combine all these qualities and all these impulses in one
       individual, and you have the modern Boer—the most formidable
       antagonist who ever crossed the path of Imperial Britain."

          A. C. Doyle,
          The Great Boer War,
          chapter 1.

       Count Adalbert von Sternberg, a German officer who served with
       the Boers, and who has since related his experiences in a
       book, writes to the same effect. "The Boers," he remarks,
       "were mounted, whilst the English were on foot, a matter of
       considerable importance in these hot countries. Given the same
       or even slightly superior forces, no Continental army would
       have played its part better than the English, and I even doubt
       whether, in regard to practical equipment and technical smartness
       and efficiency the Continent would have done as well. The fact
       is the Boer is an enemy of quite exceptional a character, such
       as never has been met before, or is likely to be met again.
       Mounted sharpshooters, armed with the very best of weapons,
       acclimatized, fanatical, and accustomed to habits of war, are
       terrible opponents, and cannot be dealt with off hand as if
       they were hordes of savages. One must not forget that the
       Boers have the keenest eyes imaginable, and that they
       understand better than anyone else how to get the fullest
       advantage of cover. All these are advantages which go far
       towards compensating defective leading and the weakening of
       moral due to being always on the defensive. … The Boers would
       have had much greater successes if they had not abandoned all
       idea of taking the offensive. They could not be brought to
       that, for that they lacked courage, and to that lack of
       courage they owe their destruction."

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (January-February).
       Continued British disasters on the Tugela.
       Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener in the field.
       Invasion of Orange Free State.
       Capture of General Cronje and army.
       Relief of Kimberley and Ladysmith.

       The dark and heavy clouds of disaster which overhung the
       British in South Africa at the close of the year shadowed
       England with anxiety and gloom. For the first time, the
       seriousness of the task of war in which the country had become
       engaged was understood, and energies corresponding to it were
       roused. Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, of Indian and Afghan
       renown, was sent out to take supreme command, with the equally
       famous Lord Kitchener, subjugator of the Egyptian Sudan, for
       his chief of staff. Immense reinforcements of troops were
       provided for with haste. On the 1st of January it was
       estimated that 30,000 fresh troops were afloat or on the point
       of embarkation, and that Lord Roberts would have 200,000 men
       at command when all then assigned to South Africa should have
       reached Natal and the Cape. Lord Roberts landed at the Cape on
       the 10th of January, and was occupied for a month in
       organizing and preparing for new movements in the field.
       Meantime, General Buller had made a second attempt to turn the
       strongly fortified position of his opponent on the Tugela,
       between his own army and the beleaguered force at Ladysmith,
       and had failed more discouragingly than before. Crossing the
       Tugela, some miles west of Colenso, on the 17th, he pressed a
       hard-fought, uphill advance, from one to another of the rocky
       hills (called kopjes) of the region, for several days. On the
       23d his troops stormed the fortifications of the Boers on
       Spion Kop, a spur of the Drakenberg mountains, and carried
       them with heavy loss, only to find that they were commanded
       from other heights and could not be held. Again he drew back
       to the southern bank of the Tugela, on the 29th; but only for
       a few days. On the 5th of February his army was once more
       pushed beyond the river, and entrenched in a position among
       the hills, which it held until the 9th, and was then, for the
       third time, withdrawn. This third movement is supposed to
       have been a feint, intended to detain the Boer forces in his
       front, either from some assault feared at Ladysmith or from
       interference with the campaign which Lord Roberts was about to
       open. The besieged at Ladysmith were holding out with grim
       resolution, but they were known to be in sore straits.
       Occasional messages by the heliograph told of much sickness
       and fast approaching starvation in the town. Fever was killing
       more than the shells from the bombarding guns; and the chances
       of relief seemed to have almost disappeared.

       But a sudden change in the whole military situation was about
       to be made. Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener had organized
       arrangements of transportation and supplies for handling the
       immense force now at their command, and were ready to execute
       their plans. The former arrived at Modder River on the 9th of
       February; two days later his columns were set in motion, and
       the Boer forces, under General Cronje, were too greatly
       outnumbered to withstand the avalanche which fell upon them.
       General French led a cavalry expedition to Kimberley, reaching
       the town on the 15th and raising the siege. The next day
       General Cronje was in retreat towards Bloemfontein, the Free
       State capital, harassed by British cavalry, and with the main
       army of Lord Roberts straining every nerve to strike him
       before he reached it. On the 18th he was brought to bay, at a
       point on the Madder River, near Paardeberg, where he defended
       himself for nine days, in a situation that was impregnable to
       assault, but terribly exposed to artillery fire from
       surrounding heights. He was expecting help from the forces in
       Natal and elsewhere, and several attempts were made by his
       associates to reach him; but the British were too strong to be
       driven from their prey. After suffering to such a degree that
       his men would endure no more, the brave and stubborn Boer
       surrendered on the 27th, his army, reduced to about 4,000,
       laying down their arms. Some 500 had been taken in the
       previous fighting, and considerable numbers in the last days
       of the siege, are said to have deserted and found means to
       slip through the enemy's lines. The prisoners were sent, for
       convenience of custody, to the island of St. Helena, the
       general being accompanied by his whole family, and treated
       with much respect.

    {497}

       While these operations were being carried to success by Lord
       Roberts, General Buller was again attacking the formidable
       fortifications of the enemy in his front. From the 14th of
       February until the 23d he sacrificed great numbers of men in
       assaults which failed to break a passage through the kopjes
       defended by Boer guns. But Lord Roberts's invasion of the Free
       State had, by this time, caused large withdrawals of Boers
       from the line of the Tugela, and they were preparing to raise
       the siege of Ladysmith. Consequently, when the British attack
       was renewed, on the 27th, it achieved success, at last. The
       Boers were driven from their main position and abandoned their
       whole line. Ladysmith was reached by a swift advance of
       cavalry the next day, and the half-starved garrison and
       citizens were soon receiving supplies.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March).
       Overtures of peace from Presidents Kruger and Steyn.
       The reply of Lord Salisbury.
       Death of General Joubert.

       On the 5th of March, the Presidents of the South African
       Republic and the Orange Free State addressed the following
       telegram, jointly, to Lord Salisbury: "The blood and tears of
       the thousands who have suffered by this war, and the prospect
       of all the moral and economic ruin with which South Africa is
       now threatened, make it necessary for both belligerents to ask
       themselves dispassionately, and as in the sight of the Triune
       God, for what they are fighting, and whether the aim of each
       justifies all this devouring misery and devastation. With this
       object, and in view of the assertions of various members of
       the British Parliament to the effect that this war was begun
       and is being carried on with the set purpose of undermining
       Her Majesty's authority in South Africa, and of setting up an
       Administration over all South Africa independent of Her
       Majesty's Government, we consider it our duty solemnly to
       declare that this war was undertaken solely as a defensive
       measure for securing the threatened independence of the South
       African Republic, and is only continued in order to secure the
       incontestable independence of both Republics as sovereign
       international States, and to ensure that those of Her
       Majesty's subjects who have taken part with us in this war
       shall suffer no harm whatever in person or property. On these
       conditions, but on these conditions alone, are we now, as in
       the past, desirous of seeing peace reëstablished in South
       Africa, and of putting an end to the evil now reigning over
       South Africa; while, if Her Majesty's Government is determined
       to destroy the independence of the Republics, there is nothing
       left to us and our people but to persevere to the end in the
       course already begun, in spite of the overwhelming
       pre-eminence of the British Empire, confident that the God who
       lighted the unextinguishable fire of the love of freedom in
       the hearts of our fathers will not forsake us, but will
       accomplish His work in us and in our descendants. We hesitated
       to make this declaration earlier to Your Excellency, as we
       feared that as long as the advantage was always on our side,
       and as long as our forces held defensive positions far in Her
       Majesty's Colonies, such a declaration might hurt the feelings
       of honour of the British people; but now that the prestige of the
       British Empire may be considered to be assured by the capture
       of one of our forces by Her Majesty's troops, and that we are
       thereby forced to evacuate other positions which our forces
       had occupied, that difficulty is over, and we no longer
       hesitate clearly to inform your Government and people in the
       sight of the whole civilised world why we are fighting, and on
       what conditions we are ready to restore peace."

       On the 11th Lord Salisbury replied as follows: "I have the
       honour to acknowledge Your Honours' telegram, dated the 5th of
       March, from Bloemfontein, of which the purport is principally
       to demand that Her Majesty's Government shall recognise the
       'incontestable independence' of the South African Republic and
       Orange Free State 'as sovereign international States,' and to
       offer, on those terms, to bring the war to a conclusion. In
       the beginning of October last peace existed between Her
       Majesty and the two Republics under the Conventions which then
       were in existence. A discussion had been proceeding for some
       months between Her Majesty's Government and the South African
       Republic, of which the object was to obtain redress for
       certain very serious grievances under which British residents
       in the South African Republic were suffering. In the course of
       those negotiations, the South African Republic had, to the
       knowledge of Her Majesty's Government, made considerable
       armaments, and the latter had, consequently, taken steps to
       provide corresponding reinforcements to the British garrisons
       of Cape Town and Natal. No infringement of the rights
       guaranteed by the Conventions had, up to that point, taken
       place on the British side. Suddenly, at two days' notice, the
       South African Republic, after issuing an insulting ultimatum,
       declared war upon Her Majesty; and the Orange Free State, with
       whom there had not even been any discussion, took a similar
       step. Her Majesty's dominions were immediately invaded by the
       two Republics, siege was laid to three towns within the
       British frontier, a large portion of the two Colonies was
       overrun, with great destruction to property and life, and the
       Republics claimed to treat the inhabitants of extensive
       portions of Her Majesty's dominions as if those dominions had
       been annexed to one or other of them. In anticipation of these
       operations the South African Republic had been accumulating
       for many years past military stores on an enormous scale,
       which by their character could only have been intended for use
       against Great Britain. Your Honours make some observations of a
       negative character upon the object with which these
       preparations were made. I do not think it necessary to discuss
       the questions you have raised. But the result of these
       preparations, carried on with great secrecy, has been that the
       British Empire has been compelled to confront an invasion
       which has entailed upon the Empire a costly war and the loss
       of thousands of precious lives. This great calamity has been
       the penalty which Great Britain has suffered for having in
       recent years acquiesced in the existence of the two Republics.
       In view of the use to which the two Republics have put the
       position which was given to them, and the calamities which
       their unprovoked attack has inflicted upon Her Majesty's
       dominions, Her Majesty's Government can only answer Your
       Honours' telegram by saying that they are not prepared to
       assent to the independence either of the South African
       Republic or of the Orange Free State."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Africa, Number 2, 1900.

    {498}

       On the 27th of March, the Boer cause experienced a great loss,
       in the sudden death, from peritonitis, of General Joubert, the
       Commandant-General and Vice President of the South African
       Republic.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (March).
       Proclamation to the burghers by the British commander.

       Soon after entering the Orange Free State, Lord Roberts issued
       a proclamation addressed to the burghers, assuring them that
       the British government did not believe them to be responsible
       for the aggressive act of war committed by the government of
       the Orange Free State, and bore them no ill-will. "I,
       therefore," his proclamation continued, "warn all Burghers to
       desist from any further hostility towards Her Majesty's
       Government and the troops under my command, and I undertake
       that any of them, who may so desist and who are found staying
       in their homes and quietly pursuing their ordinary
       occupations, will not be made to suffer in their persons or
       property on account of their having taken up arms in obedience
       to the order of their Government. Those, however, who oppose
       the forces under my command, or furnish the enemy with
       supplies or information, will be dealt with according to the
       customs of war. Requisitions for food, forage, fuel, or
       shelter, made on the authority of the officers in command of
       Her Majesty's troops, must be at once complied with; but
       everything will be paid for on the spot, prices being
       regulated by the local market rates. If the inhabitants of any
       district refuse to comply with the demands made on them, the
       supplies will be taken by force, a full receipt being given.
       Should any inhabitant of the country consider that he or any
       member of his household has been unjustly treated by any
       officer, soldier or civilian attached to the British Army, he
       should submit his complaint, either personally or in writing,
       to my Headquarters or to the Headquarters of the nearest
       General Officer. Should the complaint on enquiry be
       substantiated, redress will be given. Orders have been issued
       by me, prohibiting soldiers from entering private houses, or
       molesting the civil population on any pretext whatever, and
       every precaution has been taken against injury to property on
       the part of any person belonging to, or connected with, the
       Army."

       After the occupation of Bloemfontein, Lord Roberts issued a
       second proclamation, announcing that he had received authority
       from his government to offer the following terms to those "who
       have been engaged in the present war": "All Burghers who have
       not taken a prominent part in the policy which has led to the
       war between Her Majesty and the Orange Free State, or
       commanded any forces of the Republic, or commandeered or used
       violence to any British subjects, and who are willing to lay
       down their arms at once, and to bind themselves by an oath to
       abstain from further participation in the war, will be given
       passes to allow them to return to their homes and will not be
       made prisoners of war, nor will their property be taken from
       them."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Cd. 261, 1900, pages 62-63.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal and the Free State:
    A. D. 1900 (March).
       Boer Peace Commissioners to Europe and America.

       In March, three commissioners, Messrs. Fischer, Wolmeraans and
       Wessels were sent to Europe and America by the two Boer
       governments to solicit intervention in their behalf. They
       visited several European countries and proceeded thence to the
       United States, in May. There were many demonstrations of
       popular sympathy in their reception, on both sides of the
       ocean, but they failed to obtain official recognition.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (March-May).
       The British in Bloemfontein and Kroonstad.
       The relief of Mafeking.

       From the scene of the surrender of General Cronje Lord Roberts
       moved quickly on the Free State capital. His advance was
       resisted by considerable forces of the Boers, but he was able
       to turn most of their positions, and fought only one severe
       battle, at Driefontein, on the 10th of March. On the 12th his
       cavalry was in possession of Bloemfontein, and the
       Field-Marshal entered the city on the following day, receiving
       from the municipal officers a formal surrender of the keys of the
       public buildings, and being welcomed by some part of the
       population with demonstrations of joy. President Steyn and
       most of the members of the government of the Republic had
       retired to Kroonstad and established the seat of authority
       there. The lighting and the forced marches of a single month,
       since he began his advance, had now exhausted the mobility of
       Lord Roberts's army, worn out the means of transportation
       which Lord Kitchener had hastily organized for it,—while his
       troops were being stricken with fever,—and he was compelled to
       suspend his campaign for some weeks. The situation at that
       time was probably described with accuracy by a military
       contributor to "Blackwood's Magazine" for June, 1900, who
       wrote: "Lord Roberts found himself at Bloemfontein with the
       wreck of an army and a single narrow-gauge line of railway
       between himself and his base, upwards of 700 miles distant. It
       was very soon known in Boer headquarters at Kroonstad that he
       could not move beyond Bloemfontein for some weeks. The
       triumphal march of Generals Gatacre and Clements through the
       recently captured territory, accepting submissions, hoisting
       union-jacks and picking up rifles of antique date, afforded
       much amusement to the Boers, who saw their opportunity and
       streamed down in large numbers on the small British posts
       which were scattered east and south of the railway."

       There was a good deal of raiding and fighting on a minor
       scale, with a number of mortifying mishaps to the British
       arms; but little of importance occurred in the military field
       until near the end of April, when Lord Roberts had reinforced
       and mobilized his army sufficiently to move forward again,
       towards Pretoria. On the 12th of May he entered Kroonstad, and
       the Free State government was again in flight. He paused at
       Kroonstad for some days, and while he paused there came news
       of the relief of Mafeking, which caused a wilder joy in
       England than any other event of the war. There had been
       painful anxiety on account of the besieged in that remote
       town, in the far corner of Bechuanaland, on the border of the
       Transvaal,—so far from help, and so stoutly defended for seven
       weary months by a very small force. From a point near
       Kimberley, a flying column of mounted men, mostly colonial
       troops, commanded by Colonel Mahon, had been started northward
       on the 4th of May, taking a route east of the railway, to avoid,
       as much as possible, the Boers.
    {499}
       On the 15th they were 20 miles west of Mafeking, and there
       they were joined by another detachment, under Colonel Plumer,
       which had been operating in the northern region for some weeks
       without being able to break up the siege. The two advanced on
       the works of the besiegers, drove them out by hard fighting,
       and entered the town on the 18th of May. Meantime, another
       column, under General Hunter, had been securing and opening
       the railway, to bring up the sorely needed supplies for the
       famished and worn-out garrison and people of the town. The
       defense of Mafeking was one of the finest performances of the
       war, and gave distinction to Colonel Baden-Powell.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (April-June).
       The question of the treatment of Cape Colonists who had taken
       part with the Boers in the war.
       Resignation of Premier Schreiner.

       On the 28th of April, the Ministers of Cape Colony addressed
       to the Governor, Sir Alfred Milner, a Minute upon the subject
       of the treatment of those inhabitants of the Colony who had
       joined or given aid to the Boers in the war, and who had thus
       made themselves liable to the pains and penalties of high
       treason. "Ministers submit," they said, "that the ends of
       justice would be served by the selection of a certain limited
       number of the principal offenders, whose trials would mark the
       magnitude of their offence, and whose punishment, if found
       guilty, would act as a deterrent. For the remainder, Ministers
       believe that the interests both of sound policy and of public
       morality would be served if Her Gracious Majesty were moved to
       issue, as an act of grace, a Proclamation of amnesty under
       which, upon giving proper security for their good behaviour,
       all persons chargeable with high treason, except those held
       for trial, might be enlarged and allowed to return to their
       avocations. Ministers urge such a course not only on the
       ground of that natural desire for clemency towards her erring
       subjects which they feel sure would spring from Her Gracious
       Majesty, but from a deep sense of the importance of such a
       step upon the future well-being of this country."

       The substance of the Minute was transmitted by cable to Mr.
       Chamberlain, and he replied to it on the 5th of May, objecting
       to the proposed proclamation of a broad amnesty, saying:
       "Clemency to rebels is a policy which has the hearty sympathy
       of Her Majesty's Government, but justice to loyalists is an
       obligation of duty and honour. The question is how can these
       two policies be harmonized. It is clear that in the interest
       of future peace it is necessary to show that rebellion cannot
       be indulged in with impunity, and above all that if
       unsuccessful it is not a profitable business for the rebel.
       Otherwise the State would be offering a premium to rebellion.
       The present moment, therefore, while the war is still
       proceeding, and while efforts may still be made to tempt
       British subjects into rebellious courses, is in any case not
       appropriate for announcing that such action may be indulged in
       with absolute impunity. And if, as has been suggested, a great
       many of the Queen's rebellious subjects are the mere tools of
       those who have deceived them, it is important that these
       should be made aware individually that whatever their leaders
       may tell them rebellion is a punishable offence." This
       attitude of the Imperial Government on the subject of amnesty
       occasioned differences in the Ministry of Cape Colony which
       led to the resignation of the Premier, Mr. W. P. Schreiner, on
       the 13th of June, and the appointment of a new Ministry, under
       Sir Gordon Sprigg.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          July, 1900, Cape Colony, Cd. 264.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May).
       The British army stricken with fever.

       The losses of the British army in battle during this campaign
       of Lord Roberts had not been severe; but it had encountered a
       worse enemy than the Boers, and was being terribly thinned and
       shattered by the ravages of enteric or typhoid fever. The
       sanitary condition of the army in May, and the lack of due
       provision for dealing with the dreadful epidemic, have been
       graphically described by the writer already quoted, in
       "Blackwood's Magazine." Referring to the outset of the
       campaign, in February, he wrote:

       "The movement of men and cattle depends on flesh and muscle—it
       cannot go on for ever; the strain of incessant marching on
       insufficient food and forage will find out the weak spot even
       in the most willing. General French started on his memorable
       ride with 4,800 horses, of which 990 dropped by the way,
       though the loss in the ranks, exclusive of Paardeberg, was
       only fifty men,—the brunt of the battle for life lay with the
       horses. But not for long. The men with worn-out boots,
       tattered clothes, hurrying through scorching days and frosty
       nights, with half a biscuit and water tainted with dead Boers,
       to satisfy an appetite and thirst compelled by hard work at an
       altitude of 4,000 feet, who marched in as soldiers, proud of the
       victory they had won, staggered and fell out, victims to the
       curse that creeps in, unnoticed, wherever camps are
       crowded—enteric. … Of all things on which we prided ourselves
       was the care and the money we had lavished to provide comforts
       for our sick soldiers. The foremost surgeons of the day had
       volunteered; military hospitals had been arranged on the
       latest plan; private benevolence had provided as many more;
       ladies of every rank in life had gone out to nurse: the
       soldiers, at all events, would be looked after. Letters from
       the front had come from patients to say how well they had been
       treated. Mr. Treves at the Reform Club made a speech eulogizing
       the perfection of the hospitals in Natal, and Sir W. MacCormac
       spoke of the medical arrangements as admirable—our minds
       rested content. All this was so long ago as the 10th March,
       but what happened in March, for all we knew, was happening in
       May. Then Mr. Burdett-Coutts told us that hundreds of men were
       lying in the worst stages of typhoid, with only a blanket to
       cover them, a thin water-proof sheet (not even that for many)
       between them and the ground; no milk and hardly any medicines;
       without beds, stretchers, or mattresses; without pillows, without
       linen of any kind, without a single nurse amongst them, with a
       few private soldiers as orderlies, and only three doctors to
       attend on 350 patients; their faces covered with flies in
       black clusters, the men too weak to brush them off, trying in
       vain to dislodge them by painful twitching of the
       features—there was no one to do it for them. And this a mile
       from Bloemfontein, where the army had been for six weeks. It
       is true that a terrible epidemic had followed it from
       Paardeberg, to break out when it halted. Lord Roberts tells us
       that before he left on May 3rd the sick gradually increased to
       2,000, reaching on June 4th the appalling number, in
       Bloemfontein, of over 5,000 suffering from typhoid alone.
    {500}
       Such were the bare facts as stated on either side—a sudden and
       devastating epidemic with totally inadequate hospital
       arrangements to meet it. … Yet typhoid has always been the
       scourge of armies in the field,—in South Africa the
       water-supply, invariably surface drainage fouled by dead
       animals, is proverbial—that at least was known. The medical
       authorities on the spot were repeatedly warned by local
       medical men that from February onwards ten men would be down
       with typhoid for one with wounds. Ladysmith is in evidence of
       the persistent presence of typhoid—every one who has visited
       South Africa bears witness to the same—it can hardly be urged
       that an outbreak was unreasonable to expect; yet when it did
       occur it seems to have been taken by the medical
       administration at the base as an unwarrantable intrusion."

          The War Operations in South Africa
          (Blackwood's Magazine, August, 1900).

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Speech of President Kruger to the Volksraads.

       The following translation of a speech addressed to both
       Volksraads by President Kruger, in May, 1900, was published in
       England some months later: "It is known to you," said the
       President, "how, before the war started, pressure was brought
       to bear to obtain the franchise. It is known to you that the
       Government conceded, after the Rand had consented, although
       this body saw the difficulty in the matter, till even the
       burghers made petitions to the effect that we had parted with
       all our rights. The Government had in view the prevention of
       shedding blood. The Raad then consented to a seven years'
       franchise, and also to grant immediately the franchise to
       people resident here longer than seven years. There were then
       nearly 30,000 who would obtain the franchise immediately, and
       so much was conceded that when these had obtained the
       franchise they would have been able to out-vote the old
       burghers. We consented to this solely to prevent the shedding
       of blood. Yet they were not satisfied and they wanted the
       franchise after five years' residence. Our burghers were
       against this, and there were also members of the Raad who
       would not agree to this, yet, nevertheless, the Government
       made a proposition about it, because they had discovered that
       it was not about the franchise, but that it was a pretence
       full of Pharisaic hypocrisy, because documents had been found
       that in 1896 it was decided that the two independent Republics
       should not be allowed to exist any more. I cannot express
       myself otherwise than to call it a devilish fraud. Peace was
       spoken of while a resolution had already been passed to
       annihilate us. Even if we had conceded more, yea, even if we
       had said that the franchise could be obtained after one year,
       then that would not have been accepted. It was proved by
       documents that, as this nation could not be allowed to be a
       free nation, as was pointed out in the address, the
       Government, to prevent the further shedding of blood, made a
       proposition to Chamberlain and Salisbury about this matter,
       and what was the reply? You have, doubtless, read the paper,
       and, although I cannot verbally repeat the contents of the
       said document, it amounts to this. That they were annoyed ever
       to have acknowledged us as an independent nation, and that,
       notwithstanding all conventions made, they would never
       acknowledge this nation as self-supporting. Honourable
       gentlemen, I had to express that which was in my mind. Psalm
       83 speaks of the assault of the evil one on the Kingdom of
       Christ. That must not exist. The self-same words of Salisbury
       also appear, because he says 'this nation must not exist,' and
       God says, 'this nation shall exist.' Who will be victorious?
       Certainly the Lord. You see therein the deceit which they then
       already practised, even they, for though our nation did not
       wish to part with any rights, the Executive Council conceded
       so far that we nearly lost the country. The intention was not
       to obtain these rights. They wanted our country not to be
       independent any longer. Every other proposition was
       unsatisfactory to them.

       "Let us look this matter in the face and see the cunning
       deceit enveloped therein. They wrote to the Orange Free State
       that they had nothing against them, but that they had some
       grievance against this Republic. Their intention was to tear
       the two Republics asunder, and it has been proved by
       documentary evidence that neither of them would be allowed to
       remain. You see the deception which lies therein. The
       documents prove that this was already decided in 1896, from
       the time of Jameson's invasion, and yet they maintain that if
       the Orange Free State had laid down their weapons that that
       country would remain in existence. The Orange Free State
       decided not to lay down their arms, and we started together.
       We were 40,000 men, but everywhere we had to watch the
       Kaffirs, and even the commander of Mafeking informed us that
       certain Kaffir chiefs would assist him. We know that these
       numbered 30,000 able-bodied men. The number of Kaffirs nearly
       equalled the number of our forces. Besides them, more than
       200,000 English troops arrived, and against these we have to
       fight. Now, gentlemen, look on God's government. Is it not
       wonderful that 40,000 men having to fight these thousands,
       besides the coloured people, still live? Acknowledge therein
       the hand of God. The matter I wish to impress is this. It is
       remarkable that when we meet the enemy we stand in the
       proportion of 10 to 100. Yet the Lord hath spared us thus far.
       I do not wish to prophesy, but I wish to point out that our
       guidance is in the word of God. It is extraordinary, but this
       war is a sign of the times. What it amounts to is this. That
       the power of the Beast is an obstinate power to persecute the
       Church and will continue this until the Lord says, 'Thus far
       and no further: and why? Because the Church must be tried and
       purified as there is so much iniquity among us. That is why
       the war is extraordinary and is a sign of the times. Every one
       will be convinced that the word of God can be plainly traced
       in this matter. They say that the people 'shall not exist,'
       but God says, 'it shall exist and be purified.' In my mind it
       lies clear and discernable that the day of grace is not far
       off. The Lord will prove to be ruler, and nothing shall take
       place without His will. When He allows chastisement to come
       upon us we must bend ourselves and humble ourselves, confess
       our sins and turn again to the Lord. When the whole nation has
       been humbled, and it is seen that we can do nothing ourselves,
       the Lord will help us and we shall have peace immediately.
    {501}
       This humility has not grasped our hearts sufficiently at
       present, and we must perform our earnest duty as Peter says in
       1 Peter, chapter v., v. 7 and 8:—'Casting all your care upon
       Him; for He careth for you'; but in the eighth verse it
       states:—'Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary the
       Devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may
       devour.' That is the point on which we must be careful. If we
       fall into disbelief then we lower ourselves.

       "I ask you, brothers, what is their behaviour? In an open
       letter Kaffirs are called up by them as at Derdepoort, and
       women and children are murdered. The English assert that no
       Kaffirs were utilized against us but only coloured people, but
       it is a fact that Montsioa with his Kaffirs are in Mafeking,
       and are employed to fight against us. Now, gentlemen, you must
       not come to the conclusion that everyone who fights against us
       belongs to the Beast (vide Revelations, chapter 13). There are
       certainly hundreds of God's children with them who, however,
       through fear are the Beast's, and are forced to act with them,
       but God knows all hearts. We did not seek to spill the blood
       which lies strewn upon the earth, as we conceded nearly all
       our rights; but when they wanted to murder us, we could not
       give way any more. How did it fare with Ahab? The mighty foe
       came on to the walls of the city, and they lost heart. Then
       the prophet of God came and said, Fear nothing. Then God
       arose, and in that God we must put our trust, because He is
       the same God. Let us not, therefore, live as if no God
       existed; He reigns. In the beginning was the Word, and the
       Word was God, and the Word became flesh and lived amongst us.
       Look at history, it must be an example to us. He is still the
       same God who led out Israel and hardened the heart of Pharaoh
       to the end, until finally all the first-born of the Egyptians
       died, whereupon Pharaoh allowed the Israelites to go. He is
       still the same God who calmed the winds and storms on the sea,
       and His arm is not shortened. Some ask, 'Does not this only
       have reference to the Church in the two Republics?' No. See
       the three youths in the burning oven. Did these rejoice alone?
       No; but God's people of the whole earth. Was it solitary for
       Daniel in the lions' den? No, but all Christians on the whole
       earth rejoiced. So the Lord often chooses a small body to whom
       He shows His miracles as an example for the whole Christian
       world. Look upon the blood which has been spilt upon this
       earth. Who is the cause of it? We have wanted peace and our
       freedom since 1836, and the Lord has given it us, and will the
       Lord ever give anything and then withdraw? No. But let us
       humble ourselves before the Lord. There is no doubt about it
       that eventually the Lord will lead us to victory. The day of
       grace is not far from His people. Do not let us doubt but
       remain true to God's word and fight in His name. When the cup
       of humiliation is brought to our lips and we earnestly humble
       ourselves before the Lord, then the day of grace has arrived.
       Let each one then acknowledge that it is the hand of God which
       makes us free and nothing else, then we shall not boast. Yet He
       uses man as His instrument.

       "I have laid my address before you, and I hope that the Raad
       will not sit over it longer than to-morrow morning. There are
       several members of the Raad who are burghers or military
       officers in the field, so there will be no time to treat
       ordinary subjects. I trust that you will only treat such
       subjects as I lay before you. I have appointed an acting
       Commandant General since I have lost my right-hand man,
       although I do not infer that I have not more such men. The
       late most noble Commandant General, Messrs. Kock and
       Wolmarans, members of the executive council, are lost to me.
       The State Secretary is a newly appointed one, and I am the
       only one remaining of the old members of the executive
       council, yet I have experienced much assistance and support
       from the present members, and God will also support us. The
       Lord is still our Commander-in-Chief; He gives orders and He
       knows when to say, 'Thus far and no further.' It is surprising
       how other Powers are unanimously with us and how the whole of
       Europe prays for us, and will the Lord lend a deaf ear to
       these prayers? Oh, no! Trust in the Lord and let us stand by
       Him, and He will perform miracles. Even if I have to go to St.
       Helena, the Lord will bring His people back and make them free,
       and the same judgment will fall on the present Babylon, the
       cause of all the spilt blood. We fight for the freedom which
       God granted to us. I say again, should any brothers from this
       Raad and private persons fall by the sword, they fought in the
       name of the Lord and believed, and they, so says the word of
       the Lord, are sacrificed on the altar for the glorification of
       His name and of the glorious Church, which, at this time, is to
       be revealed. The Church must be tried and purified, and that
       is why I cannot see that this extraordinary war will be
       allowed to destroy us. This war will be continued until the
       Lord says, 'Thus far and no further,' remain at that, abide by
       that, and fight with me. I give myself in the hands of the
       Lord, whatever He has destined for me, I shall kiss His rod
       with which He chastizes me because I am also guilty. Let
       everyone humble himself before the Lord, I have said."

    SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Annexation by proclamation of Lord Roberts to the
       Dominions of the Queen.

       "In view of Lord Robert's opinion that early annexation would
       tend towards the pacification of the country, by removing a
       feeling of uncertainty as to the return of President Steyn's
       government," the following commission by the Queen to Lord
       Roberts was issued on the 21st of May:

       "Victoria R. I., by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom of
       Great Britain and Ireland Queen, Defender of the Faith,
       Empress of India: To Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved
       Councillor Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar, Field
       Marshal of Our Forces, Knight of Our Most Illustrious Order of
       Saint Patrick, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Honourable Order
       of the Bath, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most Exalted Order
       of the Star of India, Knight Grand Commander of Our Most
       Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, upon whom We have
       conferred the Decoration of the Victoria Cross. Greeting:
       Whereas the territories in South Africa heretofore known as
       the Orange Free State have been conquered by Our forces, And
       whereas it is expedient that such territories should be
       annexed to and should henceforth form part of Our Dominions:
       Now know you that We, reposing especial trust and confidence
       in you the said Frederick Sleigh, Baron Roberts of Kandahar,
       do hereby authorize and empower you in Our name to annex the
       said territories and to declare that the said territories
       shall henceforth form part of Our Dominions.
    {502}
       And We do hereby constitute and appoint you to be thereupon
       Administrator of the said territories provisionally and until
       Our pleasure is more fully known. And We do authorize and
       empower you as such Administrator to take all such measures,
       and to make and enforce such laws as you may deem necessary
       for the peace, order, and good government of the said
       territories. And we do strictly charge and command all Our
       officers, civil and military, and all other Our faithful
       subjects, that in their several places, and according to their
       respective opportunities, they do aid and assist you in the
       execution of this Our Commission, and for so doing this shall
       be your Warrant. Given at Our Court at St. James's, this 21st
       day of May, One thousand nine hundred, in the Sixty-third Year
       of Our Reign." The commission was executed by a public reading
       of the proclamation of Lord Roberts at Bloemfontein on the
       24th of May.

          Great Britain, Papers by Command: 1900,
          Cd. 261, pages 136, 144.

       A counter-proclamation, referring to that of the British
       commander, was issued by President Steyn, from Reitz, on the
       11th of June, declaring: "Whereas an unjust war was forced on
       the people of the Orange Free State and of the South African
       Republic by Great Britain in the month of October 1899, and
       whereas these two small Republics have maintained the unequal
       struggle with the powerful British Empire for more than eight
       months and still maintain it; … Whereas the forces of the
       Orange Free State are still in the field and the Orange Free
       State has not been conquered and whereas the aforesaid
       proclamation is thus in contradiction with International Law;
       Whereas the independence of the Orange Free State has been
       acknowledged by nearly all the civilised Powers; Whereas it is
       notorious that the British authorities have lately recognised
       that the Orange Free State is governed in an exemplary manner,
       and that it is both a violation of the laws of civilization
       and a denial of the fundamental rights of such people to rob
       it on what a pretence soever, of its freedom, and whereas I
       consider it desirable to make known to all whom it may concern
       that the aforesaid Proclamation is not recognised by the
       Government and the people of the Orange Free State; So,
       therefore, I, M. T. Steyn, State President of the Orange Free
       State, in consultation with the Executive Council, and in the
       name of the independent people of the Orange Free State, do
       hereby proclaim that the aforesaid annexation is not
       recognised and is hereby declared to be null and of no avail.
       The people of the Orange Free State is and remains a free and
       independent people, and refuses to submit to British rule."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Cd. 261, 1900, page 155.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1900 (May).
       Opposition of Cape Colony Afrikanders to the annexation
       of the Republics.

       A "People's Congress" of the Afrikanders, or Bondmen, of Cape
       Colony, was held at Graaff-Reinet, on the 30th of May, to
       protest against the annexation of the Boer Republics. The
       following resolution was adopted by acclamation: "Whereas,
       were the Republics to be annexed the majority of Cape
       Colonists would feel themselves bound morally to work
       unceasingly by every right and lawful means for the
       restoration of independence to the Republics, and to make that
       end their first political object; And whereas from our
       knowledge of the history and character of the Republics we are
       convinced they would never become the willing subjects of the
       Empire, but would seize any and every opportunity which might
       offer itself to recover their independence, possibly by force
       of arms, once they were to be deprived of it; And whereas
       instead of the annexation of the Republics tending to promote
       the welfare of their people, as has been claimed, it would, if
       successfully maintained for any long period, tend to degrade
       those people and their offsprings, seeing that the servitude
       of a self-governing State is as demoralising to its people as
       the more direct form of personal slavery; And whereas, as the
       annexation of the Republics by Great Britain would be as great
       a wrong morally as the theft by a rich man of a poor man's
       hard-earned savings; On that general ground alone it is not
       believable that permanent good could result from such a
       policy. Therefore be it resolved now that we, on behalf of the
       majority of Cape Colonists, do hereby declare our solemn and
       profound conviction that the annexation of the two South
       African Republics would be disastrous to the peace and welfare
       of South Africa and of the Empire as a whole." Also the
       following: "Be it resolved that it is the opinion of the
       people in Congress here assembled that a settlement of the
       South African question on the following basis would prove a
       blessing to South Africa and the Empire, namely, that the two
       Republics should have their unqualified independence; that the
       Colonies should have the right to enter into treaties of
       obligatory arbitration with the Republics for the settlement
       of all disputes affecting the internal affairs of the South
       African Continent, and that this colony, and any other colony
       so deserving it, should have a voice in the selection of its
       Governors. Be it further resolved that a settlement on the
       above basis would make the majority of the people who have
       made South Africa their home the warm friends and staunch
       allies of the British Empire, and that in no other way known
       to us can that end now be attained."

       In transmitting a report of this meeting to Secretary
       Chamberlain, the High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, wrote:
       "I do not myself take a very gloomy view of the prospect of
       racial relations in the Colony, much less in South Africa
       generally. If it is true, as the conciliators are never tired
       of threatening us, that race hatred will be eternal, why
       should they make such furious efforts to keep it up at the
       present moment? The very vehemence of their declarations that
       the Africanders will never forgive, nor forget, nor acquiesce,
       seems to me to indicate a considerable and well-justified
       anxiety on their part lest these terrible things should after
       all happen."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          July, 1900, South Africa, Cd. 261, pages 182-188.

    {503}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (May-June).
       The British invasion of the Transvaal.
       Occupation of Johannesburg and Pretoria.
       Expulsion of the Boers from Natal.
       Discussion of terms of surrender.

       On the 22d of May, Lord Roberts resumed his forward movement
       from Kroonstad, with a strong column of cavalry, under General
       French, in advance on the west, and another, of mounted
       infantry, under General Ian Hamilton, on the east. The Boers,
       under General Botha, had prepared defensive works on the
       Rhenoster River, but were too much endangered by the flanking
       column of General Hamilton to make a stand there, and fell
       back. Again at the Vaal River, their fortifications were
       untenable, as against an invasion of such numbers, with so
       large a mounted force. With little resistance the British army
       crossed the Vaal on the 26th and 27th and entered the
       territory of the South African Republic. On the 30th it was
       before Johannesburg, and the town was surrendered on the
       following day. Thence the invading force moved upon Pretoria,
       meeting some opposition, but evidently none that was hopefully
       made, and the capital was surrendered unconditionally to Lord
       Roberts on the 5th of June. President Kruger and the officials
       of his government had left the town, with their archives and
       their treasure, and movable offices had been prepared for them
       in railway cars, which were transferred for the time being to
       Machadodorp, at some distance eastward. Most of the armed
       burghers had escaped from the town, and they had been able to
       remove about 900 of their British prisoners; but a large
       number of the latter were set free. General Botha gathered up
       his broken and discouraged forces and intrenched them in a
       strong position on the Lorenzo Marquez railway, only 15 miles
       eastward from Pretoria. Lord Roberts moved against him on the
       11th and compelled him to retreat, after hard fighting for
       five hours. This ended important operations in that part of
       the field.

       In Natal, General Buller, since early in May, had been pushing
       his army northward, in a movement co-operative with that of
       Lord Roberts. He had turned the flank of the Boer forces in
       the positions they had fortified against his advance, regained
       Glencoe and Dundee, and moved on to Newcastle. Then, with more
       serious fighting, he forced Botha's Pass through the
       mountains, compelled the Boers to evacuate their strongholds
       on Laing's Nek and Majuba Hill, and was substantially in
       possession of Natal.

       On the 30th of May, General Buller sent word to General Chris
       Botha that Lord Roberts had crossed the Vaal, and suggested
       surrender, further resistance appearing useless. This led to a
       meeting of the opposed commanders, at which Botha asked what
       terms Lord Roberts would offer. Buller immediately referred
       the question to Lord Roberts, saying: "Can you let me know
       your terms of peace for individual and separate commandos? … I
       think they are inclined to give in, and that I have in front
       of me about half the Transvaal forces now in the field. If you
       think it worth while please let me know if I may mention any
       terms of peace to them. I think, even if assisted from the
       Orange Free State, it will cost me about 500 men killed and
       wounded to get out of Natal." The reply of Lord Roberts, dated
       June 3, 1900, was as follows: "Your telegram of yesterday. My
       terms with the Transvaal Government are unconditional
       surrender. With regard to troops, those who deliver up their
       arms and riding animals are allowed to go to their homes on
       signing pledge that they will not fight again during present
       war. The exceptions to this rule are those who have commanded
       portions of the Republican forces, or who have taken an active
       part in the policy which brought about the war, or who have
       been guilty of or been parties to wanton destruction of
       property, or guilty of acts contrary to the usages of
       civilized warfare. Principal officers should remain with you
       on parole until you receive instructions regarding their
       disposal." General Botha declined the terms.

       Nine days later (June 12) Lord Roberts opened correspondence
       on the same subject with General Louis Botha, Acting
       Commandant-General of the Boer forces, endeavoring to persuade
       him, "in the cause of humanity, to refrain from further
       resistance." The Commandant-General wrote in return: "For the
       purpose of arriving at a decision, it is not only absolutely
       necessary for me to call a General Council of War of my
       Officers and to consult them, but above all it is necessary
       for me to consider the subject with my Government. I trust
       that for the sake of humanity your Excellency will give me the
       opportunity for such consideration and consultation. As some
       of my Officers are near the Natal Border, and I am also a long
       way separate from my Government, this will require some time.
       I ask your Excellency kindly, therefore, for an armistice for
       six days, beginning from to-morrow morning at sunrise, during
       which time no forward movement will be made on either side
       within the territory of the South African Republic."

       Lord Roberts replied: "I am anxious to meet your wishes and to
       enable your Honour to communicate with the Government of the
       South African Republic, but as the movement of my troops in
       that Republic are intimately connected with operations in
       progress in other parts of South Africa, it is impossible for
       me to accede to your Honour's request that there should be an
       armistice for 6 days, during which time no forward movement
       will be made on either side within the territory of the South
       African Republic. I am willing, however, to refrain from
       making further movements in the district to the east of the
       Elands River Railway Station, our present most advanced post
       in that direction, and also in the district north of the
       Volksrust and Johannesburg Railway, for a period of five (5)
       days, commencing at dawn on the 15th June, on the condition
       that no movement westward or southward is made by the Army of
       the South African Republic during that same period. This will,
       I trust, give your Honour the opportunity you desire of
       consulting your Officers and conferring with your Government,
       and I sincerely hope that the result will be of such a
       satisfactory nature as to prevent further unnecessary loss of
       life."

       The proposal was declined by General Botha, in the following
       note (June 15): "In answer to your letter, dated 14th June,
       just received by me, wherein your Excellency consents to an
       armistice for five days, but with the reservation of the right
       to your Excellency to move your Army in all directions within
       the South African Republic, except cast of Elands River
       Station and north of the Volksrust-Johannesburg Railway line,
       I must, to my great regret, inform your Excellency that this
       reservation makes it impossible for me to accept this
       armistice, which I have so much desired."

    {504}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Continued resistance of the Boers in guerilla warfare.
       An outline of the events of seven months.
       A British view of the later situation.

       "After the occupation of Pretoria, exhaustion of the mounted
       forces and of the transport again supervened and Lord Roberts
       was preoccupied with the double task of bringing up large
       numbers of horses and masses of stores by a railway exposed to
       attack along a distance of 290 miles, and at the same time of
       dealing, as best he could, with scattered bodies of the enemy,
       nowhere formidable in a military sense, but capable of much
       mischief. The period beginning with the occupation of
       Bloemfontein, during which the Boers developed and maintained
       warfare of guerilla type, imposed highly responsible duties
       upon British officers in charge of scattered posts and
       convoys. In some cases those duties were not adequately
       discharged, and for a time the defences of the important line
       of communications appeared to be somewhat imperfectly
       organized and supervised. There were signs of the tendency to
       relax precautions after a conspicuous success, which has been
       shown by British armies on other occasions. It was clear that
       the main centre of Boer activity was in the Bethlehem
       district, and at the end of June Lord Roberts despatched a
       strong column south under Lieutenant-General Hunter to
       co-operate with Major-Generals MacDonald, Clements, and Paget
       from the west. Bethlehem was captured on July 7, and by the
       end of the month Commandant Prinsloo, caught in the Brandwater
       Basin between the forces of Lieutenant-Generals Hunter and
       Rundle, surrendered with more than 4,000 men and a large
       number of horses and wagons. … Meanwhile, Lord Roberts, who
       had driven back the Boers along the Lorenzo Marques line, in
       two actions near Eerste Fabrieken, on June 11 and 12, began an
       advance eastward on July 23, and on August 7 Sir R. Buller
       moved northwards from Paarde Kop. On August 25 the
       Commander-in-Chief met Sir R. Buller and Generals French and
       Pole-Carew at Belfast, and after the fighting of the 27th the
       resistance of the Boers in this district practically
       collapsed. Starting from Machadodorp on September 1, Sir R.
       Buller moved slowly towards Spitzkop, driving the enemy before
       him through a difficult mountainous region, and General French
       pressed on to Barberton, which was occupied on the 13th
       without opposition. On the 24th the Guards reached Komati
       Poort. The rugged hill country east of Belfast offered great
       opportunities for the tactics in which the Boers appeared to
       excel; but the 'natural fortress surrounded by a glacis of
       about 1,500 yards absolutely without cover' near Bergendal
       Farm was not defended with the tenacity shown on previous
       occasions, and the subsequent British advance led to a
       wholesale destruction of artillery material and to the
       surrender of some 3,000 men to the Portuguese. This, the third
       great disaster which has befallen the Boers, left them without
       any centre of resistance or any considerable gathering of
       fighting men.

       "Before the outbreak of war we estimated their available
       strength at about 45,000, to which must be added some 10,000
       colonial rebels and perhaps 5,000 mercenaries. It is doubtful
       whether the force actually in the field at any one time
       reached 45,000, and the total loss in killed, wounded and
       prisoners, cannot be much less than 30,000. … Exhaustion of
       supplies and of ammunition must soon begin to tell heavily
       upon the Boers; but it cannot be said that they have at
       present given evidence of personal demoralization.
       Comparatively small bodies, lightly equipped, still hold the
       field and show much activity over a wide area. It is
       impossible to provide British garrisons for every town and
       village, and wherever the roving bands of the enemy appear
       there is a recrudescence of local hostility, even in districts
       which have been apparently tranquil for months. Large mobile
       columns are employed in pursuit, but the Boers carefully avoid
       general engagements and attack only when there appears to be a
       chance of surprising and overpowering small detachments. …
       Mounted forces, marching as light as possible and capably
       commanded, are the principal requirements of the situation. It
       is necessary to give the roving commandos no rest and to make
       every effort to capture their leaders. The work is not easy,
       and it requires great energy and sound military judgment; but
       it will be successfully accomplished, and the scale of the
       operations will steadily dwindle into measures of police.
       Meanwhile a gradual withdrawal of troops from South Africa is
       taking place, and progress is doubtless being made with the
       new organization under Lieutenant-General Baden-Powell, which
       will be specially fitted for the work that now lies before us.
       …

       "The total casualties of the war up to the 31st ult. are
       estimated at about 46,000, and 'the reduction of the military
       forces' due to a campaign of more than a year is returned at
       12,769, of which total 11,739 are accounted for by death,
       including 6,482 victims to disease. It is impossible to rank
       the Boer war among the great campaigns of the British Army;
       but the peculiar difficulties must never be forgotten. The
       closest parallel is probably that of the American Civil war,
       in which an armed people long resisted far superior forces and
       carried invasion into the territory of the stronger Power. The
       military potentiality of the Southern States was at first as
       little realized in Washington as was that of the Boers in
       London, and disasters therefore resulted. In both cases the
       issue was certain as soon as adequate force in strong hands
       was available. The Southern leaders, like the Boers, hoped and
       strove for foreign intervention in vain; but the former were
       far less prepared for war than the latter. On the other hand
       the Boers, though ably led in a limited sense, have produced
       no commanders with a genius for war comparable to that of Lee
       and of Jackson, nor have they shown the discipline and the
       cohesion which characterized the Southern armies when at their
       best. Desultory and irregular warfare may still be prolonged
       for a time; great activity and ample vigilance will still be
       required."

          London Times,
          November 5, 1900.

       At the end of the year the "Times" summed up the later
       features of the situation as follows: "The spirit of the Boers
       remained unbroken, and small mobile commandos, scattered over
       the vast area of the countries which we had undertaken to
       occupy, perfectly familiar with the ground, and in close touch
       with the civil population, have succeeded up to the present
       time in making the task of the British Generals one of extreme
       difficulty. The Boer resistance has centered chiefly in three
       men, Commandants Louis Botha in the northeast, Delarey to the
       west of Pretoria, and De Wet in the Orange Free State. The
       first, who since the death of General Joubert, was in chief
       command in Natal, and afterwards in the Eastern Transvaal, has
       not been conspicuously active since September, but the other two
       have achieved a great deal with their very limited resources,
       and have earned enduring fame as guerrilla
       chieftains.
    {505}
       De Wet, especially, after having been 'routed' and
       'surrounded' times without number, has succeeded in giving
       occupation to several British Generals and their forces up to
       the present time, has kept the eastern part of the Orange
       Colony in a continual ferment, and till now has defied the
       energetic efforts of General Charles Knox to capture him.
       Delarey, after remaining fairly quiescent for several weeks,
       suddenly advanced through the Magaliesburg in the middle of
       the present month with a force variously estimated at 1,500 or
       3,000 men, surrounded and captured a position held by four
       companies of the Northumberlands, and compelled the retreat of
       General Clements and the evacuation of his camp. It is true
       that these things are but the episodes of the later stages of
       a war in which there will be no more great battles, but they
       are exhausting, costly, and sometimes humiliating."

          London Times,
          December 31, 1900.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (August-December).
       Farm-burning by the British troops.

       Under proclamations issued by Lord Roberts in August and
       September, aimed at the suppression of irregular warfare, a
       punitive policy was adopted, which included the burning of
       farmhouses where guerrilla bands were sheltered, or whose
       inmates acted with such bands, and which soon came to be
       denounced as one of shameful barbarity. Such different
       representations have been made, as to the manner in which the
       orders of Lord Roberts were carried out, and as to the measure
       of devastation and suffering produced, that it seems to be
       impossible to judge whether the British farm-burning in the
       Transvaal and Orange Free State has or has not gone beyond the
       usual brutalities that belong to the very nature of war. Mr.
       Kruger, in speeches made after he went to Europe, represented
       it as monstrous beyond example. "The war waged against us," he
       said, on landing at Marseilles, "is a war of barbarians. I
       have witnessed wars of barbarians and never have I seen
       committed barbarities so monstrous as those committed daily
       among us. Our farms, which we had had so much difficulty to
       construct, are burned. The women whose husbands are at the war
       are hunted down and brutally separated from their children,
       who are deprived of bread and necessaries." The Afrikanders of
       Cape Colony held similar language. Men of conscience and heart
       in England were troubled by such accusations. Mr. Trevelyan, M.
       P., wrote to "The Times," on the 24th of November: "What so
       many of us feel, in the first place, is that we are not in a
       position to form a fair judgment from sheer lack of the most
       elementary reliable information of what has been done and is
       still doing. An officer returned from the war about two months
       told me the other day that he supposed only about 40 farms had
       been burnt. I read in the 'Westminster Gazette' from an
       equally honourable gentleman that it would not be an
       exaggeration to say that one-third of the farms in the Orange
       River Colony were in ashes. Clearly it is impossible for the
       nation to make out the truth when such contradictory
       statements are universally current. … One thing we do know for
       certain—that on September 2 Lord Roberts, regarding the war as
       having degenerated into guerrilla fighting, proclaimed that
       all farms would be burnt within a radius of ten miles of any
       point upon the railway raided by the Boers. It is now November
       24. We know that many people innocent of any dealing with De
       Wet have lost all they possess owing to his misguided energy.
       Has it diminished sensibly the Boer forces in the field? If
       not, what is its utility? … If the resistance of the Boers is
       being lessened by these destructions, let us at least have the
       poor consolation of knowing it. Again, we want to know what
       really happens to the women and children whom our soldiers
       conduct, I believe, generally to the nearest town after their
       homes have been burned. People whose property has been totally
       destroyed in a country where war has stopped all industry
       obviously cannot keep themselves."

       When Parliament met in December the subject was brought up
       there, by Mr. Trevelyan and others, and debated at length,
       without much clearer light on it being found. The government
       could give no definite information as to what was being done,
       but stoutly upheld the course which the military leaders had
       taken. Mr. Balfour said: "The ordinary laws of war as
       practised by civilized countries depend essentially upon
       drawing a sharp distinction between combatant and
       non-combatant. The combatant has his particular privileges,
       the non-combatant has his particular privileges. What has been
       universally found intolerable is that a man should oscillate,
       according to his convenience, from one category to the
       other—be a peaceful agriculturist when it suits him and an
       effective combatant when circumstances seem to be favourable.
       That practice is so intolerable that I believe all nations
       have laid down the severest rules for repressing it. I have in
       my hands the instructions to the army of the United States in
       the field, dated 1898. I should like to read to the House two
       extracts from this document. Rule 52 says:— 'If a people of a
       country, or any portion of same already occupied by the army,
       rises against it, they are violators of the laws of war, and
       are not entitled to their protection.' The 82nd rule is to the
       effect that men, or squads of men, who take part in raids of
       any kind without permission, and without being part or portion
       of an organized hostile army, are not public enemies, and
       therefore if captured are not entitled to be treated as
       prisoners of war, but shall be treated as highway robbers or
       pirates."

       Mr. Chamberlain said: "Lord Roberts's proclamation was to the
       effect that, in the first instance, general officers were
       authorized to burn down farmhouses as a punishment in cases in
       which they were used as fortified places or places for the
       concealment of arms, or in which the white flag had been
       improperly used, or where they had been the scenes of gross
       treachery and of acts contrary to the laws of war. As a matter
       of right and morality, the Government are prepared to sustain
       Lord Roberts absolutely. … Lord Roberts was placed in the most
       difficult position in which a general could possibly be
       placed. He had his base 1,500 miles away at least from his
       front, through a most difficult country, and he was served
       only by a single line of railway, and any catastrophe to the
       railway might have meant a catastrophe to the whole army. It
       is all very well to talk of humanity, but you must take first
       account of our own people.
    {506}
        Now, Sir, it was of the first importance, it was the clear
        duty of Lord Roberts, to take any steps in his power to
        prevent the cutting of the line and the danger which would
        thereby accrue to his force, and he accordingly issued a
        proclamation that in the case of the destruction of the line
        persons in the vicinity would be held responsible, and that
        farmhouses in the vicinity might be destroyed. We understood
        his proclamation to mean that he would require evidence of
        some complicity on the part of the persons whose farmhouses
        were destroyed. … We inquired the other day, when the matter
        assumed greater importance, whether the construction we
        placed upon the proclamation was true, and we have a reply
        from Lord Kitchener, who has now taken the place of Lord
        Roberts, that we are perfectly right in that assumption. …
        According to the proclamation of Lord Roberts, whose humanity
        is proverbial, and who therefore could not under any
        circumstances be accused of unnecessary cruelty, cattle are
        always to be paid for by the troops, or a receipt given,
        which is as good as payment, except in those cases in which
        the owner of the cattle has been guilty of acts of war or of
        outrages which are punishable by all civilized nations who
        are at war. Therefore the taking of cattle does not mean
        necessarily that the owner of the cattle is placed in the
        impossibility of continuing his occupation. If he has not got
        the cattle he has got the money for them except in the cases
        in which destruction has taken place as a punitive measure.
        In all other cases the instructions are precise, and I
        believe from all the information we have obtained from the
        reports of the generals in the field they have been strictly
        carried out. Never in the history of war has war been carried
        out with so much humanity on the part of the officers and of
        the soldiers concerned as in the present war. The honourable
        member also spoke of the deportation of women. That sounds
        like something serious, but I believe it will be found that
        it is only for their own protection. If we are unable in this
        vast country to occupy and garrison every bit of it, when our
        troops are removed, if women and children are left alone they
        remain there in some danger—in danger from those marauding
        bands of which I have spoken and also from the vast native
        population. And, Sir, this native population is answerable, I
        believe, for every case of proved outrage either upon women
        or children. I believe, and the last reports we have received
        confirm that belief, that in no case has a British soldier
        been justly accused of such an outrage."

       The following proclamation, issued by Lord Roberts, November
       18, seems to indicate that there had been practices in
       farm-burning, before that time, which he could not approve:
       "As there appears to be some misunderstanding with reference
       to burning of farms and breaking of dams, Commander-in-Chief
       wishes following to be lines on which General Officers
       Commanding are to act:—No farm is to be burnt except for act
       of treachery, or when troops have been fired on from premises,
       or as punishment for breaking of telegraph or railway line, or
       when they have been used as bases of operations for raids, and
       then only with direct consent of General Officer Commanding,
       which is to be given in writing, the mere fact of a burgher
       being absent on commando is on no account to be used as reason
       for burning the house. All cattle, wagons, and foodstuffs are
       to be removed from all farms; if that is found to be
       impossible, they are to be destroyed, whether owner be present
       or not."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Cd. 426, 1900, page 23.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Rhodesia: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Protectorate over Barotsiland.

       The "Cape Times" of September 19, 1900, stated that a
       "Government Gazette Extraordinary" had been issued containing
       an Order in Council proclaiming a protectorate over
       Barotsiland—North-Western Rhodesia. "The limits of the country
       included in the protectorate are the parts of Africa bounded
       by the River Zambesi, the German South-West African
       Protectorate, the Portuguese possessions, the Congo Free
       State, and the Kafukwe or Loengi River. The Order provides
       that the British South Africa Company may nominate officials
       to govern the territory, and that these are to be confirmed by
       the High Commissioner. The High Commissioner may, amongst
       other things, from time to time by proclamation provide for
       the administration of justice, the raising of revenue by the
       imposition of taxes (which may include a tax in respect of the
       occupation of native huts), and Customs duties or otherwise,
       and generally for the peace, order, and good government of all
       persons within the limits of the order, including the
       prohibition and punishment of acts tending to disturb the
       public peace. The expenses of the administration of this
       country, if not entirely borne by the revenues of the country,
       will be borne by the British South Africa Company, and if the
       revenue more than meet the expenses, the excess will be paid
       to the Chartered Company."

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Leave of absence to President Kruger.
       His departure for Europe.
       Proclamation of Lord Roberts.

       The following proclamation by the Executive Council of the
       Boer government was issued from Nelspruit on the 10th of
       September, 1900: "Whereas the advanced age of His Honour the
       State President makes it impossible for His Honour further to
       accompany the Commandos; and whereas the Executive Council is
       convinced that the highly-valued services of His Honour can
       still be usefully applied in the interest of Land and People,
       the Executive Council hereby determines to grant His Honour
       leave of absence to Europe for the period of six months, in
       order still to advance our cause there, and Mr. S. W. Burger,
       Vice-President, takes his place according to law.
       [Signed] S. W. BURGER, Vice President.
       F. W. REITZ, State Secretary."

       Lord Roberts seems to have regarded the acceptance of this
       "leave of absence" by President Kruger as equivalent to a
       resignation of his office; for he published, on the 14th of
       September, a proclamation in the following words:

       "The late President, Mr. Kruger, and Mr. Reitz, with the
       archives of the South African Republic, have crossed the
       Portuguese frontier, and arrived at Lourenço Marques with a
       view to sailing for Europe at an early date. Mr. Kruger has
       formally resigned the position he held as President of the
       South African Republic, thus severing his official connection
       with the Transvaal. Mr. Kruger's action shows how hopeless in
       his opinion is the war which has now been carried on for
       nearly a year, and his desertion of the Boer cause should make
       it clear to his fellow burghers that it is useless for them to
       continue the struggle any longer.

    {507}

       "It is probably unknown to the inhabitants of the Transvaal
       and Orange River Colony that nearly 15,000 of their
       fellow-subjects are now prisoners of war, not one of whom will
       be released until those now in arms against us surrender
       unconditionally. The burghers must by this time be cognisant
       of the fact that no intervention on their behalf can come from
       any of the Great Powers, and, further, that the British Empire
       is determined to complete the work which has already cost her
       so many valuable lives, and to carry to its conclusion the war
       declared against her by the late Governments of the South
       African Republic and Orange Free State, a war to which there
       can be but one ending. If any further doubts remain in the
       minds of the burghers as to Her Britannic Majesty's
       intentions, they should be dispelled by the permanent manner
       in which the country is gradually being occupied by Her
       Majesty's Forces, and by the issue of the Proclamations signed
       by me on the 24th May and 1st September 1900, annexing the
       Orange Free State and the South African Republic respectively,
       in the name of Her Majesty.

       "I take this opportunity of pointing out that, except in the
       small area occupied by the Boer army under the personal
       command of Commandant-General Botha, the war is degenerating,
       and has degenerated, into operations carried on in an
       irregular and irresponsible manner by small, and in very many
       cases, insignificant bodies of men. I should be failing in my
       duty to Her Majesty's Government and to Her Majesty's Army in
       South Africa if I neglected to use every means in my power to
       bring such irregular warfare to an early conclusion. The means
       which I am compelled to adopt are those which the customs of
       war prescribe as being applicable to such cases. They are
       ruinous to the country, and entail endless suffering on the
       burghers and their families, and the longer this guerrilla
       warfare continues the more vigorously must they be enforced."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          1900, Cd. 420, page 78, and Cd. 426, page 17.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Transvaal: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Proclamation of annexation to the British Dominions.

       In terms similar to those used in proclaiming the annexation
       of the Orange Free State (see above: MAY) the annexation of
       the Transvaal to the Dominions of Her British Majesty was
       proclaimed with great ceremony at Pretoria on the 25th of
       October.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (November).
       Return of Lord Roberts to England, leaving Lord Kitchener
       in command.

       Having been appointed Commander-in-Chief of the British Army,
       in the place of Lord Wolseley, Field-Marshal Lord Roberts, on
       the 29th of November, delivered the command in South Africa to
       Lord Kitchener, and returned to England. At the same time,
       Lord Kitchener was raised to the rank of Lieutenant-General.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony and the Transvaal:
    A. D. 1900 (December).
       Afrikander Congress.
       Lord Kitchener to the burghers of Pretoria.

       From 6,000 to 8,000 persons were reported to be in attendance
       at an "Afrikander Congress," held at Worcester, in Cape
       Colony, December 6, which adopted the following resolutions:

       "1. We men and women of South Africa assembled and represented
       here, having heard the report of the people's deputation to
       England, and having taken into earnest consideration the
       deplorable condition into which the people of South Africa
       have been plunged, and the grave danger threatening our
       civilization, record our solemn conviction that the highest
       interests of South Africa demand, first, the termination of
       the war now raging with untold misery and horror, such as the
       burning of houses, the devastation of the country, the
       extermination of the white nationality, and the treatment to
       which women and children are subjected, which will leave a
       lasting heritage of bitterness and hatred, while seriously
       endangering further relations between civilization and
       barbarism in South Africa; secondly, the retention by the
       Republics of their independence, whereby alone the peace of
       South Africa can be maintained.

       2. The congress desires full recognition of the right of the
       people of this colony under its Constitution to settle and
       manage their own affairs and to express grave disapproval of
       the policy pursued and the attitude adopted in this matter by
       the Governor and High Commissioner, his Excellency Sir Alfred
       Milner.

       3. The congress solemnly pledges itself to labour in a
       constitutional way unceasingly for the above resolutions, and
       resolves to send a deputation to his Excellency Sir Alfred
       Milner, asking him to bring the resolutions officially to the
       notice of her Majesty's Government."

       On the 21st of December Lord Kitchener addressed a meeting, at
       Pretoria, of burghers who had surrendered to the British and
       who desired to bring about peace. In his remarks he was
       reported to have said: "The Boers had fought a good fight, but
       they were overpowered. There would be no dishonour in the
       leaders recognizing this fact. The proclamations that had been
       issued were of little use, as means were adopted to prevent
       them from reaching the burghers. He trusted that the committee
       would endeavour to acquaint the Boers in the field with the
       true position. He desired to give them every chance to
       surrender voluntarily, and to finish the war by the most
       humane means possible. If the conciliatory methods now being
       adopted failed he had other means which he would be obliged to
       exercise. He would give the committee notice if the time
       arrived to consider conciliation as a failure. The principal
       difficulties were that burghers desirous of surrendering were
       afraid they would not be allowed to remain in their own
       districts or that they would be punished for violating their
       oath of neutrality. General Kitchener declared that he had
       issued instructions that burghers who surrendered would, with
       their families and stock, be protected in their own districts.
       Those who had broken the oath of neutrality under compulsion
       would be accorded the same treatment. Deserted women and
       children would be kept in laagers, where their friends could
       freely join them. It was essential to clear the country. While
       food remained the commandos were enabled to continue in the
       field. General Kitchener added that it must be understood that
       the British would not be responsible for stock unless it was
       brought in and kept within protected limits. In conclusion
       General Kitchener said that he had come to speak to the
       burghers personally in order that they might be able to tell
       their friends what they had heard from his own lips."

    {508}

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Numbers of British troops employed in the war from the
       beginning, and their losses.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    SOUTH AFRICA: British Colonies: A. D. 1901 (January).
       New heads of the Colonial Governments.

       The following appointments were announced by the British
       Colonial Office on the 4th of January, 1901: Sir Alfred Milner
       to be Governor of the Transvaal and British High Commissioner.
       The Honourable Sir Walter Francis Hely-Hutchinson (Governor of
       Natal and Zululand since 1893) to be Governor of Cape Colony.
       Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Henry C. McCallum (Governor of
       Newfoundland since 1898, and aide-de-camp to the Queen since
       1900) to be Governor of Natal. Major Hamilton John Goold-Adams
       (Resident Commissioner of the Bechuanaland Protectorate) to be
       Lieutenant-Governor of the Orange River Colony.

    SOUTH AFRICA: Cape Colony: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Boer invasion.
       Declaration of martial law.

       On New Year's Day, 1901, the Cape Town correspondent of the
       "London Times" was compelled to write: "The immediate aspect
       of affairs in Cape Colony at the opening of the new year is
       scarcely less gloomy than at the beginning of 1900. The number
       of Boers invading the country to-day may be less than it was a
       year ago, but they have penetrated further south, and their
       presence near such centres of hostile Dutch feeling as Graaf
       Reinet constitutes an element of danger which was not present
       last January. The proclamation issued this morning by the High
       Commissioner calling for volunteers to defend the lines of
       communication proves that the military authorities are at last
       alive to the critical nature of the situation, but the measure
       comes very late in the day."

       On the 17th of January a cable message from Cape Town
       announced: "An extraordinary gazette issued this afternoon
       contains a proclamation placing the whole of the Cape Colony
       under martial law, with the exception of the Cape Town,
       Wynberg, Simonstown, Port Elizabeth and East London districts
       and the territories of the Transkei, Tembuland, Griqualand and
       East Pondoland. The gazette also states that the
       peace-preservation act will be enforced in the Cape Colony,
       Wynberg and Simonstown districts. Under this act all the civil
       population will be called upon to deliver up their arms."

    SOUTH AFRICA: Orange Free State: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Peace movement.
       Condition of country described.
       Defiant proclamation of Steyn and De Wet.

       Early in January, a "Central Peace Committee," formed at
       Kroonstad, addressed an open letter to their fellow citizens,
       appealing for submission and peace, saying: "The country is
       literally one vast wilderness. The farmers are obliged to go
       to the towns for protection, and huge refugee camps have been
       formed by the British for them and their families. These
       people have lost everything, and ruin and starvation stare
       them in the face. All this misery is caused by a small and
       obstinate minority, who will not bow to the inevitable and who
       make the majority suffer. Any encouragement to the men still
       on commando to continue the hopeless struggle can only injure
       us and cause us further misery. We have done our best and
       fought to get Africa under one flag, and we have lost. Let
       there be no mistake about this. England has spent millions and
       sacrificed thousands of lives, and no reasonable being can
       believe for one moment that she will now give up the fruits of
       victory. It is, therefore, a duty for us, her beaten foe, to
       accept the terms offered by our conqueror. … We appeal to you
       and ask you to appoint another congress, and nominate men of
       influence out of your midst to visit Mr. Steyn and General De
       Wet, and try to persuade them to accept the terms offered by
       England. These two men are the only obstacles to peace. We ask
       you to believe us when we say that Mr. Kruger and the late
       Transvaal Government have been willing twice already to accept
       British terms, but Mr. Steyn refused to have anything to do
       with surrender. He continued the war and encouraged the
       burghers in the hope that we should get European assistance.
       To-day he is cut off from all communication with the outside
       world. You know and we know how unfounded that hope is and it
       is your duty to assist us to make him understand this. We
       appeal to you to help us to make an end to this unhappy state
       of affairs, which is plunging everybody into poverty and
       despair."

       As if in response to this cry for peace, Steyn and De Wet
       issued the following proclamation a few days later: "Be it
       known to all that the war which was forced on the Republics by
       the British Government still rages in the Orange Free State
       and in the South African Republic; and that the customs of
       civilized warfare and also the Conventions of Geneva and The
       Hague have not been observed by the enemy, who has not
       scrupled, contrary to the Geneva Convention, to capture
       doctors and ambulances and to deport them, in order to prevent
       our wounded from getting medical assistance. He has seized
       ambulances and material appertaining thereto, and has not
       hesitated, contrary to the recognized primitive rules of
       warfare, and contrary to his solemn agreement at The Hague, to
       arrest neutrals and deport them, and to send out marauding
       bands to plunder, burn, and damage the burghers' private
       property. He has armed Kaffirs and natives and made use of
       them against us in war. He has been continually busy capturing
       women and children, old and sickly men. Many women's deaths
       have been occasioned because the so-called Christian enemy had
       no consideration for women on a sick bed or for those whose
       state of health should have protected them against rough
       treatment. Honourable women and tender children have not only
       been treated roughly, but also in an insulting manner by the
       soldiers, by order of their officers. Moreover, old mothers
       and women have been raped, even wives and children. The
       property of prisoners of war, and even of killed burghers, has
       not been respected. In many instances the mother and father
       have been taken from the house, which was thus left
       unprotected, and all have been left to their fate, an easy
       prey to the savage. The world has been untruthfully informed
       by the enemy that he was obliged to carry out this destruction
       because the burghers blew up the line and cut the wires, or
       misused the white flag. Nearly all the houses in the two
       Republics have been destroyed, whether in the neighbourhood of
       the railway line or not; while with regard to the misuse of
       the white flag, that is simply a continuance of the
       everlasting calumny against which the Afrikander has had to
       strive since God brought him into contact with Englishmen.
       Robbing his opponent of his goods has not satisfied him; he
       will not be satisfied till he has robbed him of his good name
       also.

    {509}

       "Then he wishes to inform the world that the Republics are
       conquered and the war ended, and that only here and there
       small plundering bands are to be found who continue the strife
       in an irresponsible manner. It is an untruth. The Republics
       are not yet conquered. The war is not finished. The burgher
       forces of the two Republics are still led by responsible
       leaders, as from the commencement of the war, under the
       supervision of the Governments of both Republics. The fact
       that Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener choose to term the
       burgher forces marauding bands does not make them such.
       Similarly, saying that the war is over does not put an end to
       it while fighting still continues. When was this war over?
       After the battle of Spion Kop or after Paardeberg? After the
       occupation of Bloemfontein or Pretoria? Or perhaps after the
       battles of Dewetsdorp or Commando Nek, in both of which
       irregulars were captured and the enemy totally vanquished. The
       burghers would be less than men if they allowed the enemy to
       go unpunished after ill-treating their wives and destroying
       their homes from sheer lust of destruction. Therefore a
       portion of our burghers have again been sent into Cape Colony,
       not only to wage war, but to be in a position to make
       reprisals as they have already done in the case of the
       ambulances. Therefore we again warn the officers of her
       Majesty's troops that unless they cease the destruction of
       property in the Republics, we shall wreak vengeance by
       destroying the property of her Majesty's subjects who are
       unkindly disposed to us; but at the same time, to avoid being
       misunderstood, we hereby openly declare that the women and
       children will always remain unmolested, despite anything done
       to ours by her Majesty's troops. We ask for nothing from our
       brothers in Cape Colony, but we call upon them, as well as
       upon the civilized world, to assist on behalf of civilization
       and Christianity in putting an end to the barbarous manner of
       the enemy's warfare. Our prayer will always be that the God of
       our fathers will not desert us in this unrighteous strife.

       "On the field, January 14. STEYN. DE WET."

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Report of British military forces in South Africa from the
       beginning of the war, with the number of killed and wounded
       and the deaths from wounds and disease.

       A Parliamentary paper issued on the 26th of February, 1901,
       contained the following table, showing the strength of the
       garrison in South Africa on the 1st of August, 1899, before
       the beginning of the war, with the subsequent reinforcements
       and casualties, and the total strength of forces on the 1st of
       February, 1901:

                               |NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.
                       OFFICERS|CAVALRY|ARTILLERY|INFANTRY|OTHERS|TOTAL|TOTAL
                                                  AND                   OFFICERS
                                                  MOUNTED               AND MEN
                                                  INFANTRY
    -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
    I.  Garrison on
        Aug. 1, 1899      318    1,127    1,035      6,428  1,032 9,622  9,940
    -----------------------------------------------------------------------------
    II.
    Reinforcements,
    Aug. 1, 1899,
    to Oct. 11, 1899
    (outbreak of war)

    (1.) From Home.       280      …        743      5,620    …   6,363  6,643
    (2.) From India
    (some of these did
    not reach South
    Africa until after
    the outbreak of
    hostilities)          259    1,564      653      3,427    …   5,644   5,903

    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                          539    1,564    1,396      9,047    …  12,007  12,546
    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    III. Further
    reinforcements
    from Oct. 11,
    1899, to end
    of July, 1900

    Regulars
    (1.) From Home
    and Colonies.       5,748   11,003   14,145    110,292 14,347 149,787   155,535
    (2.) From India.      132      713      376        670    …     1,759     1,891

    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                        5,880   11,716   14,521    110,962 14,347 151,546   157,426
    ------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Colonials
    (1.) From Colonies
    other than
    South African.        550      287      692      9,788   267   11,034    11,584
    (2.) Raised in
    South Africa.       1,387       …         …        …      …    28,932    30,319

    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------
                        1,937       …         …        …      …    39,966    41,903
    -------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Imperial yeomanry.    536       …         …        …      …    10,195    10,731
    Volunteers from
    United Kingdom.       342       …        358     9,995   434   10,787    11,129
    Militia.              831       …        617    19,753   256   20,626    21,457

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    Total all arms
    sent to, and
    raised in,
    South Africa
    up to Aug. 1, 1900,
    including garrison
    on Aug. 1, 1899.   10,383      …         …        …        …  254,749   265,132

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    IV. Further
    reinforcements
    from Aug. 1, 1900,
    to Jan. 31, 1901
    (1.) Regulars         820    3,213      652     10,439    975  15,279    16,099
    (2.) Militia            7      …         …       1,141      …   1,141     1,148

    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

                       11,210      …         …         …        … 271,169   282,379
    --------------------------------------------------------------------------------

    {510}

    NON-COMMISSIONED OFFICERS AND MEN.

                              Officers Cavalry. Artillery. Infantry  Others.  Total.   Total
                                                           and                        Officers
                                                           Mounted                    and Men
                                                           Infantry

    V. Numbers
    (1.) Killed to
         Jan. 31, 1901           334.                                         3,346     3,680
    (2.) Wounded to
         Jan 31, 1901.         1,242.                                        14,914    16,156
    (3.) Died of disease
    or wounds or accidentally
    killed in South Africa
    to Jan. 31, 1001.            301.                                         9,008     9,309
    (4.) Disbanded and
    discharged in South Africa.  299.                                         5,231     5,530
    (5.) In hospital in South
    Africa on Dec. 28, 1900
    (latest returns).            415.                                        13,716    14,131

    VI. Numbers left
    South Africa
    (1.) For England
         not invalids.         1,214                                        11,109      12,323
    (2.) For England
    sick, wounded, and
    died on passage            1,703                                        39,095      40,198
    (3.) Returned to India
    direct from South Africa.     20                                            70          90
    (4.) Returned to Colonies
    direct from South Africa
    (a) Regulars, including two
    battalions to Ceylon.         98                                         2,041       2,139
    (b) Colonials.               177                                         3,384       3,561

    VII. Present strength of
    Forces in South Africa,
    Feb. 1, 1901
    (1.) Regulars.             4,305   12,600    12,000     99,700    12,885  137,185   141,490
    (2.) Colonials.            1,339                                           27,000    28,339*
    (3.) Imperial yeomanry       495                                            7,500     7,995
    4.) Volunteers.              200                                            7,500     7,700
    5.) Militia.                 725                                           18,700    19,425

    TOTAL                      7,064                                          197,885   204,949*

       * Exclusive of recently raised Colonials whose numbers have not yet been reported.

       On the 9th of February the following announcement was issued
       officially from the British War Office:

       "In view of recent Boer activity in various directions his
       Majesty's Government have decided, in addition to the large
       forces recently equipped locally in South Africa, to reinforce
       Lord Kitchener by 30,000 mounted troops beyond those already
       landed in Cape Colony. The recruiting for Imperial Yeomanry
       has proceeded so rapidly that it is anticipated not less than
       10,000 will be shortly available. The South African Mounted
       Constabulary, including those enlisted in the colonies, may be
       relied upon to the extent of 8,000. The new colonial
       contingents to replace those withdrawn will probably reach
       5,000. The remainder of the force will be made up by cavalry
       and mounted infantry from the home establishment. The
       enlistment of Volunteer companies to replace those who have
       served a year in South Africa is also being proceeded with.
       Arrangements have been made for the prompt equipment and
       transportation of the force."

       In reply to a question in Parliament the 18th of February,
       1901, Mr. Brodrick, the Secretary of State for War, stated
       that the total number of cases of typhoid or enteric fever in
       the British army, from the beginning of the war to the end of
       December, 1900, had been 19,101; deaths 4,233; invalided and
       sent home, 10,075.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
       The declared policy of the British Government.

       Speaking in the House of Commons on the 18th of February,
       1901, the Colonial Secretary, Mr. Chamberlain, declared the
       government policy of dealing with the Boers, with strong
       emphasis, in the following words:

       "From the moment when the invasion took place, and the first
       shot was fired by the Boers, from that moment we declared our
       policy, that not one shred of the independence which the Boers
       had abused should ever again be conceded to them. That was the
       policy stated by the Prime Minister in his answer to the
       representations which were made to him by the Presidents of
       the two Republics. That was the policy, is the policy, and
       will be the policy of His Majesty's Government to the end. Let
       there be no mistake about that. It is no use arguing with us
       on the subject of independence. That, as far as we are
       concerned, is a closed question. Raise it, if you like to
       raise it, not in speeches, but by amendments. We are quite
       ready. We challenged you at the last election. You have never
       ceased to complain of the challenge. We challenge you in the
       House of Commons. If you believe the annexation we have
       announced ought to be repudiated; if you think, with the
       honorable and learned gentleman who has just spoken, that we
       ought to restore the independence of these two Republics, in
       any form, it is for you to say so in a definite amendment. It
       is for you to put the issue before the House of Commons and
       the country and we are perfectly prepared to meet you.
       Assuming that we are all agreed that annexation cannot be
       undone, then the policy of the Government is to establish
       equality and protection and justice for the native population
       and to grant the fuller liberties involved in our definition
       of self-government as soon as that can safely be conceded. …
       The Boers know perfectly well, they have been told again and
       again, directly and indirectly, and it has been repeatedly
       stated in this House that at the earliest possible moment they
       will be granted self-government."

    {511}

       The Liberal leader interrupted the speaker to intimate that he
       understood a Crown colony government to be in contemplation,
       and that his objection was to that. On which Mr. Chamberlain
       proceeded to say: "Either the right honourable gentleman does
       not know what Crown colony government is or else he is
       quibbling about words. Will he be satisfied if I call it a
       civil government, with Ministers and a Governor appointed by
       his Majesty and a council to advise him? That is civil
       government, and it has this about it—that the Imperial
       Government has control in the last resort. That is what we
       mean. … We are quite ready to establish the civil government
       of which I have spoken, we are ready to maintain equality, we
       are ready to secure justice to all the inhabitants of the
       Transvaal and the Orange River Colony, but we are not prepared
       to put into their hands the whole control of the
       administration and civil government until we know it will be
       safe to do so. It is said that our views have not been
       communicated to the Boers and that a proclamation which I
       promised I would endeavour to have circulated has not yet been
       so distributed. I wish to say that, so far as the leaders are
       concerned, I am convinced they know perfectly well what terms
       we are willing to offer. There is no excuse on their part. It
       is possible that many of their followers, being ignorant
       people—when they come to us we find they have been deceived as
       to what is going on—do not know the terms we are willing to
       offer. We have by various means endeavoured to get to the rank
       and file a knowledge of the terms which are being offered, and
       we know what the result has been. The emissaries have been
       sent—emissaries not sent by us, permitted by us to go, who
       volunteered themselves in what they believed to be the
       interests of their countrymen, to make these representations—
       these emissaries have been apparently, as far as our
       information goes, brutally ill-used, tortured before
       execution, shot as spies after having been flogged. "

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Attitude of the English Liberal party towards the war.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
       Unsuccessful peace parley between Lord Kitchener and
       Commandant Botha.

       By the intermediation of the wife of the Boer Commandant Louis
       Botha, an interview between that officer and Lord Kitchener
       was brought about, on the last day of February, for discussion
    "as to means of bringing the war to an end." The questions raised
       in the conversation were reported by Lord Kitchener to Mr.
       Brodrick, the British Secretary for War, in a telegram from
       Pretoria, March 1, as follows: "I have had a long interview
       with Botha, who showed very good feeling and seemed anxious to
       bring about peace. He asked for information on a number of
       subjects which he said that he should submit to his Government
       and people, and if they agreed he should visit Orange River
       Colony and get them to agree. They should all then hand in
       their arms and finish the war. He told me that they could go
       on for some time, and that he was not sure of being able to
       bring about peace without independence. He tried very hard for
       some kind of independence, but I declined to discuss such a
       point, and said that a modified form of independence would be
       most dangerous and likely to lead to war in the future.
       Subject was then dropped, and—

       "Firstly.—The nature of future government of Colonies asked
       about. He wanted more details than were given by Colonial
       Secretary, and I said that, subject to correction from home, I
       understood that when hostilities ceased military guard would be
       replaced by Crown Colony administration, consisting of
       nominated Executive, with elected assembly to advise
       administration, to be followed after a period by
       representative government. He would have liked representative
       government at once, but seemed satisfied with above.

       "Secondly.—Whether a Boer would be able to have a rifle to
       protect him from native? I said I thought he would be by a
       licence and on registration.

       "Thirdly.—He asked whether Dutch language would be allowed? I
       said that English and Dutch would, I thought, have equal
       rights. He expressed hope that officials dealing with farmers
       would know Dutch.

       "Fourthly.—The Kaffir question. This turned at once on
       franchise of Kaffirs, and a solution seemed to be that
       franchise should not be given to Kaffirs until after
       representative government was granted to Colonies. Orange Free
       State laws for Kaffirs were considered good.

       "Fifthly.—That Dutch Church property should remain untouched.

       "Sixthly.—Public trusts and orphan funds to be left intact. He
       asked whether British Government, in taking over the assets of
       Republics, would also take over legal debts. This he made
       rather a strong point of, and he intended it to include debts
       legally contracted since the war began. He referred to notes
       issued amounting to less than a million.

       "Seventhly.—He asked if any war tax would be imposed on
       farmers? I said I thought not.

       "Eighthly.—When would prisoners of war return?

       "Ninthly.—He referred to pecuniary assistance to repair burnt
       farms, and enable fanners to start afresh. I said I thought
       some assistance would be given.

       "Tenthly.—Amnesty to all at end of war. We spoke of Colonials
       who joined Republics, and he seemed not adverse to their being
       disfranchised.

       "I arranged with him that I should write and let him know the
       view of the Government on these points. All I said during the
       interview was qualified by being subject to confirmation from
       home. He was anxious to get an answer soon."

       Two days later, General Kitchener drafted and submitted to
       High Commissioner Sir A. Milner the reply which he wished to
       be authorized to make to the questions of Commandant Botha.
       This was transmitted, in turn, by the High Commissioner to
       Colonial Secretary Chamberlain, with approval of all the
       suggestions of Lord Kitchener, except on the subject of
       amnesty to the rebel "Afrikanders" of Cape Colony and Natal,
       who had joined the ranks of the Boers. Lord Kitchener wished
       to say that "on the cessation of hostilities and the complete
       surrender of arms, ammunition, cannon, and other munitions of
       war now in the hands of the burghers in the field or in
       Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's Government is
       prepared at once to grant an amnesty in the Transvaal and
       Orange River Colony for all bona fide acts of war committed
       during the recent hostilities; as well as to move the
       Governments of Cape Colony and Natal to take similar action
       but qualified by the disfranchisement of any British subjects
       implicated in the recent war."
    {512}
       Sir Alfred Milner proposed to amend the latter clause as
       follows: "British subjects of Cape Colony or Natal, though
       they will not be compelled to return to those Colonies, will,
       if they do so, be liable to be dealt with under the laws of
       those Colonies specifically passed to meet the circumstances
       arising out of the present war and which greatly mitigate the
       ordinary penalties of rebellion." "While willing," he said,
       "to concede much in order to strengthen Botha in inducing his
       people to submit, the amnesty of rebels is not, in my opinion,
       a point which His Majesty's Government can afford to concede.
       I think it would have a deplorable effect in Cape Colony and
       Natal to obtain peace by such a concession." Mr. Chamberlain
       agreed with the High Commissioner, writing in reply: "His
       Majesty's Government feel that they cannot promise to ask for
       complete amnesty to Cape and Natal rebels who are in totally
       different position to burghers without injustice to those who
       have remained loyal under great provocation, and they are
       prepared substantially to adopt your words, but you must
       consider whether your last line is strictly applicable to
       Natal." Mr. Chamberlain made numerous other criticisms of Lord
       Kitchener's suggested letter, and amended it in many
       particulars, the most important of which related to the form
       of government under which the late republics would be placed.
       Lord Kitchener would have said: "Military law will cease and
       be at once replaced by civil administration, which will at
       first consist of a Governor and a nominated Executive with or
       without an advisory elected Assembly, but it is the desire of
       His Majesty's Government, as soon as circumstances permit, to
       establish representative Government in the Transvaal and
       Orange River Colony." His political superior instructed him to
       change the statement as follows: "For 'military law will
       cease' say 'military administration will cease.' It is
       possible that there may be disturbed districts for some time
       after terms have been accepted, and Governor of Colonies
       cannot abandon right of proclaiming martial law where
       necessary. In the same sentence omit the words 'at the same
       time' and 'at once' and substitute at the beginning the words
       'at the earliest practicable date.' For 'consist of a
       Governor' down to 'Assembly' read 'consist of a Governor and
       an Executive Council composed of the principal officials with
       a Legislative Council consisting of a certain number of
       official members to whom a nominated unofficial element will
       from the first be added.' In place of the words 'to establish
       representative government' substitute 'to introduce a
       representative element, and ultimately to concede to the new
       Colonies the privilege of self-government.' It is desirable at
       this stage to be quite precise in order to avoid any charge of
       breach of faith afterwards."

       Out of the instructions he received, Lord Kitchener finally
       framed the following letter to Commandant Botha, sent to him
       on the 7th of March: "With reference to our conversation at
       Middelburg on 28th February, I have the honour to inform you
       that in the event of a general and complete cessation of
       hostilities and the surrender of all rifles, ammunition,
       cannon, and other munitions of war in the hands of the
       burghers or in Government depots or elsewhere, His Majesty's
       Government is prepared to adopt the following measures:

       "His Majesty's Government will at once grant an amnesty in the
       Transvaal and Orange River Colonies for all bona fide acts of
       war committed during the recent hostilities. British subjects
       belonging to Natal and Cape Colony, while they will not be
       compelled to return to those Colonies, will, if they do so, be
       liable to be dealt with by the law of those Colonies specially
       passed to meet the circumstances arising out of the present
       war. As you are doubtless aware, the special law in the Cape
       Colony has greatly mitigated the ordinary penalties for high
       treason in the present cases.

       "All prisoners of war now in St. Helena, Ceylon, or elsewhere
       will, on the completion of the surrender, be brought back to
       their country as quickly as arrangements can be made for their
       transport.

       "At the earliest practicable date military administration will
       cease and will be replaced by civil administration in the form
       of Crown Colony Government. There will therefore be, in the
       first instance, in each of the new Colonies a Governor and an
       Executive Council, consisting of a certain number of official
       members, to whom a nominated unofficial element will be added.
       But it is the desire of His Majesty's Government, as soon as
       circumstances permit, to introduce a representative element
       and ultimately to concede to the new Colonies the privilege of
       self-government. Moreover, on the cessation of hostilities a High
       Court will be established in each of the new Colonies to
       administer the law of the land, and this Court will be
       independent of the Executive.

       "Church property, public trusts, and orphans funds will be
       respected.

       "Both the English and Dutch languages will be used and taught
       in public schools where parents of the children desire it, and
       allowed in Courts of Law.

       "As regards the debts of the late Republican Governments, His
       Majesty's Government cannot undertake any liability. It is,
       however, prepared, as an act of grace, to set aside a sum not
       exceeding £1,000,000 to repay inhabitants of the Transvaal and
       Orange River Colonies for goods requisitioned from them by the
       late Republican Governments, or, subsequent to annexation, by
       Commandants in the field being in a position to enforce such
       requisitions. But such claims will have to be established to
       the satisfaction of a Judge or Judicial Commission appointed
       by the Government to investigate and assess them, and if
       exceeding in the aggregate £1,000,000, they will be liable to
       reduction pro rata.

       "I also beg to inform your Honour that the new Government will
       take into immediate consideration the possibility of assisting
       by loan the occupants of farms who will take the oath of
       allegiance to repair any injury sustained by destruction of
       buildings or loss of stock during the war, and that no special
       war tax will be imposed on farmers to defray the expense of
       the war.

       "When burghers require the protection of fire-arms such will
       be allowed to them by licence and on due registration,
       provided they take the oath of allegiance. Licences also will
       be issued for sporting rifles, guns, &c., but military
       firearms will only be allowed for means of protection.

    {513}

       "As regards the extension of the franchise to Kaffirs in the
       Transvaal and Orange River Colony, it is not the intention of
       His Majesty's Government to give such franchise before
       representative government is granted to these Colonies, and if
       then given it will be so limited as to secure the just
       predominance of the white races. The legal position of
       coloured persons will, however, be similar to that which they
       hold in Cape Colony.

       "In conclusion, I must inform your Honour that if the terms
       now offered are not accepted after a reasonable delay for
       consideration they must be regarded as cancelled."

       On the 16th of March the following reply came from the Boer
       Commandant: "I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your
       Excellency's letter stating what steps your Excellency's
       Government is prepared to take in the event of a general and
       total cessation of hostilities. I have advised my Government
       of your Excellency's said letter; but, after the mutual
       exchange of views at our interview at Middelburg on 28th
       February last, it will certainly not surprise your Excellency
       to know that I do not feel disposed to recommend that the
       terms of the said letter shall have the earnest consideration
       of my Government. I may add also that my Government and my
       chief officers here entirely agree to my views." This ended
       the negotiations.

       A discussion of the negotiations in Parliament occurred on the
       28th of March, when Mr. Bryce (Liberal) said "they were agreed
       that the Government took an onward step when they allowed the
       peace negotiations to be entered into, and it was important to
       observe that, not only Lord Kitchener, but Sir Alfred Milner
       was persuaded that General Botha meant business. It was
       possible there were causes at work with which the House were
       not acquainted which caused the negotiations to be broken off.
       General Botha wrote to Lord Kitchener:—'You will not be
       surprised to hear that my answer is in the negative.' One of
       two things must have happened—either Lord Kitchener heard from
       General Botha something that the House had not heard of, or
       else General Botha was so much struck by the difference
       between the terms which Lord Kitchener had discussed and the
       terms contained in the letter that he conceived a distrust of
       us altogether and believed that the Government would not
       accept what Lord Kitchener had offered. He thought the
       Government were right in asking that the oath of allegiance
       should be taken, that they were entitled to insist upon the
       provision that all hostilities must cease, and that they could
       not pledge themselves as to the precise time when they would
       bring back the prisoners. But there were three points on which
       there were substantial differences between the terms Lord
       Kitchener appeared to have offered and the terms in the final
       letter. The first is the question of amnesty for the Cape
       rebels. Lord Kitchener and General Botha appeared to have come
       to an agreement on that subject. General Botha did not object
       to the disfranchisement of the Cape rebels, and Lord Kitchener
       did not appear to have conveyed any suggestion whatever of
       anything except disfranchisement. He could conceive nothing
       more likely to turn back the pacific desires of the Boers than
       the fact that they found that, instead of the Cape rebels
       having nothing but disfranchisement to fear, they were to be
       held subject to the Cape laws as to treason. He was not
       arguing whether that was right or wrong. The question was what
       the Boers would think, and he put it to the House that it was
       the most natural thing that they should be struck by the
       contrast between the terms which Lord Kitchener appeared to
       offer and the terms which were offered when the final letter
       came, and that that was just the point upon which brave men,
       feeling for their comrades, would be inclined to stand out.
       They would be told that they would displease the loyalists at
       the Cape if they did not exact all the penalties for treason.
       He hoped they would never in that House consider it any part
       of their business to satisfy the vindictive feeling of the
       colonists at the Cape."

       As to the difference between the terms of future government
       for the inhabitants of the late republics proposed by Lord
       Kitchener and those laid down by the Colonial Secretary, Mr.
       Bryce said: "He should like to have known what the proposals
       were that General Botha made with regard to a modified
       independence, for he thought it was quite possible that it
       might turn out in the long run that some kind of what was
       called modified independence, protection, would be a great
       deal easier for this country to work than a system of Crown
       colony government. He thought the contrast between the
       elective assembly which Lord Kitchener offered and the purely
       arbitrary and despotic system which the final letter conveyed
       must at once have struck the Boers as indicating the
       difference between the views which the military man on the
       spot entertained and the proposal which they might expect from
       the Government. Of course there were objections to the
       immediate grant of self-government. So also there were
       objections to any course, and that course should be chosen
       which was open to the fewest objections. But the proposal of
       Crown colony government was, of all courses, the worst that
       could be suggested. It had been suggested that members of the
       Liberal party had asked for full-grown representative and
       responsible government, but they never had suggested that.
       What they had objected to was Crown colony government. They
       admitted that when the war ended there must be an intermediate
       period of administration, military or civil, but there was all
       the difference in the world between an admittedly provisional
       administration understood to be provisional and the creation
       of the whole apparatus of Crown colony government. The Boer
       population had an aversion to Crown colony administration,
       associated in their minds with the days of Sir Owen Lanyon,
       and an arbitrary form of government it was known to be. Of
       course it was arbitrary; honourable members who questioned
       that could not know what Crown colony administration was. The
       existence of a nominated council did not prevent it being
       arbitrary inasmuch as the members were obliged to vote as they
       were directed by the Governor. He could not help thinking that
       Lord Kitchener might, if he were asked to do so, throw some
       light on a remarkable expression in the letter from General
       Botha in which he said, after the mutual interchange of views
       at their meeting, Lord Kitchener would not be surprised to
       learn that he was not disposed to recommend the terms
       proposed."

    {514}

       The radical Mr. Labouchere was sharper in his criticism: "He
       held that it was nonsense to call the terms offered to the
       Boers liberal and lenient; they were neither. We had burnt
       their farms and desolated their country, and then we offered
       them a small gift of money to put them back on their farms
       while we took away their independence and their flag. He
       honoured the men who resisted, no matter at what cost, when
       the question was the independence of their native land. How
       right General Botha was in distrusting the alterations made by
       the Secretary for the Colonies in the matter of the gift was
       shown by the right honourable gentleman himself, when he said
       that, whereas the gift was to be limited to a certain sum, the
       loyalists were to be paid first. In that case what would
       remain to the burghers of the two colonies? The position of
       the Boers in the Empire under the terms of the Colonial
       Secretary would be little better than that of Kaffirs. As far
       as ultimate self-government was concerned, they were to put
       their faith in the Colonial Secretary. If he might offer them
       a word of advice it would be—Put no faith in the Colonial
       Secretary; get it in black and white. We had lost a great
       opportunity of ending the war and settling South Africa. Peace
       won by the sword would create a dependency in which racial
       feuds would go on and the minority would be maintained over
       the majority by a huge British garrison. The Dutch majority
       was certain to increase every decade. The Transvaal farmers
       lived in a poor, rude manner which English people would not
       accept. …

       "He did not particularly admire the Boers. To his mind they
       had too much of the conservative element in them; but, judging
       between the Afrikanders and the English who went to South
       Africa, whilst fully recognizing that among the latter there
       were many respectable men, he thought, taking them
       collectively, the Boers were the better men. If we wanted to
       maintain our rule in South Africa the Boers were the safest
       men with whom to be on good terms. What were the Boers ready
       to do? As he read the correspondence, they were ready to enter
       the area of the British Empire, but only upon terms. Surely
       our problem was to find terms honourable to us and to them,
       which would lead to South Africa becoming one of those great
       commonwealths connected with the Empire such as existed in
       Australia and Canada. He suggested that, in the first place,
       we should offer a full and absolute amnesty. He urged that the
       Orange State and the Transvaal should as soon as possible be
       made self-governing colonies. The Orange State was regarded by
       every Englishman who had written about it as a model State. As
       to the Transvaal, he admitted there was a difficulty, but he
       would suggest that the main area of the country should be
       separated from the Rand. The Rand might be administered by a
       governor, a military governor if they liked, while in the rest
       of the country the Dutch would have a majority. If this course
       were adopted, instead of our giving some sort of pecuniary aid
       to the Transvaalers, they might be paid a reasonable rent for
       the Rand district, of which they would be deprived. … They on
       that side of the House would be perfectly ready to agree to
       the establishment of a provisional government, military or
       civil—he should himself prefer Lord Kitchener to Sir Alfred
       Milner—to carry on the country while they were arranging for
       the colony to be self-governing. They were accustomed to be
       told that Sir Alfred Milner was a sort of divine pro-consul.
       He believed Sir Alfred Milner to be a most honourable man, and
       very intelligent in many walks of life; but the truth was that
       he began life as an Oxford don and then became an official in
       the Treasury, facts which militated against his success in
       practical politics. He believed that a man like Lord Dufferin
       would do more for the cause of peace in South Africa than all
       our soldiers."

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (February-April).
       The High Commissioner, Sir Alfred Milner, on the situation
       and prospects.
       Leave of absence obtained by Sir Alfred.

       A British Blue Book, made public in London on the 18th of
       April, contains an interesting despatch from Sir Alfred
       Milner, frankly reviewing the general situation in South
       Africa, as it appeared to him on the 6th of February, when he
       wrote, from Cape Town, and giving his forecast of future
       prospects. The following are the more important passages of
       the communication:

       "A long time has elapsed since I have attempted to send to you
       any general review of South African affairs. The reason is
       twofold. In the first place, I am occupied every day that
       passes from morning till night by business, all of which is
       urgent, and the amount and variety of which you are doubtless
       able to judge from the communications on a great variety of
       subjects, which are constantly passing between us. In the next
       place, I have always hoped that some definite point would be
       reached at which it might be possible to sum up that chapter
       of our history which contained the war, and to forecast the
       work of administrative reconstruction which must succeed it.
       But I am reluctantly forced to the conclusion that there will
       be no such dividing line. I have not the slightest doubt of
       the ultimate result, but I foresee that the work will be
       slower, more difficult, more harassing, and more expensive
       than was at one time anticipated. At any rate, it is idle to
       wait much longer in the hope of being able to describe a clear
       and clean-cut situation. Despite the many other calls upon my
       time, and despite the confused character of the present
       position, I think it better to attempt to describe, however
       roughly and inadequately, the state of things as it exists
       to-day.

       "It is no use denying that the last half-year has been one of
       retrogression. Seven months ago this Colony was perfectly
       quiet, at least as far as the Orange River. The southern half
       of the Orange River Colony was rapidly settling down, and even
       a considerable portion of the Transvaal, notably the
       south-western districts, seemed to have definitely accepted
       British authority, and to rejoice at the opportunity of a
       return to orderly government, and the pursuits of peace.
       To-day the scene is completely altered. It would be
       superfluous to dwell on the increased losses to the country
       caused by the prolongation of the struggle, and by the form
       which it has recently assumed. The fact that the enemy are now
       broken up into a great number of small forces, raiding in
       every direction, and that our troops are similarly broken up
       in pursuit of them, makes the area of actual fighting, and
       consequently of destruction, much wider than it would be in
       the case of a conflict between equal numbers operating in
       large masses.
    {515}
       Moreover, the fight is now mainly over supplies. The Boers
       live entirely on the country through which they pass, not only
       taking all the food they can lay hands upon on the farms,
       grain, forage, horses, cattle, &c., but looting the small
       village stores for clothes, boots, coffee, sugar, &c., of all
       which they are in great need. Our forces, on their side, are
       compelled to denude the country of everything moveable, in
       order to frustrate these tactics of the enemy. No doubt a
       considerable amount of the stock taken by us is not wholly
       lost, but simply removed to the refugee camps, which are now
       being established at many points along the railway lines. But
       even under these circumstances, the loss is great, through
       animals dying on the route, or failing to find sufficient
       grass to live upon when collected in large numbers at the
       camps. Indeed, the loss of crops and stock is a far more
       serious matter than the destruction of farm buildings, of
       which so much has been heard. I say this not at all as an
       advocate of such destruction. I am glad to think that the
       measure is now seldom if ever resorted to. At the same time,
       the destruction of even a considerable number of farms, having
       regard to the very rough and inexpensive character of the
       majority of these structures in the Orange River Colony and
       Transvaal, is a comparatively small item in the total damage
       caused by the war to the agricultural community.

       "To the losses incidental to the actual course of the
       campaign, there has recently been added destruction of a
       wholly wanton and malicious character. I refer to the injury
       done to the head-gear, stamps, and other apparatus of some of
       the outlying mines by Boer raiders, whose sole object was
       injury. For this destruction there is, of course, no possible
       excuse. … Fortunately the damage done to the mines has not
       been large, relatively to the vast total amount of the fixed
       capital sunk in them. The mining area is excessively difficult
       to guard against purely predatory attacks having no military
       purpose, because it is, so to speak, 'all length and no
       breadth'—one long thin line, stretching across the country
       from east to west for many miles. Still, garrisoned as
       Johannesburg now is, it is only possible successfully to
       attack a few points in it. Of the raids hitherto made, and
       they have been fairly numerous, only one has resulted in any
       serious damage. In that instance the injury done to the single
       mine attacked amounted to £200,000, and it is estimated that
       the mine is put out of working for two years. This mine is
       only one out of a hundred, and is not by any means one of the
       most important. These facts may afford some indication of the
       ruin which might have been inflicted, not only on the
       Transvaal and all South Africa, but on many European
       interests, if that general destruction of mine works which was
       contemplated just before our occupation of Johannesburg had
       been carried out. However serious in some respects may have
       been the military consequences of our rapid advance to
       Johannesburg, South Africa owes more than is commonly
       recognized to that brilliant dash forward, by which the vast
       mining apparatus, the foundation of all her wealth, was saved
       from the ruin threatening it.

       "The events of the last six or seven months will involve a
       greater amount of repair and a longer period of recuperation,
       especially for agriculture, than anybody could have
       anticipated when the war commenced. Yet, for all that, having
       regard to the fact that both the Rand and Kimberley are
       virtually undamaged, and that the main engines of prosperity,
       when once set going again, will not take very long to get into
       working order, the economic consequences of the war, though
       grave, do not appear by any means appalling. The country
       population will need a good deal of help, first to preserve it
       from starvation, and then, probably, to supply it with a
       certain amount of capital to make a fresh start. And the great
       industry of the country will need some little time before it
       is able to render any assistance. But, in a young country with
       great recuperative powers, it will not take many years before
       the economic ravages of the war are effaced.

       "What is more serious to my mind than the mere material
       destruction of the last six months is the moral effect of the
       recrudescence of the war. I am thinking especially of the
       Orange River Colony, and of that portion of the Transvaal
       which fell so easily into  our hands after the relief of
       Mafeking, that is to say, the country lying between
       Johannesburg and Pretoria, and the border of Bechuanaland.
       Throughout this large area the feeling in the middle of last
       year was undoubtedly pacific. The inhabitants were sick of the
       war. They were greatly astonished, after all that had been
       dinned into them, by the fair and generous treatment they
       received on our first occupation, and it would have taken very
       little to make them acquiesce readily in the new regime. At that
       time too, the feeling in the Colony was better than I have
       ever known it. The rebellious element had blown off steam in
       an abortive insurrection, and was glad to settle down again.
       If it had been possible for us to screen those portions of the
       conquered territory, which were fast returning to peaceful
       pursuits, from the incursions of the enemy still in the field,
       a great deal of what is now most deplorable in the condition of
       South Africa would never have been experienced. The vast
       extent of the country, the necessity of concentrating our
       forces for the long advance, first to Pretoria and then to
       Komati Poort, resulted in the country already occupied being
       left open to raids, constantly growing in audacity, and fed by
       small successes, on the part of a few bold and skilful
       guerrilla leaders who had nailed their colours to the mast.
       The reappearance of these disturbers of the peace, first in
       the south-east of the Orange River Colony, then in the
       south-west of the Transvaal, and finally in every portion of
       the conquered territory, placed those of the inhabitants who
       wanted to settle down in a position of great difficulty.
       Instead of being made prisoners of war, they had been allowed
       to remain on their farms on taking the oath of neutrality, and
       many of them were really anxious to keep it. But they had not the
       strength of mind, nor, from want of education, a sufficient
       appreciation of the sacredness of the obligation which they
       had undertaken, to resist the pressure of their old companions
       in arms when these reappeared among them appearing to their
       patriotism and to their fears. …

    {516}

       "As the guerrilla warfare swept back over the whole of the
       western Transvaal, and practically the whole of the Orange
       River Colony, its effect upon the Cape Colony also became very
       marked. There was a time, about the middle of last year, when
       the bulk of the Dutch population in the Cape Colony, even
       those who had been most bitter against us at the outset,
       seemed disposed to accept the 'fait accompli,' and were
       prepared to acquiesce in the union of all South Africa under
       the British flag. Some of them even began to see certain
       advantages in such a consummation. The irreconcilable line
       taken in the Cape Parliament, during its recent Session from
       July to October, was a desperate effort to counteract this
       tendency. But I doubt whether it would have succeeded to the
       moderate extent to which it has, had it not been for the
       recrudescence of the war on the borders of the Colony, and the
       embittered character which it assumed. Every act of harshness,
       however necessary, on the part of our troops, was exaggerated
       and made the most of, though what principally inflamed the
       minds of the people were alleged instances of needless cruelty
       which never occurred. Never in my life have I read of, much
       less experienced, such a carnival of mendacity as that which
       accompanied the pro-Boer agitation in this Colony at the end
       of last year. And these libels still continue to make
       themselves felt. …

       "The present position of affairs, alike in the new territories
       and in a large portion of the Cape Colony, if by no means the
       most critical, is possibly the most puzzling that we have had
       to confront since the beginning of the war. Naturally enough
       the public are impatient, and those who are responsible for
       the government of the country are bombarded with most
       conflicting advice. On the one hand, there is the outcry for
       greater severity and for a stricter administration of Martial
       Law. On the other hand, there is the expression of the fear
       that strict measures would only exasperate the people.
       Personally, I am of the opinion, which I have always held,
       that reasonable strictness is the proper attitude in the
       presence of a grave national danger, and that exceptional
       regulations for a time of invasion, the necessity of which
       every man of sense can understand, if clearly explained and
       firmly adhered to, are not only not incompatible with, but
       actually conducive to, the avoidance of injustice and cruelty.
       I am satisfied by experience that the majority of those Dutch
       inhabitants of the Colony who sympathize with the Republics,
       however little they may be able to resist giving active
       expression to that sympathy, when the enemy actually appear
       amongst them, do not desire to see their own districts
       invaded, or to find themselves personally placed in the
       awkward dilemma of choosing between high treason and an
       unfriendly attitude to the men of their own race from beyond
       the border. There are extremists who would like to see the
       whole of the Cape Colony overrun. But the bulk of the farmers,
       especially the substantial ones, are not of this mind. …

       "The inherent vice, if I may say so, of almost all public
       discussion of our South African difficulties is the tendency
       to concentrate attention too exclusively upon the Boers. Say
       what we will, the controversy always seems to relapse into the
       old ruts—it is the British Government on the one hand, and the
       Boers on the other. The question how a particular policy will
       affect, not merely our enemies, but our now equally numerous
       friends, seems seldom to be adequately considered. And yet it
       would seem that justice and policy alike should lead us to be
       as eager to consider the feelings and interests, and to retain
       the loyalty, of those who are fighting on our side, as to
       disarm the present enmity and win the future confidence of
       those who are fighting against us. And this principle would
       seem an the easier to adhere to because there is really
       nothing which the great body of the South African loyalists
       desire which it is not for the honour and advantage of the
       Mother Country to insist upon. Of vindictiveness, or desire to
       oppress the Afrikanders, there is, except in hasty utterances,
       inevitable in the heat of the conflict, which have no
       permanent significance, or in tirades which are wholly devoid
       of influence, no sign whatever. The attitude of almost all
       leading and representative men, and the general trend of
       public feeling among the loyalists, even in the intensity of
       the struggle, is dead against anything like racial
       exclusiveness or domination. If this were not so, it would be
       impossible for a section of pure bred Afrikanders, small no
       doubt in numbers but weighty in character and position, to
       take the strong line which they do in opposition to the views
       of the majority of their own people, based as these are, and
       as they know them to be, upon a misconception of our policy
       and intentions. These men are among the most devoted adherents
       to the Imperial cause, and would regard with more disfavour
       and alarm than anyone the failure of the British nation to
       carry out its avowed policy in the most complete manner. They
       are absolutely convinced that the unquestioned establishment
       of the British supremacy, and the creation of one political
       system from Cape Town to the Zambesi, is, after all that has
       happened, the only salvation for men of their own race, as
       well as for others. Of the terms already offered, a great
       majority, I believe, of the South Africans at present in arms
       on our side entirely approve. There is, no doubt, an extreme
       section who would advocate a sterner attitude on our part, but
       they are not numerous, and their feelings are not lasting. The
       terms offered by Lord Kitchener, which are, in substance,
       identical with repeated declarations of policy on the part of
       His Majesty's Government, are generally regarded as a generous
       and statesmanlike offer, as one which, if firmly adhered to,
       will ultimately be accepted, but as an offer which we cannot
       afford to enlarge. On the other hand, there is a very general
       desire that no effort should be spared to make the generous
       character of our intentions widely known, and to encourage any
       disposition on the part of the enemy to parley, with the object
       of making them better acquainted with the terms on which we
       are prepared to accept their submission.

       "If I might sum up the predominant, indeed, the almost
       unanimous feeling of those South Africans who sympathise with
       the Imperial Government, I should describe it as follows:—They
       are sick to death of the war, which has brought ruin to many of
       them, and imposed considerable sacrifices on almost all. But
       they would rather see the war continue for an indefinite time
       than run the risk of any compromise which would leave even the
       remotest chance of the recurrence of so terrible a scourge in
       the future. They are prepared to fight and suffer on, in order
       to make South Africa, indisputably and for ever, one country
       under one flag, with one system of government, and that system
       the British, which they believe to ensure the highest possible
       degree of justice and freedom to men of all races.
    {517}
       But, with that object accomplished, they are willing, and,
       indeed, ready, to bury racial animosities. They have fought
       against the principle of race oligarchy in one form, and they
       do not wish to re-establish it in another. For the attainment
       of that object, they would rely for the present on the
       vigorous prosecution of the war in which they are prepared
       themselves to take the most active part, coupled with every
       inducement to the enemy to come in on the terms already
       offered, and for the future, as soon as public security is
       assured and the circumstances permit, on the extension to the
       newly acquired territories of a system of Colonial
       self-government. For my own part, I have no doubt that this
       attitude is a wise one, and that it only requires persistence
       in it, in spite of the discouraging circumstances of the
       moment, to lead us to ultimate success."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command, Cd. 547.

       The same Blue Book made known the fact that, on the 3d of
       April, Sir Alfred Milner applied for and obtained leave of
       absence for three months from his duties in South Africa.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
       The situation.

       Early in April it was announced that the seat of government of
       the South African Republic had been transferred from
       Pietersburg to Leydsdorp in the Zoutpansberg by the
       Vice-President, General Schalk-Burger, which seems to indicate
       the beginning of another stage of the South African war. The
       Boers are said to have been for some time past collecting
       great quantities of cattle and sheep in the fastnesses of the
       Zoutpansberg, where also they have ample supplies of
       ammunition, and intend making it a point of ultimate
       resistance as well as a base of present operations.

    SOUTH AFRICA: The Field of War: A. D. 1901 (April).
       The cost of the war to Great Britain as stated
       by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

       In his speech (April 18), on introducing the budget for 1901,
       in the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir
       Michael Hicks-Beach, made the following statements of the cost
       of the war to Great Britain: "I would remind the Committee
       that so far we have borrowed towards the cost of the war
       £67,000,000—£13,000,000 Treasury bills, £10,000,000 Exchequer
       Bonds maturing rather less than three years hence, £14,000,000
       Exchequer Bonds maturing about five years hence, and
       £30,000,000 War Loan maturing in 1910. Now, Sir, in what mode
       may we fairly borrow such a large sum as we now require? This
       can no longer be considered a small war. In cost it is a great
       war. Let me just make a statement to the Committee as to what,
       so far, the estimated cost of this war has been. In 1899-1900 the
       Estimates were £23,217,000. Last year they were £68,620,000,
       and this year's Estimates amount to £60,230,000, including in
       each case the interest on the sums borrowed. That amounts to
       over £152,000,000. I must ask the Committee to remember that
       in those figures I include the cost of both the South African
       and Chinese wars. Then I have to add a million and a quarter
       for this year's borrowing, making in all over £153,000,000.
       That is double the cost of the Crimean War, and when I look
       back at the Peninsular War I find the two most expensive years
       were 1813 and 1814. The forces engaged, of course, were very
       much smaller than those engaged now; but in those two years
       the total cost of our Army and Navy amounted to £144,581,000.
       This amount is less than the charges of the South African and
       Chinese wars. Therefore, I think I am justified in saying that
       in cost this has been a great war. I think, then, it is clear
       we can no longer, in borrowing towards the cost of it, rely
       upon temporary borrowing. We have already £67,000,000 of
       unfunded debt borrowed for this purpose and maturing within
       the next ten years. We have also some £36,000,000 of 2¾ and 2½
       per cent., redeemable in 1905. Therefore, whatever may be the
       prosperity of the country, whatever may be the condition of
       our finances, it is perfectly obvious to my mind that the
       stanchest advocate of the redemption of the debt will have
       ample scope for his energies in the years that are now before
       us. For this reason I propose to ask the Committee to extend
       the powers of borrowing which they gave me in previous Acts,
       to Consols."

       ----------SOUTH AFRICA: End--------

    SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL);

          also,
          CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

    SOUTH AUSTRALIA.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.
       The Dispensary Law.

       In 1892 the Legislature of South Carolina passed an Act,
       commonly called the Dispensary Law, which caused turbulent
       agitations in the State, and excited much interest in the
       country at large. It was based upon the principle of what is
       known as the Gothenburg system of regulation for the sale of
       intoxicating liquors, making the traffic a State monopoly,
       carried on by officials, under rigorous restrictions, with
       profit to the public treasury, and none else. It provided for
       the creation of a State Board of Control, under the direction
       of which a Commissioner, appointed by the Governor, should
       purchase all intoxicating liquors allowed to be sold in the
       State, and should furnish the same to such agents (called
       "dispensers") in the several counties as might be appointed by
       county boards to sell them, in accordance with the regulations
       prescribed. It required all liquors purchased by the
       Commissioner to be tested by an official chemist and declared
       to be pure and unadulterated. It allowed nobody but the
       official "dispensers" to deal in any manner with any kinds of
       intoxicating liquors after the 1st of July, 1893. It forbade
       the selling of such drinks by the authorized salesmen to
       minors and drunkards, and it required all who bought to sign
       and date a printed or written request, stating their residence
       and age.

       The law was fiercely resisted in many parts of the State by
       mobs, and powerfully assailed in the courts; but Governor
       (afterwards Senator) Tillman, who then occupied the executive
       chair, gave it resolute enforcement and support. The attack in
       the courts had momentary success in 1894, the Supreme Court of
       the State rendering a decision adverse to the
       constitutionality of the law; but, meantime, the Legislature,
       in 1893, had made changes in the Act, and its new enactment
       was held to be untouched by the judgment of the court.
    {518}
       Before a new case could be brought to issue, the retirement of
       one of the justices of the Supreme Court brought about a
       change of opinion in that tribunal, and the law in its new
       form was sustained. Disorderly resistance to the enforcement
       of the law was long kept up; but in the end such resistance
       seems to have been mostly overcome.

       In January, 1897, however, one provision of the Act, which
       forbade all importation of liquors into the State by private
       persons, even for their own use, was declared by the Supreme
       Court of the United States to be an interference with
       inter-state commerce, and therefore unconstitutional. This
       breaks down the Dispensary Law, so far as concerns citizens
       who are able to import liquors for themselves. Otherwise the
       law seems to be now stoutly entrenched, and other States are
       being sufficiently satisfied with its success in South
       Carolina to adopt it. The following testimony as to its
       success is from the pen of a North Carolinian, who became
       instrumental in carrying the system into his own State.

       "The familiar features of the dispensary were its closing
       promptly at sundown; no drinking on the premises; the sale of
       liquor to those only who were of age, who were not in the
       habit of drinking to excess, who were sober at the time of the
       sale, and who signed an application for what they bought on a
       public book; and the fact that the dispenser was a salaried
       officer, and thus free from pecuniary interest in stimulating
       sales. To this was added in South Carolina a force of
       constables whose special business it was to arrest those who
       sold liquor contrary to law.

       "The fact that the dispensary law was a substitute for
       Prohibition made the law odious at first to those who had
       fought most ardently for the Prohibition cause. And the
       political faction over which Mr. Tillman had triumphed,
       containing a good proportion of the best blood and brains of
       the State, opposed the dispensary on personal grounds. The spy
       system, as it was called, and the resistance to the
       constables, sometimes resulting in bloodshed, set many of the
       more peaceable and conservative citizens against the law.
       Added to this, the constitutionality of the law as a whole and
       of important provisions separately was strenuously contested
       in the United States Courts, with varying success until the
       Supreme Court settled the matter forever in favor of the law.
       These difficulties are mentioned to show what the system has
       had to face in South Carolina, and for the purpose of
       remarking that the system has triumphed over all opposition.
       The amended Constitution of the State decrees against the
       re-establishment of the saloon. The Dispensary candidate for
       Governor in the last election defeated the Prohibition
       candidate. And the testimony of sober, conservative citizens
       of every rank and profession is now practically unanimous to
       the effect that drunkenness and the crimes resulting therefrom
       have decreased beyond expectation."

          A. J. McKelway,
          The Dispensary in North Carolina
          (Outlook, April 8, 1899).

    SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1896.
       New constitution.
       Introduction of a qualified suffrage.
       Practical disfranchisement pf the greater part of the negroes.

       On the 1st of January, 1896, a new constitution, promulgated
       by a constitutional convention the previous month, without
       submission to popular vote, came into effect. It was framed
       especially to accomplish a practical disfranchisement of the
       larger part of the negro population, which it did by the
       operation of an educational qualification with peculiar
       conditions attached. Until the first of January, 1898, it
       permitted the enrollment of voters who could read, or who
       could explain to the satisfaction of the registering officer a
       section of the constitution read to them; and all citizens
       registered before that date were to be qualified voters
       thereafter. But subsequent to the date specified, none could
       be registered except those able to read and write any required
       part of the constitution, or else to prove themselves owners
       of property and taxpayers on not less than $300. Registration
       to be conducted by county boards appointed by the governor.

          See, also (in this volume)
          MISSISSIPPI.

       Speaking in the United States Senate in justification of this
       measure, Senator Tillman, of South Carolina, said: "We took
       the government away. We stuffed ballot boxes. We shot them. We
       are not ashamed of it. The Senator from Wisconsin would have
       done the same thing. I see it in his eye right now. He would
       have done it. With that system—force, tissue ballots, etc.—we
       got tired ourselves. So we called a constitutional convention,
       and we eliminated, as I said, all of the colored people whom
       we could under the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. … I
       want to call your attention to the remarkable change that has
       come over the spirit of the dream of the Republicans; to
       remind you gentlemen from the North that your slogans of the
       past—brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God—have gone
       glimmering down the ages. The brotherhood of man exists no
       longer, because you shoot negroes in Illinois, when they come
       in competition with your labor, as we shoot them in South
       Carolina when they come in competition with us in the matter
       of elections. You do not love them any better than we do. You
       used to pretend that you did, but you no longer pretend it
       except to get their votes. … You deal with the Filipinos just
       as we deal with the negroes, only you treat them a heap
       worse."

          Congressional Record,
          56th Congress, 1st Session, pages 2347, 2349.

    SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1898.
       Constitutional amendment introducing the
       Initiative and the Referendum.

       A constitutional amendment, adopted by popular vote at the
       November election, introduces the principle of the Swiss
       Initiative and Referendum, providing that the Legislature must
       render obedience to petitions signed by 5 per cent. of the
       voters of the State, which call for the enactment and
       submission to popular vote of any stipulated law, or which
       require the submission to a popular vote of any Act which the
       Legislature may have passed.

    SOUTH DAKOTA: A. D. 1899.
       Adoption of the Dispensary System.

       A constitutional amendment, providing for a dispensary system
       of regulation for the liquor traffic was adopted in 1899 by a
       majority of 1,613 votes.

          See, (in this volume),
          SOUTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1892-1899.

       The newly adopted clause reads as follows: "The manufacture
       and sale of intoxicating liquors shall be under exclusive
       State control, and shall be conducted by duly authorized
       agents of the State, who shall be paid by salary and not by
       commission."

    {519}

    SOUTHWEST AFRICA, German:
       Trade, etc.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1868-1885.
       Affairs in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Conflict between army and Press.
       Change of Ministry.
       Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

       A violent conflict between the military authorities and the
       newspaper Press arose in consequence of an attack made by
       officers of the army on a Republican editor who had sharply
       criticised certain details of army administration. They not
       only assaulted him in person, but broke up his presses and
       type. This military mob outrage was resented and denounced by
       the whole Press, of every party; whereupon the military
       authorities began prosecutions in the military courts, and
       making arrests of publishers and editors, with a contempt for
       law which seemed to be ominous of some revolutionary intent.
       The Liberal Ministry, under Señor Sagasta, not able,
       apparently, to control these proceedings, resigned office, and
       a Conservative Cabinet was formed by Señor Canovas del
       Castillo. The new Ministry had many difficulties to face, the
       fresh outbreak of revolt in Cuba being the most serious.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1895.

       But student rioting at Barcelona, caused by the dismissal of
       11 professor whose writings were condemned at Rome, became
       grave enough to require the sending of the redoubtable General
       Weyler to the scene; and popular excitements in Madrid,
       growing out of exposures of corruption in the municipal
       council, drove two of the colleagues of Canovas from their
       posts. In January, 1896, Weyler was sent to Cuba, to pursue in
       that unhappy island a policy which produced conditions that
       horrified the world.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897, and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

       Elections held in April, 1896, gave the government of Canovas
       an overwhelming majority in the Cortes.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1897,
       Administration of General Weyler in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1896-1898.
       Insurrection in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1896-1898.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (August-October).
       Assassination of the Prime Minister, Canovas del Castillo.
       Return of Sagasta to power.
       Condition of the country.

       On the 8th of August, the Spanish Prime Minister, Señor
       Canovas del Castillo, was shot by an Italian anarchist, a
       Neapolitan, named Angiolillo, while sojourning for a few days,
       with his wife, at the baths of Santa Aguada. He lived but two
       hours after receiving his wounds. General Azcarraga, Minister
       of War, was called by the Queen to take temporary charge of
       the government; but before the end of September he and his
       cabinet were forced to resign, and the Liberals, under the
       lead of Señor Sagasta, returned to power. "Canovas was the
       strong man of Spain. He was not the educator of the people, or
       the worker of the popular inclination. His vigorous
       understanding was their muscular master. The police were on
       his side; a useful portion of the press, hired judiciously for
       the purpose; the army; and the brains to set them all in
       motion; and, so equipped, Antonio Canovas del Castillo
       confronted the Spanish people and said, 'Come on.' It was a
       resolute and daring attitude, and kept the crowd triumphantly
       at bay for thirty years. But of late a change had taken place.
    A good deal of the old fire had burned out. Fifteen years of
       colonial revolt, again, impress even the thickest-headed
       Spanish peasant into conceiving that the trouble has no
       business to last so long, and that his rulers, if hard and
       exigent towards himself, are weak, extravagant, and
       undexterous elsewhere. And this suspicion ripens into
       certainty when he sees his sons torn from his side and packed
       over sea, and when his taxes swell and swell, and the price of
       bread goes up and up, and still no alteration for the better.
       This cumulative truth is what the Spanish plebs have learned
       at last, within a year ago, and if Canovas had had the
       foresight of the true statesman, instead of the blind egoism
       of the autocrat, he would have thrown up his losing cards
       while there was time and said, 'The Cuban War is a mistake.
       Forgive me.' But his unflagging obstinacy held him to his
       desperate and aimless course. Although his complicity with his
       emissary, Weyler, in sending and publishing one lying telegram
       after another, was manifest as day, he smiled and rubbed his
       hands, and vowed the war was all but over; and behind that
       smile he half despised and half defied the victims he invited
       to believe him. He made no claim to be a patriot. He knew he
       was unpopular. He knew that for every cottage whence a son had
       been torn away to that disastrous strife in Cuba the Conservative
       Government of the nation may count upon one bitter foe—the
       Republicans or the Duke of Madrid upon one sure ally. What
       would have happened in Spain, had he lived longer, is quite
       beyond the average power to say. The prospect was too horrible
       for words. However, he died, and his ministry, after feebly
       mimicking the stubborn temper of their chief, succumbed also,
       leaving to the Liberal Party a legacy which may be likened to
       a bomb with time-fuse well alight and sputtering into the
       explosive. In plainer words what faces Señor Sagasta is the
       following: Spain is a beggar. Her credit is gone. Her army,
       always of late years behindhand in discipline, instruction,
       commissariat, and the thousand and one minutiæ other nations
       are solicitous to attend to, is decimated by disease,
       dispirited, and utterly incompetent to engage in war with any
       civilised power. Her navy is rotten. Her people are
       discontented and divided into various creeds. Some are for the
       existing regime, some for Don Carlos, and some for the
       Republic."

          L. Williams,
          Can Sagasta save Spain?
          (Fortnightly Review, December, 1897).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Autonomous Constitution granted to Cuba and Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER);
          and 1897-1898 (NOVEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898.
       War with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (February-March).
       Destruction of the United States
       battle-ship Maine in Havana harbor.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
       Discussion of Cuban affairs with the Government of the
       United States.
       Message of the President to Congress,
       asking for authority to intervene in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-APRIL).

    {520}

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Demand of the United States Government that the authority and
       Government of Spain be withdrawn from Cuba, and its result
       in a state of war.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
       Suspension of hostilities and negotiations of Treaty of
       Peace with the United States.
       Relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, and cession of Porto
       Rico, Guam and the Philippine Islands to the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY-DECEMBER).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1898 (August 21).
       Letter from Spanish soldiers, on their departure from
       Santiago de Cuba, to the soldiers of the American army.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1899.
       Abolition of the Ministry of the Colonies.
       Resignation of the Sagasta Cabinet.
       Ratification of the Treaty of Peace.

       The new conditions in Spanish government resulting from the
       loss of Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines were promptly
       acknowledged, in January, by the abolition of the Ministry of
       Colonies, for which no sufficient duties remained. On the 20th
       of February the Cortes was summoned, and on the same day the
       "state of siege," declared during the war, which had
       practically suspended constitutional rights, was removed by
       proclamation. The Treaty of Peace with the United States was
       laid before the Cortes; but the military party, led by General
       Weyler, opposed the approval of the Treaty, evidently for the
       purpose of embarrassing and weakening the government. They
       were so far successful that Señor Sagasta and his cabinet were
       forced to resign, on the 28th of February, and a Conservative
       Ministry, under Señor Silvela, was formed. But the Cortes,
       which declined to support the government in accepting the
       Treaty of Peace, was dismissed a few days later by the
       Queen-Regent, who signed the Treaty on her own responsibility,
       March 11. The Silvela Ministry proved inharmonious, made so
       especially by the Minister of War, General Polavieja, and in
       September it was reconstructed, with Polavieja dropped out.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (January).
       Relinquishment of sovereignty in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (February).
       Sale of the Caroline, Pelew and Marianne Islands to Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          CAROLINE AND MARIANNE ISLANDS.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (October-November).
       Weyler appointed Captain-General of Madrid.
       Resignation of the Silvela Ministry.
       The army in control.

       The army won control of the government in October, when
       General Linares, Minister of War, without consulting his
       colleagues of the cabinet—if report be true—appointed General
       Weyler to be Captain-General of Madrid. Several members of the
       cabinet resigned in protest, and the Premier, Señor Silvela,
       found it necessary to place the resignation of the Ministry as
       a whole in the hands of the Queen-Regent (October 21). A new
       cabinet was formed, with General Azcarraga for its chief,
       General Linares retaining the portfolio of the War Office, and
       Weyler holding the military command in Madrid. The military
       party appears to be fully in power, and a token of the spirit
       it has carried into the government was given within ten days
       after the formation of the new Ministry, by the promulgation
       of a decree suspending the guarantees of the constitution and
       establishing martial law throughout the kingdom. Some
       movements of Carlist agitation and insurrection furnished a
       pretext for this measure, but they appear to have had no
       serious character.

       It is probable that the military reaction at Madrid will
       stimulate a revival of the old independent aspirations of the
       Catalonians, which have been showing of late many signs of new
       life. The desire for separation from Spain has never died out in
       Catalonia, and a resolute new effort to accomplish it may
       easily appear among the incidents of the near future.

    SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (November).
       Spanish-American Congress.

       At the instance of the "Sociedad Union Ibero-Americana," an
       unofficial organization which has been in existence for more
       than 15 years, a congress was held in Madrid in November,
       1900, with the object of strengthening the relations between
       Spain and those American peoples who are of Spanish origin.
       The proposal of the "Union Ibero-Americana" met with the
       approval of the Spanish Government, and on April 16 a Royal
       decree was issued appointing Señor Silvela, the Prime
       Minister, to be president of a congress to be held in Madrid.
       The Government of Spain then issued invitations to the
       Spanish-American Republics, asking them to send
       representatives, which invitations were accepted by the
       governments of Mexico, the Argentine Republic, Chile, Uruguay,
       Peru, and other States. The list of subjects for discussion
       included proposals of treaties of commerce, international
       arbitration, the harmonizing of the civil, penal, and
       administrative legal codes of the various countries
       represented, emigration, the international validity of
       professional diplomas, the establishment of Ibero-American
       banks, and others. The most important result of the Congress
       was the voting of a plan of compulsory arbitration by the
       South American republics. The motion was introduced by Peru,
       which has the most to gain by arbitration. Chile's was the
       sole dissenting voice. "This," remarks "The Nation," of New
       York, "recalls the fact that Chile consented to take part in
       the Pan-American Congress at the City of Mexico, only on
       condition that any arbitration there provided for should not
       concern her own disputed boundaries."

    SPAIN: A. D. 1901.
       Anti-clerical agitation, directed
       especially against the Jesuits.
       Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias.

       A case arising in Madrid in February produced excitements of
       feeling against the Jesuits which spread to all parts of the
       country, and were the cause of serious political
       demonstrations and rioting in many cities. A wealthy young
       lady, Señorita Ubao, had been persuaded by her confessor, a
       priest of the Jesuit order, to enter a convent, against the
       wish of her family. The family applied to the High Court for a
       mandate to secure her release. The prominence of the parties
       drew universal attention to the case, and it was discussed
       with passion throughout Spain, stirring up, as appears to be
       evident, a latent anti-clerical feeling which only waited to
       be moved.
    {521}
       It seems, moreover, to have served as an occasion for
       demonstrations of the republicanism that continues to be
       strong in Spain. Students of the universities were active
       promoters of the excitement, and set examples of disorder
       which were followed by rougher mobs. In Madrid, Zaragoza,
       Valencia, Valladolid, Santandar, Granada, Malaga, Barcelona,
       and other towns the excitement ran high, and was not quieted
       by a decision of the High Court on the 19th of February,
       restoring Señorita Ubao to her friends. At Barcelona, on the
       last day of March, a meeting of 9,000 citizens, held in the
       bull-ring, is reported to have passed resolutions in favor of
       the separation of Church and State, advocating the prohibition
       of religious orders, and expressing a desire that their
       property should be taken possession of by the State. The
       meeting voted messages congratulating France and Portugal on
       their Anti-Clerical attitude. The meeting was followed by a
       riotous attack on the Jesuit convent, and by a conflict of the
       mob with the civil guard, in which blood was shed. From
       various parts of the country, demands for the expulsion of the
       religious orders were reported, in April, to be reaching the
       government.

       A royal wedding which occurred in the early days of this
       anti-clerical agitation added something to the disturbance of
       the public mind. Dona Maria de las Mercedes, eldest of the
       children of the late King Alphonso XII. and his second wife,
       was married on the 14th of February to Prince Charles, of the
       Neapolitan Bourbon family, son of the Count of Caserta. The
       Princess was Queen of Spain, in her infancy, for a few months
       after her father's death, until the posthumous birth of her
       brother, in 1886, and presumptively she may again inherit the
       crown. In itself, the marriage does not seem to have been
       unpopular; but, for some reason, the Count of Caserta was
       odious to the public of Madrid, and became the object of
       unpleasant attentions from the mob, while the bride and
       bridegroom, and other members of the family of the latter,
       were treated with respect.

    SPANISH-AMERICAN CONGRESS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER).

    SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-MARCH), to 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    SPANISH SOLDIERS: Letter to American soldiers.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST 21).

    SPION KOP, The storming of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    SPITZBERGEN: Claimed by Russia.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898.

    SPITZBERGEN: Recent Exploration of.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1896, 1897, 1898, 1899, 1900, 1900-.

    SPOILS SYSTEM, The:
       As maintained in the service of the
       United States House of Representatives.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1901.

    SPOONER AMENDMENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    STAMBOULOFF, M. Stephen, assassination of.

          See (in this volume)
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES: BULGARIA.

    STANDARD OIL COMPANY.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    STATEN ISLAND: Incorporation in Greater New York.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1896-1897.

    STATISTICS: Of the British-Boer war.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER);
          and SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR:
          A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY), and (APRIL).

    STATISTICS: Of Christian Missions.

          See (in this volume)
          MISSIONS, CHRISTIAN.

    STATISTICS: Of finances and exports of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1900 (JUNE), and (DECEMBER).

    STATISTICS: Of the navies of the Sea Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    STATISTICS: Of the shipping of the world.

          See (in this volume)
          SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

    STATISTICS: Of the Spanish-American war.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898-1899, STATISTICS;
          and 1900 (JUNE);
          also, PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY), and (OCTOBER).

    STATISTICS: Of war-making expenditure by the leading Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    STEAM TURBINES, The invention of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

    STEEL: The Age of.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: THE AGE OF STEEL.

    STEEL PRODUCTION, Combinations in.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    STEVENSON, Adlai E.:
       Bi-metallic mission to Europe.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    STOCKHOLM, Exposition at.

       A Scandinavian industrial exposition, which proved exceedingly
       attractive, was held with much success at Stockholm, the
       Swedish capital, in the summer and autumn of 1897.

    STONEHENGE:
       Fall of two stones.

       "The last night of the nineteenth century was marked, as a
       correspondent pointed out in our issue of yesterday, by a
       serious injury to what remains of the majestic monument of
       Stonehenge. One of the great uprights of the outer circle of
       stones, as well as the cross-piece mortised to it on the top,
       fell to the ground, thus destroying still further the most
       striking effect of this gigantic temple or sepulchre. The fall
       was probably caused by the torrents of rain and the violent winds
       that closed the troubled record of the year 1900. One of the
       uprights was brought to the ground, where it lies like so many
       other of the stones that formed this vast megalithic structure,
       and the capstone has been broken in pieces. The continuous
       exterior circle of which these formed a part was originally
       about one hundred feet in diameter, and though the masses were
       less imposing individually than those of the great tritithons
       around the centre, the effect of the mighty round of uprights,
       sixteen feet high, with huge capstones resting on them, must
       have been wonderful in its noble simplicity …

    {522}

       "The solicitude of the present age has placed Stonehenge, like
       other great national monuments, under the permissive
       protection of the law, but the law itself cannot prevent the
       ravages of weather and the gradual subsidence of the
       foundations on which these masses stand. Little, we fear, can
       be done to keep the remaining uprights standing. They will
       fall when their time comes and will lie where they fall like
       those that have already succumbed to their fate. It is better,
       perhaps, for the dignity of this venerable monument that it is in
       no serious danger of that restoration which is at work on so
       many later structures, more splendid as triumphs of art, but
       less stubborn in their strength."

          London Times,
          January 4, 1901.

    STORMBERG, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    STRATHCONA'S HORSE.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1899-1900.

    STRIKES.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES.

    SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1885-1898.
       Abandonment to the Dervishes.
       Death of the Mahdi.
       Reign of the Khalifa.
       Anglo-Egyptian re-conquest.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896; 1897-1898; and 1899-1900.

    SUDAN, The Egyptian: A. D. 1899.
       Anglo-Egyptian condominium established.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1895.
       Under a Governor-General of French West Africa.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

    SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1897.
       Definition of Tongoland boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (DAHOMEY AND TONGOLAND).

    SUDAN, The French: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Agreement with Great Britain as to the limits.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA: A. D. 1882-1899.

    SUDANESE TROOPS: Mutiny in Uganda.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    SUFFRAGE:
       Qualifications in the several States of the American Union.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY);
          also, DELAWARE; LOUISIANA;
          MARYLAND; MISSISSIPPI; NORTH CAROLINA; and SOUTH CAROLINA.

    SUFFRAGE, Woman.

          See (in this volume)
          WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

    SUGAR BOUNTIES.

       An extremely complicated and irrational state of things,
       connected with the production and consumption of sugar
       throughout the world, has been experienced for many years, as
       a consequence of the system of bounties on exportation, by
       which a number of European countries have stimulated the
       production of beet-sugar, in competition with the sugar
       produced from cane. The system was carried to its extreme
       development in 1896-1897, in consequence of action taken in
       Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

       The legislation in other countries which followed the German
       measure of 1896 was set forth briefly in a memorial from the
       Belgian beet-root sugar makers, in February, 1897, to the
       Belgian Chamber of Representatives, a translation of which was
       transmitted at the time to the State Department at Washington
       by the United States Consul at Ghent. Said that memorial:

       "The fiscal system applied to sugar factories in force
       [previously] in the various countries mentioned [was] chiefly
       established by the following laws: Germany, law of May 31,
       1891; Austria, law of May 20, 1888; France, law of July 29,
       1884; Russia, law of July 13, 1891; Belgium, law of April 16,
       1887; Holland, law of April 15, 1891, and preceding
       legislation. Since the dates above mentioned, the basis
       established in these various countries had undergone only
       secondary modifications, rather local than international, and,
       generally, of a nature to diminish the fiscal favors instead
       of increasing them. From the point of view of competition
       among the countries of Europe, a sort of peaceful stability
       was thus acquired, resulting in a corresponding equilibrium in
       the interior relations of each country between the rural and
       industrial systems, as well as between the cultivator and
       owner. This situation, slowly established, has, during the
       last year, suffered the most serious disturbances. Important
       modifications have been adopted by all our competitors, Russia
       excepted; the latter, enjoying a special system, suffices
       almost entirely for itself without having much to export, it
       is, therefore, not necessary to give it special consideration.

       "The modifications to which we allude are the following: In
       Germany, the law of May 27, 1896, increased the export
       bounties in the following proportions: (1) For raw sugar, from
       30 cents to 60 cents per 220 pounds; (2) for white sugar, from
       41 cents to 72 cents; (3) for refined sugar, from 48 cents to
       89 cents. This is not meant to interfere with other measures,
       notably the imposition of supplementary taxes, and the
       provision by which a factory, under the penalty of having its
       proportion of export bounties reduced, is, so to speak,
       obliged to increase its output or at least to maintain it at
       the same level, even under the most unfavorable circumstances.
       Immediately afterwards, Austria, by the law of July 7, 1896,
       took corresponding protective and defensive measures,
       especially increasing from about $2,000,000 to $3,600,000 the
       amount of public funds destined for export bounties. In
       France, the Chamber of Deputies has just voted export bounties
       even more important than those of other countries, amounting
       to—(1) raw sugar, 68 cents per 220 pounds; (2) white sugar,
       77 cents; (3) refined sugar, 87 cents. All these export
       bounties are independent of the interior advantages accorded
       in Germany and Austria, in various forms less tangible,
       although not less real, and in France in the form of bonuses
       upon the manufacture, which, in the official French
       statistics, appear for sums varying from $1.16 to $l.54½ per
       220 pounds, and which may be normally fixed at $1.35 per 220
       pounds. Holland, in turn, has just revised its system, giving
       from the beginning to its producers a bounty of $1.06½ per 220
       pounds on raw sugars. It is an economic war to the finish
       between rival nations, each desiring the ruin of the others,
       which these measures unchain on the sugar interests of Europe."

          United States Consular Reports,
          June, 1897, page 304.

    {523}

       The effect of bounty-payments is to enable the sugars-makers
       of the country which pays them to sell sugar to foreign buyers
       at a lower price than to buyers at home. Consumers in such a
       country as England, where no sugar is produced, and where no
       duties on imported sugar are levied, reap an enormous gain
       from them, at the expense of the sugar consumers of the
       bounty-paying countries. At the same time, the cane-sugar
       growing colonies of England, especially those in the West
       Indies, suffer from the competition which is made unnatural by
       this method of governmental support. England, therefore, has
       conflicting interests in the matter. The mass of her home
       population, who are great consumers of "sweets," delight in
       the continental bounties, which give them cheap sugar; while
       her West India colonists, and the English sugar refiners, are
       groaning under the hard competition they maintain.

       In the bounty-paying countries the same conflict of interest
       exists between beet-growers and sugar consumers, and
       governmental attitudes on the question of adhering to the
       bounties seem to depend on the relative strength, or political
       weight, of the two bodies. Repeated attempts have been made to
       come to an international agreement for their abolition or
       modification. A general conference on the subject was held
       without result in London, 1887; and another was undertaken in
       June, 1898, at Brussels, on the invitation of the Belgian
       government. The latter made manifest a strong desire to be rid
       of the bounty-paying system, on the part of Germany,
       Austria-Hungary, Belgium and the Netherlands. France was
       willing to withdraw her direct bounties on the exportation of
       sugar, but insisted on maintaining an internal system of taxes
       which was said to have the real effect of a bounty. Russia,
       likewise, would adhere to a domestic system of regulations
       which had that effect. Great Britain declined to engage
       herself to impose a duty on what was called "bounty-fed"
       sugar, for the purpose of neutralizing the bounty, and so
       placing that commodity on a footing of equality with its
       rivals in her markets. Hence no agreement of common action
       could be reached, and the Conference adjourned without result.
       Continental consumers of sugar continue to pay a high price
       for the prosperity of their beet-growers and sugar-makers; but
       Englishmen, who have reveled in cheap "jams" at foreign
       expense, are probably to lose that privilege, since the
       exigencies of their Boer war expenditure have forced the
       Chancellor of the Exchequer, at last, to introduce a duty of
       4s. 2d. per cwt. on refined sugar in his budget for 1901. But
       in his speech on introducing the budget, in the House of
       Commons (April 18, 1901), the Chancellor expressed hopefulness
       that the foreign sugar bounty might save England from a rise
       in price for sugar, notwithstanding the tax. His remarks were
       as follows:

       "What is likely to be the effect on the price of sugar of the
       imposition of a duty? In my opinion that is a very doubtful
       question, because the price of sugar is not governed solely by
       the ordinary conditions, but it is governed largely by the
       bounty system. The great bulk of our imports of sugar come
       from bounty-giving countries; and what is that system? Why,
       Sir, it amounts to this, that the country giving the bounty
       encourages the production of sugar within its borders, and at
       the same time does its best to restrict the consumption of
       sugar by its own people by every possible means, so that the
       result is that there is an enormous surplus of sugar produced
       which must find a foreign market, and which under present
       circumstances can only find a market here. Therefore, it is
       quite conceivable, unless, of course, a bounty-giving country
       either reduced the area of their sugar production or lowered
       their own excise duties on sugar for the benefit of their own
       population—both of which would mean the abolition of the
       bounty system—it is quite conceivable that the result of the
       imposition of a tax on sugar here might be that, though at
       first the price might go up and the consumption of sugar might
       be consequently decreased, there would be such an influx into
       this country of bounty-paid sugar that could not go anywhere
       else that the price might be brought down. I merely put the
       hypothesis to the Committee, because I think it is one that
       ought to be considered by anyone who looks into this
       question."

          London Times, April 19, 1901.

       "The geographical poles of the sugar trade are now Great
       Britain and the United States, and the two great areas of
       production are the beet-sugar countries of the continent of
       Europe and the cane-growing countries of the American and the
       Asiatic tropics. These two areas of production have been in
       active rivalry for the past thirty years, and out of this
       rivalry have come some striking results. The first is, that
       beet sugar controls the world's sugar market; for of the
       8,000,000 tons that constitute the commercial supply of sugar,
       about 5,000,000 are produced from the beet, and the price of
       this portion of the supply practically determines the price of
       the 3,000,000 tons of cane sugar also. Still more significant
       results are the removal of Great Britain from her once
       dominant position in tropical sugar production and the
       elimination of France and Spain from the struggle for
       leadership in the same line of enterprise, as economic
       conditions have centered the cane-sugar trade and industry in
       America. To-day the continental beet-sugar countries supply
       the United Kingdom with seventy-five per cent. of its annual
       sugar imports (2,500,000 tons), leaving only one-quarter to
       come from the tropics. The United States, on the other hand,
       has become the chief market for tropical sugar. …

       "India and the United States exclude bounty fed beet sugar;
       and the reciprocity treaties with the United States, by
       favoring tropical sugar with a minimum duty, put a narrower
       limit to beet-sugar development, now prospering under a
       protective tariff and state bounties. The general effect of
       these positive aids to trade, as well as of the negative
       restraints, has been to encourage tropical enterprise in which
       sugar plays a leading role. …

       "As things stand now, Germany continues to control the world's
       sugar situation—not because of any superiority over the
       tropics in machinery, nor because of the advantages of fiscal
       bounties over tropical resources of the soil, but because all
       the natural advantages under the prevailing slipshod methods
       of tropical cane cultivation are more than counterbalanced by
       the scientific methods of European agriculture applied to beet
       farming. When the tropics apply to the cultivation of canes
       (which covers half of the cost of producing sugar) the same
       degree of scientific attention that has been given to the
       methods of manufacturing the canes into sugar, then—and not
       until then—need the beet-sugar interests of Europe look to
       their laurels, under the present conditions of the trade."

          J. F. Crowell, The Sugar Situation in the Tropics
          (Political Science Quarterly. December, 1899).

    {524}

       In the United States, the Dingley Tariff law of 1897 required
       the Secretary of the Treasury to levy a special countervailing
       duty on all bounty-fed sugar equal to the benefit derived by
       the manufacturers of it from the bounty systems under which it
       was produced. German and French sugars have had to bear such
       countervailing duty, and it was exacted on Russian sugar for a
       time after the passage of the Dingley Act; but the Russian
       government succeeded in bringing about a suspension of it,
       pending negotiations for a commercial treaty, which came to
       nothing. It was the Russian contention, that the system
       operating in that country for the benefit of the sugar
       producers, by means of internal taxes which are not collected
       on exported sugar, and by paternal regulations which control
       prices in the domestic market, is not a bounty system, within
       the meaning of the American law. (The full text of the Russian
       law on the subject may be found translated in the
       "Congressional Record," February 26, 1901, page 3335.) By
       these arguments and by protracted negotiations the Russians
       succeeded in keeping the door of the American market open to
       their sugar, with no extra levy of duties, until February,
       1901, when the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States
       arrived at the decision that he is required by the law to levy
       and collect a countervailing duty or tax of 32 cents on each
       pood (about 36 pounds) of Russian sugar imported into the
       United States. The order to that effect, issued on the 12th of
       February, gave great satisfaction to the American sugar-trust,
       and more than equal dissatisfaction to other important
       interests in the country, which are threatened by the danger
       of retaliatory tariffs on the Russian side. The situation
       produced is thus described in a Washington letter to the
       "Tribune" of New York: "The iron and steel manufacturers have
       been clamoring for the continued suspension of the
       countervailing duty on Russian sugars. They have begun, they
       say, to build up a market in Russia for American steel
       products, and that market will be lost to them if Russia in
       retaliation imposes maximum instead of minimum duties on steel
       and iron manufactures. The steel industry all over the world
       is threatened with a glut in production, and the American
       manufacturers especially are keenly looking about for every
       possible opportunity to dispose of an increasing surplus. They
       deplore, therefore, the reimposition of the sugar duty, and
       will help to fight for a reversal of Secretary Gage's action
       by the Board of General Appraisers or by the courts. The
       Secretary contends that the Russian scheme of encouraging the
       sugar interest should be submitted for judgment to some legal
       tribunal, and that in such an evident case of doubt it is his
       duty to favor the Government to the extent of reimposing the
       disputed duty. The case will go to the Board of General
       Appraisers in New York, and then to the Federal courts, and a
       final decision is, perhaps, two years off. Meanwhile the
       German, French and other Continental governments have been
       somewhat appeased, and the Sugar Trust has won a substantial
       victory at the expense of the iron and steel consolidation.
       Russia is disposed to resort to retaliatory decrees, and the
       whole horizon is more or less clouded with threats of
       commercial warfare."

       The immediate consequence of the order of the United States
       Treasury Department was a retaliatory order by M. De Witte,
       the Russian Minister of Finance, issued four days later
       (February 16), directing the collection of an additional
       tariff of 30 per cent net upon American hardware, iron, steel,
       boilers, pipes, forgings, castings, tools, gas and water
       meters, dynamos, sewing machines, when such articles are of
       American manufacture. This includes motors and machinery of
       all kinds.

    SUGAR TRUST, The.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);
          and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    SULU ARCHIPELAGO:
       Acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the United States.
       The Sultan's Government.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

    SUMER.

          See (in volume 1)
          BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;
          (in volume 4)
          SEMITES;
          and (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1895.
       Decision against the constitutionality of the Income Tax.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (APRIL-MAY).

    SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Hearing of cases involving questions concerning the status of
       the new possessions of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900-1901.

    SURGERY, Recent advances in.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL,
          and CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS (X RAYS).

    SUSA, Recent exploration of the ruins of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: PERSIA.

    SUWAROFF ISLAND:
       Proposed annexation to New Zealand.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW ZEALAND: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

    SUZERAINTY:
       The question between Great Britain and
       the South African Republic.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1884-189-1;
          1897 (MAY-OCTOBER); and 1898-1899.

    SWAT VALLEY:
       British India and the tribes of the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1895 (MARCH-SEPTEMBER);
          1897-1898; and 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    SWAZILAND:
       Administration assumed by the Transvaal Government.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (THE TRANSVAAL).

    {525}

    SWEDEN AND NORWAY:
       Norwegian discontent with the union.

       "The question of representation in foreign countries has now
       convulsed Scandinavia for some years. A race of democratic
       tendencies usually thinks more of its Consular than of its
       Diplomatic Service, and Norway, in demanding immediate
       permission to appoint her own Consuls, announces that she is
       willing to leave for future consideration the subject of
       separate Ambassadors for the two countries. Professor Harald
       Hjärne crystallizes the reply of Sweden in the words: 'By
       granting such a request we run the risk of our foreign policy,
       and with it also our satisfactory relations with foreign
       Powers, in fact, the whole external safety of our country,
       becoming a mere ball for the Norwegian parties during their
       contests for power.' However, the King, who is ever ready to
       grant privileges to his Norwegian subjects, even when acting
       against his better judgment, declared himself willing to
       accede to the petition as to the Consuls, and to allow the
       sister country to have the direct voice in the regulation of
       foreign affairs which she has so long demanded, but only on
       condition that she would contribute to the defence of the two
       Kingdoms in proportion to her population. … Many leading
       Norwegians declare that those who shout so loudly for a
       revision of the Constitution are, after all, in the minority.
       They argue that claims on Sweden are, for the most part,
       merely advanced as a party cry, and that if a general appeal
       were made to the country, the majority would pronounce,
       without hesitation, in favor of a continuation of the Union to
       the State which has given Norway, for the first time in her
       history, a period of nearly a century of peace and
       uninterrupted prosperity. …

       "The Left support their plea for separate Consuls by pointing
       out that the mercantile navy of Norway is far larger than that
       of Sweden; they claim for it, in fact, that it is the third
       largest in the world. A reply to this is that a large
       proportion of this navy consists of old wooden sailing-boats,
       unfit for any purpose but that of carrying timber, that Norway
       has increased her mercantile navy at the expense of her
       warships, and that in time of war she would have to depend
       exclusively on the splendid modern battleships of Sweden for
       the defence both of her harbours and her shipping, since she
       is not now herself the owner of one single modern ironclad. It
       may be mentioned, in connection with this matter, that the
       exports and imports of Sweden are nearly treble those of
       Norway, the timber trade of the former country alone being the
       largest in Europe, and that it is in consequence of Sweden
       leaving so much of her carrying trade in the hands of the
       sister country, thereby contributing no little to her
       prosperity, that she has been encouraged and enabled to
       increase her merchant navy to such an extent. Sweden has
       throughout the century made enormous sacrifices for her navy,
       and especially has this been the case since King Oscar came to
       the throne. She is, therefore, so far as can be foreseen, in a
       position to defend both her own ports and her merchant
       vessels. She does not, however, profess to be equal to the
       task of protecting the long coast-line of Norway and that vast
       fleet of merchant vessels, of which the land last named is
       justly proud, without any aid whatever from the sister
       country, and statistics prove that, however willing in an
       emergency Norway might be, she would be unable to offer for
       this purpose help that would be of any practical use. …

       "In March, 1895, during the Consular crisis, King Oscar went
       over to Christiania and did his utmost to effect a compromise.
       Demands were made on him by the Extreme Left, to which he
       could not consent, and he referred the Storthing to the Act of
       Union proving that should he agree to the claim, he would
       himself be guilty of a violation of the Constitution. Some
       painful scenes ensued, and the King left Norway almost at
       once. On his arrival in Stockholm he received an ovation such
       as few Swedish monarchs can ever have had before. Every
       distinguished man in the country seemed to have assembled at
       the railway-station to greet him; each public body was
       represented by its leading member, the whole of the Swedish
       Parliament was present, and the fervour and enthusiasm with
       which he was saluted is beyond description. The Press, without
       a single exception, took the King's side, praising His
       Majesty's action in most lavish terms; this produced more
       effect than anything in Norway, where the Left had counted on
       the support of the Radical Press in Sweden, not realising
       that, when once there was a question of attacks on the Union
       and the Constitution, all parties were equally prepared to
       rally round the King. …

       "In view of the strained relations between Sweden and Norway,
       it may be said that Russia's encroachment on the liberties of
       Finland is extremely ill-timed if, as is probable, she
       contemplates offering her protection to Norway as she did to
       the neighbouring country at the beginning of the century.
       Even if no such extreme step on the part of Russia be in view,
       should those among Norway's two million inhabitants who demand
       separation, have their way, the country would be able to offer
       the Imperial Government a splendid bribe as the price of its
       non-intervention, for to the north of the territory of
       Norrland lies the Varanger Fjord, an inlet including several
       fine harbours, which is practically free from ice throughout
       the year. This bay, so much coveted by the greater power, is
       only separated from the Czar's dominions by a narrow strip of
       Norwegian soil, which has already been crossed by a railway
       constructed by Russia with the permission of Norway. The value
       of this fjord to the Empire in time of war would be
       incalculable, and to have this magnificent gift at its
       disposal is a perpetual temptation to Norway to win the
       suffrages of the only European Power she has reason to fear
       should she ever hoist the flag of revolt she has so long held
       half-unfurled in her hand."

          Constance Sutcliffe,
          Scandinavia and her King
          (Fortnightly Review, October, 1897).

       In 1899, an Act directing the removal of the emblem of union
       from the flag of Norway was passed by the Norwegian Storthing
       for the third time over the veto of the King, and became law,
       under the provisions of the Constitution.

    SWEDEN AND NORWAY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1894-1898.
       The Initiative and the Referendum in practice.

       Three times during the year 1894, with a conservative result
       in each instance, important questions of legislation were
       submitted to the vote of the Swiss people. In one instance
       they were asked to demand that a portion of the federal
       customs dues should be assigned to the cantons for cantonal
       use, the avowed aim of the proposition being to weaken the
       Confederation. They rejected the scheme by a vote of 347,491
       against 145,270.
    {526}
       A still heavier majority was given against Socialist proposals
       for a constitutional article guaranteeing the right of every
       Swiss citizen to remunerated work. This was supported by only
       75,880 votes, against 308,289. For another Socialist proposal,
       of gratuitous medical attendance, the necessary petition (with
       50,000 signatures) in order to bring it to a popular vote, could
       not be obtained. A third, for extending factory regulations to
       all shops in which manual work is done, and for establishing
       obligatory trade syndicates, to fix salaries, prices, number
       of apprentices, was lost by a vote of 135,713 against 158,492.

       Again, in 1895, the result of appeals made to the Referendum
       seemed to show that the disposition of the people was more
       conservative than that of the government. An Army Reform Bill,
       which enlarged the federal control of military administration,
       was rejected by 270,000 votes, against 195,000. Two or three
       other proposals of less moment were voted down by considerable
       majorities, and it appeared unmistakably that changes dependent
       on the popular will were not to be easily made.

       In 1896 a proposal from the Federal Council to make the head
       of the War Office commander-in-chief of the army in time of
       peace was voted down, on a referendum, by 310,992 against
       77,169. During that year there was much agitation of a project
       for the establishment of a State Bank, which the Chambers had
       sanctioned; but, on being submitted to the people, early in
       1897, it was defeated by a majority of about 60,000.

       Another measure, supported by the Federal Council and adopted
       in the Chambers, for the purchase of the five principal
       railways of the republic, was submitted to the decision of the
       Referendum in February, 1898, and carried by 384,272 votes
       against 176,002. Accordingly, the five railways known as the
       Swiss Central, the Union, the Northeastern, the St. Gothard,
       and the Jura Simplon, about 1,650 miles in total length,
       became the property of the state. The general plan of the
       government was to purchase the railways at twenty-five times
       the average net annual earnings for the past ten years,
       providing this was not less than the actual cost. The
       companies to have the privilege of deducting surplus capital,
       but to turn over the roads in first-class condition.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1897.
       Constitutional amendments.

       Consul Germain wrote from Zurich, July, 1897:

       "Constitutional amendments were voted on and adopted by the
       Swiss people on Sunday last, July 11. The first amendment
       relates to forestry and gives the Federal Government control
       over and power to enact uniform laws to regulate Swiss
       forests. The second amendment puts the manufacture, sale, and
       importation of food products under federal control. These two
       amendments will relieve the cantons from vexatious
       legislation, heretofore differing in each of the twenty
       cantons and four half cantons, and give the whole of
       Switzerland uniform laws on forestry and the manufacture,
       sale, and importation of food products."

          United States Consular Reports,
          October, 1897, page 296.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    SWITZERLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Rejection of new electoral proposals.

       On the 4th of November the Swiss nation gave its decision
       regarding two important proposals which under the name of the
       "double initiative" had been causing great excitement among
       the population of the Confederation. One of these proposals
       had for its object the election of members of the National
       Council on the system of proportional representation, the
       other the election of the Federal Council by the people. Both
       proposals were rejected, the first by 242,004 popular votes to
       163,548, and by 11½ cantonal votes to 10½, and the second by
       264,087 popular votes to 134,167 and by 14 cantonal votes to
       8.

    SYRIA:
       Exploration of ruined cities of the Roman province.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: SYRIA.

    SZECHUAN.

          See (in this volume)
          CHUNG-KING.

    T.

    TA TAO HUI, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    TACNA, The question concerning.

          See (in this volume)
          CHILE: A. D. 1894-1900.

    TAGALOS,
    TAGALOGS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    TAGALOS:
       Revolt against the sovereignty of the United States
       in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER), and after.

    TAKU FORTS, Allied capture of the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE 10-26).

    TALANA HILL, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    TALIENWAN: A. D. 1895.
       Russo-Chinese Treaty.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895.

    TALIENWAN: A. D. 1898.
       Lease to Russia.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

    TALIENWAN: A. D. 1899.
       Declared a free port.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (AUGUST).

    TAMMANY HALL.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1894-1895;
          and 1897 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    TARIFF, Chinese.

          See (in this volume)
          LIKIN.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION:
       Australia: A. D. 1894-1895.
       Defeat of Protection in New South Wales.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA (NEW SOUTH WALES): A. D. 1894-1895.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION:
       Australia: A. D. 1901.
       Promised protective policy for the new Commonwealth.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

    TARIFF LEGISLATION:
       Canada: A. D. 1897.
       Revision of tariff, with discriminating duties in favor of
       Great Britain, and provisions for reciprocity.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION:
       Europe and America: A. D. 1896-1901.
       The question of sugar bounties and countervailing duties.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES; and GERMANY: A. D. 1896 (MAY).

    {527}

    TARIFF LEGISLATION:
       Germany: A. D. 1891-1899.
       Recent commercial treaties.
       Preparations for forthcoming treaties.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1891-1899.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1895-1898.
       Demands of the German Agrarian Protectionists.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1895-1898.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: Germany: A. D. 1901.
       Promised increase of protective duties.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: Japan: A. D. 1897.
       New tariff law.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1897.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: Philippines: A. D. 1901.
       New tariff for the Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: Porto Rico. A. D. 1900
       Tariff between Porto Rico and the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1897.
       The Dingley Tariff.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY);
          and 1899-1901.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Reciprocity treaties.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1899-1901.

    TARIFF LEGISLATION: United States: A. D. 1900.
       Relations of the tariff to steel and tin plate industries.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    TASMANIA.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    TEHUANTEPEC RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1898-1900.

    TELEGRAPH, Cape to Cairo.

       For the projected line of telegraph from the southern to the
       northern extremity of Africa, Mr. Cecil Rhodes has undertaken
       to find most of the needed money. He began construction from
       the northern terminus of the Cape telegraphic service. In 1899
       it was reported: "He has pushed the line northward through
       Rhodesia to Umtali, in Mashonaland, which is 1,800 miles from
       the Cape, and is pushing it on through Nyassaland to the
       southern end of Lake Tanganyika, another 700 miles farther
       north. The total distance to be covered is 6,600 miles. At the
       same time the Egyptian government, under British auspices, was
       pushing its telegraph system southward from Wady Halfa. Its
       advance was intermittent, the erection of the telegraph poles
       being necessarily dependent upon the pushing back of the
       outposts of the Dervishes. Last autumn, however, the
       destruction of the power of the Khalifa at Omdurman enabled
       the Anglo-Egyptian authorities to reopen the long-closed
       telegraph office at Khartoum. Khartoum being 1,300 miles from
       Cairo, this reduces the distance to be spanned by the
       telegraph wire to 3,500 miles; or, if we reckon Abercorn, on
       Lake Tanganyika, as its northern terminus, only 2,800 miles.
       It is being rapidly eaten into at both ends, more rapidly in
       the south than in the north. Still nearly one-half of the
       continent, and that the most difficult part, remains to be
       crossed."

          W. T. Stead
          (in McClure's Magazine, August, 1899).

       Soon after this was written, the South African War stopped the
       progress of the work.

    TELEGRAPHS, Submarine.

       "The submarine telegraphs of the world number 1,500. Their
       aggregate length is 170,000 miles; their total cost is
       estimated at $250,000,000, and the number of messages annually
       transmitted over them 6,000,000: All the grand divisions of
       the earth are now connected by their wires, and from country
       to country and island to island the thoughts and words of
       mankind are instantaneously transmitted. … Adding to the
       submarine lines the land-telegraph systems by which they are
       connected and through which they bring interior points of the
       various continents into instantaneous communication, the total
       length of telegraph lines of the world is 835,000 miles, the
       length of their single wires or conductors 3,500,000 miles,
       and the total number of messages annually sent over them
       365,000,000, or an average of 1,000,000 messages each day. In
       the short half century since the practicability of submarine
       telegraphy was demonstrated, the electric wires have invaded
       every ocean except the Pacific. Nearly a score of wires have
       been laid across the Atlantic, of which no less than thirteen
       now successfully operate between the United States and Europe,
       while three others span the comparatively short distance
       between South America and the African and south European coast
       lines. Throughout the Indian Ocean, lines connect the far East
       with Europe and America by way of the Red Sea, the
       Mediterranean, the western coast of Europe, and the great
       trans-Atlantic lines. The Mediterranean is crossed and
       recrossed in its entire length and breadth by numerous cable
       lines, and the Mediterranean of America,' the Gulf of Mexico
       and the Caribbean Sea, is traversed in all directions by lines
       which bring its islands and colonies into speaking relations
       with each other and with South America, Central America, the
       United States, and thence with Europe, Africa, Asia—the whole
       world. Along the eastern coast of Asia, cable lines loop from
       port to port and island to island, receiving messages overland
       from eastern Europe by way of the Russia-Siberian land lines
       and forwarding them to Japan, China, Australia, New Zealand,
       the Straits Settlements, Hongkong, and the Philippines, and
       receiving others in return. South America is skirted with
       cable lines along its entire border save the extreme south,
       where they are brought into inter-communication by land lines.
       Along the entire coast of Africa, cables loop from place to place
       and from colony to colony, stretching along the entire
       circumference and penetrating the interior by land lines at
       various points. Every body of water lying between the
       inhabited portions of the earth, with the single exception of
       the Pacific Ocean, has been crossed and recrossed by submarine
       telegraph lines. Even that vast expanse of water has been
       invaded along its margin, submarine wires stretching along its
       western border from Siberia to Australia, while its eastern
       borders are skirted with lines which stretch along the western
       coasts of the two Americas. Several adventurous pioneers in
       Pacific telegraphy have ventured to considerable distances and
       depths in that great ocean, one cable line running from
       Australia to New Zealand, a distance of over 1,000 miles, and
       another extending from Australia to the French colony of New
       Caledonia, 800 miles seaward."

          United States Bureau of Statistics,
          Monthly Summary, January, 1899.

    TELEGRAPHY, Wireless.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    TELEPHONE SYSTEM, Recent development of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    {528}

    TELEPHONY, Dr. Pupin's improvement in long-distance.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    TEMPERANCE.

          See (in this volume)
          references under LIQUOR SELLING.

    TEMPLE LIBRARY, of ancient Nippur, The.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    TENNESSEE: A. D. 1897.
       Centennial Exposition.

       The centennial anniversary of the admission of Tennessee to
       the American Union was celebrated by the holding of a very
       successful exposition at Nashville, opening May 1, 1897.

    TERESA URREA.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

    TESLA, Nikola: Electrical inventions and discoveries.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    THREE AMERICAS RAILWAY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          RAILWAY, INTERCONTINENTAL.

    THUTMOSIS I., The tomb of.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: EGYPT: NEW DISCOVERIES.

    TIENTSIN.

       "Tientsin is the most important city of northern China, being
       located at the head of the Gulf of Pechili and but 80 miles
       from the capital, Pekin, with which it is connected by water
       and by a railway line. Another completed railway line runs
       northeastwardly to Shanhai-kwan, and an elaborate railway
       system is projected southward from this point through the
       populous provinces of Shantung and Kiangsu to connect Tientsin
       with Shanghai. In addition to these, the Grand Canal, the most
       important of the great artificial waterways of China, has for
       centuries connected Tientsin with the Yangtze-Kiang and
       Shanghai. Its population is in round numbers 1,000,000."

          United States, Bureau of Statistics, Monthly Summary,
          March, 1899, page 2194.

       "Tientsin is situated at the junction of the Huei River
       (sometimes called the Grand Canal) with the Peiho River, in
       latitude 39° 3' 55" north and longitude 117° 3' 55" east. It
       is distant from Pekin by road about 80 miles. Formerly, it was
       a military station only, but towards the end of the
       seventeenth century became a city of great importance. To-day,
       it is the home of 1,000,000 people, with an annual import and
       export trade aggregating 65,000,000 taels * ($42,250,000).

          [* Consul Ragsdale values the haikwan tael at 65 cents;
          the estimate of the United States Director of the Mint,
          July 1, 1898, is 68.8 cents.]

       … The growth of Tientsin within the past few years is most
       astonishing. The mud holes and swamps of a few years ago have
       been filled in; one, two, three, and even four story brick
       buildings erected; streets macadamized, trees planted, gas
       works constructed, and now pipes (from New York) for a very
       elaborate and perfect water system are being laid—all due to
       foreign enterprise. On the other hand, the Chinese authorities
       have been seized with the spirit of progress, and to them is
       due the building and furnishing of the Imperial Military
       College, the Imperial University, arsenals for the manufacture
       of guns and ammunition, a mint for the coinage of silver, and,
       last but not least, 320 miles of a splendid railway. …

       "The Imperial University was established in 1895 by its
       president, Mr. C. D. Tenney (former United States vice-consul
       at Tientsin), at the request of His Excellency Sheng Hsuan,
       with the advice and approval of the Emperor. His Excellency Wu
       Ting-fang, present Chinese minister at Washington, and Mr.
       Ts-ai Shao-chin, member of Viceroy Wang's staff, were the
       first directors. The university is divided into three
       departments, viz, collegiate, preparatory, and railway. The
       preparatory course covers four years, after which the students
       enter the collegiate department, where they remain another
       four years. At the end of the first year in the collegiate
       department, the students are drafted into special
       classes—civil, mining, and mechanical engineering, and law.
       Each special branch is in charge of foreign professors,
       assisted by Chinese professors. The railway department was
       organized for the purpose of providing men for subordinate
       positions in the railway service—draftsmen, engineers, station
       masters, etc. The students are admitted to the various
       departments by competitive examinations. The government of the
       university is solely in the hands of the president and
       directors, the former being responsible for the educational
       work of the institution. Thirty students in each class are
       supported by the Government and are bound to Government
       service after their graduation. The present number of students
       is 250, and the annual expenses are 60,000 taels ($39,000),
       entirely borne by the Government. The president and four of
       the five professors are citizens of the United States.

       "The Imperial Military College was established by His
       Excellency Li Hung-Chang, the viceroy of Chihli, in the year
       1884. At the beginning, it was simply intended to give
       employment to the German officers under contract with the
       Government, but the necessity of training men in the arts of
       war led the viceroy to memorialize the Throne in behalf of a
       permanent military college. A suitable building was erected,
       at a cost of 50,000 taels ($32,500), and the annual expense of
       maintenance is about the same amount. The students are drafted
       from the different military camps, and they are supported by
       the generals under whom they were serving. After a two years'
       course, they return to their respective commands as
       instructors. The school is under the directorship of Taotai
       Yint Chang, a Manchu, who received his military education in
       Germany, and held a commission of lieutenancy in the Austrian
       army. All the principal instructors are Germans, most of them
       being noncommissioned officers."

          United States Consular Reports,
          December, 1898, pages 550-552.

    TIENTSIN: A. D. 1897.
       Extension of British settlement.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JUNE).

    TIENTSIN: A. D. 1900.
       Capture by allied forces.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

    TIGRIS, Valley of the:
       Recent archæological exploration.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    TIN PLATE INDUSTRY, in the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES.

    {529}

    TOCHI VALLEY, British-Indian war with the tribes.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1897-1898.

       Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    TOGOLAND: A. D. 1899.
       State of German colony.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1899 (JUNE).

    TOGOLAND: A. D. 1900.
       Demarcation of the Hinterland.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1900.

    TOLEDO, OHIO: A. D. 1899-1901.
       The election of Mayor Jones.

       Importance was given to the municipal election of April, 1899,
       in Toledo, Ohio, by the character of the chosen Mayor, Samuel
       M. Jones. He had first made himself known as a manufacturer in
       the city, by his dealings with his employees. The Golden Rule
       was posted in his shops, as the law by which he expected his
       own conduct and that of the men who served him to be governed,
       and it was found that he consistently obeyed the rule. In
       1897, the Republican party, needing a candidate for Mayor, put
       him forward and elected him. In office, he served the people
       so well and the politicians and the monopoly interests so
       little to their satisfaction, that his party, obedient to the
       latter, cast him aside and nominated to the Mayor's office a
       more "practical" man. Mr. Jones, thereupon, was induced to
       present himself as an independent candidate, on a platform
       denounced as "socialistic," and was elected by more than
       double the total vote cast against him, for the regular
       candidates of the Republican and Democratic parties. In the
       following November, Mr. Jones was put forward as an
       independent candidate for Governor of Ohio, and was not
       elected, but received something over 106,000 votes.

       On the 1st of April, 1901, Mr. Jones was reelected Mayor of
       Toledo for a third term, again as an Independent, and as a
       champion of municipal ownership for all public utilities.

    TONGA ISLANDS, The:
       Renunciation of German rights to Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    TORAL, General:
       The Spanish defense of Santiago de Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (JUNE-JULY).

       Surrender of Spanish forces in eastern Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JULY 4-17).

    TOSKI, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          EGYPT: A. D. 1885-1896.

    TOWER BRIDGE.

          See (in this volume)
          LONDON: A. D. 1894.

    TRANS-MISSISSIPPI EXPOSITION.

          See (in this volume)
          OMAHA: A. D. 1898.

    TRANS-SIBERIAN RAILWAY.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895;
          and RUSSIA IN ASIA: A. D. 1891-1900.

    TRANSUBSTANTIATION, English royal declaration against.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    TRANSVAAL, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL).

    TRANSVAAL NATIONAL UNION, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1895-1896.

    TRIADS, Rebellion of the.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (APRIL-JULY).

    TRIBUNAL OF ARBITRATION, The Permanent.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    TRIPLE ALLIANCE, The.

       The treaty of the Triple Alliance, or Dreibund, of Germany,
       Austria-Hungary and Italy, formed in 1882 and renewed in 1887,
       for common defense against France and Russia, expires in 1903.

          See, in volume 5,
          TRIPLE ALLIANCE.

       Rumors of an intention on the part of Italy to withdraw from
       the Alliance arose in the spring of 1901, and received some
       color from a marked exchange of friendly courtesies between
       Italy and France in April, when an Italian squadron was
       entertained at Toulon, on the occasion of a visit from the
       President of the French Republic to that city. But there seems
       to be little reason to believe that any such action has been
       determined by the Italian government.

    TROCHAS.

       A Spanish term applied to military entrenchments or fortified
       lines.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897; and 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    TROY: Later researches on the site.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: TROY.

    TRUST, The Sugar, and the Dingley Tariff.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY); and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

       ----------TRUSTS: Start--------

    TRUSTS:
       Industrial combinations in the United States.

       An "Industrial Commission," was created by Act of Congress in
       June, 1898.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (JUNE).

       It submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900,
       on the subject of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," from
       which the following historical information is taken:

       "The form of organization that has given them [industrial
       combinations] their name 'trusts' was the one started by the
       Standard Oil Trust in 1882, afterwords followed by the Whisky
       combination—the Distillers and Cattle Feeders' Trust—and by
       the Sugar Trust—the American Sugar Refineries Company. The
       plan of that organization was as follows: The stockholders of
       the different corporations entering the combination assigned
       their stock in trust to a board of trustees without the power
       of revocation. That board of trustees then held the voting
       power of the stocks of the different companies, and was thus
       enabled, through the election of directors, to control them
       absolutely. In place of the stock thus received the trustees
       issued trust certificates upon which the former holders of the
       stock drew their dividends, these being paid upon the
       certificates regardless of what disposition was made of the
       plants of the different corporations. Owing largely to hostile
       legislation and to the bitter feeling against the trusts above
       named, these trusts, after some adverse decisions of the
       courts, went out of existence, reorganizing as single
       corporations in most cases, and none at the present time
       remain.
    {530}
       A somewhat similar form of organization, however—the voting
       trust—is found at times. In this form of trust the holders of
       at least a majority of stock of a single corporation put their
       stock into the hands of trustees for the purpose of voting it,
       retaining for themselves all the privileges of drawing
       dividends and making transfers. Such a voting trust has been
       formed, it is claimed, in the case of the Pure Oil Company—an
       organization of the independent oil interests—for the sake of
       protecting a majority of the stock against purchase by the
       Standard Oil Company. … As a form of corporate combination for
       the sake of securing monopolistic control, the voting trust
       does not seem to be now in vogue.

       "The form of organization that seems most common at the
       present time is that of the single large corporation, which
       owns outright the different plants. A combination of this kind
       is formed by the purchase of all of the plants of the
       different corporations or individuals who enter into it, the
       corporations then dissolving as separate corporations. Often
       payments for the plants are made largely in stock of the new
       corporation, so that many of the former owners maintain their
       interest in the business. The affairs are then managed
       entirely by the stockholders of the one corporation through
       their board of directors, elected in the ordinary way. It is
       usual for these larger corporations to choose a very liberal
       form of charter.

       "A third form of organization, which is in many particulars
       quite like the original trust form, is that which has been
       taken by the Federal Steel Company, by the Distilling Company
       of America, and others. In this form the central company,
       instead of purchasing the plants of the different corporations
       which it is proposed to unite, simply buys a majority of the
       stock, or possibly the entire stock of each one of the
       corporations. The separate corporations keep in separate
       corporate existence, but a majority of the stock being held by
       the one larger corporation, its officers, of course, elect the
       boards of directors of all of the separate corporations, and
       in this way hold ultimately complete control. It is usually
       true that the separate corporations manage their own affairs
       practically independently, although they are furnished
       information regarding the workings of the other establishments
       in the combination through the central officers, and are
       doubtless largely directed in their policy in this way.

       "In the case of the Standard Oil Company, when the original
       trust was dissolved, there were issued to the holders of trust
       certificates proportional amounts of stocks of each of the
       constituent companies, and since the trustees themselves had
       held a majority of the certificates, they retained as
       individuals a majority of the stock in each one of the
       companies that had formerly been in the trust. The separate
       corporations were named as separate corporations, but the
       majority of the stock of all being held in the same hands, the
       directors of the different companies were largely the same men,
       and their affairs were managed in unison in substantially the
       same way as had been the case before. The new Standard Oil
       Company of New Jersey has recently been formed with the
       intention of transferring the stocks of the different
       corporations into the stock of the new company, so that when
       the transfer has been finally made, one single corporation,
       the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, will own outright the
       property now owned by the separate companies which are
       commonly known and mentioned together under the name of the
       Standard Oil Company. This combination at present has no
       formal unity. It has a practical unity as great as it will
       have probably after the complete change into the New Jersey
       company is effected.

       "As most of the larger corporations have, within the last few
       years, been organized in New Jersey, it will be worth while to
       note the special advantages given by the corporation laws of
       that State. The advantages that seem to be brought out most
       clearly are:

       First, taxation. The organization tax is considerably lower
       than that of most of the States, while the annual tax is fixed
       upon the amount of capital paid in, so that it is an
       absolutely certain quantity and can be determined by anyone,
       thus leaving no opportunity for corruption on the part of
       either the corporation itself or of State officials. The rate
       of the tax is moderate, and decreases as the amount of capital
       increases.

       Second. Perhaps a greater advantage is to be found in the
       liberal form of the New Jersey charter. The amount of capital
       is unlimited, the period of organization is unlimited, the
       amount of indebtedness is not limited, the powers that are
       granted to corporations are also practically unlimited, with
       the exception that an ordinary business corporation is
       forbidden to engage in banking. The Federal Steel Company
       would have found it impossible to organize for the purpose of
       engaging in the various enterprises which it has undertaken
       had it incorporated in the State of Illinois or of
       Pennsylvania. The same thing holds also with reference to the
       American Steel and Wire Company.

       Third. There is less liability on the part of the stockholders
       than in several other States.

       Fourth. The directors have also less liability. In case of
       issuance of stock for property the judgment of the directors
       is conclusive as to the value of the property taken, unless
       there is evidence of fraud. Stock issued thus for property is
       considered fully paid up, and the stockholders can not be held
       further liable in case the property proves to have been taken at
       less than its cash value. The directors are not personally
       liable for the debts of the corporation if they fail to file
       reports or to conform with certain other requirements. …
       "During the past few years the total capitalization of the new
       industrial combinations has reached an enormous sum, well into
       the billions, and in many cases at least the nominal
       capitalization of the corporations far exceeds the cash value
       of their property. … Regarding most of the combinations
       concerning which testimony has been taken the facts appear
       quite clear. None of the witnesses believe that the Standard
       Oil Company is on the whole over-capitalized, as compared with
       the present value of the plants. Its opponents believe that
       its profits are enormous on the capitalization. The witnesses
       representing the Standard Oil Company itself, while admitting
       very large profits and presenting no very definite facts
       regarding the capitalization, still give the same impression
       from their testimony. The American Sugar Refining Company
       seems to be, beyond question, capitalized at a sum twice as
       large at least as the cost of reconstruction of the plants
       themselves. The capitalization was shown to be several times
       the original capitalization of its constituent members. …

    {531}

       "Perhaps the clearest testimony on this subject of
       capitalization came from the witnesses connected with some of
       the iron and steel companies. The witnesses regarding the
       tin-plate combination were in substantial agreement in stating
       that the owners of most of the plants gave an option on their
       plants at what they considered was the fair cash value,
       although, owing to the good times and to the fact that, in
       many cases, the industries were quite prosperous, the prices
       were high. They were then given, by the promoter, the option
       of taking this valuation of their property in cash, or of
       taking instead the same amount in preferred stock with a like
       amount of common stock added as bonus. … One of the witnesses,
       at least, conceded that the total amount of stock thus paid
       for the plants, since the cash option was taken in prosperous
       times and included not merely the value of the plant but also
       the good will of the running business, probably amounted in
       some instances to three or four or even five times the cash
       cost of the plants at that time. … Exactly the same system
       seems to have been followed in the capitalization of the
       National Biscuit Company, the National Steel Company, and the
       American Steel Hoop Company. In all these cases there was a
       clear understanding that the common stock represented simply
       bonus or anticipated profits. …

       "In the case of the American Tin Plate Company there was also
       added ten millions of common stock, which was issued to the
       promoter for his services and for the cost of organization. It
       is presumed, of course, that not a little of this ten millions
       had to be paid out in commissions etc. to those who aided in
       securing the required amount of capital, including cash
       furnished for working capital. The amount of extra common
       stock issued for purposes of promotion in the American Steel
       Hoop Company and in the National Steel Company was $5,000,000
       in each case."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 10-15.

    TRUSTS: Standard Oil Company.

       As the rise of the Standard Oil Company seems to have marked
       the beginning of the movement towards combination in
       productive industries, on the great scale of recent times, the
       following passages from testimony concerning the history of
       the Company and of the oil business is especially interesting.
       The first is from the examination of Mr. John D. Rockefeller:

       "Q. 'What was the first combination in which you were
       interested of different establishments in the oil industry?

       A. The first combination of different establishments in the
       oil industry in which I was interested was the union of
       William Rockefeller & Co., Rockefeller & Andrews, Rockefeller
       & Co., S. V. Harkness, and H. M. Flagler, about the year 1867.

       "Q. What were the causes leading to its formation?

       A. The cause leading to its formation was the desire to unite
       our skill and capital in order to carry on a business of some
       magnitude and importance in place of the small business that
       each separately had theretofore carried on. As time elapsed
       and the possibilities of the business became apparent, we
       found further capital to be necessary, obtained the required
       persons and capital, and organized the Standard Oil Company
       with a capital of $1,000,000. Later we found more capital
       could be utilized and found persons with capital to interest
       themselves with us, and increased our capital to $3,500,000.
       As the business grew, and markets were obtained at home and
       abroad, more persons and capital were added to the business,
       and new corporate agencies were obtained or organized, the
       object being always the same, to extend our business by
       furnishing the best and cheapest products.

       "Q. Did the Standard Oil Company or other affiliated interests
       at any time before 1887 receive from the railroads rebates on
       freight shipped, or other special advantages?

       A. The Standard Oil Company of Ohio; of which I was president,
       did receive rebates from the railroads prior to 1880, but
       received no special advantages for which it did not give full
       compensation. The reason for rebates was that such was the
       railroads' method of business. A public rate was made and
       collected by the railway companies, but, so far as my
       knowledge extends, was never really retained in full, a
       portion of it was repaid to the shippers as a rebate. … The
       Standard Oil Company of Ohio, being situated at Cleveland, had
       the advantage of different carrying lines, as well as of water
       transportation in the summer, and taking advantage of those
       facilities made the best bargains possible for its freights.
       All other companies did the same, their success depending
       largely upon whether they had the choice of more than one
       route. The Standard sought also to offer advantages to the
       railways for the purpose of lessening rates of freight. It
       offered freights in large quantity, car-loads and train loads.
       It furnished loading facilities and discharging facilities. It
       exempted railways from liability for fire. For these services
       it obtained contracts for special allowances on freights.
       These never exceeded, to the best of my present recollections,
       10 per cent. But in almost every instance it was discovered
       subsequently that our competitors had been obtaining as good,
       and, in some instances, better rates of freight than
       ourselves. …

       "Q. About what percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil
       Company came from special advantages given by the railroads
       when these were greatest?

       A. No percentage of the profits of the Standard Oil Company
       came from advantages given by railroads at any time. Whatever
       advantage it received in its constant efforts to reduce rates
       of freight was deducted from the price of oil. The advantages
       to the Standard from low freight rates consisted solely in the
       increased volume of its business arising from the low price of
       its products. …

       "Q. To what advantages, or favors, or methods of management do
       you ascribe chiefly the success of the Standard Oil Company?

       A. I ascribe the success of the Standard to its consistent
       policy to make the volume of its business large through the
       merits and cheapness of its products. It has spared no expense
       in finding, securing, and utilizing the best and cheapest
       methods of manufacture. It has sought for the best
       superintendents and workmen and paid the best wages. It has
       not hesitated to sacrifice old machinery and old plants for
       new and better ones.
    {532}
       It has placed its manufactories at the points where they could
       supply markets at the least expense. It has not only sought
       markets for its principal products, but for all possible
       by-products, sparing no expense in introducing them to the
       public. It has not hesitated to invest millions of dollars in
       methods for cheapening the gathering and distribution of oils
       by pipe lines, special cars, tank steamers, and tank wagons.
       It has erected tank stations at every important railroad
       station to cheapen the storage and delivery of its products.
       It has spared no expense in forcing its products into the
       markets of the world among people civilized and uncivilized.
       It has had faith in American oil, and has brought together
       millions of money for the purpose of making it what it is, and
       holding its markets against the competition of Russia and all
       the many countries which are producers of oil and competitors
       against American oil."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 2). page 794.

       Against the testimony of Mr. Rockefeller that the Standard Oil
       Company obtained no exclusive advantages from railway
       companies, other witnesses contended that such advantages were
       given to it. On this point, the Commission say in their report:
       "It was charged by most of the leading opponents of the
       Standard Oil Company that the chief reason for the rapid
       growth of the Standard, and its apparent great success in
       underselling rivals and winning markets, was the special
       advantages that it had received from the railroads. It was
       claimed that the company not merely received discriminating
       rates on its own shipments, but that it was frequently paid
       rebates on the shipments of its competitors. It was conceded
       by representatives of the Standard Oil Company that before the
       passage of the interstate-commerce act special freight rates
       and rebates were frequently received. It was asserted,
       however, that this was the usual custom on the part of all
       railroads with all large shippers, and that competitors of the
       Standard had received similar favors. …

       "Much greater differences of opinion exist with reference to
       the condition of affairs since the passage of the
       interstate-commerce act. It has been charged as a matter of
       general belief on the part of almost all of the opponents of
       the Standard Oil Company that these discriminations in various
       forms have been continually received even up to date. On the
       other hand, these charges have been denied in toto and most
       emphatically by every representative of the Standard Oil
       Company with reference to all cases excepting one, which they
       claim was a mistake, the amount of freight due being promptly
       paid on discovery of the error. … Certain opponents of the
       company claimed that the Standard Oil Company received
       commissions for shipping freight over railroads, which
       commissions amounted to rebates. This charge is emphatically
       denied by the Standard Oil Company and no positive proof on
       the subject has been offered."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 1). pages 25.

       Of testimony on the subject of pipe-line consolidations in the
       oil business, the report says:

       "Mr. Boyle [publisher of the 'Oil City Derrick'] gives a
       somewhat detailed history of the development of pipe-line
       transportation in the oil business. The first successful pipe
       lines were established in 1864 from Pithole to the Miller
       farm. Others were soon constructed in the same district. These
       were usually short, scarcely over 5 miles in length, and at
       first did not even connect directly with the wells themselves,
       although this practice was soon established. Numerous lines
       soon grew up in different parts of the oil region, but the
       first more extended systems date from 1869, when the Mutual
       Pipe Line was laid more or less throughout Clarion County.
       Vandergrift and Forman later established a system through
       Butler County which became the nucleus of what is now known as
       the United Pipe Line System. The original pipe lines were only
       transporters of oil, but the nature of their work soon led them
       to purchase oil, although at first it was not in the name of
       the company itself. …

       "Mr. Emery [of Bradford] also makes a brief statement of the
       early history of pipe lines. He states that the first attempt
       to combine separate pipe lines into a more complex system was
       made by William H. Abbott and Henry Harley, beginning about
       1866. By 1869 they had a capital of nearly $2,000,000, and 500
       miles of pipe centering in the Miller farm. The concern was
       then known as the Pennsylvania Transportation Company.

       "Several witnesses describe the process by which the Standard
       Oil Company gradually secured control of the various pipe
       lines throughout the oil regions. The opponents of the trust
       attribute the success of the Standard Oil Company in this
       movement to the railway discriminations upon oil received from
       pipe lines controlled by that company. It appears that for a
       considerable period a rebate of 22 cents per barrel was
       allowed on oil from pipe lines maintaining the agreed rates of
       pipage. … Other opponents of the combination ascribe its
       success in driving out competing pipe lines largely to the
       practice of paying premiums upon oil in the territory of such
       competing lines.

       "Mr. Boyle gives the fullest statement of the growth of the
       pipe-line consolidation during the seventies and attributes it
       to the natural advantages arising from large capital and from
       skill in organizing. He testifies that during the early part
       of that decade very numerous pipe lines had been established.
       These were at first constructed on a small scale by separate
       oil producers, but, having entered the business, many
       producers were inclined to extend their lines and form a
       system. There thus arose an excessive number of competing
       lines, and the solvency and integrity of some of them became a
       matter of doubt. This excessive competition was the cause of
       driving the pipe lines into a more complete organization. As
       early as 1873 or 1874 a pooling arrangement was made by some
       of the pipe lines, and rebates were paid by railways on oil
       received from such lines. The United Pipe Line Company was
       established in 1877, with a capital at first of $3,000,000,
       and acquired by purchase a large number of lines. The new
       company included many producers and stockholders of the
       smaller companies, but it is estimated that the persons
       controlling the Standard Oil Company had somewhat more than a
       one-half interest in the United Pipe Lines. The National
       Transit Company is the present owner of the United Pipe Lines
       System, and the Standard Oil Company controls the National
       Transit Company. …

    {533}

       "It was pointed out by several witnesses that the almost
       complete control of the pipe-line system by the Standard Oil
       Company gives it great power in fixing the prices of crude
       oil, since producers can dispose of their product only through
       the pipe lines, especially in view of the further fact, which
       is alleged, that railway rates on crude oil are by agreement
       kept at least as high as, if not higher than, the pipe-line
       charges. The pipe-line system also gives the combination great
       advantage over other refiners, who must pay the rates of
       pipage fixed by the Standard, which are claimed to be
       excessively high, or the high rates of freight."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 100.

    TRUSTS:
       Sugar Trust.

       The following is from the testimony of Mr. Henry O. Havemeyer:

       "Q. The history and organization of the Sugar Refining Company
       has been gone over so many times in testimony before that it
       is not worth while to dwell on it at length, but in order that
       we may have the record somewhat complete, will you give a
       brief sketch of its development, going back to the conditions
       of the old sugar trust? [1887]

       A. There were about twenty-five different firms or
       corporations in the sugar business. I think the evidence
       before some one of the Congressional committees was that for a
       period of 5 or 6 years before the formation of the trust, 18
       of those failed or went out of business.

       "Q. Eighteen out of 25?

       A. Not out of 25; 18 out of about 40. It occurred to some one
       to consolidate the others, and 18 out of 21, I believe, went
       into the trust, leaving 3 or 4 outside, who represented, I
       think, 30 per cent. Then Spreckles built a refinery in
       Philadelphia, and, 2 or 3 years after the formation of the
       trust, the trust or its successor bought the Philadelphia
       refineries.

       "Q. Will you explain in a word or two the difference between
       the trust and its successor and the reason for its going into
       this other form?

       A. The trust was attacked, and the courts decided it was
       illegal, and a company was organized in New Jersey which
       bought outright and paid for the different companies, which
       were the constituent companies of the trust. They then
       represented, I think, over 90 per cent of the output; then
       other refineries began to be constructed, until now I think
       they would represent 50 per cent of the consumption. …

       "Q. The condition before the formation of the trust was about
       this: When these 18 different companies failed, business was
       in such a condition, as a whole, that it was considered
       unprofitable?

       A. Very unprofitable—ruinous.

       "Q. Now, can you tell what special advantages—if you can give
       this in some detail I shall be glad—come from this
       organization, and in what way you make your savings?

       A. The greatest advantage is in working the refinery full and
       uninterruptedly. Of course, if you have a capacity of
       140,000,000 and can only melt 100,000,000 somebody has got to
       cut down materially. The moment you cut down you increase the
       cost; by buying up all the refineries … and concentrating the
       meltings in four refineries and working them full, you work at
       a minimum cost. That enables us to pay a dividend on the
       common stock.

       "Q. SO the chief advantage in the combination was in
       concentrating the production and destroying the poor
       refineries?

       A. Precisely."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 2). pages 109.

          See, also (in this volume),
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (MARCH-JULY).

    TRUSTS:
       The earlier combinations in steel production.

       Mr. Reis, president of the National Steel Company, states that
       that company was organized in February, 1899, under the laws
       of New Jersey, with a capital of $59,000,000, $27,000,000 of 7
       per cent cumulative preferred stock and $32,000,000 of common
       stock. The company includes six steel plants, located at New
       Castle, Youngstown, Sharon, Mingo Junction, Bellaire, and
       Columbus. These plants are engaged in producing steel billets
       and slabs, which are the raw materials for making tin plates
       and various other products. The plants include 15 blast
       furnaces. The company also owns iron mines in northern
       Michigan at Iron Mountain and Ishpeming. These are expected to
       produce from 1,250,000 to 1,400,000 tons of ore annually, the
       total amount required for the use of the steel plants in the
       combination being about 3,000,000 tons. The National Steel
       Company also owns nine lake boats for transporting ore,
       capable of carrying about 1,000,000 tons annually. … Mr. Reis
       testifies that the National Steel Company is not a 'trust' in
       the ordinary sense, since it makes no attempt to secure
       control of a large proportion of the output of steel. Its
       economies are sought in the combination of steel plants with
       sources of raw materials. The National Steel Company produces
       only about 18 per cent of the Bessemer steel made in this
       country. The other chief concerns engaged in steel production
       are the Carnegie Steel Company; Federal Steel Company; the
       Maryland; Jones & Laughlin Steel Company; Wheeling Steel and
       Iron Company, and the Lorain Steel Company. …

       "Mr. Reis states that the tariff, so far as it is placed upon
       steel billets, bars, and sheets, is no longer necessary for
       the protection of the industry. No steel is imported, and
       during the past 8 or 10 years the tariff has cut no figure.
       But if the tariff should be removed from tin plate or from
       certain other branches of the iron and steel industry there
       would be an indirect effect upon the making of steel. …

       "Mr. Gary states that the Federal Steel Company owns all the
       capital of the Minnesota Iron Company, the Illinois Steel
       Company, the Lorain Steel Company, and the Elgin, Joliet and
       Eastern Railroad Company. The Minnesota Iron Company is the
       owner of 150,000 acres of iron ore property on the Vermilion
       and Mesaba ranges. It owns the Duluth and Iron Range Railroad
       Company, connecting its mines with Lake Superior at Two
       Harbors and Duluth. It owns large ore docks and also 22 steel
       lake vessels capable of carrying 2,000,000 tons per annum. The
       product of the Minnesota Iron Company will probably be
       3,500,000 tons in 1900. The Lorain Steel Company manufactures
       chiefly steel rails for street railways, and to some extent
       steel billets. It produces about 500,000 tons of pig iron per
       year. The Illinois Steel Company has plants at North Chicago,
       West Chicago, South Chicago, Milwaukee, and Joliet. It
       produces about 1,500,000 tons of pig iron per year, and also
       manufactures steel rails, billets, plates, etc. It owns the
       Chicago, Lake Shore and Eastern Railway, which connects its
       plants in the neighborhood of Chicago. It also owns large
       tracts of coal property in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, and
       makes there about 1,500,000 tons of coke per year. This
       company also owns iron mines in Wisconsin and Michigan. …

    {534}

       "Mr. Stetson, a lawyer, who drafted the charter and conducted
       the legal arrangements in the organization of the Federal
       Steel Company, testified that it was organized in September,
       1898, with an authorized capital of $100,000,000 6 per cent
       noncumulative preferred stock and $100,000,000 common stock.
       Of this, $98,000,000 in all was originally issued. … Mr. Gary
       states that the Federal Steel Company is not a trust in any
       sense. It has not sought to restrict competition and has not
       brought together companies which were competing with one
       another, as is the case with most so-called trusts. The
       company has bought the stocks of companies doing different
       lines of business, just as an individual might do. …

       "The American Steel and Wire Company operates iron mines in
       the Lake Superior region. It controls, perhaps, one-sixth or
       one-seventh of the output of that region. It owns and operates
       coal mines and burns coke. It operates 8 or 9 blast furnaces, 17
       open-hearth furnaces, from 22 to 25 rod rolling mills, and
       from 20 to 30 wire mills. Its finished product is plain wire,
       barbed wire, wire fencing, rope, etc., wire nails, and all
       kindred articles. … Mr. Gates, chairman of the American Steel
       and Wire Company of New Jersey, testified concerning the
       formation of that company. It was organized on January 12,
       1899. A gradual process of consolidating wire plants had been
       going on previously. As early as 1890 companies in which Mr.
       Gates was interested practically controlled the manufacture of
       barbed wire in this country. In December, 1897, and January,
       1898, J. P. Morgan & Co. investigated the value of the various
       wire plants throughout the country with a view to further
       consolidation. The American Steel and Wire Company of
       Illinois, formed in March, 1898, seems to have resulted from
       this effort. … The combination into the American Steel and
       Wire Company was not rendered necessary by excessive
       competition and consequent losses among the wire companies.
       The Consolidated Steel and Wire Company, for example, made
       between 27 and 28 per cent during the last three years of its
       existence. It was believed, however, that more profit would be
       made through better management under consolidation.

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 190.

    TRUSTS:
       Tin Plate Industry.

       "The American Tin Plate Company was incorporated under the
       laws of New Jersey on January 6, 1899. Its authorized capital
       is $20,000,000 of 7 per cent cumulative preferred stock and
       $30,000,000 of common stock. Of this, $18,000,000 of preferred
       and $28,000,000 of common stock has been issued. … It is made
       clear by the evidence of all the witnesses that the tin-plate
       industry in the United States has been built up practically
       since the McKinley tariff of 1890, which raised the duty on
       tin plates from 1 to 2.2 cents per pound. Without the
       protection, all the witnesses agree, the industry could not
       have been profitably established. Having once been
       established, it was able to submit to the reduction of the
       duty to 1.2 cents by the Wilson tariff of 1894, and is now
       sufficiently protected by the duty of 1.5 cents under the
       Dingley tariff of 1897."

          United States Industrial Commission,
          Preliminary Report (56th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document Number 476, part 1), pages 174 and 187.

    TRUSTS:
       The climax of consolidation in steel industries.
       Formation of the United States Steel Corporation.

       In February, 1901, the climax was reached in movements of
       industrial combination, so far as concerns the production and
       greater uses of iron and steel, by the formation of one
       gigantic corporation, to embrace not only the companies named
       above, but to purchase the enormous interests of the Carnegie
       Company outright, and to take in several organizations of more
       than considerable magnitude besides. The combination was
       effected by the firm of J. P. Morgan & Co., New York, as
       "syndicate managers," and an official statement of its
       essential terms was published in a circular from that firm, on
       the 2d of March, addressed to the stockholders of the Federal
       Steel Company, National Steel Company, National Tube Company,
       American Steel and Wire Company of New Jersey, American Tin
       Plate Company, American Steel Hoop Company, American Sheet
       Steel Company, to whom the following announcement was made:

       "The United States Steel Corporation has been organized under
       the laws of the State of New Jersey, with power, among other
       things, to acquire the outstanding preferred stocks and common
       stocks of the companies above named, and the outstanding bonds
       and stock of the Carnegie Company. A syndicate, comprising
       leading financial interests throughout the United States and
       Europe, of which the undersigned are managers, has been formed
       by subscribers to the amount of $200,000,000, (including among
       such subscribers the undersigned and many large stockholders
       of the several companies,) to carry out the arrangement
       hereinafter stated, and to provide the sum in cash and the
       financial support required for that purpose. Such syndicate,
       through the undersigned, has made a contract with the United
       States Steel Corporation, under which the latter is to issue
       and deliver its preferred stock and its common stock and its
       five per cent. gold bonds, in consideration for stocks of the
       above named companies and bonds and stock of the Carnegie
       Company and the sum of $25,000,000 in cash.

       "The syndicate has already arranged for the acquisition of
       substantially all the bonds and stock of the Carnegie Company,
       including Mr. Carnegie's holdings. The bonds of the United
       States Steel Corporation are to be used only to acquire bonds
       and 60 per cent. of the stock of the Carnegie Company. The
       undersigned, in behalf of the syndicate, and on the terms and
       conditions hereinafter stated, offer, in exchange for the
       preferred stocks and common stocks of the companies above
       named, respectively, certificates for preferred stock and
       common stock of the United States Steel Corporation, upon the
       basis stated."

       Details relating to the terms and the procedure of exchange
       are then given, and several statements of public interest are
       made, among them these: "The authorized issue of capital stock
       of the United States Steel Corporation presently provided for
       in said contract is $850,000,000, of which one-half is to be
       seven per cent. cumulative preferred stock and one-half is to
       be common stock. The company will also issue its five per
       cent. gold bonds to an aggregate amount not exceeding
       $304,000,000. In case less than all of the bonds and stock of
       the Carnegie Company or less than all of the stocks of the
       other companies above referred to shall be acquired, the
       amounts of bonds and stocks to be issued will be reduced as
       provided in said contract. The forms of the new bonds and of
       the indenture securing the same, and of the certificates for
       the new preferred and common shares, and the entire plan of
       organization and management of the United States Steel
       Corporation, shall be determined by J. P. Morgan & Co.
    {535}
       Every depositor shall accept in full payment and exchange for
       his deposited stock the shares of the capital stock of the
       United States Steel Corporation, to be delivered at the rates
       above specified, in respect of the stock by him so deposited;
       and no depositor or holder of any receipt issued hereunder
       shall have any interest in the disposition of any other of the
       shares of stock, or of the bonds of the United States Steel
       Corporation, by it to be issued and delivered to or for
       account of the syndicate or of any proceeds thereof. All
       shares of the United States Steel Corporation deliverable to
       or for account of the syndicate, which shall not be required
       for the acquisition of the stock of the Carnegie Company or
       for delivery to depositors under the terms of this circular,
       are to be retained by and belong to the syndicate. … It is
       proper to state that J. P. Morgan & Co. are to receive no
       compensation for their services as syndicate managers beyond a
       share in any sum which ultimately may be realized by the
       syndicate."

       Subsequently the American Bridge Company and the Lake Superior
       Consolidated Iron Mines were taken into the consolidation,
       and, on the 1st of April, 1901, the United States Steel
       Corporation filed with the Secretary of State at Trenton, New
       Jersey, amended articles of incorporation increasing its
       authorized capital stock to $1,100,000,000. The stock is
       equally divided into 7 per cent. cumulative preferred stock
       and common stock. The total is greater by $250,000,000 than
       the amount stated in the circular issued by J. P. Morgan &
       Co., on March 2, as "presently provided for," and with the 5
       per cent. gold bonds, not exceeding $304,000,000, brings the
       security issues of the great steel combination up to
       $1,404,000,000.

    TRUSTS:
       Industrial combinations in European countries.

       "Trusts of the magnitude and influence of those now so
       numerous in the United States are as yet rare in the Old
       World. … It is in Germany, … of all European countries, that
       trusts have spread most extensively and have been most
       successful. … The German technical journals for 1897 enumerate
       about 180 trusts, of which, it is true, only a few would
       correspond to American ideas, but all of which demonstrate a
       capacity for wider combination and fuller development. … As
       regards great industrial combinations, the most striking
       advance has been made in the German coal industry; the most
       prominent organization in this department being the
       Rheinisch-Westfälische Kohlensyndikat, which is distinguished
       by the characteristics of a genuine trust, exercising within
       its sphere of activity almost unlimited power. Like the
       American Standard Oil Company, it directly controls the sales,
       leaving the matter of production entirely to the separate
       companies. Under the innocent title of 'eines Vereins zum
       Ankauf und Verkauf von Kohlen' (a society for the buying and
       selling of coal), this trust has, for the past five years,
       completely controlled the West German coal industry, and
       dictated prices. …

       "In Austria and Hungary trusts have not yet extended so
       rapidly. Nevertheless, on various occasions several of them
       have given rise to such unfavorable comment that the sentiment
       in favor of a legislative restriction of the movement is
       to-day much more pronounced in the Austrian than in the German
       Parliament. …

       "As far as England is concerned, it must be admitted that,
       notwithstanding her great industrial activity and a
       competitive warfare not less pronounced than that of other
       states, the Trust system has as yet found but tardy acceptance
       in that country. This is doubtless due in some degree to the
       thorough application of the principle of Free Trade; for it is
       well known that the largest trusts are powerless unless their
       interests are secured by a protective tariff excluding from
       the home market the products of foreign countries.
       Furthermore, we should remember that in England the principle
       of individual freedom is regarded as inviolable. There, it
       still obtains more widely than in most other countries; and
       the majority of British merchants consider the principle
       involved in the formation of trusts as a serious menace to the
       freedom of the individual. …

       "France is a country in which the Trust system has long
       flourished and assumed extensive proportions. In the iron
       trade, great trust companies—local in their character, it is
       true—have existed for the last twenty years; and the most
       powerful of these, like those of Germany, limit their activity
       to the establishment of sales-depots. The chemical industry of
       France, like that of Germany, is now controlled almost
       exclusively by combinations. … Several international trusts,
       such as the Zinc Trust, also have their headquarters at Paris.
       Belgium, like France, is interested in most of the
       international trusts; and there, as in France, the Trust
       system has been successful largely in those enterprises which,
       in other industrial countries, have hitherto maintained a
       stubborn resistance to the inroads of the Trust. …

       "In respect to the economic value of trusts in Europe, it may
       be said that the influence exerted by them, both for good and
       for evil, is, in its essential features, similar to that
       exerted by the trusts of America."

          W. Berdrow,
          Trusts in Europe
          (Forum, May. 1899).

    TRUSTS:
       Industrial combinations in England.

       "England no longer enjoys that immunity from monopoly which
       was the boast of its own economists and the object-lesson of
       American free-traders. While the position of trusts has not
       greatly changed in the United States during the past ten
       years, except to develop on the same lines, a commercial
       revolution is taking place in England. The country is becoming
       honey-combed with combinations and trusts; and, what is more
       and perhaps worse, there is no agitation against the system.
       No effort is made to check trusts or control them. … There are
       a large number of informal combines in England which give some
       advantages of monopoly without unity of control or financial
       association. Thus, the railroad corporations have long ceased
       to compete as regards rates. It is perfectly well understood,
       and has been admitted over and over again by railroad men
       before Parliamentary committees, that the railroad companies
       combine. They agree in their rates, but compete in facilities,
       speed, etc. If it were not that the railroad companies are
       strictly regulated by the Board of Trade, this system of
       concerted action would be a very serious factor. As it is, the
       railroads represent the most powerful interest in Parliament. …
       Similarly, the leading shipping companies have fixed rates for
       freight, to stop under-cutting, competing only in speed and
       facilities. … There are various understandings and agreements
       in the coal-trade. …

    {536}

       "Until a few years ago, England was not ripe for trusts. The
       early efforts failed either through the overcapitalization of
       the concerns, opposition from outsiders, or defective
       management. … The monopoly that has been most prejudicial to
       public interests—the National Telephone Company—is now being
       undermined. … The agitation against this monopoly on the part
       of municipalities became so strong that in 1898 the House of
       Commons appointed a committee to investigate the question. The
       result was that last year an act was passed giving
       municipalities the right to establish telephones, and
       authorizing the post-office to spend $10,000,000 in creating a
       competitive system in London. …

       "During the last three years, there has been a prolific crop
       of amalgamations—half-way houses to trusts. … There is one
       kind of amalgamation taking place that deserves special note.
       Great mining, iron, engineering, and shipbuilding firms have
       come together. Instead of having between the raw material and
       the completed ship or engineering work the intermediary
       profits of the iron-ore miner, the coal-miner, the
       iron-master, the steel-maker, the iron-founder, the forger,
       the marine-engine builder, and so forth,—all these middlemen
       are got rid of, and the whole business placed, as it were,
       under one roof. …

       "Consumers in England have not so much to fear from combines
       regulated by the Companies' Act, and held in check by free
       trade, as consumers in the United States."

          R. Donald,
          Trusts in England
          (Review of Reviews, November, 1900).

    TRUSTS:
       The question in American politics.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (JUNE-NOVEMBER);
          and 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

       ----------TRUSTS: End--------

    TSUNG-LI-AMEN, The Chinese.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899 (MARCH).

    TUBUAI ISLANDS.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRAL ISLANDS.

    TUGELA RIVER, Military operations on the.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE FIELD OF WAR):
          A. D. 1899 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER); and 1900 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

    TUNIS: A. D. 1881-1898.
       During the French Protectorate.

       In 1881, under pretexts which were much condemned at the time,
       the government of France compelled the Bey of Tunis to sign a
       treaty by which he submitted himself and country to the
       Protectorate of France.

          See, in volume 2,
          FRANCE: A. D. 1875-1889.

       This action gave bitter offense to the Italians, who had been
       intending to lay their own hands on Tunis, and it is to be
       counted among the causes of the entrance of Italy into the
       Dreibund or Triple Alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary
       in 1882. But time had so far worn away the grievance that the
       Tunisian protectorate was practically recognized by the
       Italian government in a treaty with France, signed in
       September, 1896. In 1898, the general results produced in
       Tunis by seventeen years of French control were described in
       an elaborate report to the British government by its
       representative in the Protectorate, or Regency, Sir H.
       Johnston. The following is quoted from that report:

       "The protectorate of Tunis is nominally an Arab Kingdom, ruled
       by a prince of Turkish descent under the guidance and control
       of a French Minister Resident-General and a staff of French
       officials. The present Bey of Tunis, Sidi Ali Pasha-Bey, is, I
       believe, the most aged ruler living, having been born in the
       year 1817. He was Heir Apparent at the time of the French
       treaty of protection, concluded with his elder brother, Sidi
       Sadok Bey. Sidi Ali at his accession to the throne in 1882
       accepted the inevitable with a good grace, and has from the
       very first lent himself unreservedly to the French efforts for
       the regeneration of his country. Two of his ministers are
       Arabs (the Prime Minister and the Minister of the Pen), the
       remainder of the Council are French officials. M. René Millet,
       the Resident-General of France, is at the same time Minister
       for the Foreign Affairs of the Tunisian Government and
       President of the Council. … The personal staff of the
       Resident-General consists of about nine members. In addition,
       the French Government is more or less directly represented
       throughout the Regency by officials corresponding almost
       exactly to our vice-consuls, collectors and
       assistant-collectors in our African Protectorates, with this
       difference, that the collectors are called 'contrôleurs.' …

       "The whole of Tunisia is now under civil administration,
       except the Saham district to the south of Gabes, which still
       remains under military control. … In the districts which I
       visited, the natives, talking to me freely, said that they
       would sooner be under the rule of any Frenchman than under
       that of their own kaids. The French are face to face here with
       the same problem that we find so difficult in other oriental
       countries—that of creating amongst the natives a body of
       public officials who will keep their hands from picking and
       stealing, and their tongues from evil speaking, lying and
       slandering. No tyrant is so cruel to an Arab as an Arab; no
       one is harder on Muhammadans than their co-religionists.
       Justice is administered to Europeans, and to the protected
       subjects of European powers, by French tribunals, which
       equally deal with cases arising between Europeans and
       Tunisians. … Justice is administered to natives, in cases
       where natives alone are concerned, by Arab courts depending
       directly on the Tunisian Government, but with a Frenchman at
       the head of each principal department. At all the centres of
       population there are Arab courts of justice. The Court of
       Appeal for the French courts in Tunis is the Supreme Court of
       Algiers; the appeal from the Arab courts is to the Bey. …
       Public works are entirely under French control, though
       Tunisians are employed in minor posts. …

       "Public education is under French and Arab direction. The
       schools and colleges more or less directly supported by the
       Government in the city of Tunis are the following:—
       The Lycée Carnot,
       the College Sadiki,
       the secondary school for girls,
       the Alawi College,
       two lay schools for boys,
       a school for Jewish children of the Israelite Alliance,
       a Jewish agricultural school,
       two schools for Jewish girls,
       three schools for boys under the direction of friars, and a
       primary school for little girls.
    {537}
       There is a Muhammadan university at the Great Mosque in Tunis,
       and there are 113 primary Muhammadan schools in the same town.
       In the interior there are about 98 primary schools for boys
       and girls, supported by the Government, and mainly under
       French direction. There are also about 500 Muhammadan schools
       in the interior, either private or assisted by Government
       funds. In addition to Government-supported schools, a large
       number of private establishments have sprung up at Tunis and
       at Sfax, wherein surprisingly good teaching is given, even in
       such subjects as music. … The progress of education is having
       very marked results on the indigenous population of the coming
       generation—good results in the dissipation of Muhammadan
       fanaticism and prejudice, results less pleasing, however, when
       the recipient of this education is turned out a creature with
       no particular religion, with no principles, and a contempt for
       manly labour. …

       "In 1880 life and property were thoroughly insecure. The
       property of Europeans, perhaps, was safe, provided they were
       the subjects of a Power able to coerce the Government of
       Tunis, and their lives were not in any great danger in the
       principal towns; but it would have been impossible for any
       European to have travelled about many parts of the Regency
       without a considerable escort; impossible, indeed, to
       penetrate some parts of the Regency at all unless at the head
       of an army. … It was as difficult, and dangerous, and
       expensive to travel about the Regency 18 years ago as it is
       now to visit the far interior of Morocco. I spent eight months
       in Tunisia at that time, but never succeeded in visiting
       Kairwan, the Holy City. … Now, I can go from Tunis to Kairwan
       in a few hours by railway, see all the sights unhindered,
       enter the mosques without offence, dine and sleep at an
       excellent hotel, and be back again at my work in Tunis the
       next day. I may further add that I have just traversed much of
       the Tunisian Sahara and a good deal of the Jerid country with
       no other escort than my servant, and a native cavalryman to
       act as guide. I should have been equally safe had I been
       alone. The whole Regency of Tunis is now as safe for tourists
       as France."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command, 1898, C. 8649-18, pages 10-15, and 2-3).

    TUNNELS, New York Rapid Transit and East River.

          See (in this volume)
          NEW YORK CITY: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-SEPTEMBER).

    TURBINES, Steam, The invention of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MECHANICS.

       ----------TURKEY: Start--------

    TURKEY: A. D. 1895.
       Revolt and massacres in Armenia.
       Atrocities on both sides.

       A horrible condition of things in Armenia was beginning to
       cause excitement throughout the world. On one hand, the
       Armenians were in revolt against the foul Turkish government,
       and avenging themselves savagely upon their oppressors
       whenever they found the opportunity; on the other hand the
       Turks were making the revolt an excuse for the atrocities that
       are habitual to them in every such case. A special
       correspondent sent in January by Reuter's news agency to
       investigate the situation reported his conviction "that both
       Turk and Armenian are in the wrong, and that, as very often
       happens, it is the innocent who have suffered for the
       wrong-doings of the guilty. When it is asserted on behalf of
       the Turks that they are engaged in suppressing a revolutionary
       movement in Armenia, the statement is fully justified by the
       facts of the case. There does exist in Armenia an extremely
       vigorous revolutionary movement, and it is equally beyond
       question that the methods of some of the leaders of this
       movement are no less shocking than the barbarity of the Turk
       in suppressing it. At every step," he added, "I became more
       and more convinced that the inhuman ferocity displayed in this
       terrible struggle for the mastery has not been in the least
       exaggerated in the reports of the massacres already published
       in England. At Bitlis I heard the story of a Turkish soldier
       who boasted, as one who had achieved a glorious feat, that he
       had taken part in the disembowelling of thirty pregnant
       women. 'Two lives in one,' was the rallying cry of the armed
       men who perpetrated this butchery. Another soldier, who had
       taken part in a massacre in a church, described, gloating upon
       every ghastly detail, how he had slipped and slid along the
       blood-washed floor while the inhuman work proceeded.
       Unfortunately, something very like a counterpart of these
       atrocities is presented by the methods of some of the leaders
       of the Armenian revolutionary movement. I believe there is no
       doubt of the fact that certain of these Armenian conspirators
       arranged to murder the Reverend Dr. Edward Riggs and two other
       American missionaries at Marsovan, and fasten the blame upon
       the Turks, in order that, as they imagined, the United States
       might inflict summary punishment upon the Turkish Government,
       thereby rendering Armenian independence possible. The
       missionaries only escaped through a timely warning which they
       received from an Armenian friend. Dr. Riggs has devoted his
       life to the education of the Armenian youth in the missionary
       schools, but the conspirators, in their blind fanaticism, gave
       this fact little heed."

       There could be no denial however, that the treatment of
       Armenia and the Armenians by their Turkish political masters
       was horribly bad. In May, the governments of Great Britain,
       France and Russia united in proposing certain reforms for
       Armenia, over which there were evasive and dilatory
       negotiations carried on by the Porte for several months.
       Meantime, the Armenians became more aggressive and
       threatening, and a secret society called the "Hintchak," which
       had been in existence among them since 1887, assumed great
       activity. Connected with the Hintchak there was said to be an
       organization of spies and "executioners," the latter of whom
       carried out decrees of assassination, arson, and
       bomb-explosion which the society had pronounced. Finally, on
       the 17th of October, an imperial irade (edict, or decree) was
       issued, approving and adopting the project of reform which the
       British, French and Russian ambassadors had submitted to the
       Porte.
    {538}
       But the appearance of the sultan's ineffectual irade was
       speedily followed by fresh reports of frightful massacres of
       Armenians, at Trebizond, Erzeroum, Bitlis, Zeitoun, and
       elsewhere, with outraging of women and destruction of
       property, which increased rather than diminished as time went
       on. There was no sign that anything had been done towards
       carrying out the promised reforms; though the sultan wrote
       personally to Lord Salisbury to remonstrate against an
       expression of skepticism concerning them, which the latter had
       let fall in a speech, and to say to the British Premier: "I will
       execute the reforms. … This is my earnest determination, as to
       which I give my word of honour." But nothing came of it all,
       and the Powers which had received the Sultan's promises could
       agree on no steps further, except to demand and obtain
       permission to bring, each, an additional gunboat into the
       Bosphorus.

          Annual Register, 1895,
          pages 284-294 and 190-193.

       In response to a resolution of the Senate of the United States
       asking for information relative to the treatment of the
       Armenian subjects of the Turkish government, the Secretary of
       State, Mr. Olney, on the 19th of December, 1895, communicated
       the following, among other statements of fact: Of the
       massacres at Sassoun, which occurred in August, 1894, "the
       Department of State has little trustworthy information. …
       Since that time appalling outbreaks against the Armenians have
       occurred in many other parts of Asia Minor, where these
       unfortunate people form but a small minority of the
       population. At first they were scarcely more than local riots,
       as at Tokat, in the vilayet of Sivas, in March last, where one
       Armenian was killed outright and more than 30 wounded by the
       Turkish soldiery. In June last an attempted rising of
       Armenians in the province of Aleppo in the mountains of
       Kozar-Dagh and Zeitoun was thwarted without bloodshed by the
       arrest of the alleged conspirators. … In July a band of armed
       Armenians crossing into the vilayet of Erzerum from Russia was
       dispersed, several being killed or captured. By August the
       Moslem feeling against Armenians had become so far aroused
       that rumors of intended massacres came from several
       independent quarters, Harpoot, Marsovan, and Bitlis among
       them, which led to urgent demands by the United States
       minister for adequate measures looking to the due protection
       of American citizens in those places.

       "On the 30th of September grave disturbances began at
       Constantinople itself. Several hundred Armenians, who had
       gathered for the purpose of going in a body to the Sultan's
       palace and demanding redress for the grievances of their
       countrymen, were dispersed by the police after a severe
       conflict in which a number of Turks and Armenians were killed
       and wounded. Mob violence followed, the Armenians resident in
       various quarters of the capital being assailed by an excited
       Turkish rabble, and over 50 were slain. The rioting continued
       the next day, October 1, in Constantinople and its suburbs.
       Some 800 or 1,000 Armenians were captured or arrested, many of
       them being armed with new revolvers of a uniform pattern. By
       the third day order was restored, and the Armenians who had
       sought refuge in their churches returned to their homes. The
       effect of this outbreak at the national capital was most
       disastrous in the provinces. The danger of a general massacre
       of Christians in the vilayets of Adana and Aleppo seemed so
       imminent, that renewed orders for the effective protection of
       American citizens in those quarters were demanded and
       obtained. Fears for their safety at Hadjin, Mersine, and
       Marash were especially felt, and the cruiser Marblehead was
       promptly ordered to Iskanderoun (Alexandretta), the nearest
       seaport.

       "On October 8 a Turkish uprising occurred at Trebizond, due,
       it is reported, to an attempt to assassinate the late Vali of
       Van as he was about to leave for Constantinople, the Turks
       claiming that the act was done by an Armenian and that they
       were in danger of a general Armenian attack. On the 9th the
       disturbance was renewed, many Armenians being killed and their
       homes and shops looted by the mob. The authorities attempted
       to quell the riot, but having only some 400 soldiers and
       policemen at command, were powerless, and murder and pillage
       ran their course as long as an Armenian was in sight. The
       official Turkish reports give the number of Armenians slain as
       182, of Turks 11, but the general estimate places the total
       number at some 500. Reinforcements of troops soon arrived, and
       quiet was restored. No injury to American citizens or property
       occurred.

       "From this time the reports of conflicts between Turks and
       Armenians, with great loss of life, become frequent and
       confused. At Akhissar, some 60 miles from Smyrna, 50 Armenians
       were killed October 9. Koordish raids terrorized many parts of
       the Armenian provinces. At Bitlis over 500 were reported
       killed, the Turkish accounts alleging that the Armenians
       attacked the Moslem mosques during the hour of prayer. At
       Diarbekir 5,000 are said to have lost their lives, of which
       2,300 were Mussulmans—but the Turkish authorities pronounce
       this estimate exaggerated. From Malatia comes the report of a
       'great massacre' early in November, when every adult male
       Christian is said to have perished. Another sanguinary
       outbreak, with great slaughter, is reported from Sivas on
       November 12; some 800 Armenians and 10 Koords are said to have
       been killed. At Hadjin and Ourfa loss of life is reported, the
       American missionaries at those places being protected by
       Turkish guards under orders from the Porte.

       "The Kaimakam of Hadjin is credibly said to have announced
       that he would destroy the town and sow barley on its site.
       There being an American school at that place, directed by
       American teachers, the United States minister thereupon
       notified the Porte that if one of those American ladies
       received injury from the riotous conduct of the populace, he
       would demand, in the name of the United States, 'the head of
       that Kaimakam.' That officer has since been removed. Later
       reports allege massacres at Marsovan and Amasia. The consular
       agent at Aleppo telegraphs that a severe conflict had occurred
       at Aintab, and that great fear prevailed at Aleppo. The
       burning of the American buildings at Harpoot took place during
       a bloody riot, and many persons are said to have perished in
       the province of that name. At Kurun 400 deaths are reported.
       Particulars of the recent outbreak at Marash, on November 19,
       in which American missionary property was destroyed, have not
       yet been received.

    {539}

       "These scattered notices, for the most part received by
       telegraph, are given, not as official averment of the facts
       stated, but as showing the alarming degree to which racial
       prejudices and fanatical passions have been roused throughout
       Asia Minor. As above said, the Department of State has and can
       have official knowledge regarding but few of these reported
       massacres, and though up to the early part of December the
       United States minister estimated the number of the killed as
       exceeding 30,000, it is more than likely that the figures are
       greatly exaggerated. At latest advices mob violence and
       slaughter appear to have been checked, or at least to have
       partially subsided. The Turkish Government has been emphatic
       in assurances of its purpose and ability to restore order in
       the affected localities; new governors have been appointed in
       many of the provinces, troops have been sent to the scene of
       recent or apprehended disorders, and forces have been massed
       to subdue the Armenians who had gained the ascendant in
       Zeitoun."

       Of the American missionary establishments in Turkey, and of
       the extent to which they suffered harm during the outbreaks,
       the same report gave the following account:

       "The number of citizens of the United States resident in the
       Turkish Empire is not accurately known. According to latest
       advices there are 172 American missionaries, dependents of
       various mission boards in the United States, scattered over
       Asia Minor. There are also numbers of our citizens engaged in
       business or practicing professions in different parts of the
       Empire. Besides these, more or less persons, originally
       subjects of Turkey and since naturalized in the United States,
       have returned to the country of their birth and are
       temporarily residing there. The whole number of persons
       comprising these several classes can not be accurately
       estimated, but, the families of such citizens being
       considered, can hardly be less than five or six hundred, and
       may possibly exceed that total.

       "Outside of the capital and a few commercial seaport towns,
       the bulk of this large American element is found in the
       interior of Asia Minor and Syria, remote from the few consular
       establishments maintained by this Government in that quarter,
       inaccessible except by difficult journeys, and isolated from
       each other by the broken character of the mountain country and
       the absence of roads. Under these circumstances and in the
       midst of the alarming agitation which for more than a year
       past has existed in Asia Minor, it has been no slight task for
       the representative of the United States to follow the
       interests of those whose defense necessarily falls to his
       care, to demand and obtain the measures indispensable to their
       safety, and to act instantly upon every appeal for help in
       view of real or apprehended peril. It is, however, gratifying
       to bear testimony to the energy and promptness of the minister
       in dealing with every grievance brought to his notice, and his
       foresight in anticipating complaints and securing timely
       protection in advance of actual need. The efforts of the
       minister have had the moral support of the presence of naval
       vessels of the United States on the Syrian and Adanan coasts
       from time to time as occasion required. …

       "While the physical safety of all citizens of the United
       States appears up to the present date to have been secured,
       their property has, on at least two recent occasions, been
       destroyed in the course of local outbursts at Harpoot and
       Marash. The details of the Harpoot destruction have so far
       been only meagerly reported, although it took place about the
       middle of November. It is stated that the buildings at that
       place were set on fire separately by Kurds and citizens, in
       the presence of the Turkish soldiery, during an Armenian riot.
       Besides the chapel, girls' theological school and seminary
       building, the ladies' house, boarding house, and residences of
       three American missionaries were burned, the aggregate loss on
       the buildings, personal property, stock, fixtures, and
       apparatus being estimated in the neighborhood of $100,000. The
       United States minister has notified the Porte that the Turkish
       Government will be held responsible for the immediate and full
       satisfaction of all injuries on that score. The American
       Missionary School of Science at Marash was burned during a
       sanguinary outbreak on November 19. The value of the property
       destroyed has not been ascertained, but after prompt
       investigation the minister will make like demand for adequate
       indemnity."

          United States, 54th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document, Number 33.

       "On November 9 one of tho Foreign Consuls arrived at
       Constantinople from Erzeroum on leave, and he reported the
       scene on his journey as heartrending. 'The whole country
       between Trebizond and Erzeroum was devastated. He counted 100
       dead bodies lying by the road near one town. Nearly all the
       villages were burnt, and in many cases the male population
       entirely wiped out.' At last, on December 13, 1895, Lord
       Salisbury received the following telegraphic despatch from Sir
       Philip Currie: 'It may be roughly stated that the recent
       disturbances have devastated, as far as the Armenians are
       concerned, the whole of the provinces to which the scheme of
       reforms was intended to apply; that over an extent of
       territory considerably larger than Great Britain all the large
       towns, with the exception of Van, Sassun, and Moush, have been
       the scene of massacres of the Armenian population, while the
       Armenian villages have been almost entirely destroyed. A
       modest estimate puts the loss of life at 30,000. The survivors
       are in a state of absolute destitution, and in many places
       they are being forced to turn Mussulmans. The charge against
       the Armenians of having been the first to offer provocation
       cannot be sustained. Non-Armenian Christians were spared, and
       the comparatively few Turks who fell were killed in
       self-defence. The participation of the soldiers in the
       massacres is in many places established beyond doubt.'

       "Of the appalling horror of this account I wish it were
       needless to speak. … [It] would be none the less horrible if
       the whole of the people massacred and outraged, ruined, and
       starved, and driven to the snowy mountains in the middle of
       winter, had been all the rudest villagers of the most rustic
       village communities. But when we know that many thousands of
       the victims have been people educated at Christian schools and
       colleges, and who had acquired there, in addition to the
       ineradicable virtues of their native and ancient faith, much
       also of the refinements and activities of civilised life, we
       may reach some true conception of the agonies which have been
       inflicted on such a people in the face of Europe and of the
       world by the cruelty and brutality of the Turks.
    {540}
       It is, indeed, right that our first indignation should be
       directed against the infamous Government of Turkey. … Let us
       remember that this is not a Government with which we have had
       nothing to do, or for which we have had no responsibility, but
       a Government which the European Powers, and we especially,
       have been protecting and nursing for half a century. … Then we
       may indeed begin to think, with remorse and shame, of our
       handiwork, and of its results. In this particular case,
       indeed, the immediate blame lies almost alone with Russia. By
       a complete departure from all her previous great traditions
       she deliberately refused to join the other Powers of Europe
       for the purpose of compelling the Sultan to act with decent
       humanity to those of whom she had been the declared defender.
       She had the physical power and the geographical opportunity
       which others had not; and there can be no doubt whatever that
       a joint occupation of the waters of Constantinople by the
       fleets of the European Powers would have secured the very
       moderate demands that Europe made upon the Porte."

          The Duke of Argyle,
          Our Responsibilities for Turkey,
          pages 116-122.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1896.
       Conflict in Crete between Christians and Mussulmans,
       and its preceding causes.

       In 1868, the Cretans, for the second time, were thrust under
       the Turkish yoke. "By way of solace the Powers exerted
       themselves feebly in inducing the Porte to concede the
       so-called 'Organic Statute'

          See (in volume 3)
          GREECE: A. D. 1862-1881.
          Organic Regulation.

       … As the Charter remained a dead letter, the Cretans seized
       the next favourable opportunity to rise in 1877. Their case
       was brought before the Congress of Berlin; but the only relief
       the Powers could extend to them was a fresh promise on the
       part of the Porte, recorded in the XXIII Article of the
       Treaty, to observe scrupulously that Organic Statute, which
       had been proved to be unworkable. Meanwhile, the Cretans had
       remained under arms during the whole of 1878, the island being
       again almost completely devastated by the half-naked and
       famishing troops which had survived the Russo-Turkish War.
       Ultimately, through the mediation of England, the Porte was
       induced, in November of that year, to concede the Pact of
       Halepa, so named after the village near Canea where it was
       negotiated, and signed under the supervision of the British
       Consul, Mr. T. B. Sandwith—this fact being expressly recorded
       in the preamble of the document. The arrangement was accepted
       by the Cretans as a compromise, in spite of its many and
       manifest drawbacks. Nevertheless, it brought about, at the
       outset, certain beneficial results. Political parties were
       formed in which the Mohammedan Cretans blended, irrespective
       of religious differences, with their Christian countrymen; and
       the unprecedented phenomenon of a Christian Vali completing
       his four years' tenure of governorship was witnessed in the
       person of Photiades Pasha.

       "But this tendency to conciliation of the conflicting elements
       in the island was by no means to the liking of the Porte. The
       presence of a Mussulman military governor was therefore
       discovered to be necessary; and as his grade was usually
       superior to that of the Vali, and the Mussulman sub-governor
       was the official whose recommendations were of weight with the
       Porte, nothing was easier than to create insuperable
       difficulties for the Christian Vali. Thus successive Valis
       were compelled—often by private wire from Constantinople—to
       tender their resignation; while, at the same time, the Porte
       took care not to fulfil the financial engagements prescribed
       by the Pact. By these means an acute crisis was brought about
       under the Governorship of Sartinski Pasha, a Pole, in 1889,
       when a preconcerted plan of deception and treachery was
       carried out by the Porte with consummate skill.

       "The Cretans, as it is but natural, are guided in critical
       contingencies by the advice they seek at Athens. The Porte
       therefore promised to the Greek Government, as soon as things
       began to assume a threatening aspect in Crete, to satisfy the
       demands of the islanders, provided they were prevailed upon to
       abstain from occupying certain important positions. In spite
       of the transparent perfidy of the proposal, M. Tricoupis, the
       then Greek Premier, fell into the snare. While the Cretans
       were held back, troops were poured into the island, and the
       strategical points having been seized, the Greek Government
       and the Cretans were defied. An Imperial firman, issued in
       November of that year, abrogated the Pact of Halepa and the
       British Government, under whose auspices it was concluded, was
       now powerless to exact respect for what was virtually an
       international arrangement. There was no longer any question of
       a Christian Vali with a fixed tenure of office, or of an
       Assembly of Cretan representatives. Shakir Pasha, the
       commander of the Turkish troops, was invested with absolute
       civil and military authority; Mussulman Albanians occupied the
       Christian villages as gendarmes, and Crete continued to submit
       to this kind of martial law up to 1894. When, however, Mahmoud
       Djelaleddin Pasha, the then Mussulman Vali, surpassed even his
       predecessors in arbitrariness, and actually dictated to the
       tribunals decisions in favour of Mohammedan litigants, the
       Cretans began to lose patience and another outbreak appeared
       imminent. It was only then that the Great Powers moved in the
       matter and prevailed upon the Porte to revert partly to the
       pre-existing order of things, by appointing Alexander
       Karatheodory Pasha, a Christian and a Greek, as Governor.
       Beyond this, however, the Pact of Halepa was not observed.
       True to its traditional tactics, the Porte took with one hand
       what it had given with the other. The Mussulman Deputy
       Governor and the military commander frustrated every effort of
       the Vali, the very funds necessary for the maintenance of the
       gendarmerie being denied him. Karatheodory was consequently
       forced to resign. Complete anarchy now reigned in the island."

          Ypsiloritis,
          The Situation in Crete
          (Contemporary Review, September, 1896).

       "Occasional skirmishes between the Christian inhabitants and
       the soldiers kept the excitement simmering and ushered in the
       sanguinary scenes that finally followed. Turkhan Pasha, taking
       time by the forelock, armed the Cretan Moslems for the combat
       with the approval of the commander of the troops, and the
       city of Canea prepared for a blood bath. The Mohammedan Lent
       (Ramazan) was drawing to a close, and the three days of
       rejoicing which invariably follow (Bairam) were supposed to be
       fixed for the attack on the Christians. These anticipations
       were duly realised, and on the 24th May, 1896, at 1 o'clock P.
       M., the Turks fired the first shots, blowing out the brains of
       several Christians to make that Moslem holiday.
    {541}
       Forearmed, however, is forewarned, and the Christians defended
       themselves to the best of their ability on that day and the
       25th and 26th, during which every house in Canea was
       barricaded, and neighbours living on opposite sides of the
       absurdly narrow streets fired at each other from behind stone
       heaps piled up in the windows of their bedrooms. The streets
       were deserted, all traffic suspended, and it was not until the
       27th that the thirty Christian corpses (including two women
       and four children) and the twenty lifeless Turks were removed
       for burial.

       "These events provoked a new administrative change of scene:
       Turkhan Pasha was recalled, and Abdullah Pasha, at the head of
       four battalions from Salonica, came to take his place. These
       troops laid waste the villages and fields of the provinces of
       Apokorona, Cydonia, and Kissamo, burning houses, huts, and
       churches on the way. The best soldiers in the world, however,
       run terrible risks in the interior of Crete, and Abdullah was
       repulsed with the loss of two hundred men at the town of
       Vamos. The foreign consuls at Canea, having verified these
       facts, strongly blamed his conduct in a joint verbal note, and
       the Porte shortly afterwards recalled him, and appointed
       Berovitch Pasha [Prince of Samos] in his place. This was the
       beginning of the end. The Christians of the island meanwhile
       met, and through their delegates formulated certain demands,
       which the foreign consuls referred to their ambassadors at
       Constantinople, and the famous 'Modifications of the
       Convention of Halepa' were framed in consequence. The sultan,
       too, yielding to tardy pressure, graciously conceded the
       nomination of a Christian governor-general in the person of
       Berovitch, the summoning of the National Assembly, and other
       demands. … The questions of the tribunals and the gendarmerie
       [for the enforcement of peace and order in the island] were to
       be arranged by international commissions; but weeks and months
       passed away before they were even appointed. … At last the
       commissions arrived and began their work in December [1896]."

          E. J. Dillon,
          Crete and the Cretans
          (Fortnightly Review, May, 1897).

    TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (January-March
       Turkish opposition to English and American measures
       for relief to Armenian sufferers.
       Work of Miss Clara Barton and the Red Cross Society.

       For some time the distribution of supplies from England and
       America to the sufferers in Armenia was forbidden by the
       Turkish government, for reasons stated by the Turkish minister
       at Washington as follows: "The collections are made on the
       strength of speeches delivered in public meetings by
       irreconcilable enemies of the Turkish race and religion, and
       on the basis of false accusations that Turkey repudiates.
       Besides, the Sublime Porte is mindful of the true interests of
       its subjects, and, distinguishing between the real state of
       things and the calumnies and wild exaggerations of interested
       or fanatical parties, will under its own legitimate control
       alleviate the wants of all Turkish subjects, irrespective of
       creed or race." The Red Cross Society, of which the American
       branch had prepared to send its President, Miss Clara Barton,
       with a small corps of assistants, to the scene of the
       suffering, was especially excluded, by the order of the Porte.
       Miss Barton and her staff sailed, however, from New York, in
       January, and Mr. Terrell, the American minister at
       Constantinople, succeeded in obtaining permission for them to
       do their humane work as private individuals, not in the name
       of the obnoxious society, and without displaying its insignia:
       The single-mindedness, the prudence, the patient energy with
       which Miss Barton pursued the one object of giving relief to
       the suffering, overcame all opposition and all obstructions,
       so that, in April, she was able to report:

       "The way is all made clear for sending supplies. The suitable
       agents all along the route are now known, and have been
       arranged with for service, so that heavy supplies can be sent
       at any and all times as they are needed. I feel my breath come
       lighter as I think of these poor scourged and fever-stricken
       towns without even one doctor, when our sixteen strong,
       skilled men, with twenty-five camels' burden of supplies,
       shall carry some light of hope and help into their night of
       hopeless woe. I am happy to be able to say for the comfort of
       contributors, that I hold the written word of the Porte,
       officially given through the minister of foreign affairs from
       the grand vizier, that not the slightest interference with any
       distribution within the province will be had. This official
       document was addressed and delivered to Sir Philip Currie, the
       British ambassador, and by him passed to me. The decision is
       general and final, without question or reservation, and
       settles all doubt."

       In September Miss Barton returned home for rest, and to bear
       her testimony to America of the immensity of the need still
       existing in the Armenian provinces and calling for help. Her
       departure from Constantinople was reported by the newspapers
       to have been the occasion of a remarkable demonstration, by
       cheers, flags and salutes, from ship and shore, of the
       estimate put upon the work she had done.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1896 (August).
       Attack of Armenian revolutionists on the
       Ottoman Bank at Constantinople.
       Turkish massacre of Armenians in the city.

       In the spring of 1896, the Armenian revolutionists, encouraged
       by the outbreak in Crete, made fresh appeals for attention to
       the sufferings of their country, with threats of some
       desperate action if no heed was given. In August, the
       desperate act was undertaken, at Constantinople, by 30 or 40
       madly devoted men. This reckless little band of misguided
       patriots made a sudden attack on the Ottoman Bank, a British
       institution which controls finance in the Turkish empire,
       gained possession of the building, made prisoners and hostages
       of two of its directors and some 80 of its clerks, and were
       fully prepared with dynamite to destroy everything within its
       walls, including themselves, if certain reforms which they set
       forth were not instantly decreed. Their theory was, that "the
       Ambassadors would force the Sultan to grant the reasonable
       reforms which they demanded for the Armenians, rather than
       permit the destruction of the Bank and its staff. It was a
       scheme borrowed from the theatre, absurd in itself, and made
       ridiculous by the way in which they failed to carry it out.
       They went in bravely, and nothing hindered their destroying
       the Bank, but they allowed themselves to be talked out of it
       by Mr. Maximoff, the Russian dragoman, and would have been the
       laughing stock of the world if its attention had not been
       absorbed by the massacre which followed.

    {542}

       "The real heroism of that day was displayed in another quarter
       of the city, by another small party of Russian Armenians, men
       and women, who took possession of two stone houses and fought
       the Turkish troops to the death, the survivors killing
       themselves when they could fight no longer. There was no
       serious fighting anywhere else, although dynamite bombs were
       thrown from the windows of houses and khans upon the troops in
       a number of places, showing that some preparation had been
       made for a more extended outbreak. There is nothing to be said
       in justification of this attempt of the revolutionists. They had
       provocation enough to justify anything in reason, but there
       was nothing reasonable in this plan, nothing in it to attract
       the sympathy of the Powers or to conciliate public opinion;
       and if the statements are true which have been made by
       Armenians as to certain unexecuted parts of the plan, it was
       diabolical. This only can be said on behalf of these
       revolutionary committees. They are the natural outcome of the
       treatment of the Armenians by the Turkish Government during
       the last twenty years. When oppression passes a certain limit
       and men become desperate, such revolutionary organisation
       always appears. They are the fruit and not the cause of the
       existing state of things in Turkey, and if we can judge by the
       experience of other countries, the worse things become here,
       the more violent will be the action of these committees,
       whether Europe enjoys it or not.

       "Revolutionists are the same all the world over, but the
       Turkish Government is unique, and it is not the attack on the
       Bank which interests us but the action of the Government which
       followed it. As we have said, the authorities had full
       information of what was to be attempted and did nothing to
       prevent it, but they made every preparation for carrying out
       their own plan. Bands of ruffians were gathered in Stamboul,
       Galata, and Pera, made up of Kurds, Lazes, and the lower class
       of Turks, armed with clubs, knives or firearms; and care was
       taken that no one should kill or plunder in the quarter to
       which he belonged, lest he should be recognised and complaint
       made afterwards by the Embassies, with a demand for
       punishment. A large number of carts were in readiness to carry
       off the dead. The troops and police were in great force to
       prevent any resistance, and to assist the mob if necessary. It
       was a beautiful day, the streets were crowded, and few had any
       idea of what had happened at the Bank, when suddenly, without
       any warning, the work of slaughter and plunder began,
       everywhere at once. European ladies on the way to the
       Bosphorus steamers suddenly found themselves surrounded by
       assassins, and saw men beaten to death at their feet. Foreign
       merchants saw their own employés cut to pieces at their doors.
       The streets in some places literally ran with blood. Every man
       who was recognised as an Armenian was killed without mercy. In
       general, the soldiers took no part in the slaughter and
       behaved well, and this somewhat reassured those in the streets
       who were not Armenians; but in a few moments the shops were
       closed and a wild panic spread through the city. The one idea
       of everyone was to get home; and as the foreigners and better
       classes live out of the city in summer they had to go to the
       Galata bridge to take the steamers, which ran as usual all
       through the three days of massacre. This took them through the
       streets where the slaughter was going on, and consequently we
       have the testimony of hundreds of eye-witnesses as to what
       took place. The work of death and plunder continued unchecked
       for two days. On Friday there were isolated outbreaks, and
       occasional assassinations occurred up to Tuesday.

       "The number killed will never be known. The Ambassadors put it
       at 5,000 or 6,000; the official report to the palace at 8,750,
       besides those thrown into the sea. Thousands of houses, shops
       and offices were plundered, including a number belonging to
       Greeks and foreigners. Everything was done in the most
       systematic way, and there was not a moment of anarchy, not a
       moment when the army and police had not perfect control of the
       city during all these days. … The majority of those massacred
       belonged to the working class—especially the hamals
       (porters)—but a large number of gentlemen, merchants and other
       wealthy men, were killed, together with about fifty women and
       children. The savage brutality of the Moslem mob was something
       beyond all imagination, and in many cases the police joined in
       beating men to death and hacking others to death with knives,
       in the very face of Europeans. … In may cases European
       officials appealed to the officers in command of the troops,
       who were looking on at the slaughter of helpless, unarmed men,
       to interfere and put a stop to it. The reply was 'We have
       orders.' It was an officer who killed the clerk of the British
       Post-office on the steps. And some of the most cold-blooded
       and horrible murders took place in front of the guard house,
       at the Galata end of the bridge, in the presence of officers
       of the Sultan's household of the highest rank. They also had
       their orders.

       "Happily for the honour of the Turkish people, there is
       another side to the story. It was the Government and not the
       people that conducted this massacre. And although the vile
       instruments employed were told that they were acting in the
       name of the Prophet, and freely used his name, and are
       boasting to-day of what they did for Islam, the Sheik-ul-Islam
       forbad the Softas taking any part in the slaughter, and many a
       pious Turk did what he could to protect his neighbours. … It
       is not the people, not even the mob, who are responsible for
       this great crime. It was deliberately committed by the
       Government. The Ambassadors of the six Powers have declared
       this to be an unquestionable fact in the Joint Note addressed
       to the Porte.

       "Since the massacre this same Government has been carrying on
       a warfare against the Armenians which is hardly less inhuman
       than beating out their brains with clubs. There were from
       150,000 to 200,000 Armenians in Constantinople. They were
       merchants, shopkeepers, confidential clerks, employés in banks
       and offices of every kind—the chief business men of the city.
       They were the bakers of the city, they had charge of the khans
       and bazaars and the wealth of the city; they were the porters,
       house-servants, and navvies. … Now the Government has
       undertaken to ruin this whole population. They are hunted
       about the city and over the hills, like wild beasts. …
       Thousands have been sent off at once to the Black Sea ports,
       to find their way as best they can without money or food to
       their desolated villages in the interior. … Thousands have
       fled to foreign countries."

          The Constantinople Massacre
          (Contemporary Review, October, 1896).

    {543}

    TURKEY:A. D. 1897 (January-February).
       Fresh conflicts in Crete.
       Attitude of Christians and Mussulmans towards each other.
       Reports of the British Consul-General and others.

       Early in January, 1897, while proceedings for the organization
       of the new gendarmerie were under way, and while the
       discussion of candidates for the National Assembly, to be
       elected in March, was rife, fresh hostilities between
       Christians and Mussulmans broke out, and there seems to be
       good evidence in the following report, by Sir Alfred Biliotti,
       the British Consul-General at Canea, that responsibility for
       the state of things in Crete should be charged upon one party
       hardly more than upon the other. The despatch of the
       Consul-General to Lord Salisbury, written January 9, 1897, is
       partly as follows:

       "In the afternoon of the 3rd instant a great panic occurred in
       the town owing to a wounded Christian having been conveyed to
       the hospital, where he died of his wounds in the night, and to
       a rumour that two Mussulmans had been killed or wounded at the
       same time on the road between Canea and Suda Bay. All the
       shops were shut up as usual, but there was no general 'sauve
       qui peut,' Christians especially having congregated in the
       square near the hospital in the hope of finding out further
       information. Happening to be in the town, I took a carriage
       and drove towards Suda. When at about a mile distant from
       Canea I came upon a number of Mussulmans, who told me that
       four Christians going to Apokorona had, without any
       provocation whatever, discharged their revolvers on three
       Mussulmans, two of whom had been severely wounded. I saw one
       of them in his cottage hard by the road with a bullet wound in
       the abdomen; the other had been conveyed on horseback to the
       village of Tsikalaria (southeast of Suda Bay), 2 miles from
       where he had been wounded, of which he was a native. The four
       Christians fled across the fields, leaving on the road a horse
       and an overcoat, and took to the mountains.

       "Between half and a quarter of an-hour after this incident
       another Christian, a native, like the Turk, of Tsikalaria, was
       passing on the road when he was fired upon by Mussulmans in
       retaliation for the wounding of their two co-religionists. Not
       having been hit, the Christian jumped from his mule and ran
       for his life along the Suda road, being pursued by armed
       Turks. He was overtaken by three of them about half-a-mile
       farther down, and was shot at and mortally wounded at 20 paces
       in front of Commander Shortland, of Her Majesty's ship 'Nile,'
       who was coming on foot from Suda Bay to Canea. The wounded
       Christian was taken charge of by the Albanian corporal
       stationed in a Christian monastery close by, and was
       subsequently put in a carriage by the Russian Consul, who was
       returning from Suda Bay at that moment, and sent to the town
       hospital, where he died. While I was making inquiries on the
       road a brisk fusillade was heard towards Tsikalaria, and as I
       was about to return to Halepa a young Turk was seen at a
       distance running towards us with a letter in his hand. It was
       a message sent by the Albanian corporal stationed at
       Tsikalaria asking for assistance. This messenger had hardly
       arrived when a gendarme was seen coming down in great haste.
       He said that the fight between Christians and Mussulmans
       having become general, and there being only another gendarme
       with the corporal, armed assistance was immediately required.
       I took both these messengers and conveyed them to the gate of
       the town, from whence I drove to Halepa to acquaint the Vali
       with what was taking place. It was getting dark when I met on
       the road his Excellency accompanied by the Italian Consul
       going on foot to Canea, having found no available carriage,
       and I drove back with them. The position was rather
       perplexing. There was no available gendarmerie, and no
       soldiers could be sent out, as they would have been fired upon
       by the Christians. …

       "Early on the day following, that is, on the 4th instant, the
       Governor-General visited the village of Tsikalaria and the
       villages westward of it in order to ascertain the truth with
       regard to the numerous reports which were in circulation since
       the preceding evening. It would seem that on hearing of his
       son having been killed on the Canea-Suda road, the father of
       the wounded Mussulman opened fire on the Christians. Other
       Christians maintain that this wounded Mussulman, after having
       shot at the Christian on the road, hastened to Tsikalaria, and
       together with his father, began firing on the Christians. In a
       very short time all the Christians rushed towards the heights,
       and the Mussulmans towards the plain. During this evolution a
       Christian was killed, it is said, by the father of the wounded
       Mussulman, who had been arrested and is in prison. The same
       night the women and children took refuge in the villages on
       the mountains, while a contingent of 150 armed Christians came
       down from Campos and Keramia in order to assist the male
       population of Tsikalaria to defend their property. On the
       other hand, armed Mussulmans flocked from all parts of the
       plain to defend their co-religionists. The Mussulmans at
       Perivolia, where they are of nearly equal numerical force,
       tried to surround the Christians in order to keep them as
       hostages for the safety of their co-religionists in other
       villages where the Christians are more numerous. In so doing
       they shot down a Christian, on whom they also inflicted
       numerous knife stabs, finally cutting his throat. This was
       followed by an emigration to, and armed assistance from, the
       mountain villages as at Tsikalaria. "In the village of
       Varipetro the Mayor, assisted by the corporal of gendarmerie,
       a Mussulman Albanian, was doing his utmost to prevent a
       conflict between its Christian and Mussulman inhabitants, when
       a Christian from Lakkos, whose brother had been murdered two
       years ago by a native Mussulman, stealing behind the corporal,
       shot him dead. The Christians of Varipetro, with whom the
       corporal was popular, having tried to arrest his murderer, the
       Lakkiotes, who had come there in order to defend their
       co-religionists, turned their arms against them, and prevented
       them from carrying out their intention. In consequence of this
       murder all the Christians of Varipetro emigrated to the
       mountains, and all the Mussulmans to the town of Canea. Nearly
       1,000 Christians from the plains of Cydonia and Kissamo came
       to defend the inhabitants of Galata and Darazzo, and for a
       time blockaded the Turks in the village of Kirtomado, Aghia, &c.
    {544}
       But the inhabitants of Galata, who are all Christians, have so
       much confidence in the Mussulman Albanian Lieutenant called
       Islam, who is stationed in their village, that they begged
       their co-religionists to withdraw, which they did. …

       "As is always the case, each party claims to have been
       attacked by the other party, and the truth is not likely to be
       ever discovered. Be this as it may, both Christians and
       Mussulmans remain under the unshaken conviction that they are
       wronged by the other party; this increases the animosity of
       one sect against the other, and each member of the two races
       will act on this conviction. This is the inevitable
       consequence of the absolute want of confidence between the two
       elements, and there is not the least hope that this feeling
       will disappear, nor even slightly decrease, so long as they
       are left to themselves. In the present instance it may be that
       the Mussulmans, or some of them, may have considered
       themselves bound to retaliate for recent murders committed on
       their co-religionists by Christians. … The Christians are
       convinced, and all their proceedings are marked by that
       conviction, that all the incidents which trouble the public
       peace are devices of the native Mussulmans to prevent the
       execution of the promised reforms. I do not deny that the
       attitude of the authorities at Constantinople may have such an
       effect on the low class of Cretan Mussulmans; but it is far
       from being so with the educated class who are as, if not more,
       anxious than the Christians that the intended reforms should
       be carried out without delay. In fact, they know that they
       have nothing to hope from Constantinople, and that the only
       protection of the minority to which they belong lies in the
       promised reforms. On the other hand, I have observed with the
       greatest pleasure that the Christians laid down their arms at
       the first recommendation of the Consuls to do so, which proves
       a sincere desire on their part to live in peace. When the
       Christians were taking up arms in former times they used to
       remain for weeks, even for months, on the mountains in spite
       of the entreaties of the Consuls. Therefore, the Christians
       and the Mussulmans are respectively well disposed, but there
       is such an insuperable distrust on both sides, that they can
       never come to a mutual understanding. Whether the incidents
       which cause disturbances or disorders on the island are the
       work of the Turks or of the Christians or of both is quite
       immaterial to me. The important fact to be taken into
       consideration is that an exchange of a few shots between one
       or two Christians and as many Mussulmans is sufficient to
       cause several districts, four in the present instance (Canea,
       Apokorona, Sphakia, and Kissamo), to take up arms, and also
       that there can be no doubt that such scenes will be repeated
       on every recurrence of such incidents."

       To the same effect, Captain Custance, of the British ship
       Barfleur, reported on the 15th to Admiral Hopkins: "The
       general situation, as I understand it, is, that the Cretan
       Christian leaders, urged on by certain interested people at
       Athens, have been preparing for some time to make an attempt
       to drive the Turkish authorities out of the island in the
       spring, if a favourable opportunity offers. The Mussulmans
       would not be sorry to see the last of the Turkish Government
       if they could only be sure that their lives and property would
       be safe under the new regime, which, owing to the bitter
       hatred existing between the Christians and Mussulmans, cannot
       be expected. The two parties are face to face, armed to the
       teeth, with long-standing feuds and wrongs, and with no force
       between them capable of maintaining order."

       On the 27th of January the Consul-General reported by telegram
       to Lord Salisbury: "An outburst of terror, such as has not yet
       occurred in Candia, has been caused by the commencement of a
       fresh immigration of Mussulmans into the town, and by the
       murder, within a week, of two men of that faith, and a few
       minor outrages." The next day he reported: "Telegraphic news
       from Candia, dated to-day, reports murder of a Mussulman, and
       wounding of two others, and murder of seven Christians; murder
       of further Mussulmans is rumoured. The Mussulman Military
       Commissioner, and the Austrian Military Attache, now in
       Candia, report that they met about 1,000 armed Mussulmans
       moving inland, and numbers of Mussulman families moving
       towards the town." Again, on the 2d of February: "Murder of
       four Mussulmans last night, following on wounding of Christian
       by Mussulman on the 31st January near Canea. Panic ensued in
       Canea and Suda Bay this morning. Shops all closed. Shots fired
       in town and Halepa, which resulted in death of two Mussulmans.
       Four mixed villages, one large Christian village, and several
       farms in environs are in flames." On the 4th, Colonel
       Chermside, of the gendarmerie commission, sent the following
       statement to Lord Salisbury: "The most that we have been able
       to attempt to-night is to get a cordon to separate Christian
       and Moslem quarters. Patrolling was tried, but the fire from
       the Christians was too heavy to maintain it. Several Turkish
       soldiers have been killed and wounded."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command:
          Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 15-45).

    TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (February-March).
       Greek interference in Crete.
       Greek forces in the island.
       Demands for annexation of Crete to Greece.
       Action of the Powers in the "Concert of Europe."
       Pacific blockade of Crete.

       Early in February, the difficulties of the attempt which the
       leading European powers, acting in what was known as "the
       Concert of Europe," were making to settle affairs in Crete by
       reforming its Turkish government, were complicated by
       interference from Greece. The Greeks, in ardent sympathy with
       their Cretan kinsmen, were eager to take up the cause of the
       Christian inhabitants of the island, and their government was
       driven into independent action to that end, hoping that
       Christian sentiment in Europe would constrain the Powers to
       give it a free hand. A Greek squadron was sent to Crete, to
       bring away fugitives—women and children especially—and to
       prevent the landing of Turkish reinforcements. This was
       quickly followed by an expedition of 2,000 men, Colonel Vassos
       in command. An instant stimulation of the insurrection
       occurred, and declarations demanding the annexation of Crete
       to the kingdom of Greece began to appear; while the Greek
       government represented in a note to the Powers that no
       possible solution of the Cretan problem could be found without
       concession to that demand. The Greek troops, considerably
       increased in number, were landed on the island, joining the
       insurgent Cretans, and beginning operations against the Turks.

    {545}

       On the 13th of February the admirals commanding the foreign
       naval forces at Canea joined in sending a warning to the Greek
       commodore, requiring him to "desist from all hostile acts and
       to conform with international law." On the 15th a mixed force
       of British, French, Russian, Italian and Austrian marines was
       landed for the protection of the town. On the same day, from
       Colombari, Colonel Vassos, the Greek commander, issued a
       proclamation, saying: "In the name of His Majesty, George I.,
       King of the Greeks, I occupy the Island of Crete, and proclaim
       this to its inhabitants without distinction of sex or
       nationality. I promise in the name of His Majesty that I will
       protect the honour, life and property, and will respect the
       religious convictions, of its inhabitants, bringing them peace
       and equality rights." On the 17th, the Turkish forces at Canea
       were attacked by the Greeks and insurgents, and the attack was
       renewed on the 21st; whereupon, after warnings from the
       foreign admirals in the harbor, the Russian, German, Austrian
       and British ships opened fire on the attacking troops. In the
       meantime, considerable bodies of Mohammedans were being
       besieged by superior forces at other points in the island,
       with great danger of massacre if overcome.

       On the 2d of March, the representatives of Great Britain,
       Austria-Hungary, France, Germany, Italy and Russia, at
       Constantinople, arrived at an agreement of action, and jointly
       addressed notes to the governments of Turkey and Greece. To the
       Porte they wrote: "The Great Powers, animated by the desire to
       assure the maintenance of peace and to see the integrity of
       the Ottoman Empire respected, have sought for the means of
       ending the disorders that have led to their armed intervention
       in Crete, as well as of putting an end to the presence of the
       Greek forces in the island. They have recognized that in
       consequence of the delay in applying them, the reforms
       contemplated in the Arrangement of August 25, 1896, no longer
       correspond to the requirements of the present situation, and
       they have agreed upon the following points:

       1. Crete can in no case be annexed to Greece in the present
       circumstances.

       2. The island will be endowed by the Powers with an autonomous
       administration ('régime').

       In notifying these decisions to the Sublime Porte by order of
       their Governments, the Representatives of the Great Powers at
       Constantinople think it their duty to communicate the
       resolution which has been taken by their Governments to
       address to Greece a summons to withdraw her troops and naval
       forces from Crete."

       To the Greek government the same announcement was made, that
       "Crete can in no case, in the present circumstances, be
       annexed to Greece," and the communication was more explicit in
       the further statements, as follows:

       "In view of the delays caused by Turkey in the application of
       the reforms agreed upon in concert with the Powers, and which
       now make it impossible to adapt those reforms to a changed
       condition of affairs, the Powers are resolved, while
       maintaining the integrity of the Ottoman Empire, to endow
       Crete with an absolutely effective autonomous administration
       (régime), intended to secure to it a separate government,
       under the high suzerainty of the Sultan. The Cabinets are
       convinced that these views can only be realized by the
       withdrawal of the Greek ships and troops now in the waters and
       on the territory of the island which is occupied by the
       Powers. We accordingly confidently expect this decision from
       the wisdom of His Majesty's Government, which cannot wish to
       persist in a course opposed to the decision of the Powers, who
       are determined to carry out an early pacification, which is as
       necessary for Crete as it is for the maintenance of general
       peace. I will not, however, conceal from your Excellency that
       I am instructed to warn you that, in case of a refusal of the
       Royal Government, the Great Powers have arrived at the
       irrevocable decision not to shrink from any measure of
       compulsion if, on the expiration of six days, the recall of
       the Greek ships and troops from Crete has not been effected."

       The Turkish government replied on the 6th: "The Sublime Porte
       has had the honour to receive the note which the Ambassadors
       of the Great Powers were good enough to address to it on the
       2nd of March relative to Crete. The Imperial Government takes
       note with satisfaction of the assurances which the Great
       Powers are good enough to give it as to their desire to
       respect the integrity of the Empire and of the decision which
       they have taken to obtain the withdrawal of the Greek ships of
       war and troops from Crete. Relying upon their friendly
       sentiments, and upon their firm resolve not to impair the
       Sultan's rights of sovereignty, the Sublime Porte, which is
       itself desirous of assuring the maintenance of peace, accepts
       the principle of an autonomy to be accorded to Crete, while
       reserving to itself liberty to discuss with the Ambassadors
       the form and the details of the administration ('régime') with
       which the island is to be endowed."

       Two days later, the Greek government replied at greater
       length, imploring the Great Powers "not to insist upon the
       system of autonomy decided on, but to give back to Crete what
       it already possessed at the time of the liberation of the
       other provinces which form the Hellenic kingdom, and to
       restore it to Greece, to which it already belonged in the time
       of the Presidency of Capodistria," and appealing against the
       demand for the withdrawal of the Greek military forces from
       the island. "Since, in our opinion," wrote M. Skouses, the
       Greek minister, "the new autonomous administration ('régime')
       condition could not fulfil the noble object of the Powers, it
       is clear what would be the condition of the unfortunate island
       from now until the establishment of that administration, if
       the Great Powers decided to persist in their resolve.

       "In this connection, and in the name of humanity, as also in
       the interest of the pacification of the island—a pacification
       which is the sole object of the solicitude of the Great
       Powers—we do not hesitate to appeal to them in regard to the
       other measure, relative to the withdrawal of our military
       forces. … The presence in the island of the Greek army is …
       demanded by the dictates of humanity, and is necessary in the
       interest of the definitive restoration of order. It is, above
       all, our duty not to leave the Cretan people at the mercy of
       Mussulman fanaticism, and of the Turkish army, which has
       always intentionally, and by connivance, been a party to the
       acts of aggression of the populace against the Christians.

    {546}

       "Above all, if our troops in the island, who are worthy of the
       full confidence of the Great Powers, were intrusted with the
       mandate of pacifying the country, their wishes and intentions
       would at once be completely satisfied. It would then be
       possible, after order had been restored, to obtain a free
       expression of the wishes of the Cretan people, with a view to
       decide their lot. Not only are the horrors which during
       several decades have occurred periodically in Crete, not
       committed without profoundly agitating the Hellenic people,
       but they also interrupt the social activity, and seriously
       disturb the economy and finances of the State. Even if it were
       possible for us to forget for a moment that we are
       co-religionists of the Cretan people, that we are of the same
       race, and allied by blood, we cannot conceal from the Great
       Powers that the Hellenic State is unable to resist such shocks
       any longer. We therefore appeal to the generous sentiments
       which animate the Great Powers, and beg them to allow the
       Cretan people to declare how it desires to be governed."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Turkey, Numbers 4 and 5, 1897).

       The position taken by the Greek government in this reply was
       firmly maintained. Its troops were not withdrawn from Crete,
       and the Powers of "the Concert," thus practically defied, had
       difficulty in agreeing upon the next steps they would take.
       France, England, and Italy would not consent to strong
       measures of coercion proposed by Russia, Germany and Austria,
       and the decision reached finally was to establish what is
       known as a "pacific blockade" of the Cretan coast, to begin on
       the 21st of March. This was announced on the 18th by the
       admirals commanding on that coast, who gave notice: "The
       blockade will be general for all vessels flying the Greek
       flag. Vessels of the Six Powers or of neutral Powers will be
       allowed to enter the ports in the occupation of the Powers and
       land their merchandise there, but only if it is not intended
       for the Greek troops or for the interior of the island. The
       ships of the international fleets may visit these vessels."
       The Greek government was notified to recall its men-of-war
       still in Cretan waters, with the warning that "they will be
       retained there by force if they have not left by 8 A. M. on
       the 21st March."

       On the day previous to this announcement of blockade the same
       admirals had published a proclamation as follows:

       "The undersigned, Commanders-in-chief of the naval forces of
       Germany, Austria-Hungary, France, Great Britain, Italy, and
       Russia, in Cretan waters, acting under instructions from their
       respective Governments, solemnly proclaim and announce to the
       people of the island that the Great Powers have arrived at the
       irrevocable decision to secure the complete autonomy of Crete,
       under the suzerainty of the Sultan. It is well understood that
       the Cretans are to be free from all control on the part of the
       Sublime Porte as regards their internal affairs. The principal
       aim of the Powers being to provide a remedy for the evils
       which have afflicted the country, and to prevent their
       recurrence, they are drawing up in concert a scheme of
       measures intended to regulate the working of the autonomous
       régime, to restore peace, to assure to everyone, without
       distinction of race or religion, liberty and security of
       property, and to facilitate, by the resumption of agricultural
       work and trade, the progressive development of the resources
       of the country. Such is the aim of the Powers. They wish this
       to be understood by all. A new era is commencing for Crete;
       let all lay down their arms. The Powers desire peace and
       order. They will, if it be required, have the necessary
       authority to make their decisions respected. They count on the
       co-operation of all the inhabitants of the island, Christian
       and Mussulman, to assist them in accomplishing a work which
       promises to secure concord and prosperity to the Cretans."

       To the promise of an autonomous government for Crete the
       insurgent Christians appear to have given no heed; but a great
       number of the Mohammedan inhabitants of the island united in
       sending telegrams to the British minister at Constantinople,
       which were all of the tenor of the following: "Your Excellency
       knows that the Christians of Crete, forming the numerical
       majority of the population, but incapable of properly
       administering the former privileges they enjoyed, have now
       again been emboldened to massacre, destroy, and ruin, in the
       same way that in the past they have always made ill-use of
       their liberties in the country by the treacherous destruction
       and ruin of their Moslem fellow-countrymen. Therefore, if the
       people are left irresponsible for the government of the
       country, which is the very breath of human life, it will
       facilitate the completion of their bloodthirsty designs, and
       hasten the ruin of the Mussulmans. We are quite sure that this
       state of things will not recommend itself to the sympathy of
       the Great Powers, the propagators of civilization.

       "We therefore beg, in the name of the Mussulman population,
       that the internal affairs of the Christian inhabitants of
       Crete who have not yet reached even the first step on the path
       of civilization, and are led away by the seditious designs of
       Greece, may not be removed from the direction of the Sublime
       Porte; if this be impossible, we beg that the internal affairs
       of the island may be placed under the continual control of the
       Great Powers in conjunction with the Porte; and we finally beg
       that the necessary measures may be taken for the protection of
       the life, honour, and property, as well as the rights of the
       20,000 Mussulman inhabitants now living in Turkey, whose
       interest in property is greater in value than that of the
       Christians, and who are occupied with commerce and other
       pursuits, besides those who live In the island, who, if
       necessary, are prepared to undergo a census, and who exceed
       100,000."

       The situation of the Moslem population of the island was
       represented a little later by Colonel Chermside, in a despatch
       to Lord Salisbury, as follows:

       "Over 49,000 Moslems are assembled in Candia and within cordon
       area, comprising 25 square miles, viz., about two-thirds of
       Moslem population of Crete. Of these, 29,000 are refugees from
       central and eastern districts of island. Doles of flour are
       issued to 39,000 persons; issue up to date 18 lb. per head; no
       other food issued. The mass of the people have no buying power
       and no work, but since arrival of British troops, armed
       individuals are rare in streets; distress is supported with
       great fortitude, in spite of insufficient food and ravages of
       small-pox. Population hopes for future foreign protection
       against Christian compatriots. "

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Turkey, Number 10, 1897, pages 153-178.

    {547}

    TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (March-September).
       War with Greece.
       Success of the Turkish arms.
       Peace sought by the Greek Government.

       Notwithstanding the opposition of the Great Powers, the Greeks
       were rashly bent upon war with the Turks, and, when balked in
       Crete, began hostile demonstrations along the Turkish frontier
       in their own peninsula. The events that followed have been
       thus described by an eye-witness, who wrote immediately
       afterwards: "When I arrived in Athens," says this writer,
       "early last March [1897], although the Cretan insurrection was
       being openly supported by Greek arms, war had not been
       declared against Turkey. It was what I think was once
       described in Parliament as 'a condition of war,' but not war.
       … King George and his advisers rashly decided to attempt to
       hasten matters in their own fashion. Agitation was begun
       without and within the Turkish frontier, and the Ethuike
       Hetairia manufactured alarms and disturbances in Macedonia and
       Epirus. Attempts were made in other directions, but though
       money and emissaries were sent, nothing came of it. Meanwhile
       the mobilisation of the Greek army was begun, and later on
       reserves were called out. Knowing a good deal about the
       relative condition of preparedness for war of both Turkey and
       Greece, I spoke without reserve on the subject to the King
       and, later on, to the Princes. I told them nearly every
       military intelligence department in Europe knew that Turkey
       had been getting her troops ready for a year past to deal with
       insurrection or invasion along the Macedonian frontier. Within
       the Salonica military district she had nearly 100,000 men under
       arms, all well trained and passably equipped. Besides infantry
       she had nearly 10,000 cavalry, and within a month could place
       a further force of 70,000 infantry in the field. Against these
       the Greeks could not bring more than 60,000 regulars. There no
       doubt might be mustered twice that number of men, but they
       would be untrained irregulars and volunteers who would take a
       month at least before they could be of much use, and Turkey
       would have her bands of irregulars out also to offset their
       value. It was notorious besides that the Greek army was
       indifferently organised, that it had no transport, no
       commissariat department, no medical department, and was
       without anything like a sufficiency of trained officers. …

       "Prepared or not, the Greeks clamoured for war, never doubting
       latterly but that they would win. They protested that the
       Hellenes were aroused and would fight and die, if need be, to
       the last man. Greece would not waive an iota of her demands.
       We were told that the Greeks scattered throughout the Turkish
       Empire would spring to arms and paralyze the enemy's hands.
       There were to be fearful outbreaks in Macedonia, Epirus, and
       Albania, and tumults and burnings in all the chief cities
       under Turkish rule where Greeks dwelt—Smyrna, Constantinople,
       Salonica, and so on. I was informed that insurrectionary bands
       were being got ready to invade Macedonia and Epirus, and I was
       introduced to several of the leaders of these new expeditions.
       … I saw many of these Greek filibusters at Kalabaka and other
       places. By order from Athens the local commandants supplied
       them with stores, transport, and trenching tools, and sent
       guides to direct them, so that they should slip across into
       Macedonia at the most suitable points for conducting their
       operations. …

       "The Greeks had a fairly long innings carrying on the war
       within Turkish territory, whilst disingenuously disclaiming
       responsibility for the acts of their own levies. Finally, in
       April, the Sultan declared war and set his forces in motion.
       Prior to that date the Greeks had moved up the whole of their
       available strength close to the Thessalian frontier. The army
       numbered nearer fifty than sixty thousand, of all ranks. …
       Before war was declared the Crown Prince Constantine arrived
       in Larissa, and took over the command of the Greek army in
       Thessaly. … He had no military experience; and, as events
       disclosed, was neither of a martial disposition nor of a firm
       temperament. He showed subsequently that he felt keenly his
       false position, and he tried to excuse the awful failures made
       in the conduct of the campaign of panic and flight. …

       "Independence Day having passed without a general invasion of
       Macedonia by the Greeks, it is likely that the Turks had
       thought the danger over, when suddenly firing began in a night
       along the frontier from Nezeros to Ravenni. For a day or two the
       Greeks carried all before them, capturing many block-houses
       and taking a number of prisoners. They succeeded in
       penetrating Turkish territory in some places for two or three
       miles. … The Turks were in immediate danger of being
       outflanked in one part of the field of operations, and
       separated from their main force at Elassona. It was midday,
       the 19th of April, when at a critical moment for the safety of
       a portion of Edhem's forces an order arrived from the Crown
       Prince to cease firing and retire the whole Greek army back
       upon their own side of the frontier. … After an interval of
       three hours, during which there was little or no firing, a
       message arrived from headquarters that a blunder had been made
       and the army was to readvance and engage the enemy. It was a
       lost opportunity, for the Turks followed up the Greeks and
       reoccupied the lines from which they had been driven. … The
       cost of the blunder was a serious one to the Greeks, for in a
       futile attempt, on the following day, to retake Gresovala,
       General Mavromichali lost 2,000 men. …

       "On the 21st of April, without any of the pictorial display or
       reputed hand-to-hand fighting, some 40,000 Turks, not less,
       accompanied by three cavalry regiments and half a score of
       batteries, quietly streamed down the zigzag paved way in the
       steep Melouna pass into Thessaly. They occupied the village of
       Legaria and positions among the lowest foot hills at the
       outlet of the pass. The Greeks were not able to embarrass them
       as they deployed, although an attempt was made to find the
       range with artillery. … For two days there was a fierce
       artillery duel, interspersed occasionally with sharp rifle
       fire as the infantry became engaged on the right and left of
       the line. … All had ended in favour of the Greeks when the sun
       set on the 22nd April, and the battle of Mati was over. … It
       was the same night that the Crown Prince ordered the army to
       retreat upon Larissa, twenty-five miles distant by road. About
       8 P. M. the men were roused from their first sleep and
       commanded to fall in. They did so very orderly and quietly,
       thinking it was intended to deliver a surprise attack upon the
       Turks.
    {548}
       The whole army was on the march, and had got five or six miles
       from the battle-field, or close to Turnavos, when the
       unaccountable mad panic seized them. Some say it originated
       one way, some another. … The army broke into pieces and became
       a furious rabble, which fled by road and fields south as hard
       as most could run. Arms and ammunition and baggage were cast
       aside wholesale. The Greek officers, as a rule, behaved worse
       than the men, for they led the fleeing mob, and many of them
       never stopped until they reached Pharsala or Vola. … The
       whilom Greek army was a mob convinced that the Turkish cavalry
       was upon their heels, though it never was near them. It gave
       them the strength of despair, and so they covered afoot fifty
       to sixty miles within twenty-four hours. The inhabitants of
       Larissa and all the surrounding country, terrified at the
       sudden calamity, were left by the military and civic
       authorities, without hint or warning, to shift for themselves.
       … The women and children of Larissa had to carry what they
       wished to save upon their own backs. Thousands of these
       helpless creatures, together with sick and wounded soldiers,
       were left around the railway station, whilst officers rode off
       upon the early or later special trains, to fly, as some of
       them did, as far as Athens. The troops had gone hours before I
       left Larissa, and even then there were no signs of the enemy
       to be seen."

          Bennet Burleigh,
          The Greek War, as I saw it
          (Fortnightly Review, July, 1897).

       "Not until several hours after the departure of the last
       Greek, did a few Turkish cavalrymen cautiously enter the town
       [Larissa], some distance ahead of the Turkish army. … It was
       the design of the Greeks to save Volo, a wealthy town, and the
       haven of refuge of many of the peasants. Accordingly, a line
       was formed from two miles beyond Pharsala to the pass which
       was the doorway to Volo. About three miles from this pass was
       the village of Velestino; and on the hills back of it were the
       headquarters of Colonel Smollenske, commander of this, the
       right wing of the Greek army. The Greek fleet, with decks
       cleared for action, was in the Bay of Volo; having gone there
       after the defeat of Mati, hoping that, in case the army
       failed, its heavy guns would protect the town. After four
       days, the Turks, having digested their victory with cigarettes
       and coffee, were ready to renew fighting. Meanwhile, the Greeks
       had put themselves in a sort of order. Evidently, the first
       intention of the Turks was to force their way through
       Smollenske's line and on to Volo. Accordingly, they attempted
       to storm Smollenske's rifle-pits; but they were driven back
       for the first time, and with the greatest loss that any such
       movement had yet encountered in the campaign. … The Turks,
       after a slight resistance, withdrew from the villages in front
       of Velestino, which they had taken, and were soon moving over
       to the left. Their plan of cutting the Greek line in two was
       executed with energy. On the morning of May 7, Edhem Pasha
       sent his fearless infantry, under heavy fire, up the hollows
       between the mountain-ridges which ran at right angles to the
       Turkish line across the plain. They intrepidly scaled the
       ridges, and forced the Greeks from the position. Smollenske's
       force was flanked and separated from the Crown Prince's force:
       and he retreated in an orderly manner to Almyro. The Crown
       Prince's force had been flanked on its left; at the same time
       it was being flanked on its right by the force that had
       flanked Smollenske. The Crown Prince, therefore, withdrew to
       the heights of Domoko.

       "So apparent was now the hopelessness of the Greek cause that
       even the new ministry, which had been buoyed up into almost an
       aggressive spirit by the 'victory' of Velestino, begged for
       the intervention of the Powers. It was granted in the form of
       a demand on the Sultan for an armistice. As there are six
       Powers, each having a formal foreign office, this took some
       time. The Sultan, as usual, was more deliberate than the six
       tormentors, whom he in return tormented. Being truly Greek,
       the Greek Cabinet seemed to believe that articles of peace
       would be signed the moment the necessity of peace appealed to
       the ministerial mind. … Two days after Pharsala, the Turkish
       army appeared on the plain some ten miles from Domoko. There
       it rested quietly for more than a week, leisurely celebrating
       the important feast of Bairam. This confirmed the belief of
       the Greek generals that the war was at an end. The morning of
       May 17 found the Crown Prince's force more than ever convinced
       of an armistice, and quite unprepared for an attack. At nine
       o'clock the whole Turkish army began to advance upon the
       astounded Greeks—most astounded of them all were the Crown
       Prince and General Macris—in such a manner as to leave no
       doubt as to its intention.

       "The battle of Domoko which followed was the most sanguinary
       of the campaign. … For three hours, that is, until
       sundown,—the attack having begun at four o'clock,—the Greeks
       steadily returned the hot fire of the Turks, who soon ceased
       to advance, and doggedly hung on to the ground that they had
       gained. … During this attack in front the Turks were making a
       more important movement, strategically, on the right. … With
       amazing intrepidity, during the hot action on the centre, the
       Turks had fought their way over the mountains at the Greeks'
       far right. Some reserves were sent around at sunset—but too
       late. The Turkish left wing was already even with the town of
       Domoko. Military experts maintain that the Crown Prince, by
       readjusting his forces over night, could have given the
       phlegmatic enemy a surprise in the morning, and held him in
       check for several days. The retreat over the pass to Lamia
       began at ten o'clock in the evening; and the next morning the
       battalions covering the retreat were under heavy fire. The
       Greeks' next stand was to be at Thermopylæ. Should the Turks
       advance spiritedly, Smollenske's army would be cut off from
       that of the Crown Prince, and forced to surrender. But the
       Sultan, being somewhat appeased by more blood-letting, now
       bowed before a letter from him whom the Greeks called 'a vile
       enemy,'—the Czar,—who, for this act, saw his influence at
       Constantinople supplanted by that of Germany, though the fear
       of Russia was undiminished. At last the armistice came,—none
       too soon for the demoralized army of Greece. The war had
       lasted just thirty-one days."

          F. Palmer,
          How the Greeks were defeated
          (Forum, November, 1897).

    {549}

       The preliminary treaty of peace, signed September 18, required
       Greece to pay to Turkey a war indemnity of nearly eighteen
       millions of dollars, arrangements for securing the payment of
       which were to be controlled by an international commission
       composed of one representative of each of the mediating
       Powers. The same Powers were likewise to settle with Turkey a
       rectification of the Greek frontier. Greece, in fact, was
       helplessly in their hands.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1897-1899.
       Prolonged anarchy in Crete.
       The inharmonious "Concert of Europe."
       Final departure of Turkish troops and
       officials from the island.
       Organization of government under Prince George of Greece.

       "The autonomous regime promised to this unfortunate island—the
       Cuba of Europe—is still [at the end of 1897] apparently far
       from realization. In the meantime a most distressing
       condition; amounting to practical anarchy, prevails everywhere
       except at some ports where the international gendarmerie
       maintain a fair semblance of order. So completely have the
       houses and property of the Mahometan population been destroyed
       by the insurgents that the coming of winter has brought no
       prospect to the former but one of desolation and famine.
       Considerable pillaging of Christian houses by Mahometan
       refugees was also reported from Candia, Kydonia, and other
       points. In Candia the Turkish gendarmerie—recruited from the
       worst class of Bashi-Bazouks—have proved worse than useless
       for keeping order; they connive with the marauders and share
       in the pillage. The British occupation is said to be only
       nominal. …

       "A strange satire upon the concert of Europe and the pretenses
       of Western civilization was the circular letter addressed by
       the Sultan to the powers, about mid-October, urging upon them
       'in firm language' the necessity of promptness in restoring
       tranquillity to the disordered island, and warning them of the
       dangers of procrastination in this matter. … To accomplish the
       pacification of Crete, the Sultan, in the letter referred to,
       suggested that the entire population, Christian and Mahometan,
       should be disarmed; that the disarmament should be carried out
       by Ottoman troops; that the international troops should
       co-operate in the work if the powers so desired; that the
       entire force should be commanded by a European general in the
       Turkish service; that an Ottoman garrison should be
       permanently maintained; that the governor should be a
       Christian and an Ottoman subject; and that a corps of
       gendarmerie should be formed. … Toward the end of October it
       was announced that the powers had finally chosen for the post
       of governor-general of Crete Colonel Charles Schaeffer, a
       native of the grand duchy of Luxemburg, and a man of extended
       experience in the Turkish and Egyptian services, … related to
       several of the principal houses of the aristocracy at St.
       Petersburg, as well as to some of the most influential
       personages in the entourage of the Sultan. … The Porte,
       however, protested, with the support of Germany, against the
       appointment of Colonel Schaeffer, who appears to have been
       suspected of English sympathies. Russia, too, it was said,
       objected, insisting that the appointee must be of the Orthodox
       Greek faith. Thus, on the question of selecting a
       governor-general for Crete, the concert of the powers broke
       down as it did at other points during the long crisis. At the
       end of November the name of Prince Francis Joseph of
       Battenberg was prominently mentioned as a prospective
       candidate of favor. The Cretan assembly proposed, unless a
       suitable governor were speedily chosen by the powers, to offer
       the post to a candidate of its own selection."

          Current History, 1897,
          pages 865-866.

       Months went on, while the Powers still discussed the Cretan
       situation and no agreement was reached. In January, 1898, the
       Turkish government appointed Edhem Pasha governor of Candia;
       but, in the face of the admirals of the blockading squadrons,
       who exercised an undefined authority, he seems to have had
       practically little power. Presently, a new attempt was made to
       select a Christian Governor-general. France and Russia
       proposed Prince George of Greece, but Austria and Turkey
       opposed. In April, Austria and Germany withdrew from the
       blockade and from the "Concert," leaving Great Britain,
       Russia, France and Italy to deal with Cretan affairs alone.
       The admirals of these Powers, acting under instructions, then
       divided the Cretan coast among themselves, each directing the
       administration of such government as could be conducted in his
       own part. The British admiral had Candia, the capital town,
       and there trouble arose which brought the whole Cretan
       business to a crisis. He attempted to take possession of the
       customs house (September 6), and landed for that purpose a
       small force of 60 men. They were attacked by a Turkish mob,
       with which they fought desperately for four hours, losing 12
       killed and some 40 wounded, before they could make their
       retreat to the shore and regain their ship. At the same time a
       general massacre of Christians in the town was begun and some
       800 perished before it was stopped. Edhem Pasha, with about
       4,000 Turkish troops at his command, was said to have waited
       long for the mob to do its work before he interfered.

       This outbreak brought the four Powers to a decisive agreement.
       They joined in imperatively demanding the withdrawal of
       Turkish troops and officials from the island, and enforced the
       demand. Guarantees for the safety of the Mohammedan population in
       life and property were given; it was conceded that the
       Sultan's suzerainty over Crete should be maintained, and he
       was allowed to hold one military post in the island for a sign
       of the fact. On those terms the Turkish evacuation of Crete
       was carried out in November, and Prince George of Greece was
       appointed, not Governor-general, but High Commissioner of the
       four Powers, to organize an autonomous government in the
       island and administer it for a period of three years. The
       appointment was accepted, and Prince George was received with
       rejoicing in Crete on the 21st of December. The blockade had
       been raised on the 5th, and on the 26th the admirals departed.

       During the following two years (1899-1900) there seems to have
       been a generally good condition of order restored and
       preserved. A constitution was framed by a national assembly,
       which conferred the executive authority on Prince George, as
       High Commissioner, with responsible councillors, and created a
       Chamber of Deputies, elected for the most part by the people,
       but containing ten members appointed by the High Commissioner.
       Equal rights for all religious beliefs was made a principle of
       the constitution.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    {550}

    TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Concessions to the Armenians.

       In October an irade was published by the Sultan which withdrew
       restrictions on the movements of Armenians in the provinces,
       except in the case of suspects; granted pardon or commutation
       of sentence to a number of Armenian prisoners; ordered payment
       of sums due to Armenian government officials who had been
       killed or expelled at the time of the massacres; directed
       assistance to be given in the repairing and rebuilding of
       churches, schools, and monasteries which had been injured or
       destroyed, and also gave direction for the building of an
       orphanage near Constantinople.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Railway to the Persian Gulf.

       A German Bank Syndicate obtained from the Sultan, in November,
       1899, a concession for the extension of the Anatolian Railway
       from Konieh in Asia Minor, to Basra, or Bassorah, on the
       Persian Gulf. The line, which will pass through Bagdad, and
       along the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, is to be
       completed within eight years from the date of the grant. "The
       concession is regarded as a startling proof of German
       influence in Constantinople, and a defeat both for Russian and
       British diplomacy. It is certainly a defeat for the former,
       and will greatly increase suspicion at St. Petersburg as to
       the ultimate ends of Germany in Turkey; but we suspect that
       Indian statesmen will perceive considerable compensations in
       the arrangement. Not to mention that all railways which
       approach India develop Indian trade, the railway may secure us
       a strong ally in Asia. It is not of much use for Russia to be
       running a line from the Caspian to Bushire if when she gets
       there she finds Britain and Germany allied in the Persian
       Gulf, and able by a railway through Gedrosia to Sind to throw
       themselves right across her path."

          Spectator (London),
          December 2, 1899.

       "The opposition of the French company owning the
       Smyrna-Kassaba road, which extends east as far as Afion
       Karahissar, was removed by granting this company 40 per cent
       of the shares in the extension, and the local objection was
       obviated by a provision in the concession giving the Turkish
       Government the right to purchase the line at any time. Few
       railroad lines can be of greater prospective importance than
       this 2,000 miles of railroad uniting the Persian Gulf with
       Europe, forming a rapid transit to and from the East, opening
       up large tracts of agricultural country, and paving the way
       for German commercial supremacy in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia.
       It is not difficult to see how Germany, with preferential
       rates for goods on German lines, will be able to control the
       chief markets of Asia Minor and invade the East. … Germans
       purchased the Constantinople-Ismid Railroad from an English
       company and extended it to Angora. They also checkmated the
       French and English by extending their line from Eski-Sher to
       Konieh, thus preventing extension of both the Smyrna-Afion
       Karahissar and the Smyrna-Aidin-Dinair roads. The two great
       distributing points—Constantinople and Smyrna—are thus
       controlled by Germans, and German goods may enter the interior
       of Asia Minor and the great valley of the Tigris and Euphrates
       on German-controlled roads at a decided advantage. Germans
       have obtained the right to build docks and warehouses at Haida
       Pasha, the terminus of the Anatolian railroads; and with
       through rates for German goods on German lines, German freight
       cars may be sent across the Bosphorus and travel to Mesopotamia
       and the confines of India and Persia without change."

          United States Consular Reports,
          April, 1900, page 497.

       Professor Hilprecht has remarked, in the "Sunday School Times"
       that "a new era for Babylonian archeology will begin when the
       railroad from Koniah to Baghdad and Bassorah has been
       constructed. It will then take about a week from London to the
       ruins of Babylon, where, doubtless, a railway station (Hillah)
       will be established. At present the traveler needs at the best
       six weeks to cover this route. This railroad," says the
       Professor, "has now become a certainty."

    TURKEY: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Impending outbreak in Macedonia.

       The state of things in Macedonia, where the people have long
       been on the brink of revolt against Turkish rule, excited to
       it from Bulgaria and encouraged from Greece, but warned
       otherwise by Russia and Austria, is thus described by the
       "Economist," in an article quoted in "Littell's Living Age,"
       March, 1899: "It is improbable, for reasons stated below, that
       Macedonia will rise in insurrection this year [1899], but,
       nevertheless, there is great danger in that quarter, which is
       evidently disturbing both Vienna and St. Petersburg, and
       exciting apprehensions in Constantinople. The Austrian and
       Russian Foreign Offices are both issuing intimations that if a
       revolt occurs Turkey will be allowed to put it down by Turkish
       methods, and the Sultan is raising more troops, sending
       Asiatic levies to Macedonia, and despatching some of his
       ablest officers to control the hill districts. Severe warnings
       have also been sent both to Belgrade and Sofia, and the Greeks
       are warned that if their active party moves the Government of
       Athens will not again be saved by Europe from the worst
       consequences. All these symptoms imply that there is grave
       fear, among those who watch Macedonia, that the patience of
       her sorely oppressed people has given way, and that they have
       resolved to risk everything rather than remain longer under
       the rule of Pashas from whom no man's life and no woman's
       honor is safe for twelve hours together. It is known,
       moreover, that the course of events in Crete and the
       appearance of the Tsar's Rescript have greatly stirred the
       population. The former is held by them to show that if a
       Christian population in Turkey will risk massacre, Europe will
       not allow them to be exterminated, while the latter has made
       submission more difficult by putting an end to hope for the
       next five years. …

       "Turkish subjects must be driven to despair before they will
       rise against the Turks, and if they can even hope to be left
       alone, the Macedonians will wait, rather than encounter so
       dreadful a risk. They have, it is true, the example of the
       Cretans to encourage them, but their country is not an island,
       and they have the fate both of the Armenians and the
       Thessalians to warn them that on the mainland the Turks cannot
       be resisted by half-drilled forces.

       "It seems almost a truism to say that Europe is foolish to
       allow such a source of danger as Macedonia presents to
       continue without a cure; but there is something to be said on
       the other side. The Powers sincerely desire peace, and the
       Macedonian magazine cannot be flooded without a war, if it be
       only a war between Russia and the Sultan.
    {551}
       Nobody knows to what such a war would lead, or in what
       condition Eastern Europe might emerge from it. Moreover,
       however much the Macedonians may excite the sympathies of
       philanthropists, they have done a good deal to alienate those
       of politicians. They decline to be either Austrian or Russian.
       They asked for years to be aided by Greece, and when Greece
       declared war on Turkey they refused to rise behind Edhem
       Pasha, whom they could have cut away from his supports. They
       now ask aid from Bulgaria, but they are most unwilling to
       submit to Sofia, and so make of Bulgaria a fairly strong
       State. They wish, they say, to make of Macedonia a
       Principality, but if it were so made the Slavo-Macedonians
       would begin fighting the Græco-Macedonians, until both had
       been nearly ruined. They must join one party or the other if
       they wish to be free, and stick to the one they join, and
       fight for it with a coherence which they have never yet
       displayed."

       On the 7th of January, 1901, a correspondent of the "London
       Times" wrote on the same subject from Vienna, as follows:

       "The situation in Macedonia, as described in trustworthy
       accounts coming from different directions, testifies to the
       increasing danger of trouble. Things have gone so far that an
       outbreak may occur this year. In diplomatic circles it is
       considered impossible that in any case it can be delayed for
       longer than a twelvemonth. In Constantinople, Athens, and all
       the capitals of the Balkan States the eventuality of a
       Macedonian rising has been expected for several years past,
       and in more than one instance preparations have been made
       accordingly. To what extent the Macedonia committees have
       received official patronage in Bulgaria is now of secondary
       interest. The mischief has been done, and the agitation in
       Macedonia is at present beyond the control of the Bulgarian
       authorities, even if they wished to keep it in check, which is
       not certain. All that can be said with confidence is that last
       summer Austria and Russia made a vigorous and successful effort
       to put an end to the almost open encouragement extended to the
       Macedonian committees at Sofia, which was within an ace of
       involving the Principality in a war with Rumania. The
       Austro-Russian 'entente' [an understanding or agreement
       between Russia and Austria, in 1897, to act together in
       keeping peace in the Balkan peninsula] has, in fact, done
       excellent service wherever diplomatic pressure can be brought
       to bear. But, unfortunately, that does not include Macedonia.
       If the revolutionary element in that province of the Ottoman
       Empire sets at defiance the imposing Turkish forces
       concentrated on the spot, it is not likely that it will be
       influenced by what is probably regarded as the remote
       contingency of the direct armed intervention of Austria and
       Russia. All the warnings and scoldings in the world will not
       suffice to preserve peace in Macedonia.

       "It is difficult to say what foundation there may be for the
       statement that the Sultan himself seeks to take advantage of
       the disturbed condition of Macedonia for purposes of his own.
       It is alleged that he wishes to prevent any change in the
       existing regime in Crete by exciting the apprehension in
       Athens and elsewhere that an attempt to modify the status quo
       in that island would cause a massacre of the Hellenic
       population in Macedonia. This view of the case finds
       expression in the following extracts from a letter addressed
       to the 'Roumanie,' one of the leading organs of
       Bukharest:—'The thoroughly bad policy pursued by the Sublime
       Porte in Macedonia, which consists in allowing that unhappy
       province to remain a prey to Bulgarian agitators so as in case
       of need to terrify diplomacy by the spectre of a revolution,
       has contributed to open the eyes of the Powers. On the other
       hand, the irresistible attraction exercised by the Kingdom of
       Greece, not only on the Cretans themselves, but also on all
       the rayahs of the Ottoman Empire, is an indisputable fact.'"

          See, also (in this volume),
          BALKAN AND DANUBIAN STATES.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1900.
       The Zionist movement of the Jews to colonize Palestine.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

    TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
       The Cretan question.

       The provisional arrangement of government for Crete,
       administered by Prince George, of Greece, as High Commissioner
       for the Powers, expires by limitation in December, 1901. What
       shall then be done with the island is a question that was
       referred, by the several Powers of the Concert, in the early
       part of the year, to their ambassadors at Rome, in conference
       with the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs. The
       administration of Prince George appears to have been quite
       remarkably satisfactory to all concerned, and its continuation
       was evidently desired, as much by the Cretans as by the
       protecting Powers; but the former sought to have it placed on
       a basis of permanency, in some form that would be practically
       tantamount to the long craved annexation to Greece. Prince
       George naturally looks in the same direction, and he is said
       to have made it known that he would decline to hold his post
       provisionally beyond the term of three years for which he
       accepted it in 1898. The ambassadorial conference at Rome
       decided, however, that the time has not come for a permanent
       settlement of the Cretan question, and that the provisional
       arrangement for its government must be renewed. A Press
       despatch from Athens, on the 22d of March, 1901, announced the
       decision and indicated the circumstances of the situation, as
       follows:

       "The Cretan Assembly meets at the end of next month, and its
       probable attitude towards the question of union with Greece is
       already the subject of speculation here. The decision of the
       conference of Ambassadors at Rome is embodied in a memorandum
       which has been handed to Prince George by the Consuls at
       Canea, while a copy of the document has been unofficially
       presented to King George 'à titre d'information.' The
       Ambassadors express their opinion that any manifestation on
       the part of the Cretans in favour of union with Greece would
       be inopportune at the present moment, and they propose a
       prolongation of the present provisional system of government
       without assigning any definite term to the High Commissioner's
       mandate.

       "Whether Prince George, who is an enthusiastic advocate of
       union with Greece, will accept the new arrangement
       unconditionally remains to be seen. Meanwhile the islanders
       are occupied with preparations for the elections.

    {552}

       "It appears that at a recent sitting of the Prince's Council
       one of the most prominent of Cretan politicians advocated the
       institution of an autonomous Principality on the lines already
       laid down by the existing Constitution. The proposal provoked
       a violent outburst on the part of the Athenian Press, which
       denounces its author as a traitor to the cause of Hellenism.
       The opinion apparently prevails here that the establishment of
       a Principality would finally preclude the union of the island
       with Greece."

    TURKEY: A. D. 1901.
       Order regulating the visit of Jews to Palestine.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1901.

       ----------TURKEY: End--------

    TWAIN, Mark:
       Description of scenes in the Austrian Reichsrath.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    U.

    UCHALI, Treaty of.

          See (in this volume)
          ITALY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    UGANDA: A. D. 1894.
       Creation of the Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

    UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.
       Native insurrection and mutiny of Sudanese troops.

       A train of serious troubles in the Uganda Protectorate began
       in May, 1897, with an insurrection of some of the chiefs,
       instigated by the king, Mwanga, who was restive under British
       control. The revolt was suppressed after some sharp fighting,
       especially at Kiango, on the 24th of July, and King Mwanga
       escaped into German territory. In August he was formally
       deposed by a council of chiefs, and his infant son, Chua, was
       elected king in his place, under a regency of three of the
       chiefs. But a more serious trouble followed, from the mutiny
       of a part of the Sudanese troops which had been serving in
       Uganda. These troops were being sent to join an expedition,
       under Major Macdonald, for the exploration of the districts
       adjacent to the Italian sphere of influence, and were not
       permitted to take their women with them. This seems to have
       been their chief grievance. They also complained of being
       overworked, underpaid, insufficiently fed, and commanded by
       young officers who would not listen to their complaints. They
       seized Fort Lubas, on the frontier between Uganda and Usoga,
       made prisoners of several of their officers, whom they finally
       murdered, and held the fort against repeated attacks until early
       in January, 1898, when they made their escape. They were
       pursued and attacked (February 24) at Kabagambe, on Lake
       Kioja, where they had built a fort. Many were killed, the
       remainder much scattered. A considerable party got away to the
       eastern side of the Nile and continued to give trouble there
       throughout the year.

       Meantime, the deposed king, Mwanga, had escaped from the
       Germans and effected a new rising among his late subjects; and
       another deposed king, Kabarega, of Unyoro, had also
       reappeared, to make trouble in that region. After the
       suppression of the Sudanese mutiny these risings were
       overcome, with the help of some 1,100 troops brought from
       India for the emergency. In March, there was news of
       Kabarega's death, and the British Acting Commissioner and
       Consul General issued the following proclamation:

       "Whereas Kabarega, the deposed King of Unyoro, is reported to
       have deceased, and whereas the present disordered state of
       affairs in that country has proved that, for the maintenance
       of good government and good-will, it is expedient to provide
       for the succession to the kingdom of a member of the Royal
       House, it is hereby publicly proclaimed that Karukala, son of
       Kabarega, is now appointed King of Unyoro, under the
       protection of Her Britannic Majesty. The Kingdom of Unyoro
       comprises the provinces of—Busindi, Shifalu, Magungu, Kibero,
       Bugoma, Bugahiaobeire. This appointment is in accordance with
       the general conditions by which countries in British African
       Protectorates are guided and regulated, and it secures to the
       Kingdom of Unyoro all the advantages which accrue from its
       being an integral part of such a Protectorate. The local
       government of the country will be administered, under the
       guidance of Her Majesty's Representative, by a Council of
       Regency of either two or three Chiefs, to be appointed by Her
       Majesty's Commissioner. This Council of Regency will, subject
       to the approval of Her Majesty's Commissioner, select and
       appoint the Katikiro and the other Chiefs of the first rank
       required in accordance with local custom. These Chiefs, on
       their appointment being confirmed, will select and appoint in
       full Council the lesser grade Chiefs, until the system of
       local administration is complete."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command: Africa, Number 7, 1898, page 42).

    UGANDA RAILWAY, The.

       On the 30th of April, 1900, the British Parliament voted
       £1,930,000 for the completion of the railway under
       construction from Mombasa, on the Indian Ocean, to Lake
       Victoria-Nyanza, officially known as the Mombasa-Victoria
       Railway. Previous expenditure had been about £3,000,000. On
       the 30th of October it was reported that rails were laid down
       to the 452d mile from Mombasa, and that advance gangs were
       working about 40 miles beyond that point.

    UITLANDERS.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890, and after.

    UNGAVA, The district of.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1895.

    UNITED CHRISTIAN PARTY.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1900 (MAY-NOVEMBER).

    UNITED IRISH LEAGUE, The.

          See (in this volume)
          IRELAND: A. D. 1900-1901.

    UNITED STATES OF BRAZIL.

          See (in this volume)
          BRAZIL.

    {553}

       ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: Start--------

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1868-1885.
       Cuban questions in controversy with Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1894.
       Legislation to promote the reclamation of arid lands.

       The following measure of legislation to promote the
       reclamation of arid lands was carried through Congress as an
       amendment to the appropriation bill for Sundry Civil
       Expenditures, and became law August 18, 1894:

       "Section 4.
       That to aid the public land States in the reclamation of the
       desert lands therein, and the settlement, cultivation, and
       sale thereof in small tracts to actual settlers, the Secretary
       of the Interior with the approval of the President, be, and
       hereby is, authorized and empowered, upon proper application
       of the State to contract and agree, from time to time, with
       each of the States in which there may be situated desert lands
       as defined by the Act entitled 'An Act to provide for the sale
       of desert land in certain States and Territories,' approved
       March 3d, 1877, and the Act amendatory thereof, approved March
       3d, 1891, binding the United States to donate, grant and
       patent to the State free of cost for surveyor price such
       desert lands, not exceeding one million acres in each State,
       as the State may cause to be irrigated, reclaimed, occupied,
       and not less than twenty acres of each one hundred and
       sixty-acre tract cultivated by actual settlers, within ten
       years next after the passage of this Act, as thoroughly as is
       required of citizens who may enter under the said desert land
       law.

       "Before the application of any State is allowed or any
       contract or agreement is executed or any segregation of any of
       the land from the public domain is ordered by the Secretary of
       the Interior, the State shall file a map of the said land
       proposed to be irrigated which shall exhibit a plan showing
       the mode of the contemplated irrigation and which plan shall
       be sufficient to thoroughly irrigate and reclaim said land and
       prepare it to raise ordinary agricultural crops and shall also
       show the source of the water to be used for irrigation and
       reclamation, and the Secretary of the Interior may make
       necessary regulations for the reservation of the lands applied
       for by the States to date from the date of the filing of the map
       and plan of irrigation, but such reservation shall be of no
       force whatever if such map and plan of irrigation shall not be
       approved. That any State contracting under this section is
       hereby authorized to make all necessary contracts to cause the
       said lands to be reclaimed, and to induce their settlement and
       cultivation in accordance with and subject to the provisions
       of this section; but the State shall not be authorized to
       lease any of said lands or to use or dispose of the same in
       any way whatever, except to secure their reclamation,
       cultivation and settlement.

       "As fast as any State may furnish satisfactory proof according
       to such rules and regulations as may be prescribed by the
       Secretary of the Interior, that any of said lands are
       irrigated, reclaimed and occupied by actual settlers, patents
       shall be issued to the State or its assigns for said land so
       reclaimed and settled: Provided, That said States shall not
       sell or dispose of more than one hundred and sixty acres of
       said land to any one person, and any surplus of money derived
       by any State from the sale of said lands in excess of the cost
       of their reclamation, shall be held as a trust fund for and be
       applied to the reclamation of other desert lands in such
       State. That to enable the Secretary of the Interior to examine
       any of the lands that may be selected under the provisions of
       this section, there is hereby appropriated out of any moneys
       in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, one thousand
       dollars."

       Acts, 53d Congress, 2d Session, chapter 301.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895.
       Re-survey of Mexican boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1892-1895.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (January-February).
       The monetary situation.
       Contract for replenishing the gold reserve in the Treasury.

       The alarming situation of the Treasury of the United States at
       the beginning of the year 1895 was clearly described by the
       President in his special Message to Congress, January 28.

          See in volume 5, UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895).

       By the operation of what had been aptly called "the endless
       chain" of the greenback currency issues of the government
       (paid out with one hand, to be redeemed with the other in
       gold, which the declining value of silver brought more and
       more into demand) the gold reserve in the Treasury was fast
       being exhausted, and the hour was approaching when, without
       some effective relief, the obligations of the nation would
       have to be paid in depreciated silver coin, and its credit
       lost. The appeal of the President to Congress had no effect.
       The Senate was controlled by a majority of men who desired
       precisely the result which he wished to avert. The state of
       things in that body was described by Senator Sherman, of the
       Committee on Finance, in the following words:

       "The Committee on Finance is utterly helpless to deal with
       this vast question. We are quite divided upon it. We are not
       allowed to propose a measure to this Senate which all can
       approve of, unless there is attached to it a provision for
       free coinage of silver."

       The attitude of the House was different, but almost equally
       hostile to the President's views. Its Republican majority was
       not favorable to the aims of the free silver parties, but held
       that the relief needed for the Treasury was to be sought in a
       return to higher import duties, as a means of obtaining
       increased revenue. Hence, a bill to carry out the
       recommendations of the President was rejected in the House, on
       the 7th of February, by a vote of 162 against 135.

       On the following day, the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr.
       Carlisle, exercising authority which he possessed to sell
       certain four per cent. thirty year bonds, contracted with
       August Belmont &; Co., who represented the Rothschilds of
       London, and with the house of J. P. Morgan & Co., of New York,
       on behalf of J. S. Morgan & Co., London, and themselves, for
       supplying 3,500,000 ounces of standard gold coin of the United
       States, at the rate of 817.80441 per ounce, in exchange for
       such bonds. It was a condition of the contract that one half
       of the coin supplied should be brought from Europe: also that
       the contracting syndicate should use its influence to protect
       the Treasury against withdrawals of gold.
    {554}
       At the same time, the Secretary of the Treasury reserved the
       right to substitute three per cent. gold bonds, if Congress
       would authorize such an issue, to be taken by the syndicate at
       par, in place of the four per cents to which his existing
       authority was restricted. It was shown that the consequent
       saving in interest would be $539,000 per annum, amounting to
       $16,174,770 in thirty years; but the proposal was rejected in
       the House of Representatives by 167 votes against 120. The
       contract was accordingly carried out in its original form,
       with success so far that the withdrawals of gold from the
       Treasury dropped for a considerable period to a low point. It
       appeared that when this emergency break was put upon the
       working of the "endless chain," the sub-treasury in New York
       was believed to be within twenty-four hours of a suspension of
       gold payments. But the contract was loudly condemned.
       nevertheless, by the opponents of the administration.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (February).
       Renewed insurrection in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1895.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (April-May).
       Decision of the Supreme Court against the constitutionality
       of the Income Tax.

       Cases testing the constitutionality of the income tax which
       Congress had attached to the Tariff Act of 1894, were brought
       to a partial decision in the Supreme Court in April, and
       finally in May, 1895.

          See, in volume 4 of original edition,
          or in volume 5 of revised edition,
          TARIFF LEGISLATION, UNITED STATES: A. D. 1894.

          [Transcriber's note: For this set see, Volume 4,
          "TARIFF: (United States): A. D. 1894."]

        The cases in question were "Pollock v. Farmers' Loan and
        Trust Company," and "Hyde v. Continental Trust Company." On
        the first hearing, the illness and absence of one of the
        justices, Mr. Jackson, of Tennessee, left but eight members
        in attendance, and they divided equally on several points
        which were vital to the decision of the question of
        constitutionality in the tax. The appellants accordingly
        filed a petition for a re-hearing, submitting, among other
        reasons, the following: "The question involved in these cases
        was as to the constitutionality of the provisions of the
        tariff act of August 15, 1894 (sections 27 to 37), purporting
        to impose a tax on incomes. The Court has held that the same
        are unconstitutional, so far as they purport to impose a tax
        upon the rent or income of real estate and income derived
        from municipal bonds. It has, however, announced that it was
        equally divided in opinion as to the following questions, and
        has expressed no opinion in regard to them: (1) Whether the
        void provisions invalidate the whole act. (2) Whether, as to
        the income from personal property as such, the act is
        unconstitutional as laying direct taxes. (3) Whether any part
        of the tax, if not considered as a direct tax, is invalid for
        want of uniformity.

       "The court has reversed the decree of the Circuit Court and
       remanded the case, with directions to enter a decree in favor
       of complainant in respect only of the voluntary payment of the
       tax on the rents and income of defendant's real estate and
       that which it holds in trust, and on the income from the
       municipal bonds owned or so held by it. While, therefore, the
       two points above stated have been decided, there has been no
       decision of the remaining questions regarding the
       constitutionality of the act, and no judgment has been
       announced authoritatively establishing any principle for
       interpretation of the statute in those respects."

       The re-hearing asked for was granted by the Court on the 6th
       of May, when Justice Jackson was able to take his seat on the
       bench, after which, on the 20th of May, by the opinion of five
       members of the Court against four, the law was pronounced null,
       so far as concerned the imposition of a tax on incomes. The
       opinion of the majority was delivered by Chief Justice Fuller,
       who said, in part:

       "The Constitution divided Federal taxation into two great
       classes, the class of direct taxes, and the class of duties,
       imposts and excises; and prescribed two rules which qualified
       the grant of power as to each class. The power to lay direct
       taxes apportioned among the several States in proportion to
       their representation in the popular branch of Congress, a
       representation based on population as ascertained by the
       census, was plenary and absolute; but to lay direct taxes
       without apportionment was forbidden. The power to lay duties,
       imposts, and excises was subject to the qualification that the
       imposition must be uniform throughout the United States.

       "Our previous decision was confined to the consideration of
       the validity of the tax on the income from real estate and on
       the income from municipal bonds. … We are now permitted to
       broaden the field of inquiry, and to determine to which of the
       two great classes a tax upon a person's entire income, whether
       derived from rents, or products, or otherwise, of real estate,
       or from bonds, stocks, or other forms of personal property,
       belongs; and we are unable to conclude that the enforced
       subtraction from the yield of all the owner's real or personal
       property, in the manner prescribed, is so different from a tax
       upon the property itself, that it is not a direct, but an
       indirect tax in the meaning of the Constitution.

       "The words of the Constitution are to be taken in their
       obvious sense, and to have a reasonable construction. In
       Gibbons v. Ogden, Mr. Chief Justice Marshall, with his usual
       felicity, said: 'As men, whose intentions require no
       concealment, generally employ the words which most directly
       and aptly express the ideas they intend to convey, the
       enlightened patriots who framed our Constitution, and the
       people who adopted it must be understood to have employed
       words in their natural sense, and to have intended what they
       have said.' 9 Wheat. 1, 188. And in Rhode Island v.
       Massachusetts, where the question was whether a controversy
       between two States over the boundary between them was within
       the grant of judicial power, Mr. Justice Baldwin, speaking for
       the Court, observed: 'The solution of this question must
       necessarily depend on the words of the Constitution; the
       meaning and intention of the convention which framed and
       proposed it for adoption and ratification to the conventions
       of the people of and in the several States; together with a
       reference to such sources of judicial information as are
       resorted to by all courts in construing statutes, and to which
       this court has always resorted in construing the
       Constitution.' 12 Pet. 657, 721. We know of no reason for
       holding otherwise than that the words 'direct taxes,' on the
       one hand, and 'duties, imposts and excises,' on the other,
       were used in the Constitution in their natural and obvious
       sense. Nor in arriving at what those terms embrace do we
       perceive any ground for enlarging them beyond or narrowing
       them within their natural and obvious import at the time the
       Constitution was framed and ratified.

    {555}

       "And passing from the text, we regard the conclusion reached
       as inevitable, when the circumstances which surrounded the
       convention and controlled its action and the views of those
       who framed and those who adopted the Constitution are
       considered. … In the light of the struggle in the convention
       as to whether or not the new Nation should be empowered to
       levy taxes directly on the individual until after the States
       had failed to respond to requisitions—a struggle which did not
       terminate until the amendment to that effect, proposed by
       Massachusetts and concurred in by South Carolina, New
       Hampshire, New York, and Rhode Island, had been rejected—it
       would seem beyond reasonable question that direct taxation,
       taking the place as it did of requisitions, was purposely
       restrained to apportionment according to representation, in
       order that the former system as to ratio might be retained
       while the mode of collection was changed. This is forcibly
       illustrated by a letter of Mr. Madison of January 29, 1789,
       recently published, written after the ratification of the
       Constitution, but before the organization of the government
       and the submission of the proposed amendment to Congress,
       which, while opposing the amendment as calculated to impair
       the power only to be exercised in extraordinary emergencies,
       assigns adequate ground for its rejection as substantially
       unnecessary, since, he says, 'every State which chooses to
       collect its own quota may always prevent a Federal collection,
       by keeping a little beforehand in its finances and making its
       payment at once into the Federal treasury.'

       "The reasons for the clauses of the Constitution in respect of
       direct taxation are not far to seek. The States, respectively,
       possessed plenary powers of taxation. They could tax the
       property of their citizens in such manner and to such extent
       as they saw fit; they had unrestricted powers to impose duties
       or imposts on imports from abroad, and excises on
       manufactures, consumable commodities, or otherwise. They gave
       up the great sources of revenue derived from commerce; they
       retained the concurrent power of levying excises, and duties
       if covering anything other than excises; but in respect of
       them the range of taxation was narrowed by the power granted
       over interstate commerce, and by the danger of being put at
       disadvantage in dealing with excises on manufactures. They
       retained the power of direct taxation, and to that they looked
       as their chief resource; but even in respect of that, they
       granted the concurrent power, and if the tax were placed by
       both governments on the same subject, the claim of the United
       States had preference. Therefore, they did not grant the power
       of direct taxation without regard to their own condition and
       resources as States; but they granted the power of apportioned
       direct taxation, a power just as efficacious to serve the needs
       of the general government, but securing to the States the
       opportunity to pay the amount apportioned, and to recoup from
       their own citizens in the most feasible way, and in harmony
       with their systems of local self-government. If, in the
       changes of wealth and population in particular States,
       apportionment produced inequality, it was an inequality
       stipulated for, just as the equal representation of the
       States, however small, in the Senate, was stipulated for. …

       "Moreover, whatever the reasons for the constitutional
       provisions, there they are, and they appear to us to speak in
       plain language. It is said that a tax on the whole income of
       property is not a direct tax in the meaning of the
       Constitution, but a duty, and, as a duty, leviable without
       apportionment, whether direct or indirect. We do not think so.
       Direct taxation was not restricted in one breath and the
       restriction blown to the winds in another. Cooley (On
       Taxation, page 3) says that the word 'duty' ordinarily 'means
       an indirect tax imposed on the importation, exportation or
       consumption of goods'; having a broader meaning than "custom,"
       which is a duty imposed on imports or exports'; that 'the term
       "impost" also signifies any tax, tribute or duty, but it is
       seldom applied to any but the indirect taxes. An excise duty
       is an inland impost, levied upon articles of manufacture or
       sale, and also upon licenses to pursue certain trades or to
       deal in certain commodities.' In the Constitution the words
       'duties, imposts and excises' are put in antithesis to direct
       taxes. Gouverneur Morris recognized this in his remarks in
       modifying his celebrated motion, as did Wilson in approving of
       the motion as modified. …

       "Our conclusions may therefore be summed up as follows:

       "First. We adhere to the opinion already announced, that,
       taxes on real estate being indisputably direct taxes, taxes on
       the rents or income of real estate are equally direct taxes.

       "Second. We are of opinion that taxes on personal property, or
       on the income of personal property, are likewise direct taxes.

       "Third. The tax imposed by sections twenty-seven to
       thirty-seven, inclusive, of the act of 1894, so far as it
       falls on the income of real estate and of personal property,
       being a direct tax within the meaning of the Constitution,
       and, therefore, unconstitutional and void because not
       apportioned according to representation, all those sections,
       constituting one entire scheme of taxation, are necessarily
       invalid."

       Four dissenting opinions were prepared, by Justices Harlan,
       Brown, Jackson and White. In that of Mr. Justice Harlan, he
       said: "What are 'direct taxes' within the meaning of the
       Constitution? In the convention of 1787, Rufus King asked what
       was the precise meaning of 'direct' taxation, and no one
       answered. Madison Papers, 5 Elliott's Debates, 451. The
       debates of that famous body do not show that any delegate
       attempted to give a clear, succinct definition of what, in his
       opinion, was a direct tax. Indeed the report of those debates,
       upon the question now before us, is very meagre and
       unsatisfactory. An illustration of this is found in the case
       of Gouverneur Morris. It is stated that on the 12th of July,
       1787, he moved to add to a clause empowering Congress to vary
       representation according to the principles of 'wealth and
       numbers of inhabitants,' a proviso 'that taxation shall be in
       proportion to representation.' And he is reported to have
       remarked, on that occasion, that while some objections lay
       against his motion, he supposed 'they would be removed by
       restraining the rule to direct taxation.' Elliott's Debates,
       302.
    {556}
       But, on the 8th of August, 1787, the work of the Committee on
       Detail being before the convention, Mr. Morris is reported to
       have remarked, 'let it not be said that direct taxation is to
       be proportioned to representation.' 5 Elliott's Debates, 393.
       If the question propounded by Rufus King had been answered in
       accordance with the interpretation now given, it is not at all
       certain that the Constitution, in its present form, would have
       been adopted by the convention, nor, if adopted, that it would
       have been accepted by the requisite number of States." The
       following is from the dissenting opinion of Mr. Justice Brown:
       "In view of the fact that the great burden of taxation among
       the several States is assessed upon real estate at a
       valuation, and that a similar tax was apparently an important
       part of the revenue of such States at the time the
       Constitution was adopted, it is not unreasonable to suppose
       that this is the only undefined direct tax the framers of the
       Constitution had in view when they incorporated this clause
       into that instrument. The significance of the words 'direct
       taxes' was not so well understood then as it is now, and it is
       entirely probable that these words were used with reference to
       a generally accepted method of raising a revenue by tax upon
       real estate. … But, however this may be, I regard it as very
       clear that the clause requiring direct taxes to be apportioned
       to the population has no application to taxes which are not
       capable of apportionment according to population. It cannot be
       supposed that the convention could have contemplated a
       practical inhibition upon the power of Congress to tax in some
       way all taxable property within the jurisdiction of the
       Federal government, for the purposes of a national revenue.
       And if the proposed tax were such that in its nature it could
       not be apportioned according to population, it naturally
       follows that it could not have been considered a direct tax,
       within the meaning of the clause in question."

       Mr. Justice Jackson concluded his dissenting opinion as
       follows: "The practical operation of the decision is not only
       to disregard the great principles of equality in taxation, but
       the further principle that in the imposition of taxes for the
       benefit of the government the burdens thereof should be
       imposed upon those having the most ability to bear them. This
       decision, in effect, works out a directly opposite result, in
       relieving the citizens having the greater ability, while the
       burdens of taxation are made to fall most heavily and
       oppressively upon those having the least ability. It lightens
       the burden upon the larger number in some States subject to
       the tax, and places it most unequally and disproportionately
       on the smaller number in other States. Considered in all its
       bearings, this decision is, in my judgment, the most
       disastrous blow ever struck at the constitutional power of
       Congress. It strikes down an important portion of the most
       vital and essential power of the government in practically
       excluding any recourse to incomes from real and personal
       estate for the purpose of raising needed revenue to meet the
       government's wants and necessities under any circumstances.

       "I am therefore compelled to enter my dissent to the judgment
       of the court."

       The opinion delivered by the majority of the Court was
       criticised with severity by Mr. Justice White, who said: "The
       injustice of the conclusion points to the error of adopting
       it. It takes invested wealth and reads it into the
       Constitution as a favored and protected class of property,
       which cannot be taxed without apportionment, whilst it leaves
       the occupation of the minister, the doctor, the professor, the
       lawyer, the inventor, the author, the merchant, the mechanic,
       and all other forms of industry upon which the prosperity of a
       people must depend, subject to taxation without that
       condition. A rule which works out this result, which, it seems
       to me, stultifies the Constitution by making it an instrument of
       the most grievous wrong, should not be adopted, especially
       when, in order to do so, the decisions of this court, the
       opinions of the law writers and publicists, tradition,
       practice, and the settled policy of the government must be
       overthrown.

       "To destroy the fixed interpretation of the Constitution, by
       which the rule of apportionment according to population, is
       confined to direct taxes on real estate so as to make that
       rule include indirect taxes on real estate and taxes, whether
       direct or indirect, on invested personal property, stocks,
       bonds, etc., reads into the Constitution the most flagrantly
       unjust, unequal, and wrongful system of taxation known to any
       civilized government. This strikes me as too clear for
       argument. I can conceive of no greater injustice than would
       result from imposing on one million of people in one State,
       having only ten millions of invested wealth, the same amount
       of tax as that imposed on the like number of people in another
       State having fifty times that amount of invested wealth. The
       application of the rule of apportionment by population to
       invested personal wealth would not only work out this wrong,
       but would ultimately prove a self-destructive process, from
       the facility with which such property changes its situs. If so
       taxed, all property of this character would soon be transferred
       to the States where the sum of accumulated wealth was greatest
       in proportion to population, and where therefore the burden of
       taxation would be lightest, and thus the mighty wrong
       resulting from the very nature of the extension of the rule
       would be aggravated. It is clear then, I think, that the
       admission of the power of taxation in regard to invested
       personal property, coupled with the restriction that the tax
       must be distributed by population and not by wealth, involves
       a substantial denial of the power itself, because the
       condition renders its exercise practically impossible. To say
       a thing can only be done in a way which must necessarily bring
       about the grossest wrong, is to delusively admit the existence
       of the power, while substantially denying it. And the grievous
       results sure to follow from any attempt to adopt such a system
       are so obvious that my mind cannot fail to see that if a tax
       on invested personal property were imposed by the rule of
       population, and there were no other means of preventing its
       enforcement, the red spectre of revolution would shake our
       institutions to their foundation. …

       "It is, I submit, greatly to be deplored that, after more than
       one hundred years of our national existence, after the
       government has withstood the strain of foreign wars and the
       dread ordeal of civil strife, and its people have become
       united and powerful, this court should consider itself
       compelled to go back to a long repudiated and rejected theory
       of the Constitution, by which the government is deprived of an
       inherent attribute of its being, a necessary power of taxation."

          United States Reports,
          v. 158, pages 601-715.

    {557}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (July-November).
       Correspondence with the Government of Great Britain
       on the Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (JULY), and (NOVEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (September).
       Executive order for the improvement of the consular service.

       In his annual Message to Congress, December 2, 1895, President
       Cleveland made the following statement of measures adopted for
       the improvement of the consular service of the country:

       "In view of the growth of our interests in foreign countries
       and the encouraging prospects for a general expansion of our
       commerce, the question of an improvement in the consular
       service has increased in importance and urgency. Though there
       is no doubt that the great body of consular officers are
       rendering valuable services to the trade and industries of the
       country, the need of some plan of appointment and control
       which would tend to secure a higher average of efficiency can
       not be denied. The importance of the subject has led the
       Executive to consider what steps might properly be taken
       without additional legislation to answer the need of a better
       system of consular appointments. The matter having been
       committed to the consideration of the Secretary of State, in
       pursuance of his recommendations, an Executive order was
       issued on the 20th of September, 1895, by the terms of which
       it is provided that after that date any vacancy in a consular
       or commercial agency with an annual salary or compensation
       from official fees of not more than $2,500 or less than $1,000
       should be filled either by transfer or promotion from some
       other position under the Department of State of a character
       tending to qualify the incumbent for the position to be
       filled, or by the appointment of a person not under the
       Department of State, but having previously served thereunder
       and shown his capacity and fitness for consular duty, or by
       the appointment of a person who, having been selected by the
       President and sent to a board for examination, is found, upon
       such examination, to be qualified for the position. Posts
       which pay less than $1,000 being usually, on account of their
       small compensation, filled by selection from residents of the
       locality, it was not deemed practicable to put them under the
       new system.

       "The compensation of $2,500 was adopted as the maximum limit
       in the classification for the reason that consular officers
       receiving more than that sum are often charged with functions
       and duties scarcely inferior in dignity and importance to
       those of diplomatic agents, and it was therefore thought best
       to continue their selection in the discretion of the Executive
       without subjecting them to examination before a board.
       Excluding seventy-one places with compensation at present less
       than $1,000, and fifty-three places above the maximum in
       compensation, the number of positions remaining within the
       scope of the order is one hundred and ninety-six. This number
       will undoubtedly be increased by the inclusion of consular
       officers whose remuneration in fees, now less than $1,000,
       will be augmented with the growth of our foreign commerce and
       a return to more favorable business conditions. In execution
       of the Executive order referred to, the Secretary of State has
       designated as a board to conduct the prescribed examinations
       the Third Assistant Secretary of State, the Solicitor of the
       Department of State, and the Chief of the Consular Bureau, and
       has specified the subjects to which such examinations shall
       relate.

       "It is not assumed that this system will prove a full measure
       of consular reform. It is quite probable that actual
       experience will show particulars in which the order already
       issued may be amended, and demonstrate that, for the best
       results, appropriate legislation by Congress is imperatively
       required. In any event these efforts to improve the consular
       service ought to be immediately supplemented by legislation
       providing for consular inspection. This has frequently been a
       subject of Executive recommendation, and I again urge such
       action by Congress as will permit the frequent and thorough
       inspection of consulates by officers appointed for that
       purpose or by persons already in the diplomatic or consular
       service. The expense attending such a plan would be
       insignificant compared with its usefulness, and I hope the
       legislation necessary to set it on foot will be speedily
       forthcoming.

       "I am thoroughly convinced that in addition to their salaries
       our ambassadors and ministers at foreign courts should be
       provided by the Government with official residences. The
       salaries of these officers are comparatively small and in most
       cases insufficient to pay, with other necessary expenses, the
       cost of maintaining household establishments in keeping with
       their important and delicate functions. The usefulness of a
       nation's diplomatic representative undeniably depends upon the
       appropriateness of his surroundings, and a country like ours,
       while avoiding unnecessary glitter and show, should be certain
       that it does not suffer in its relations with foreign nations
       through parsimony and shabbiness in its diplomatic outfit.
       These considerations and the other advantages of having fixed
       and somewhat permanent locations for our embassies, would
       abundantly justify the moderate expenditure necessary to carry
       out this suggestion."

          Message of the President
          (54th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Documents, volume 1).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (December).
       Message of President Cleveland on the boundary dispute
       between Great Britain and Venezuela.
       Prompt response from Congress.

       On the 17th of December, 1895, the country was startled and
       the world at large excited by a message from President
       Cleveland to Congress, relating to the disputed boundary
       between British Guiana and Venezuela, and the refusal of the
       British government to submit the dispute to arbitration.

          See, (in this volume),
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

       The tone in which the President recommended the appointment of
       a commission to ascertain the "true divisional line" between
       Venezuela and British Guiana, with a view to determining the
       future action of the United States, was peremptory and
       threatening enough to awaken all the barbaric passions which
       wait and watch for signals of war; and Congress, in both
       branches, met the wishes of the President with the singular
       alacrity that so often appears in the action of legislative
       bodies when a question arises which carries the scent of war.
       The House refused to wait for any reference of the matter to
       its Committee on Foreign Relations, but framed and passed at
       once (December 18) without debate or division, an act
       authorizing the suggested commission and appropriating
       $100,000 for the expenses of its work.
    {558}
       In the Senate there were some voices raised against needless
       and unseemly haste in the treatment of so grave a proposition.
       Senator Teller, of Colorado, was one who spoke to that effect,
       saying: "I do not understand that our great competitor in
       commerce and trade, our Great English-speaking relative, has
       ever denied our right to assert and maintain the Monroe
       doctrine. What they claim is that the Monroe doctrine does not
       apply to this case. Whether it applies to this case depends upon
       the facts, which are unknown to us, it appears. If I knew what
       the facts were, as an international lawyer I would have no
       difficulty in applying the law. As a believer in the American
       doctrine of the right to say that no European power shall
       invade American soil, either of North or South America, I
       should have no trouble in coming to a conclusion. Is it an
       invasion of American soil? I do not know that. I repeat, I
       thought I did. I have found that I do not.

       "If the President of the United States had said that in the
       Department of State they had determined what was the true line
       between the British possessions and Venezuela, and if he had
       said, 'We are confident that the British Government, instead
       of attempting to arrange a disputed line, is attempting to use
       this disputed line as a pretense for territorial acquisition,'
       no matter what may be the character of the Administration,
       whether Democratic or Republican, I would have stood by that
       declaration as an American Senator, because there is where we
       get our information upon these subjects, and not from our own
       judgment. We must stand by what the Department says upon these
       great questions when the facts are ascertained by it. The
       President says that he needs assistance to make this
       determination. We are going to give it to him. Nobody doubts
       that. The only question is, how shall we give it to him? I am
       as firm a believer in the Monroe doctrine as any man who
       lives. I am as firm a believer as anyone in the maintenance of
       the honor of the American people, and do not believe it can be
       maintained if we abandon the Monroe doctrine.

       "Mr. President, there is no haste in this matter. The dispute
       is one of long standing. Great Britain is not now taking any
       extraordinary steps with reference to the control of the
       territory in dispute. They took, it is said, five months to
       answer our Secretary's letter of July 20. Mr. President, the
       time was not excessive. It is not unreasonable in diplomatic
       affairs that there should be months taken in replying to
       questions of so much importance. We may properly take months,
       if we choose, to consider it before we plant ourselves upon
       what we say are the facts in this case. I repeat, so far as
       the American people are concerned, the Monroe doctrine is not
       in dispute, is not in doubt, whatever may be the doubt about
       the facts in this case. If the facts are not ascertained, we
       must, before we proceed further, ascertain them.

       "This is a very important question. It is not a question of
       party politics. It is not a question that any political party
       ought to take advantage of to get votes. The political party
       that attempts to make capital out of this question will find
       that it is a loser in the end. The American people will not be
       trifled with on a question of this kind. If the other side of
       the Chamber, or the Administration, or anybody, attempts to
       make capital out of it they will find that they will lose in
       the end, as we should lose on our side if we should be foolish
       enough, as I know we are not, to attempt to make capital out
       of it in any way. … This question is of so much importance
       that I do not care myself if the bill goes to the Committee on
       Foreign Relations and lies there a month. You will not impress
       the world with our solidarity and solidity on this question by
       any haste in this body. Let this proceeding be a dignified
       proceeding. Let the bill go to the committee. Let the
       committee take their time on it. Let them return it here and
       say what is the best way by which we can strengthen the hands
       of the President of the United States in his efforts to
       maintain this American doctrine.

       "Mr. President, I am not one of those who want war. I do not
       believe in war. I believe in this case Great Britain made a
       great mistake when she said she would not arbitrate, and I
       have faith enough in the love of justice and right that
       pervades the people of Great Britain to believe that on second
       sober thought they will submit this question to arbitration,
       as many of their representative men have declared they are
       willing to submit all questions of this character. … Let this
       bill go to the committee. Let it be considered. If the
       committee wants a week, ten days, or two weeks, or a month,
       let the committee take it. Nothing will be lost. Great Britain
       will not misunderstand our attitude. She does not misunderstand
       it now. She knows just as well how we feel upon these subjects
       as she will when we pass this bill. She has had it dinned in
       her ears again and again from nearly every Secretary of State
       that we were not willing to abandon the Monroe doctrine, nor
       view with indifference the improper interference of any
       European power with any existing American Government, whether
       such interference is a violation of the Monroe doctrine or
       not."

          Congressional Record,
          December 19, 1895, page 246.

       Senator Call made a similar appeal, saying: "As to all this
       talk about war, in my opinion there is no possibility of war.
       There can be, and ought to be, no possibility of it. The
       enlightened sentiment of the nations of the world would forbid
       that there should be a war between this country and England
       upon this question. Nevertheless, it would be the duty of this
       country to maintain by force of arms the proposition that
       there shall be no forcible establishment of European
       institutions and European Governments over any portion of this
       territory. Who can entertain the idea that war can be made
       with Great Britain, and that the people of the British Empire
       will permit that Government to engage in war upon a question
       of boundaries which is not sustained by the facts of the case,
       but a mere aggression, and that the peace of mankind shall be
       disturbed by it. …

       "I agree with the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Sherman] that there
       is no necessity for haste in this action and that it comports
       better with the dignity of Congress for the Senate of the
       United States and the House of Representatives to declare that
       this Government will firmly maintain, as a definite proposition,
       that Venezuela shall not be forced to cede any portion of her
       territory to Great Britain or to recognize a boundary line
       which is not based upon the facts of history and upon clear
       and ascertained proof.
    {559}
       It seems to me, Mr. President, that all this discussion about
       war should not have place here, but that we should make a bold
       and independent and firm declaration as to the proper policy
       of this Government, and vote the President of the United
       States the money necessary, in his judgment, to carry out that
       declaration so far as obtaining information which may be
       desired. …

       "The possibility that war between these two nations will be
       the result of our defending the right of Venezuela to the
       integrity of her territory against its forced appropriation by
       England should not be entertained. These two nations, the
       United States and Great Britain, are the main pillars of the
       civilization of the world, neither can afford to demand of the
       other anything that is wrong or any injustice to the other.
       Great Britain recognizes the supremacy of the United States in
       the Western Hemisphere, and it is sufficient for them to know
       that we will maintain this with all the power of the Republic,
       and that this is not an idle menace.

       "This is my view of the situation. The President has done his
       duty. He has recommended that the traditional policy of this
       country to protect all people who establish governments of
       their choice against forcible intervention by European powers,
       under whatever pretense, whether by claiming fictitious
       boundaries and enforcing their claim, or by any other means,
       and that we will be the judge of this, but that we are ready
       to submit the facts to the judgment of a fair arbitration. It
       is sufficient for us to sustain this declaration and for us to
       provide the means of obtaining the information necessary for
       an intelligent judgment on the question. It will suffice for
       the able statesman who represents the Government of Great
       Britain to know and to inform his Government that the people
       of the United States are united in the determination to
       maintain and defend this policy with all their power, and a
       peaceable settlement of the question will be made."

          Congressional Record,
          December 20, 1895, page 264.

       The Senate was persuaded to refer the House Bill to its
       Committee on Foreign Relations, but the Committee reported it
       on the following day (December 20), and it was passed without
       division.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
       The feeling in England and America over the
       Venezuela boundary dispute.

       Happily President Cleveland's Message did not provoke in
       England the angry and combative temper that is commonly roused
       by a demand from one nation upon another, made in any
       peremptory tone. The feeling produced there seemed to have in
       it more of surprise and regret than of wrath, revealing very
       plainly that friendliness had been growing of late, much
       warmer in English sentiment toward the American Republic than
       in American sentiment toward England. Within the past thirty
       years there had been what in France would be called a
       "rapprochement" in feeling going on between the two peoples;
       but the rate of approach had been greater on one side than on
       the other, and neither had understood the fact until it was
       brought home to them by this incident. There seems to be no
       doubt that the English people were astonished and shocked by
       the sudden prospect of a serious quarrel with the United
       States, and that Americans were generally surprised and moved
       by the discovery of that state of feeling in the English mind.
       The first response in the United States to the President's
       message came noisily from the more thoughtless part of the
       people, and seemed to show that the whole nation was fairly
       eager for war with its "kin beyond sea." But that was a
       short-lived demonstration. The voices that really speak for
       the country soon made themselves heard in a different
       tone,—anxious to avert war,—critical of the construction that
       had been given to the Monroe doctrine by President Cleveland
       and his Secretary of State,—earnestly responsive to the
       pacific temper of the English public,—and yet firm in
       upholding the essential justice of the ground on which their
       government had addressed itself to that of Great Britain. The
       feeling in the two countries, respectively, at the beginning
       of 1896, appears to have been described very accurately by two
       representative writers in the "North American Review" of
       February in that year. One was Mr. James Bryce, the well-known
       English student of American institutions—author of "The
       American Commonwealth"—who wrote:

       "Those Englishmen who have travelled in America have of course
       been aware of the mischief your school-books do in teaching
       young people to regard the English as enemies because there
       was war in the days of George III. Such Englishmen knew that
       as Britain is almost the only great power with which the
       United States has had diplomatic controversies, national
       feeling has sometimes been led to regard her as an adversary,
       and displays of national feeling often took the form of
       defiance. Even such travellers, however, were not prepared for
       the language of the President and its reception in many
       quarters, while as to Englishmen generally, they could
       scarcely credit their eyes and ears. 'Why,' they said, 'should
       we be regarded as enemies by our own kinsfolk? No territorial
       dispute is pending between us and them, like those we have or
       have lately had with France and Russia. No explosions of
       Jingoism have ever been directed against them, like those
       which Lord Beaconsfield evoked against Russia some twenty
       years ago. There is very little of that commercial, and none
       of that colonial, rivalry which we have with France and
       Germany, for the Americans are still chiefly occupied in
       developing their internal resources, and have ample occupation
       for their energy and their capital in doing so. Still less is
       there that incompatibility of character and temper which
       sometimes sets us wrong with Frenchmen, or Russians, or even
       Germans, for we and the Americans come of the same stock,
       speak the same language, read the same books, think upon
       similar lines, are connected by a thousand ties of family and
       friendship. No two nations could be better fitted to
       understand one another's ideas and institutions. English
       travellers and writers used no doubt formerly to assume airs
       of supercilious condescension which must have been offensive
       to Americans. But those airs were dropped twenty or thirty
       years ago, and the travellers who return now return full of
       gratitude for the kindness they have received and full of
       admiration for the marvellous progress they have witnessed. We
       know all about the Irish faction; but the Irish faction do not
       account for this.
    {560}
       So we quite understand that resentment was caused in the North
       and West of America by the attitude of our wealthy class
       during the Civil War. But that attitude was not the attitude
       of the British nation. … Our press, whose tone often
       exasperates Continental nations, is almost uniformly
       respectful and friendly to America. What can we have done to
       provoke in the United States feelings so unlike those which we
       ourselves cherish?'

       "In thus summing up what one has been hearing on all sides in
       Britain during the last fortnight, I am not exaggerating
       either the amazement or the regret with which the news of a
       threatened breach between the two countries was received. The
       average Englishman likes America far better than any foreign
       nation; he admires the 'go,' as he calls it, of your people,
       and is soon at home among you. In fact, he does not regard you
       as a foreign nation, as any one will agree who has noticed how
       different has been the reception given on all public occasions
       to your last four envoys, Messrs. Welsh, Lowell, Phelps, and
       Lincoln (as well as your present ambassador) from that
       accorded to the ambassadors of any other power. The educated
       and thoughtful Englishman has looked upon your Republic as the
       champion of freedom and peace, has held you to be our natural
       ally, and has even indulged the hope of a permanent alliance
       with you, under which the citizens of each country should have
       the rights of citizenship in the other and be aided by the
       consuls and protected by the fleets of the other all over the
       world. The sentiments which the news from America evoked were,
       therefore, common to all classes in England. … Passion has not
       yet been aroused, and will not be, except by the language of
       menace."

          J. Bryce,
          British Feeling on the Venezuelan Question
          (North American Review, February, 1896).

       The writer who described American feeling, or opinion, in the
       same magazine, was Mr. Andrew Carnegie, who said: "In the
       United States, East, West, North and South, from which
       divergent voices were at first heard, there is but one voice
       now. Public opinion has crystallized into one
       word—arbitration. In support of that mode of settlement we now
       know the nation is unanimous. The proofs of this should not
       fail to carry conviction into the hearts of Britons. The one
       representative and influential body in the United States which
       is most closely allied with Britain not only by the ties of
       trade, but by the friendships which these ties have created,
       is the Chamber of Commerce of New York. If that body were
       polled by ballot, probably a greater proportion of its members
       than of any other body of American citizens would register
       themselves as friendly to England. So far did the feeling
       extend in this body, that a movement was on foot to call a
       meeting to dissent from the President's Message. Fortunately,
       wiser counsels prevailed, and time was given for an
       examination of the question, and for members to make up their
       minds upon the facts. The result was that at the crowded
       meeting subsequently held, there was passed a resolution, with
       only one dissenting voice, in favor of a commission for
       arbitration. In the whole proceedings there was only one
       sentiment present in the minds of those assembled: 'this is a
       question for arbitration.' …

       "Every nation has its 'Red Rag,' some nations have more than
       one, but what the 'Right of Asylum' is to Great Britain, the
       Monroe Doctrine is to the United States. Each lies very deep
       in the national heart. Few statesmen of Great Britain do not
       share the opinion of Lord Salisbury, which he has not feared
       to express, that the 'Right of Asylum' is abused and should be
       restricted, but there has not arisen one in Britain
       sufficiently powerful to deal with it. The United States never
       had, and has not now, a statesman who could restrain the
       American people from an outburst of passion and the extreme
       consequences that national passion is liable to bring, if any
       European power undertook to extend its territory upon this
       continent, or to decide in case of dispute just where the
       boundary of present possessions stand. Such differences must
       be arbitrated. …

       "In his speech at Manchester Mr. Balfour said he 'trusted and
       believed the day would come when better statesmen in
       authority, and more fortunate than even Monroe, would assert a
       doctrine between the English-speaking peoples under which war
       would be impossible.' That day has not to come, it has
       arrived. The British Government has had for years in its
       archives an invitation from the United States to enter into a
       treaty of arbitration which realizes this hope, and Mr.
       Balfour is one of those who, from their great position, seem
       most responsible for the rejection of the end he so ardently
       longs for. It is time that the people of Great Britain
       understood that if war be still possible between the two
       countries, it is not the fault of the Republic but of their
       own country, not of President Cleveland and Secretary of State
       Olney, but of Prime Minister Salisbury, and the leader of the
       House of Commons, Mr. Balfour, who do not accept the offered
       treaty which would banish war forever between the two nations
       of our race. This invitation was sent by the same President
       Cleveland, who is now denounced as favoring war. … It was my
       office to introduce to Mr. Cleveland, then President of the
       United States, as he is now, the delegation from the British
       Parliament urging arbitration. In the conferences I had with
       him previous to his receiving the deputation, I found him as
       strong a supporter of that policy as I ever met. I do not
       wonder at his outburst, knowing how deeply this man feels upon
       that question; it is to him so precious, it constitutes so
       great an advance over arbitrament by war that—even if we have
       to fight, that any nation rejecting it may suffer—I believe he
       feels that it would be our duty to do so, believing that the
       nation which rejects arbitration in a boundary dispute
       deserves the execration of mankind."-

          A. Carnegie,
          The Venezuelan Question
          (North American Review, February, 1896).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-February).
       The gold reserve in the Treasury again imperilled.
       Refusal of any measures of relief by the Senate.

       In his annual Message to Congress, December 2d, 1895,
       President Cleveland described at length the stress of
       circumstances under which in the previous February, the
       Secretary of the Treasury had contracted with certain bankers
       and financiers to replenish and protect the reserve of gold in
       the Treasury for redemption of United States notes (see above),
       and added: "The performance of this contract not only restored
       the reserve, but checked for a time the withdrawals of gold
       and brought on a period of restored confidence and such peace
       and quiet in business circles as were of the greatest possible
       value to every interest that affects our people.
    {561}
       I have never had the slightest misgiving concerning the wisdom
       or propriety of this arrangement, and am quite willing to
       answer for my full share of responsibility for its promotion.
       I believe it averted a disaster the imminence of which was,
       fortunately, not at the time generally understood by our
       people. Though the contract mentioned stayed for a time the
       tide of gold withdrawal, its good results could not be
       permanent. Recent withdrawals have reduced the reserve from
       $107,571,230 on the 8th day of July, 1895, to $79,333,966. How
       long it will remain large enough to render its increase
       unnecessary is only matter of conjecture, though quite large
       withdrawals for shipment in the immediate future are predicted
       in well-informed quarters. About $16,000,000 has been
       withdrawn during the month of November. The foregoing
       statement of events and conditions develops the fact that
       after increasing our interest-bearing bonded indebtedness more
       than $162,000,000 to save our gold reserve we are nearly where
       we started, having now in such reserve $79,383,966 as against
       $65,488,377 in February, 1894, when the first bonds were
       issued.

       "Though the amount of gold drawn from the Treasury appears to
       be very large as gathered from the facts and figures herein
       presented, it actually was much larger, considerable sums
       having been acquired by the Treasury within the several
       periods stated without the issue of bonds. On the 28th of
       January, 1895, it was reported by the Secretary of the
       Treasury that more than $172,000,000 of gold had been
       withdrawn for hoarding or shipment during the year preceding.
       He now reports that from January 1, 1879, to July 14, 1890, a
       period of more than eleven years, only a little over
       $28,000,000 was withdrawn, and that between July 14, 1890, the
       date of the passage of the law for an increased purchase of
       silver, and the 1st day of December, 1895, or within less than
       five and a half years, there was withdrawn nearly
       $375,000,000, making a total of more than $403,000,000 drawn
       from the Treasury in gold since January 1, 1879, the date
       fixed in 1875 for the retirement of the United States notes.

       "Nearly $327,000,000 of the gold thus withdrawn has been paid
       out, on these United States notes, and yet everyone of the
       $346,000,000 is still uncanceled and ready to do service in
       future gold depletions. More than $76,000,000 in gold has
       since their creation in 1890 been paid out from the Treasury
       upon the notes given on the purchase of silver by the
       Government, and yet the whole, amounting to $155,000,000,
       except a little more than $16,000,000 which has been retired
       by exchanges for silver at the request of the holders, remains
       outstanding and prepared to join their older and more
       experienced allies in future raids upon the Treasury's gold
       reserve. In other words, the Government has paid in gold more
       than nine-tenths of its United States notes and still owes
       them all. It has paid in gold about one-half of its notes
       given for silver purchases without extinguishing by such
       payment one dollar of these notes.

       "When, added to all this, we are reminded that to carry on
       this astounding financial scheme the Government has incurred a
       bonded indebtedness of $95,500,000 in establishing a gold
       reserve, and of $162,315,400 in efforts to maintain it; that
       the annual interest charge on such bonded indebtedness is more
       than $11,000,000; that a continuance of our present course may
       result in further bond issues, and that we have suffered or
       are threatened with all this for the sake of supplying gold
       for foreign shipment or facilitating its hoarding at home, a
       situation is exhibited which certainly ought to arrest
       attention and provoke immediate legislative relief.

       "I am convinced the only thorough and practicable remedy for
       our troubles is found in the retirement and cancellation of
       our United States notes, commonly called greenbacks, and the
       outstanding Treasury notes issued by the Government in payment
       of silver purchases under the act of 1890. I believe this
       could be quite readily accomplished by the exchange of these
       notes for United States bonds, of small as well as large
       denominations, bearing a low rate of interest. They should be
       long-term bonds, thus increasing their desirability as
       investments, and because their payment could be well postponed
       to a period far removed from present financial burdens and
       perplexities, when with increased prosperity and resources
       they would be more easily met. …

       "Whatever is attempted should be entered upon fully
       appreciating the fact that by careless easy descent we have
       reached a dangerous depth, and that our ascent will not be
       accomplished without laborious toil and struggle. We shall be
       wise if we realize that we are financially ill and that our
       restoration to health may require heroic treatment and
       unpleasant remedies.

       "In the present stage of our difficulty it is not easy to
       understand how the amount of our revenue receipts directly
       affects it. The important question is not the quantity of
       money received in revenue payments, but the kind of money we
       maintain and our ability to continue in sound financial
       condition. We are considering the Government's holdings of
       gold as related to the soundness of our money and as affecting
       our national credit and monetary strength. If our gold reserve
       had never been impaired; if no bonds had ever been issued to
       replenish it; if there had been no fear and timidity
       concerning our ability to continue gold payments; if any part
       of our revenues were now paid in gold, and if we could look to
       our gold receipts as a means of maintaining a safe reserve,
       the amount of our revenues would be an influential factor in
       the problem. But unfortunately all the circumstances that
       might lend weight to this consideration are entirely lacking.
       In our present predicament no gold is received by the
       Government in payment of revenue charges, nor would there be
       if the revenues were increased. The receipts of the Treasury,
       when not in silver certificates, consist of United States
       notes and Treasury notes issued for silver purchases. These
       forms of money are only useful to the Government in paying its
       current ordinary expenses, and its quantity in Government
       possession does not in the least contribute toward giving us
       that kind of safe financial standing or condition which is
       built on gold alone.

    {562}

       "If it is said that these notes if held by the Government can
       be used to obtain gold for our reserve, the answer is easy.
       The people draw gold from the Treasury on demand upon United
       States notes and Treasury notes, but the proposition that the
       Treasury can on demand draw gold from the people upon them
       would be regarded in these days with wonder and amusement; and
       even if this could be done there is nothing to prevent those thus
       parting with their gold from regaining it the next day or the
       next hour by the presentation of the notes they received in
       exchange for it. The Secretary of the Treasury might use such
       notes taken from a surplus revenue to buy gold in the market.
       Of course he could not do this without paying a premium.
       Private holders of gold, unlike the Government, having no
       parity to maintain, would not be restrained from making the
       best bargain possible when they furnished gold to the
       Treasury; but the moment the Secretary of the Treasury bought
       gold on any terms above par he would establish a general and
       universal premium upon it, thus breaking down the parity
       between gold and silver, which the Government is pledged to
       maintain, and opening the way to new and serious
       complications. In the meantime the premium would not remain
       stationary, and the absurd spectacle might be presented of a
       dealer selling gold to the Government and with United States
       notes or Treasury notes in his hand immediately clamoring for
       its return and a resale at a higher premium.

       "It may be claimed that a large revenue and redundant receipts
       might favorably affect the situation under discussion by
       affording an opportunity of retaining these notes in the
       Treasury when received, and thus preventing their presentation
       for gold. Such retention to be useful ought to be at least
       measurably permanent; and this is precisely what is
       prohibited, so far as United States notes are concerned, by
       the law of 1878, forbidding their further retirement. That
       statute in so many words provides, that these notes when
       received into the Treasury and belonging to the United States
       shall be 'paid out again and kept in circulation.'"

          United States, Message and Documents (Abridgment),
          1895-1896, page 27.

       "The difficulty which had been anticipated in keeping gold in
       the treasury became acute as a result of the president's
       Venezuelan message of December 17. The 'war scare' which was
       caused by that document was attended by a panic on the London
       Exchange, which communicated itself to the Continental
       exchanges and produced at once serious consequences in New
       York. Prices fell heavily, some failures were reported, and
       the withdrawal of gold from the treasury assumed great
       proportions. On the 20th the reserve had gone down to
       $69,650,000, ten millions less than three weeks earlier, with
       future large reductions obviously near at hand. The president
       accordingly on that day sent to Congress a special message,
       stating the situation, alluding to the effect of his recently
       announced foreign policy, and declaring that the result
       conveyed a 'warning that even the patriotic sentiment of our
       people is not an adequate substitute for a sound financial
       policy.' He asked Congress to postpone its holiday recess
       until something had been done to reassure the apprehensive
       among the people, but declared that in any case he should use
       every means in the power of the executive to maintain the
       country's credit. The suggestion was acted upon. …

       "On December 26 two bills were introduced in the House of
       Representatives by Chairman Dingley of the ways and means
       committee. Adopting the view maintained by the Republicans,
       that the chief cause of the difficulty in maintaining the gold
       reserve was the deficiency in the revenue, he proposed first a
       bill 'to temporarily increase the revenues.' This provided
       that until August 1, 1898, the customs duties on most
       varieties of wool and woolen goods and on lumber, should stand
       at 60 per cent of those imposed by the McKinley Act of 1890,
       and that the duties in all the other schedules of the tariff,
       except sugar, should, with slight exceptions, be increased by
       15 per cent over those of the existing law. This bill passed
       the House on the 27th by a party vote of 205 to 81. On the
       following day the second bill, 'to maintain and protect the
       coin redemption fund,' was passed by 170 to 136,—47
       Republicans in the minority. This bill authorized the
       secretary of the treasury to procure coin for redeeming
       legal-tenders by the sale of three-per-cent five-year bonds,
       and to provide for temporary deficiencies by the issue of
       three-year three-per-cent certificates of indebtedness in
       small denominations. The administration was as little
       satisfied with this bill as with that changing the tariff, and
       proceeded with the bond issue. …

       "The failure of the bills in the Senate was foreseen, but the
       precise form in which it was manifested excited some surprise.
       On February 1, [1896], the bond bill was transformed by the
       adoption of a substitute providing for the free coinage of
       silver, and this was passed by a vote of 42 to 35. On the 14th
       the House refused, by 215 to 90, to concur in the Senate's
       amendment, and the whole subject was dropped. Meanwhile the
       Senate finance committee had reported a free-coinage
       substitute for the House tariff bill also. But after this
       further exhibition of their strength the silver senators
       refused to go further, and on February 25 joined with the
       Democrats in rejecting, by 33 to 22, a motion to take up the
       bill for consideration. This vote was recognized as finally
       disposing of the measure."

          Political Science Quarterly,
          June, 1896.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-December).
       Plans for coast defense.

       In his annual report to the President, 1895, the Secretary of
       War wrote as follows of pending plans for coast defense, and
       of the progress of work upon them:

       "In your annual message transmitted to Congress in December,
       1886, attention was directed to the urgent necessity for
       seacoast defense in these words: 'The defenseless condition of
       our seacoast and lake frontier is perfectly palpable; the
       examinations made must convince us all that certain of our
       cities should be fortified and that work on the most important
       of these fortifications should be commenced at once.' … Since
       that time the condition of these defenses has been under grave
       consideration by the people and by this Department. Its
       inadequacy and impotency have been so evident that the
       intelligence of the country long since ceased to discuss that
       humiliating phase of the subject, but has addressed itself to
       the more practical undertaking of urging more rapid progress
       in the execution of the plan of defense devised by the
       Endicott Board in 1886, with subsequent slight modifications.
       That plan contemplated a system of fortifications at 27 ports
       (to which Puget Sound was subsequently added), requiring 677
       guns and 824 mortars of modern construction, at a cost of
       $97,782,800, excluding $28,595,000 for floating batteries. By
       an immediate appropriation at that time of $21,500,000 and an
       annual appropriation of $9,000,000 thereafter, as then
       recommended, the system of land defenses could have been
       completed in 1895.

    {563}

       "The original plan contemplated an expenditure of $97,782,800
       by the end of the present year. The actual expenditures and
       appropriations for armament and emplacements have, however,
       been but $10,631,000. The first appropriation for guns was
       made only seven years ago and the first appropriation for
       emplacements was made only five years ago. The average annual
       appropriations for these two objects has been less than
       $1,500,000. The work has therefore been conducted at about
       one-seventh the rate proposed. If future appropriations for
       the manufacture of guns, mortars, and carriages be no larger
       than the average authorized for the purpose since 1888, it
       will require twenty-two years more to supply the armament of
       the eighteen important ports for which complete projects are
       approved. If the appropriations for the engineer work are to
       continue at the rate of the annual appropriations since 1890,
       it will require seventy years to complete the emplacements and
       platforms for this armament for the ports referred to."

          Report of the Secretary of War, 1895,
          page 19 (54th Congress, 1st Session,
          House Document volume 1).

       In his Message of the following year, the subject was touched
       upon by the President, as follows:

       "During the past year rapid progress has been made toward the
       completion of the scheme adopted for the erection and armament
       of fortifications along our seacoast, while equal progress has
       been made in providing the material for submarine defense in
       connection with these works. … We shall soon have complete
       about one-fifth of the comprehensive system, the first step in
       which was noted in my message to the Congress of December 4,
       1893. When it is understood that a masonry emplacement not
       only furnishes a platform for the heavy modern high-power gun,
       but also in every particular serves the purpose and takes the
       place of the fort of former days, the importance of the work
       accomplished is better comprehended. In the hope that the work
       will be prosecuted with no less vigor in the future, the
       Secretary of War has submitted an estimate by which, if
       allowed, there will be provided and either built or building
       by the end of the next fiscal year such additional guns,
       mortars, gun carriages, and emplacements, as will represent
       not far from one-third of the total work to be done under the
       plan adopted for our coast defenses—thus affording a prospect
       that the entire work will be substantially completed within
       six years. In less time than that, however, we shall have
       attained a marked degree of security. The experience and
       results of the past year demonstrate that with a continuation
       of present careful methods the cost of the remaining work will
       be much less than the original estimate. We should always keep
       in mind that of all forms of military preparation coast
       defense alone is essentially pacific in its nature."

          Message of the President, 1896
          (54th Congress, 2d Session, House Document, volume 1).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January).
       Admission of Utah to the Union.

          See (in this volume)
          UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (January-February).
       Appointment of commission to investigate the
       Venezuela boundary.
       Re-opening of discussion with Great Britain on the
       arbitration of the dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).
       New treaty with Great Britain for arbitration of
       Bering Sea claims.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (February).
       Weyler made Governor of Cuba.
       His Concentration Order.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (March).
       Removal of Confederate disabilities.

       The following enactment of Congress, which may, with
       propriety, be styled an "Act of Oblivion," was approved by the
       President on the 31st of March, 1896:

       "That section twelve hundred and eighteen of the Revised
       Statutes of the United States, as amended by chapter forty-six
       of the laws of 1884, which section is as follows: 'No person
       who held a commission in the Army or Navy of the United States
       at the beginning of the late rebellion, and afterwards served
       in any capacity in the military, naval, or civil service of
       the so-called Confederate States, or of either of the States
       in insurrection during the late rebellion, shall be appointed
       to any position in the Army or Navy of the United States,' be,
       and the same is hereby, repealed."

          United States of America, Statutes at Large,
          volume 29, page 84.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (May).
       Extension of civil service rules by President Cleveland.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1893-1896.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (June-November).
       The Presidential election.
       The silver question at issue.
       Party Platforms and Nominations.

       A national conference held at Washington, in March, 1895, may
       be looked upon as the beginning of a widely and powerfully
       organized movement to force the demand for a free and
       unlimited coinage of silver, on equal terms, as legal tender
       money, with gold, into the front of the issues of the
       presidential canvass of 1896. The agitation then projected was
       carried on with extraordinary ardor and skill and had
       astonishing success. It was helped by the general depression
       of business in the country, and especially by the long
       continued ruling of low prices for the produce of the
       farms,—for all of which effects the gold standard of values
       was held to be the one relentless cause. In both political
       parties the free silver propaganda was pushed with startling
       effect, and there seemed to be doubt, for a time, whether the
       controlling politicians in either would take an opposing
       stand. Southern influences proved decisive of the result in
       the Democratic party; eastern influences in that of the
       Republicans. The ranks of the former were swept rapidly into
       the movement for free silver, and the party chiefs of the
       latter were driven to a conflict with it, not wholly by
       convictions or will of their own. During the spring and early
       summer of 1896, the Democratic Party in State after State
       became committed on the question, by declarations for the
       unlimited free coinage of silver, at the ratio of 16 to 1;
       until there was tolerable certainty, some weeks before the
       meeting of the national convention, that its nominee for
       President must be one who represented that demand. How
       positively the Republican Party would champion the gold
       monetary standard was somewhat less assured, though its stand
       on that side had been taken in a general way.

    {564}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
       Republican Platform and Nominations.

       The Republican national convention was held at St. Louis, on
       the 16th, 17th and 18th of June. The "platform" reported by
       the committee on resolutions was adopted without amendment on
       the last named date. Its declarations were as follows:

       "The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their
       representatives in National Convention, appealing for the
       popular and historical justification of their claims to the
       matchless achievements of the thirty years of Republican rule,
       earnestly and confidently address themselves to the awakened
       intelligence, experience, and conscience of their countrymen
       in the following declaration of facts and principles:

       "For the first time since the civil war the American people
       have witnessed the calamitous consequences of full and
       unrestricted Democratic control of the Government. It has been
       a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor, and disaster.
       In administrative management it has ruthlessly sacrificed
       indispensable revenue, entailed an unceasing deficit, eked out
       ordinary current expenses with borrowed money, piled up the
       public debt by $262,000,000 in time of peace, forced an
       adverse balance of trade, kept a perpetual menace hanging over
       the redemption fund, pawned American credit to alien
       syndicates, and reversed all the measures and results of
       successful Republican rule.

       "In the broad effect of its policy it has precipitated panic,
       blighted industry and trade with prolonged depression, closed
       factories, reduced work and wages, halted enterprise, and
       crippled American production while stimulating foreign
       production for the American market. Every consideration of
       public safety and individual interest demands that the
       Government shall be rescued from the hands of those who have
       shown themselves incapable to conduct it without disaster at
       home and dishonor abroad, and shall be restored to the party
       which for thirty years administered it with unequalled success
       and prosperity, and in this connection we heartily endorse the
       wisdom, patriotism, and the success of the administration of
       President Harrison.

       "We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the policy of
       protection as the bulwark of American industrial independence
       and the foundation of American development and prosperity.
       This true American policy taxes foreign products and
       encourages home industry; it puts the burden of revenue on
       foreign goods; it secures the American market for the American
       producer; it upholds the American standard of wages for the
       American workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the
       farm, and makes the American farmer less dependent on foreign
       demand and price; it diffuses general thrift, and founds the
       strength of all on the strength of each. In its reasonable
       application it is just, fair, and impartial; equally opposed
       to foreign control and domestic monopoly, to sectional
       discrimination, and individual favoritism.

       "We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sectional,
       injurious to the public credit, and destructive to business
       enterprise. "We demand such an equitable tariff on foreign
       imports which come into competition with American products as
       will not only furnish adequate revenue for the necessary
       expenses of the Government, but will protect American labor
       from degradation to the wage level of other lands. We are not
       pledged to any particular schedules. The question of rates is
       a practical question, to be governed by the conditions of the
       time and of production; the ruling and uncompromising
       principle is the protection and development of American labor
       and industry. The country demands a right settlement, and then
       it wants rest.

       "We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrangements
       negotiated by the last Republican administration was a
       national calamity, and we demand their renewal and extension
       on such terms as will equalize our trade with other nations,
       remove the restrictions which now obstruct the sale of
       American products in the ports of other countries, and secure
       enlarged markets for the products of our farms, forests, and
       factories.

          See, in volume 5,
          TARIFF LEGISLATION (UNITED STATES):
          A. D. 1890, and 1894.

       "Protection and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican
       policy and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly
       struck down both, and both must be re-established. Protection
       for what we produce; free admission for the necessaries of
       life which we do not produce; reciprocity agreements of mutual
       interests which again open markets for us in return for our
       open markets to others. Protection builds up domestic industry
       and trade and secures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity
       builds up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus.
       We condemn the present administration for not keeping faith
       with the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party
       favors such protection as will lead to the production on
       American soil of all the sugar which the American people use,
       and for which they pay other countries more than $100,000,000
       annually. To all our products—to those of the mine and the
       fields as well as to those of the shop and the factory—to
       hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep
       husbandry, as well as to the finished woollens of the mill—we
       promise the most ample protection.

       "We favor restoring the early American policy of
       discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant
       marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign
       carrying trade, so that American ships—the product of American
       labor, employed in American shipyards, sailing under the Stars
       and Stripes, and manned, officered, and owned by Americans—may
       regain the carrying of our foreign commerce.

       "The Republican party is unreservedly for sound money. It
       caused the enactment of the law providing for the resumption
       of specie payments in 1879; since then every dollar has been
       as good as gold. We are unalterably opposed to every measure
       calculated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our
       country. We are, therefore, opposed to the free coinage of
       silver except by international agreement with the leading
       commercial nations of the world, which we pledge ourselves to
       promote, and until such agreement can be obtained the existing
       gold standard must be preserved. All our silver and paper
       currency must be maintained at parity with gold, and we favor
       all measures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations
       of the United States and all our money, whether coin or paper,
       at the present standard, the standard of the most enlightened
       nations of the earth.

    {565}

       "The veterans of the Union Army deserve and should receive
       fair treatment and generous recognition. Whenever practicable,
       they should be given the preference in the matter of
       employment, and they are entitled to the enactment of such
       laws as are best calculated to secure the fulfillment of the
       pledges made to them in the dark days of the country's peril.
       We denounce the practice in the Pension Bureau, so recklessly
       and unjustly carried on by the present administration, of
       reducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from the
       rolls as deserving the severest condemnation of the American
       people.

       "Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vigorous, and
       dignified, and all our interests in the Western Hemisphere
       carefully watched and guarded. The Hawaiian Islands should be
       controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should
       be permitted to interfere with them; the Nicaraguan Canal
       should be built, owned, and operated by the United States; and
       by the purchase of the Danish Islands we should secure a
       proper and much needed naval station in the West Indies.

       "The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep sympathy and
       just indignation of the American people, and we believe that
       the United States should exercise all the influence it can
       properly exert to bring these atrocities to an end. In Turkey
       American residents have been exposed to the gravest dangers
       and American property destroyed. There and everywhere American
       citizens and American property must be absolutely protected at
       all hazards and at any cost.

       "We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent, and we
       reaffirm the right of the United States to give the doctrine
       effect by responding to the appeal of any American State for
       friendly intervention in case of European encroachment. We
       have not interfered with and shall not interfere with the
       existing possessions of any European power in this hemisphere,
       but those possessions must not on any pretext be extended. We
       hopefully look forward to the eventual withdrawal of European
       powers from this hemisphere and to the ultimate union of all
       the English-speaking parts of the continent by the free
       consent of its inhabitants.

       "From the hour of achieving their own independence the people
       of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles
       of other American people to free themselves from European
       domination. We watch with deep and abiding interest the heroic
       battle of the Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression,
       and our best hopes go out for the full success of their
       determined contest for liberty. The Government of Spain having
       lost control of Cuba, and being unable to protect the property
       or lives of resident American citizens, or to comply with its
       treaty obligations, we believe that the Government of the
       United States should actively use its influence and good
       offices to restore peace and give independence to the island.

       "The peace and security of the Republic and the maintenance of
       its rightful influence among the nations of the earth demand a
       naval power commensurate with its position and responsibility.
       We therefore favor the continued enlargement of the navy and a
       complete system of harbor and seacoast defenses.

       "For the protection of the quality of our American citizenship
       and of the wages of our workingmen against the fatal
       competition of low-priced labor, we demand that the
       immigration laws be thoroughly enforced and so extended as to
       exclude from entrance to the United States those who can
       neither read nor write.

       "The civil-service law was placed on the statute book by the
       Republican party, which has always sustained it, and we renew
       our repeated declarations that it shall be thoroughly and
       honestly enforced and extended wherever practicable.

       "We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be
       allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot, and that
       such ballot shall be counted and returned as cast.

       "We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the uncivilized
       and barbarous practice, well known as lynching or killing of
       human beings suspected or charged with crime, without process
       of law. We favor the creation of a National board of
       arbitration to settle and adjust differences which may arise
       between employers and employed engaged in interstate commerce.

       "We believe in an immediate return to the free-homestead
       policy of the Republican party, and urge the passage by
       Congress of a satisfactory free-homestead measure such as has
       already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate.

       "We favor the admission of the remaining Territories at the
       earliest practicable date, having due regard to the interests
       of the people of the Territories and of the United States. All
       the Federal officers appointed for the Territories should be
       selected from bona fide residents thereof, and the right of
       self-government should be accorded as far as practicable.

       "We believe the citizens of Alaska should have representation
       in the Congress of the United States, to the end that needful
       legislation may be intelligently enacted.

       "We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts to lessen
       and prevent the evils of intemperance and promote morality.

       "The Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests
       of women. Protection of American industries includes equal
       opportunities, equal pay for equal work, and protection to the
       home. We favor the admission of women to wider spheres of
       usefulness, and welcome their co-operation in rescuing the
       country from Democratic and Populist mismanagement and
       misrule.

       "Such are the principles and policies of the Republican party.
       By these principles we will abide and these policies we will
       put into execution. We ask for them the considerate judgment
       of the American people. Confident alike in the history of our
       great party and in the justice of our cause, we present our
       platform and our candidates in the full assurance that the
       election will bring victory to the Republican party and
       prosperity to the people of the United States."

       Before the adoption of this platform, a motion to amend its
       currency "plank," by substituting a declaration in favor of
       "the use of both gold and silver as equal standard money," was
       laid on the table by a vote of 818½ to 105½. A protest from
       delegates representing Colorado, Idaho, Nevada, Utah, Montana
       and South Dakota was then read, and twenty-two withdrew from
       the convention, as a sign of secession from the party.

    {566}

       Immediately following the adoption of the platform, the
       Honorable William McKinley, ex-Governor of Ohio, and of fame
       in his connection with the tariff act of 1890, was nominated
       on the first ballot for President of the United States, by
       661½ votes against 240½ divided among several opposing
       candidates, and the nomination was then made unanimous. For
       Vice President, the Honorable Garret A. Hobart, of New Jersey,
       was named, and similarly by the first voting.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       Democratic Platform and Nominations.

       The Democratic national convention was held in Chicago, July
       7-11. The delegates who came to it from the southern States,
       and from most of the States west of Ohio, were arrayed with a
       close approach to solid ranks for free silver; while those
       from New England and the Middle States opposed them in a
       phalanx almost equally firm. The "Gold Democrats" or "Sound
       Money Democrats," as the latter were called, ably led by
       ex-Governor Hill, of New York, fought hard to the end, but
       without avail. The financial resolution they strove to place
       in the platform was the following:

       "We declare our belief that the experiment on the part of the
       United States alone of free-silver coinage, and a change in
       the existing standard of value independently of the action of
       other great nations, would not only imperil our finances, but
       would retard or entirely prevent the establishment of
       international bimetallism, to which the efforts of the
       government should be steadily directed. It would place this
       country at once upon a silver basis, impair contracts, disturb
       business, diminish the purchasing power of the wages of labor,
       and inflict irreparable evils upon our nation's commerce and
       industry.

       "Until international co-operation among leading nations for
       the coinage of silver can be secured, we favor the rigid
       maintenance of the existing gold standard as essential to the
       preservation of our national credit, the redemption of our
       public pledges, and the keeping inviolate of our country's
       honor. We insist that all our paper currency shall be kept at
       a parity with gold. The democratic party is the party of hard
       money, and is opposed to legal-tender paper money as a part of
       our permanent financial system; and we therefore favor the
       gradual retirement and cancellation of all United States notes
       and treasury notes, under such legislative provisions as will
       prevent undue contraction. We demand that the national credit
       shall be resolutely maintained at all times and under all
       circumstances. "

       This resolution was rejected by 626 votes against 303. Another
       resolution from the same source, commending "the honesty,
       economy, courage and fidelity" of the "democratic national
       administration" of President Cleveland, was voted down by 564
       to 357. Resolutions to protect existing contracts against a
       change of monetary standard, and to provide for a suspension
       of silver free coinage, at the ratio of 16 to 1, after trial
       for one year, if it failed to maintain parity between silver
       and gold, were similarly voted down. The declarations then
       adopted, for the "platform" of the party, were as follows:

       "We, the Democrats of the United States, in National
       Convention assembled, do reaffirm our allegiance to those
       great essential principles of justice and liberty upon which
       our institutions are founded, and which the Democratic party
       has advocated from Jefferson's time to our own—freedom of
       speech, freedom of the press, freedom of conscience, the
       preservation of personal rights, the equality of all citizens
       before the law, and the faithful observance of constitutional
       limitations.

       "During all these years the Democratic party has resisted the
       tendency of selfish interests to the centralization of
       governmental power, and steadfastly maintained the integrity
       of the dual scheme of government established by the founders
       of this Republic of republics. Under its guidance and
       teachings the great principle of local self-government has
       found its best expression in the maintenance of the rights of
       the States and in its assertion of the necessity of confining
       the General Government to the exercise of the powers granted
       by the Constitution of the United States.

       "Recognizing that the money question is paramount to all
       others at this time, we invite attention to the fact that the
       Federal Constitution names silver and gold together as the
       money metals of the United States, and that the first coinage
       law passed by Congress under the Constitution made the silver
       dollar the monetary unit, and admitted gold to free coinage at
       a ratio based upon the silver-dollar unit.

       "We declare that the act of 1873 demonetizing silver without
       the knowledge or approval of the American people has resulted
       in the appreciation of gold and a corresponding fall in the
       prices of commodities produced by the people; a heavy increase
       in the burden of taxation and of all debts, public and
       private; the enrichment of the money-lending class at home and
       abroad; prostration of industry and impoverishment of the
       people.

       "We are unalterably opposed to gold monometallism, which has
       locked fast the prosperity of an industrial people in the
       paralysis of hard times. Gold monometallism is a British
       policy, and its adoption has brought other nations into
       financial servitude to London. It is not only un-American but
       anti-American, and it can be fastened on the United States
       only by the stifling of that spirit and love of liberty which
       proclaimed our political independence in 1776 and won it in
       the war of the Revolution.

       "We demand the free and unlimited coinage of both gold and
       silver at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without
       waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation. We demand
       that the standard silver dollar shall be a full legal tender,
       equally with gold, for all debts, public and private, and we
       favor such legislation as will prevent for the future the
       demonetization of any kind of legal-tender money by private
       contract.

       "We are opposed to the policy and practice of surrendering to
       the holders of the obligations of the United States the option
       reserved by law to the Government of redeeming such
       obligations in either silver coin or gold coin.

       "We are opposed to the issuing of interest-bearing bonds of
       the United States in time of peace, and condemn the
       trafficking with banking syndicates which, in exchange for
       bonds and at an enormous profit to themselves, supply the
       Federal Treasury with gold to maintain the policy of gold
       monometallism.

    {567}

       "Congress alone has the power to coin and issue money, and
       President Jackson declared that this power could not be
       delegated to corporations or individuals. We therefore demand
       that the power to issue notes to circulate as money be taken
       from the National banks, and that all paper money shall be
       issued directly by the Treasury Department, be redeemable in
       coin, and receivable for all debts, public and private.

       "We hold that the tariff duties should be levied for purposes
       of revenue, such duties to be so adjusted as to operate
       equally throughout the country and not discriminate between
       class or section, and that taxation should be limited by the
       needs of the Government honestly and economically
       administered.

       "We denounce, as disturbing to business, the Republican threat
       to restore the:McKinley law, which has been twice condemned by
       the people in national elections, and which, enacted under the
       false plea of protection to home industry, proved a prolific
       breeder of trusts and monopolies, enriched the few at the
       expense of the many, restricted trade, and deprived the
       producers of the great American staples of access to their
       natural markets. Until the money question is settled we are
       opposed to any agitation for further changes in our tariff
       laws, except such as are necessary to make the deficit in
       revenue caused by the adverse decision of the Supreme Court on
       the income tax.

       "There would be no deficit in the revenue but for the
       annulment by the Supreme Court of a law passed by a Democratic
       Congress in strict pursuance of the uniform decisions of that
       court for nearly 100 years, that court having sustained
       constitutional objections to its enactment which had been
       overruled by the ablest judges who have ever sat on that
       bench. We declare that it is the duty of Congress to use all
       the constitutional power which remains after that decision, or
       which may come by its reversal by the court, as it may
       hereafter be constituted, so that the burdens of taxation may
       be equally and impartially laid, to the end that wealth may
       bear its due proportion of the expenses of the Government.

       "We hold that the most efficient way to protect American labor
       is to prevent the importation of foreign pauper labor to
       compete with it in the home market, and that the value of the
       home market to our American farmers and artisans is greatly
       reduced by a vicious monetary system, which depresses the
       prices of their products below the cost of production, and
       thus deprives them of the means of purchasing the products of
       our home manufacture.

       "We denounce the profligate waste of the money wrung from the
       people by oppressive taxation and the lavish appropriations of
       recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high,
       while the labor that pays them is unemployed, and the products
       of the people's toil are depressed in price till they no
       longer repay the cost of production. We demand a return to
       that simplicity and economy which best befit a Democratic
       Government and a reduction in the number of useless offices,
       the salaries of which drain the substance of the people.

       "We denounce arbitrary interference by Federal authorities in
       local affairs as a violation of the Constitution of the United
       States and a crime against free institutions, and we
       especially object to government by injunction as a new and
       highly dangerous form of oppression, by which Federal judges,
       in contempt of the laws of the States and rights of citizens,
       become at once legislators, judges, and executioners, and we
       approve the bill passed at the last session of the United
       States Senate, and now pending in the House, relative to
       contempts in Federal courts, and providing for trials by jury
       in certain cases of contempt.

       "No discrimination should be indulged by the Government of the
       United States in favor of any of its debtors. We approve of
       the refusal of the Fifty-third Congress to pass the Pacific
       Railroad funding bill, and denounce the effort of the present
       Republican Congress to enact a similar measure.

       "Recognizing the just claims of deserving Union soldiers, we
       heartily endorse the rule of the present Commissioner of
       Pensions that no names shall be arbitrarily dropped from the
       pension roll, and the fact of an enlistment and service should
       be deemed conclusive evidence against disease or disability
       before enlistment.

       "We extend our sympathy to the people of Cuba in their heroic
       struggle for liberty and independence.

       "We are opposed to life tenure in the public service. We favor
       appointments based upon merit, fixed terms of office, and such
       an administration of the civil-service laws as will afford
       equal opportunities to all citizens of ascertained fitness.

       "We declare it to be the unwritten law of this Republic,
       established by custom and usage of 100 years, and sanctioned
       by the examples of the greatest and wisest of those who
       founded and have maintained our Government, that no man should
       be eligible for a third term of the Presidential office.

       "The absorption of wealth by the few, the consolidation of our
       leading railroad systems, and formation of trusts and pools
       require a stricter control by the Federal Government of those
       arteries of commerce. ''We demand the enlargement of the
       powers of the Inter-state Commerce Commission, and such
       restrictions and guarantees in the control of railroads as
       will protect the people from robbery and oppression.

       "We favor the admission of the Territories of New Mexico and
       Arizona into the Union as States, and we favor the early
       admission of all the Territories giving the necessary
       population and resources to entitle them to Statehood; and
       while they remain Territories we hold that the officials
       appointed to administer the government of any Territory,
       together with the District of Columbia and Alaska, should be
       bona fide residents of the Territory or District in which
       their duties are to be performed. The Democratic party
       believes in home rule, and that all public lands of the United
       States should be appropriated to the establishment of free
       homes for American citizens.

       "We recommend that the Territory of Alaska be granted a
       Delegate in Congress, and that the general land and timber
       laws of the United States be extended to said Territory.

       "The Federal Government should care for and improve the
       Mississippi River and other great waterways of the Republic so
       as to secure for the interior people easy and cheap
       transportation to tidewater. When any waterway of the Republic
       is of sufficient importance to demand aid of the Government,
       such aid should be extended upon a definite plan of continuous
       work until permanent improvement is secured.

    {568}

       "Confiding in the justice of our cause and the necessity of
       its success at the polls, we submit the foregoing declaration
       of principles and purposes to the considerate judgment of the
       American people. We invite the support of all citizens who
       approve them, and who desire to have them made effective
       through legislation for the relief of the people and the
       restoration of the country's prosperity."

       In the course of the debate upon the silver question, a speech
       of impassioned eloquence was made by William J. Bryan, of
       Nebraska, who had represented his district in Congress for two
       terms, 1891-1894, and who was rising to prominence among the
       leaders of the free-silver Democracy of the west. The speech
       excited an enthusiasm and an admiration which led to the
       nomination of Mr. Bryan for the presidency. That unexpected
       choice was reached after four ballots, in each of which the
       votes for the Nebraska orator rose steadily in number. At the
       fifth ballot they had passed the requisite two-thirds, and his
       nomination was declared to be unanimous, though protests were
       made. The entire delegation from New York and many delegates
       from New England and New Jersey cast no votes, refusing to
       take any part in the nomination of a candidate on the platform
       laid down. The chosen candidate for Vice President was Arthur
       Sewall, of Maine.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       The National Silver Party.

       The considerable body of Republicans who desired an unlimited
       free coinage of silver, and were prepared to quit their party
       on that issue, had made efforts to persuade the Democratic
       convention at Chicago to accept their leader, Senator Teller,
       of Colorado, for its presidential candidate. Failing in that,
       they assembled a convention of delegates at St. Louis, July
       22-24, and, under the name of the "National Silver Party,"
       took the alternative method of uniting the free-silver
       Republican vote with that of the free-silver Democracy, by
       accepting the Democratic nominations as their own. William J.
       Bryan and Arthur Sewall were duly nominated for President and
       Vice President, and a "platform" set forth as follows:

       "The National Silver Party in Convention assembled hereby
       adopts the following declaration of principles:

       "First. The paramount issue at this time in the United States
       is indisputably the money question. It is between the gold
       standard, gold bonds, and bank currency on the one side and
       the bimetallic standard, no bonds, and Government currency on
       the other.

       "On this issue we declare ourselves to be in favor of a
       distinctively American financial system. We are unalterably
       opposed to the single gold standard, and demand the immediate
       return to the constitutional standard of gold and silver, by
       the restoration by this Government, independently of any
       foreign power, of the unrestricted coinage of both gold and
       silver into standard money at the ratio of sixteen to one, and
       upon terms of exact equality, as they existed prior to 1873;
       the silver coin to be a full legal tender equally with gold
       for all debts and dues, private and public, and we favor such
       legislation as will prevent for the future the demonetization
       of any kind of legal-tender money by private contract.

       "We hold that the power to control and regulate a paper
       currency is inseparable from the power to coin money, and
       hence that all currency intended to circulate as money should
       be issued, and its volume controlled by the General Government
       only, and should be legal tender.

       "We are unalterably opposed to the issue by the United States
       of interest-bearing bonds in time of peace, and we denounce as
       a blunder worse than a crime the present Treasury policy,
       concurred in by a Republican House, of plunging the country in
       debt by hundreds of millions in the vain attempt to maintain
       the gold standard by borrowing gold, and we demand the payment
       of all coin obligations of the United States as provided by
       existing laws, in either gold or silver coin, at the option of
       the Government and not at the option of the creditor.

       "The demonetization of silver in 1873 enormously increased the
       demand for gold, enhancing its purchasing power and lowering
       all prices measured by that standard; and since that unjust
       and indefensible act the prices of American products have
       fallen upon an average nearly fifty per cent., carrying down
       with them proportionately the money value of all other forms
       of property. Such fall of prices has destroyed the profits of
       legitimate industry, injuring the producer for the benefit of
       the non-producer, increasing the burden of the debtor,
       swelling the gains of the creditor, paralyzing the productive
       energies of the American people, relegating to idleness vast
       numbers of willing workers, sending the shadows of despair
       into the home of the honest toiler, filling the land with
       tramps and paupers, and building up colossal fortunes at the
       money centres.

       "In the effort to maintain the gold standard the country has,
       within the last two years, in a time of profound peace and
       plenty, been loaded down with $262,000,000 of additional
       interest-bearing debt, under such circumstances as to allow a
       syndicate of native and foreign bankers to realize a net
       profit of millions on a single deal.

       "It stands confessed that the gold standard can only be upheld
       by so depleting our paper currency as to force the prices of
       our product below the European and even below the Asiatic
       level to enable us to sell in foreign markets, thus
       aggravating the very evils our people so bitterly complain of,
       degrading American labor, and striking at the foundations of
       our civilization itself.

       "The advocates of the gold standard persistently claim that
       the cause of our distress is over-production; that we have
       produced so much that it has made us poor—which implies that
       the true remedy is to close the factory, abandon the farm, and
       throw a multitude of people out of employment, a doctrine that
       leaves us unnerved and disheartened, and absolutely without
       hope for the future.

       "We affirm it to be unquestioned that there can be no such
       economic paradox as over-production, and at the same time tens
       of thousands of our fellow-citizens remaining half-clothed and
       half-fed, and who are piteously clamoring for the common
       necessities of life.

    {569}

       "Second. That over and above all other questions of policy we
       are in favor of restoring to the people of the United States
       the time-honored money of the Constitution—gold and silver,
       not one, but both—the money of Washington and Hamilton and
       Jefferson and Monroe and Jackson and Lincoln, to the end that
       the American people may receive honest pay for an honest
       product; that the American debtor may pay his just obligations
       in an honest standard, and not in a standard that has depreciated
       100 per cent. above all the great staples of our country, and
       to the end further that the standard countries may be deprived
       of the unjust advantage they now enjoy in the difference in
       exchange between gold and silver—an advantage which tariff
       legislation alone cannot overcome.

       "We therefore confidently appeal to the people of the United
       States to leave in abeyance for the moment all other
       questions, however important and even momentous they may
       appear, to sunder, if need be, all former party ties and
       affiliations, and unite in one supreme effort to free
       themselves and their children from the domination of the money
       power—a power more destructive than any which has ever been
       fastened upon the civilized men of any race or in any age, and
       upon the consummation of our desires and efforts we invoke the
       gracious favor of Divine Providence.

       "Inasmuch as the patriotic majority of the Chicago convention
       embodied in the financial plank of its platform the principles
       enunciated in the platform of the American Bimetallic party,
       promulgated at Washington, D. C., January 22, 1896, and herein
       reiterated, which is not only the paramount but the only real
       issue in the pending campaign, therefore, recognizing that
       their nominees embody these patriotic principles, we recommend
       that this convention nominate William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, for
       President, and Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice President."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       People's or Populist Party Platform and Nominations.

       The People's Party, more commonly called the Populist Party,
       held its national convention at St. Louis on the 22d-25th of
       July, simultaneously with that of the National Silver Party,
       and with strong influences urging it to act on the same line.
       One section of the party strove to bring about a complete
       endorsement of the Democratic nominations made at Chicago.
       Another section, styled the "Middle-of-the-Road" Populists,
       opposed any coalition with other parties; while a third wished
       to nominate Bryan, with a Populist candidate for Vice
       President, looking to an arrangement with the Democratic
       organization for a fusion of electoral tickets in various
       States. The idea of the latter prevailed, and William J. Bryan
       was nominated for President, with Thomas E. Watson, of
       Georgia, for Vice President. The People's Party had little
       disagreement with the Chicago declarations of the Democratic
       Party, and none at all on financial questions, concerning
       which its doctrines were set forth in the following platform:

       "The People's Party, assembled in National Convention,
       reaffirms its allegiance to the principles declared by the
       founders of the Republic, and also to the fundamental
       principles of just government as enunciated in the platform of
       the party in 1892.

       "We recognize that through the connivance of the present and
       preceding administrations the country has reached a crisis in
       its National life, as predicted in our declaration of four
       years ago, and that prompt and patriotic action is the supreme
       duty of the hour.

       "We realize that while we have political independence, our
       financial and industrial independence is yet to be attained by
       restoring to our country the constitutional control and
       exercise of the functions necessary to a people's government,
       which functions have been basely surrendered by our public
       servants to corporations and monopolies. The influence of
       European money-changers has been more potent in shaping
       legislation than the voice of the American people. Executive
       power and patronage have been used to corrupt our legislatures
       and defeat the will of the people, and plutocracy has been
       enthroned upon the ruins of democracy. To restore the
       government intended by the fathers, and for the welfare and
       prosperity of this and future generations, we demand the
       establishment of an economic and financial system which shall
       make us masters of our own affairs and independent of European
       control, by the adoption of the following declaration of
       principles:

       "We demand a National money, safe and sound, issued by the
       general government only, without the intervention of banks of
       issue, to be a full legal tender for an debts, public and
       private, and a just, equitable, and efficient means of
       distribution direct to the people and through the lawful
       disbursements of the Government.

       "We demand the free and unrestricted coinage of silver and
       gold at the present legal ratio of sixteen to one, without
       waiting for the consent of foreign nations.

       "We demand that the volume of circulating medium be speedily
       increased to an amount sufficient to meet the demands of the
       business population of this country and to restore the just
       level of prices of labor and production.

       "We denounce the sale of bonds and the increase of the public
       interest-bearing bond debt made by the present administration
       as unnecessary and without authority of law, and we demand
       that no more bonds be issued except by specific act of
       Congress.

       "We demand such legislation as will prevent the demonetization
       of the lawful money of the United States by private contract.

       "We demand that the Government, in payment of its obligations,
       shall use its option as to the kind of lawful money in which
       they are to be paid, and we denounce the present and preceding
       administrations for surrendering this option to the holders of
       government obligations.

       "We demand a graduated income tax, to the end that aggregated
       wealth shall bear its just proportion of taxation, and we
       denounce the recent decision of the Supreme Court relative to
       the income-tax law as a misinterpretation of the Constitution
       and an invasion of the rightful powers of Congress over the
       subject of taxation.

       "We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
       Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people
       and to facilitate exchange.

       "Transportation being a means of exchange and a public
       necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads
       in the interest of the people and on non-partisan basis, to
       the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in
       transportation, and that the tyranny and political power now
       exercised by the great railroad corporations, which result in
       the impairment if not the destruction of the political rights
       and personal liberties of the citizens, may be destroyed. Such
       ownership is to be accomplished gradually, in a manner
       consistent with sound public policy.

    {570}

       "The interest of the United States in the public highways
       built with public moneys and the proceeds of extensive grants
       of land to the Pacific railroads should never be alienated,
       mortgaged, or sold, but guarded and protected for the general
       welfare as provided by the laws organizing such railroads. The
       foreclosure of existing liens of the United States on these
       roads should at once follow default in the payment of the debt
       of the companies, and at the foreclosure sales of said roads
       the Government should purchase the same if it becomes
       necessary to protect its interests therein, or if they can be
       purchased at a reasonable price; and the Government should
       operate said railroads as public highways for the benefit of
       the whole and not in the interest of the few, under suitable
       provisions for protection of life and property, giving to all
       transportation interests and privileges and equal rates for
       fares and freight.

       "We denounce the present infamous schemes for refunding those
       debts and demand that the laws now applicable thereto be
       executed and administered according to their true intent and
       spirit.

       "The telegraph, like the post-office system, being a necessity
       for the transmission of news, should be owned and operated by
       the Government in the interest of the people.

       "The true policy demands that the National and State
       legislation shall be such as will ultimately enable every
       prudent and industrious citizen to secure a home, and
       therefore the land should not be monopolized for speculative
       purposes.

       "All land now held by railroads and other corporations in
       excess of their actual needs should by lawful means be
       reclaimed by the Government and held for actual settlers only,
       and private land monopoly, as well as alien ownership, should
       be prohibited.

       "We condemn the frauds by which the land grant to the Pacific
       Railroad Companies have, through the connivance of the
       Interior Department, robbed multitudes of bona fide settlers
       of their homes and miners of their claims, and we demand
       legislation by Congress which will enforce the exemption of
       mineral land from such grants after as well as before patent.

       "We demand that bona fide settlers on all public lands be
       granted free homes, as provided in the National homestead law,
       and that no exception be made in the case of Indian
       reservations when opened for settlement, and that all lands
       not now patented come under this demand.

       "We favor a system of direct legislation through the
       initiative and referendum under proper constitutional
       safeguards.

       "We demand the election of President, Vice-President, and
       United States Senators by a direct vote of the people.

       "We tender to the patriotic people of Cuba our deepest
       sympathy in their heroic struggle for political freedom and
       independence, and we believe the time has come when the United
       States, the great Republic of the world, should recognize that
       Cuba is and of right ought to be a free and independent State.

       "We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of
       Columbia and the early admission of the Territories as States.

       "All public salaries should be made to correspond to the price
       of labor and its products.

       "In times of great industrial depression idle labor should be
       employed on public works as far as practicable.

       "The arbitrary course of the courts in assuming to imprison
       citizens for indirect contempt and ruling by injunction should
       be prevented by proper legislation.

       "We favor just pensions for our disabled Union soldiers.

       "Believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot
       are essential to a government of, for, and by the people, the
       People's Party condemn the wholesale system of
       disfranchisement adopted in some States as unrepublican and
       undemocratic, and we declare it to be the duty of the several
       State legislatures to take such action as will secure a full,
       free, and fair ballot and an honest count.

       "While the foregoing propositions constitute the platform upon
       which our party stands, and for the vindication of which its
       organization will be maintained, we recognize that the great
       and pressing issue of the pending campaign, upon which the
       present Presidential election will turn, is the financial
       question, and upon this great and specific issue between the
       parties we cordially invite the aid and co-operation of all
       organizations and citizens agreeing with us upon this vital
       question."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       National Democratic Platform and Nominations.

       An extensive revolt in the Democratic Party against the
       declarations and the action of the party convention at Chicago
       had been quickly made manifest, and steps were soon taken
       towards giving it an organized form. These led to the
       assembling of a convention of delegates at Indianapolis, on
       the 2d and 3d of September, which, in the name of the
       "National Democratic Party," repudiated the platform and the
       candidates put forward at Chicago, and branded them as false
       to the historic party name which they assumed. General John M.
       Palmer, of Illinois, was put in nomination for President, and
       General Simon Bolivar Buckner, of Kentucky, for Vice
       President, of the United States, and a declaration of
       Democratic principles adopted, the fundamental passages of
       which are quoted in the following:

       "This convention has assembled to uphold the principles upon
       which depend the honor and welfare of the American people, in
       order that democrats throughout the Union may unite their
       patriotic efforts to avert disaster from their country and
       ruin from their party.

       "The democratic party is pledged to equal and exact justice to
       all men of every creed and condition; to the largest freedom
       of the individual consistent with good government; to the
       preservation of the federal government in its constitutional
       vigor, and to the support of the states in all their just
       rights; to economy in the public expenditures; to the
       maintenance of the public faith and sound money; and it is
       opposed to paternalism and all class legislation. The
       declarations of the Chicago convention attack individual
       freedom, the right of private contract, the independence of
       the judiciary, and the authority of the president to enforce
       federal laws. They advocate a reckless attempt to increase the
       price of silver by legislation, to the debasement of our
       monetary standard; and threaten unlimited issues of paper
       money by the government.
    {571}
       They abandon for republican allies the democratic cause of
       tariff reform, to court favor of protectionists to their
       fiscal heresy. In view of these and other grave departures
       from democratic principles, we cannot support the candidates
       of that convention, nor be bound by its acts. The democratic
       party has survived defeats, but could not survive a victory
       won in behalf of the doctrine and policy proclaimed in its
       name at Chicago.

       "The conditions, however, which made possible such utterances
       from a national convention, are the direct result of class
       legislation by the republican party. It still proclaims, as it
       has for years, the power and duty of government to raise and
       maintain prices by law, and it proposes no remedy for existing
       evils except oppressive and unjust taxation. … The demand of
       the republican party for an increase in tariff taxation has
       its pretext in the deficiency of the revenue, which has its
       causes in the stagnation of trade and reduced consumption, due
       entirely to the loss of confidence that has followed the
       populist threat of free coinage and depreciation of our money,
       and the republican practice of extravagant appropriations beyond
       the needs of good government. We arraign and condemn the
       populistic conventions of Chicago and St. Louis for their
       cooperation with the republican party in creating these
       conditions, which are pleaded in justification of a heavy
       increase of the burdens of the people by a further resort to
       protection. We therefore denounce protection and its ally,
       free coinage of silver, as schemes for the personal profit of
       a few at the expense of the masses; and oppose the two parties
       which stand for these schemes as hostile to the people of the
       republic, whose food and shelter, comfort and prosperity are
       attacked by higher taxes and depreciated money. In fine, we
       reaffirm the historic democratic doctrine of tariff for
       revenue only. …

       "The experience of mankind has shown that, by reason of their
       natural qualities, gold is the necessary money of the large
       affairs of commerce and business, while silver is conveniently
       adapted to minor transactions, and the most beneficial use of
       both together can be insured only by the adoption of the
       former as a standard of monetary measure, and the maintenance
       of silver at a parity with gold by its limited coinage under
       suitable safeguards of law. Thus the largest possible
       employment of both metals is gained with a value universally
       accepted throughout the world, which constitutes the only
       practical bimetallic currency, assuring the most stable
       standard, and especially the best and safest money for all who
       earn their livelihood by labor or the produce of husbandry. They
       cannot suffer when paid in the best money known to man, but
       are the peculiar and most defenceless victims of a debased and
       fluctuating currency, which offers continual profits to the
       money changer at their cost.

       "Realizing these truths demonstrated by long and public
       inconvenience and loss, the democratic party, in the interests
       of the masses and of equal justice to all, practically
       established by the legislation of 1834 and 1853 the gold
       standard of monetary measurement, and likewise entirely
       divorced the government from banking and currency issues. To
       this long-established democratic policy we adhere, and insist
       upon the maintenance of the gold standard, and of the parity
       therewith of every dollar issued by the government, and are
       firmly opposed to the free and unlimited coinage of silver and
       to the compulsory purchase of silver bullion. But we denounce
       also the further maintenance of the present costly patchwork
       system of national paper currency as a constant source of
       injury and peril. We assert the necessity of such intelligent
       currency reform as will confine the government to its
       legitimate functions, completely separated from the banking
       business, and afford to all sections of our country uniform,
       safe, and elastic bank currency under governmental
       supervision, measured in volume by the needs of business.

       "The fidelity, patriotism, and courage with which President
       Cleveland has fulfilled his great public trust, the high
       character of his administration, its wisdom and energy in the
       maintenance of civil order and the enforcement of the laws,
       its equal regard for the rights of every class and every
       section, its firm and dignified conduct of foreign affairs,
       and its sturdy persistence in upholding the credit and honor
       of the nation are fully recognized by the democratic party,
       and will secure to him a place in history beside the fathers
       of the republic. We also commend the administration for the
       great progress made in the reform of the public service, and
       we indorse its effort to extend the merit system still
       further. We demand that no backward step be taken, but that
       the reform be supported and advanced until the un-democratic
       spoils system of appointments be eradicated."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       Prohibition Platform and Nominations.

       The Prohibition Party had been the first to open the
       presidential campaign with candidates placed in the field. Its
       national convention was held at Pittsburg, on the 27th and
       28th of May, and its nominees for President and Vice President
       were Joshua Levering, of Maryland, and Hale Johnson, of
       Illinois. But a split in the convention occurred on attempts
       made to graft free-silver and kindred doctrines on the
       one-issue platform which the majority of the party desired.
       Except in a single particular, the latter prevailed. The
       platform adopted was as follows:

       "The Prohibition Party, in national convention assembled,
       declares its firm conviction that the manufacture,
       exportation, importation, and sale of alcoholic beverages has
       produced such social, commercial, industrial, and political
       wrongs, and is now so threatening the perpetuity of all our
       social and political institutions, that the suppression of the
       same by a national party organized therefor is the greatest
       object to be accomplished by the voters of our country, and is
       of such importance that it, of right, ought to control the
       political actions of all our patriotic citizens until such
       suppression is accomplished. The urgency of this course
       demands the union without further delay of all citizens who
       desire the prohibition of the liquor traffic. Therefore be it

       "Resolved, That we favor the legal prohibition by state and
       national legislation of the manufacture, importation, and sale
       of alcoholic beverages. That we declare our purpose to
       organize and unite all the friends of prohibition into one
       party; and in order to accomplish this end we deem it of right
       to leave every prohibitionist the freedom of his own
       convictions upon all other political questions, and trust our
       representatives to take such action upon other political
       questions as the changes occasioned by prohibition and the
       welfare of the whole people shall demand."

    {572}

       Resolved, "The right of suffrage ought not to be abridged on
       account of sex."

       Those delegates who were dissatisfied with this platform
       withdrew from the convention, assembled in another hall,
       assumed the name of "The National Party," adopted the
       following declarations, and nominated Charles E. Bentley, of
       Nebraska, and J. II. Southgate, of North Carolina, for the two
       highest offices in the national government:

       "The National Party, recognizing God as the author of all just
       power in government, presents the following declaration of
       principles, which it pledges itself to enact into effective
       legislation when given the power to do so:

       "The suppression of the manufacture and sale, importation,
       exportation, and transportation of intoxicating liquors for
       beverage purposes. We utterly reject all plans for regulating
       or compromising with this traffic, whether such plans be
       called local option, taxation, license, or public control. The
       sale of liquors for medicinal and other legitimate uses should
       be conducted by the State, without profit, and with such
       regulations as will prevent fraud or evasion.

       "No citizen should be denied the right to vote on account of
       sex.

       "All money should be issued by the General Government only,
       and without the intervention of any private citizen,
       corporation, or banking institution. It should be based upon
       the wealth, stability, and integrity of the nation. It should
       be a full legal tender for all debts, public and private, and
       should be of sufficient volume to meet the demands of the
       legitimate business interests of the country. For the purpose
       of honestly liquidating our outstanding coin obligations, we
       favor the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold,
       at the ratio of sixteen to one, without consulting any other
       nation.

       "Land is the common heritage of the people and should be
       preserved from monopoly and speculation. All unearned grants
       of land, subject to forfeiture, should be reclaimed by the
       Government and no portion of the public domain should
       hereafter be granted except to actual settlers, continuous use
       being essential to tenure.

       "Railroads, telegraphs, and other natural monopolies should be
       owned and operated by the Government, giving to the people the
       benefit of service at actual cost.

       "The National Constitution should be so amended as to allow
       the national revenues to be raised by equitable adjustment of
       taxation on the properties and incomes of the people, and
       import duties should be levied as a means of securing
       equitable commercial relations with other nations.

       "The contract convict-labor system, through which speculators
       are enriched at the expense of the State, should be abolished.

       "All citizens should be protected by law in their right to one
       day of rest in seven, without oppressing any who
       conscientiously observe any other than the first day of the
       week.

       "American public schools, taught in the English language,
       should be maintained, and no public funds should be
       appropriated for sectarian institutions.

       "The President, Vice-President, and United States Senators
       should be elected by direct vote of the people.

       "Ex-soldiers and sailors of the United States army and navy,
       their widows, and minor children, should receive liberal
       pensions, graded on disability and term of service, not merely
       as a debt of gratitude, but for service rendered in the
       preservation of the Union.

       "Our immigration laws should be so revised as to exclude
       paupers and criminals. None but citizens of the United States
       should be allowed to vote in any State, and naturalized
       citizens should not vote until one year after naturalization
       papers have been issued.

       "The initiative and referendum and proportional representation
       should be adopted.

       "Having herein presented our principles and purposes, we
       invite the co-operation and support of all citizens who are
       with us substantially agreed."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       Socialist-Labor Party Nominations.

       Still another party which placed candidates for the presidency
       and vice-presidency in nomination was the Socialist-Labor
       organization, which held a convention in New York, July 4-10,
       and named for the two high offices, Charles H. Matchett, of
       New York, and Mathew Maguire, of New Jersey. Its platform
       embodied the essential doctrines of socialism, as commonly
       understood, and was as follows:

       "The Socialist Labor Party of the United States, in convention
       assembled, reasserts the inalienable rights of all men to
       life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

       "With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the
       purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the
       enjoyment of this right; but in the right of our conditions we
       hold, furthermore, that no such right can be exercised under a
       system of economic inequality, essentially destructive of
       life, of liberty, and of happiness.

       "With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true
       theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be
       owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of
       our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true
       theory of economics is that the machinery of production must
       likewise belong to the people in common.

       "To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is
       the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics, can
       plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the
       corruption of Government by that class, the alienation of
       public property, public franchises, and public functions to
       that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of
       nations upon that class.

       "Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of
       plutocracy, labor is robbed of its wealth which it alone
       produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and by
       compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the
       necessaries of life.

       "Human power and natural forces are thus wasted, that the
       plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery, with all their
       concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the people may be
       kept in bondage. Science and invention are diverted from their
       humane purpose to the enslavement of women and children.

       "Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more
       enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental
       declaration that private property in the natural sources of
       production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious
       cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

    {573}

       "The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social
       evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its
       failures and crises on one hand, and the constructive
       tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations
       on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

       "We therefore call upon the wage-workers of the United States,
       and upon all honest citizens, to organize under the banner of
       the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious body, aware
       of its rights and determined to conquer them by taking
       possession of the public powers, so that, held together by an
       indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying
       conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary
       end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes,
       the restoration of the land and of all the means of
       production, transportation, and distribution to the people as
       a collective body, and the substitution of the co-operative
       commonwealth for the present state of planless production,
       industrial war, and social disorder, a commonwealth in which
       every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of
       his faculties, multiplied by all modern factors of
       civilization.

       "With a view to immediate improvement in the condition of
       labor we present the following demands:

       "1. Reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to the
       progress of production.

       "2. The United States shall obtain possession of the
       railroads, canals, telegraphs, telephones, and all other means
       of public transportation and communication; the employés to
       operate the same co-operatively under control of the Federal
       Government and to elect their own superior officers, but no
       employé shall be discharged for political reasons.

       "3. The municipalities shall obtain possession of the local
       railroads, ferries, waterworks, gas-works, electric plants,
       and all industries requiring municipal franchises; the
       employés to operate the same co-operatively under control of
       the municipal administration and to elect their own superior
       officers, but no employé shall be discharged for political
       reasons.

       "4. The public lands declared inalienable. Revocation of all
       land grants to corporations or individuals the conditions of
       which have not been complied with.

       "5. The United States to have the exclusive right to issue
       money.

       "6. Congressional legislation providing for the scientific
       management of forests and waterways, and prohibiting the waste
       of the natural resources of the country.

       "7. Inventions to be free to all: the inventors to be
       remunerated by the nation.

       "8. Progressive income tax and tax on inheritances; the
       smaller incomes to be exempt.

       "9. School education of all children under fourteen years of
       age to be compulsory, gratuitous, and accessible to all by
       public assistance in meals, clothing, books, etc., where
       necessary.

       "10. Repeal of all pauper, tramp, conspiracy, and sumptuary
       laws. Unabridged right of combination.

       "11. Prohibition of the employment of children of school age
       and of female labor in occupations detrimental to health or
       morality. Abolition of the convict-labor contract system.

       "12. Employment of the unemployed by the public authorities
       (county, State, or nation).

       "13. All wages to be paid in lawful money of the United
       States. Equalization of women's wages to those of men where
       equal service is performed.

       "14. Laws for the protection of life and limb in all
       occupations, and an efficient employers' liability law.

       "15. The people to have the right to propose laws and to vote
       upon all measures of importance according to the referendum
       principle.

       "16. Abolition of the veto power of the Executive (National,
       State, or municipal), wherever it exists.

       "17. Abolition of the United States Senate and all upper
       legislative chambers.

       "18. Municipal self-government.

       "19. Direct vote and secret ballots in all elections.
       Universal and equal right of suffrage without regard to color,
       creed, or sex. Election days to be legal holidays. The
       principle of proportional representation to be introduced.

       "20. All public officers to be subject to recall by their
       respective constituencies.

       "21. Uniform civil and criminal law throughout the United
       States. Administration of justice free of charge. Abolition of
       capital punishment."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: 1896.
       The Canvass and Election.

       The canvass which occupied the months between party
       nominations and the election was the most remarkable, in many
       respects, that the country had ever gone through. On both
       sides of the silver question intense convictions were burning
       and intense anxieties being felt. To the defenders of the gold
       standard of value—the monetary standard of the world at
       large—an unlimited free coinage of silver legal tender money,
       at the ratio of 16 to 1, meant both dishonor and ruin—national
       bankruptcy, the wreck of industry, and chaos in the commercial
       world. To many of those who strove with desperate eagerness to
       bring it about it meant, on the contrary, a millennial social
       state, in which abundance would prevail, the goods of the
       world be divided more fairly, and labor have a juster reward.
       So the issue fronted each as one personal, vital, almost as of
       life and death. Their conflict bore no likeness to those
       commonly in politics, where consequences seem remote, vague,
       general to the body politic,—not, instantly overhanging the
       head of the individual citizen, as in this case they did. Not
       even the patriotic and moral excitements of the canvass of
       1860 produced so intense a feeling of personal interest in the
       election—so painful an anxiety in waiting for its result. And
       never in any former political contest had the questions
       involved been debated so earnestly, studied so widely and
       intently, set forth by every artifice of exposition and
       illustration with so much ingenious pains. The "campaign
       literature" distributed by each party was beyond computation
       in quantity and beyond classification in its kinds. The
       speeches of the canvass were innumerable. Mr. Bryan
       contributed some hundreds, in tours which he made through the
       country, and Mr. McKinley, at his home, in Canton, Ohio,
       received visiting delegations from all parts of the country
       and addressed them at more or less length.

    {574}

       With all the excitement of anxiety and the heated conflict of
       beliefs there was little violence of any kind, from first to
       last. The critical election day (November 3) passed with no
       serious incidents of disorder. The verdict of the people,
       pronounced for the preservation of the monetary standard which
       the world at large has established in general use, was
       accepted with the equanimity to which self-governing citizens
       are trained. Nearly fourteen millions of votes were cast, of
       which the Republican presidential electors received 7,104,244;
       electors representing the various parties which had nominated
       Mr. Bryan received, in all, 6,506,835; those on the National
       Democratic ticket received 134,652; those on the Prohibition
       tickets, 144,606; those on the Socialist-Labor ticket, 36,416.
       In the Electoral College, there were 271 votes for McKinley,
       and 176 for Bryan. The States giving their electoral votes for
       McKinley were California (excepting 1 vote, cast for Bryan),
       Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Kentucky
       (except 1), Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan,
       Minnesota, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, North Dakota,
       Ohio, Oregon, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Vermont, West
       Virginia, Wisconsin. The States which chose electors for Bryan
       were Alabama, Arkansas, Colorado, Florida, Georgia, Idaho,
       Kansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nebraska,
       Nevada, North Carolina, South Carolina, South Dakota,
       Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Virginia, Washington, Wyoming, besides
       the single votes won in California and Kentucky. For Vice
       President, Hobart received 271 electoral votes—the same as
       McKinley; but Sewall received 27 less than Bryan, that number
       being cast for the Populist candidate, Watson. This was
       consequent on fusion arrangements between Democrats and
       Populists in 28 States.

       In some States, the majority given against silver free coinage
       was overwhelming, as for example, in New York, 268,000
       plurality for McKinley, besides 19,000 votes cast for the
       "Gold Democratic" candidate; New Jersey, 87,000 Republican
       plurality and 6,000 votes for General Palmer; Pennsylvania,
       295,000 and 11,000; Massachusetts, 173,000 and 11,000. On the
       other hand, Texas gave Bryan a plurality of 202,000, and
       Colorado 135,000.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (November).
       Agreement with Great Britain for the settlement of the
       Venezuela dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896 (December).
       President Cleveland on affairs in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1897.
       Immigration Bill vetoed by President Cleveland.

       On the 17th of December, 1896, a bill to amend the immigration
       laws, which had passed the House of Representatives during the
       previous session of Congress, passed the Senate, with
       amendments which the House refused to accept. By conferences
       between the two branches of Congress an agreement was finally
       reached, in which the House concurred on the 9th of February
       and the Senate on the 17th. But the President disapproved the
       measure, and returned it to Congress on the 2d of March, with
       his objections set forth in the following Message:

       "I herewith return without approval House bill No. 7864,
       entitled 'An act to amend the immigration laws of the United
       States.'

       "By the first section of this bill it is proposed to amend
       section 1 of the act of March 3, 1891, relating to immigration
       by adding to the classes of aliens thereby excluded from
       admission to the United States the following: 'All persons
       physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read
       and write the English language or some other language; but a
       person not so able to read and write who is over 50 years of
       age and is the parent or grandparent of a qualified immigrant
       over 21 years of age and capable of supporting such parent or
       grandparent may accompany such immigrant, or such a parent or
       grandparent may be sent for and come to join the family of a
       child or grandchild over 21 years of age similarly qualified
       and capable, and a wife or minor child not so able to read and
       write may accompany or be sent for and come and join the
       husband or parent similarly qualified and capable.'

       "A radical departure from our national policy relating to
       immigration is here presented. Heretofore we have welcomed all
       who came to us from other lands except those whose moral or
       physical condition or history threatened danger to our
       national welfare and safety. Relying upon the zealous
       watchfulness of our people to prevent injury to our political
       and social fabric, we have encouraged those coming from
       foreign countries to cast their lot with us and join in the
       development of our vast domain, securing in return a share in
       the blessings of American citizenship. A century's stupendous
       growth, largely due to the assimilation and thrift of millions
       of sturdy and patriotic adopted citizens, attests the success
       of this generous and free-handed policy which, while guarding
       the people's interests, exacts from our immigrants only
       physical and moral soundness and a willingness and ability to
       work. A contemplation of the grand results of this policy can
       not fail to arouse a sentiment in its defense, for however it
       might have been regarded as an original proposition and viewed
       as an experiment its accomplishments are such that if it is to be
       uprooted at this late day its disadvantages should be plainly
       apparent and the substitute adopted should be just and
       adequate, free from uncertainties, and guarded against
       difficult or oppressive administration.

       "It is not claimed, I believe, that the time has come for the
       further restriction of immigration on the ground that an
       excess of population overcrowds our land. It is said, however,
       that the quality of recent immigration is undesirable. The
       time is quite within recent memory when the same thing was
       said of immigrants who, with their descendants, are now
       numbered among our best citizens. It is said that too many
       immigrants settle in our cities, thus dangerously increasing
       their idle and vicious population. This is certainly a
       disadvantage. It can not be shown, however, that it affects
       all our cities, nor that it is permanent; nor does it appear
       that this condition where it exists demands as its remedy the
       reversal of our present immigration policy. The claim is also
       made that the influx of foreign laborers deprives of the
       opportunity to work those who are better entitled than they to
       the privilege of earning their livelihood by daily toil. An
       unfortunate condition is certainly presented when any who are
       willing to labor are unemployed, but so far as this condition
       now exists among our people it must be conceded to be a result
       of phenomenal business depression and the stagnation of all
       enterprises in which labor is a factor.
    {575}
       With the advent of settled and wholesome financial and
       economic governmental policies and consequent encouragement to
       the activity of capital the misfortunes of unemployed labor
       should, to a great extent at least, be remedied. If it
       continues, its natural consequences must be to check the
       further immigration to our cities of foreign laborers and to
       deplete the ranks of those already there. In the meantime
       those most willing and best entitled ought to be able to
       secure the advantages of such work as there is to do.

       "It is proposed by the bill under consideration to meet the
       alleged difficulties of the situation by establishing an
       educational test by which the right of a foreigner to make his
       home with us shall be determined. Its general scheme is to
       prohibit from admission to our country all immigrants
       'physically capable and over 16 years of age who can not read
       and write the English language or some other language,' and it
       is provided that this test shall be applied by requiring
       immigrants seeking admission to read and afterwards to write
       not less than twenty nor more than twenty-five words of the
       Constitution of the United States in some language, and that
       any immigrant failing in this shall not be admitted, but shall
       be returned to the country from whence he came at the expense
       of the steamship or railroad company which brought him.

       "The best reason that could be given for this radical
       restriction of immigration is the necessity of protecting our
       population against degeneration and saving our national peace
       and quiet from imported turbulence and disorder. I can not
       believe that we would be protected against these evils by
       limiting immigration to those who can read and write in any
       language twenty-five words of our Constitution. In my opinion,
       it is infinitely more safe to admit a hundred thousand
       immigrants who, though unable to read and write, seek among us
       only a home and opportunity to work than to admit one of those
       unruly agitators and enemies of governmental control who can
       not only read and write, but delights in arousing by
       inflammatory speech the illiterate and peacefully inclined to
       discontent and tumult. Violence and disorder do not originate
       with illiterate laborers. They are, rather, the victims of the
       educated agitator. The ability to read and write, as required
       in this bill, in and of itself affords, in my opinion, a
       misleading test of contented industry and supplies
       unsatisfactory evidence of desirable citizenship or a proper
       apprehension of the benefits of our institutions. If any
       particular element of our illiterate immigration is to be
       feared for other causes than illiteracy, these causes should
       be dealt with directly, instead of making illiteracy the
       pretext for exclusion, to the detriment of other illiterate
       immigrants against whom the real cause of complaint cannot be
       alleged.

       "The provisions intended to rid that part of the proposed
       legislation already referred to from obvious hardship appear
       to me to be indefinite and inadequate. A parent, grandparent,
       wife, or minor child of a qualified immigrant, though unable
       to read and write, may accompany the immigrant or be sent for
       to join his family, provided the immigrant is capable of
       supporting such relative. These exceptions to the general rule
       of exclusion contained in the bill were made to prevent the
       separation of families, and yet neither brothers nor sisters
       are provided for. In order that relatives who are provided for
       may be reunited, those still in foreign lands must be sent for
       to join the immigrant here. What formality is necessary to
       constitute this prerequisite, and how are the facts of
       relationship and that the relative is sent for to be
       established? Are the illiterate relatives of immigrants who
       have come here under prior laws entitled to the advantage of
       these exceptions? A husband who can read and write and who
       determines to abandon his illiterate wife abroad will find
       here under this law an absolutely safe retreat. The illiterate
       relatives mentioned must not only be sent for, but such immigrant
       must be capable of supporting them when they arrive. This
       requirement proceeds upon the assumption that the foreign
       relatives coming here are in every case, by reason of poverty,
       liable to become a public charge unless the immigrant is
       capable of their support. The contrary is very often true. And
       yet if unable to read and write, though quite able and willing
       to support themselves and their relatives here besides, they
       could not be admitted under the provisions of this bill if the
       immigrant was impoverished, though the aid of his fortunate
       but illiterate relative might be the means of saving him from
       pauperism.

       "The fourth section of this bill provides—'That it shall be
       unlawful for any male alien who has not in good faith made his
       declaration before the proper court of his intention to become
       a citizen of the United States to be employed on any public works
       of the United States or to come regularly or habitually into
       the United States by land or water for the purpose of engaging
       in any mechanical trade or manual labor for wages or salary,
       returning from time to time to a foreign country.' The fifth
       section provides—'That it shall be unlawful for any person,
       partnership, company, or corporation knowingly to employ any
       alien coming into the United States in violation of the next
       preceding section of this act.'

       "The prohibition against the employment of aliens upon any
       public works of the United States is in line with other
       legislation of a like character. It is quite a different
       thing, however, to declare it a crime for an alien to come
       regularly and habitually into the United States for the
       purpose of obtaining work from private parties, if such alien
       returns from time to time to a foreign country, and to
       constitute any employment of such alien a criminal offense.
       When we consider these provisions of the bill in connection
       with our long northern frontier and the boundaries of our
       States and Territories, often but an imaginary line separating
       them from the British dominions, and recall the friendly
       intercourse between the people who are neighbors on either
       side, the provisions of this bill affecting them must be
       regarded as illiberal, narrow, and un-American. The residents
       of these States and Territories have separate and especial
       interests which in many cases make an interchange of labor
       between their people and their alien neighbors most important,
       frequently with the advantage largely in favor of our
       citizens. This suggests the inexpediency of Federal
       interference with these conditions when not necessary to the
       correction of a substantial evil, affecting the general
       welfare. Such unfriendly legislation as is proposed could
       hardly fail to provoke retaliatory measures, to the injury of
       many of our citizens who now find employment on adjoining
       foreign soil.
    {576}
       The uncertainty of construction to which the language of these
       provisions is subject is a serious objection to a statute
       which describes a crime. An important element in the offense
       sought to be created by these sections is the coming
       'regularly or habitually into the United States.' These words
       are impossible of definite and certain construction. The same
       may be said of the equally important words 'returning from
       time to time to a foreign country.'

       "A careful examination of this bill has convinced me that for
       the reasons given and others not specifically stated its
       provisions are unnecessarily harsh and oppressive, and its
       defects in construction would cause vexation and its operation
       would result in harm to our citizens.
          GROVER CLEVELAND."

       In the House of Representatives, the Bill was passed again,
       over the veto, by the requisite vote of two-thirds; in the
       Senate it was referred to the Committee on Immigration, and no
       further action was taken upon it. Therefore, it did not become
       a law.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898.
       Agitation for monetary reforms.
       The Indianapolis Commission.
       Secretary Gage's plan.
       The Senatorial block in the way.

       On November 18, 1896, the Governors of the Indianapolis Board
       of Trade invited the Boards of Trade of Chicago, St. Louis,
       Cincinnati, Louisville, Cleveland. Columbus, Toledo, Kansas
       City, Detroit, Milwaukee, St. Paul, Des Moines, Minneapolis,
       Grand Rapids, Peoria, and Omaha to a conference on the first
       of December following, to consider the advisability of calling
       a larger convention from commercial organizations throughout
       the country for the purpose of discussing the wisdom of
       selecting a non-partisan commission to formulate a sound
       currency system. This preliminary conference issued a call for
       a non-partisan monetary convention of business men, chosen
       from boards of trade, chambers of commerce, and commercial
       clubs, to meet in Indianapolis, on January 12, 1897. At the
       convention there were assembled, with credentials, 299
       delegates, representing business organizations and cities in
       nearly every State in the Union. The result of its
       deliberations was expressed in resolutions which opened as
       follows:

       "This convention declares that it has become absolutely
       necessary that a consistent, straightforward, and deliberately
       planned monetary system shall be inaugurated, the fundamental
       basis of which should be: First, that the present gold
       standard should be maintained. Second, that steps should be
       taken to insure the ultimate retirement of all classes of
       United States notes by a gradual and steady process, and so as
       to avoid the injurious contraction of the currency, or
       disturbance of the business interests of the country, and that
       until such retirements provision should be made for a
       separation of the revenue and note-issue departments of the
       Treasury. Third, that a banking system be provided, which
       should furnish credit facilities to every portion of the
       country and a safe and elastic circulation, and especially
       with a view of securing such a distribution of the loanable
       capital of the country as will tend to equalize the rates of
       interest in all parts thereof."

       Recognizing the necessity of committing the formulation of
       such a plan to a body of men trained and experienced in these
       matters, a commission was proposed. In case no commission
       should be authorized by Congress in the spring of 1897, the
       Executive Committee of the Convention was authorized to select
       a commission of eleven members, "to make thorough
       investigation of the monetary affairs and needs of this
       country, in all relations and aspects, and to make appropriate
       suggestions as to any evils found to exist, and the remedies
       therefor."

       Congress did not authorize the appointment of a monetary
       commission; and the Executive Committee of the Convention
       selected a commission of eleven members, which began its
       sittings in Washington, September 22, 1897. … The Commission
       was composed as follows: George F. Edmunds, Vermont, chairman;
       George E. Leighton, Missouri, vice-chairman; T. G. Bush,
       Alabama; W. B. Dean, Minnesota; Charles S. Fairchild, New
       York; Stuyvesant Fish, New York; J. W. Fries, North Carolina;
       Louis A. Garnett, California; J. Laurence Laughlin, Illinois;
       C. Stuart Patterson, Pennsylvania; Robert S. Taylor, Indiana;
       and L. Carron Root and H. Parker Willis, secretaries. Early in
       January, 1898, the report of the Monetary Commission was
       made public, and a second convention of delegates from the
       boards of trade and other commercial organizations of leading
       cities in the country was called together at Indianapolis,
       January 20-26, to consider its recommendations. The measures
       proposed by the Commission were approved by the convention,
       and were submitted to Congress by a committee appointed to
       urge their enactment in law. The Secretary of the Treasury,
       Mr. Gage, had already, in his first annual report and in the
       draft of a bill which he laid before the House committee on
       banking and currency, made recommendations which accorded in
       principle with those of the Commission, differing somewhat in
       details. Both plans, with some proposals from other sources,
       were now taken in hand by the House committee on banking and
       currency, and a bill was prepared, which the committee
       reported to the House on the 15th of June. But the other
       branch of Congress, the Senate, had already declared itself in
       a way which forbade any hope of success. By a vote of 47 to
       32, that body had resolved, on the 28th of January, that "all
       the bonds of the United States issued, or authorized to be
       issued, under the said acts of Congress herein before recited,
       are payable, principal and interest, at the option of the
       government of the United States, in silver dollars, of the
       coinage of the United States, containing 412½ grains each of
       standard silver: and that to restore to its coinage such
       silver coins as a legal tender in payment of said bonds,
       principal and interest, is not in violation of the public
       faith, nor in derogation of the rights of the public
       creditor." The House, by 182 to 132, had rejected this
       resolution; but the Senate action had demonstrated the evident
       uselessness of attempting legislation in the interest of a
       monetary reform. Accordingly the House bill, after being
       reported and made public, for discussion outside, was
       withdrawn by the committee, and the subject rested in
       Congress, while agitation in the country went on.

    {577}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897.
       The Industrial Revolution.

       "In 1865 the problem presented was this: The United States
       could certainly excel any European nation in economic
       competition, and possibly the whole Continent combined, if it
       could utilize its resources. So much was admitted; the doubt
       touched the capacity of the people to organize a system of
       transportation and industry adequate to attain that end.
       Failure meant certain bankruptcy. Unappalled by the magnitude
       of the speculation, the American people took the risk. What
       that risk was may be imagined when the fact is grasped that in
       1865, with 35,000 miles of road already built, this people
       entered on the construction of 160,000 miles more, at an
       outlay, probably, in excess of $10,000,000,000. Such figures
       convey no impression to the mind, any more than a statement of
       the distance of a star. It may aid the imagination, perhaps,
       to say that Mr. Giffen estimated the cost to France of the war
       of 1870, including the indemnity and Alsace and Lorraine, at
       less than $3,500,000,000, or about one-third of this
       portentous mortgage on the future.

       "As late as 1870 America remained relatively poor, for
       America, so far as her export trade went, relied on
       agriculture alone. To build her roads she had to borrow, and
       she expected to pay dear; but she did not calculate on having
       to pay twice the capital she borrowed, estimating that capital
       in the only merchandise she had to sell. Yet this is very nearly
       what occurred. Agricultural prices fell so rapidly that
       between 1890 and 1897, when the sharpest pressure prevailed,
       it took something like twice the weight of wheat or cotton to
       repay a dollar borrowed in 1873, that would have sufficed to
       satisfy the creditor when the debt was contracted. Merchandise
       enough could not be shipped to meet the emergency, and
       balances had to be paid in coin. The agony this people endured
       may be measured by the sacrifice they made. At the moment of
       severest contraction, in the single year 1893. the United
       States parted with upwards of $87,000,000 of gold, when to
       lose gold was like draining a living body of its blood. …

       "What America owed abroad can never be computed; it is enough
       that it reached an enormous sum, to refund which, even under
       favorable circumstances, would have taken years of effort;
       actually forced payment brought the nation to the brink of a
       convulsion. Perhaps no people ever faced such an emergency and
       paid, without recourse to war. America triumphed through her
       inventive and administrative genius. Brought to a white heat
       under compression, the industrial system of the Union suddenly
       fused into a homogeneous mass. One day, without warning, the
       gigantic mechanism operated, and two hemispheres vibrated with
       the shock. In March, 1897, the vast consolidation of mines,
       foundries, railroads, and steamship companies, centralized at
       Pittsburg, began producing steel rails at $18 the ton, and at
       a bound America bestrode the world. She had won her great
       wager with fate. … The end seems only a question of time.
       Europe is doomed not only to buy her raw material abroad, but
       to pay the cost of transport. And Europe knew this
       instinctively in March, 1897, and nerved herself for
       resistance. Her best hope, next to a victorious war, lay in
       imitating America, and in organizing a system of
       transportation which would open up the East.

       "Carnegie achieved the new industrial revolution in March,
       1897. Within a twelvemonth the rival nations had emptied
       themselves upon the shore of the Yellow Sea. In November
       Germany seized Kiao-chau, a month later the Russians occupied
       Port Arthur, and the following April the English appropriated
       Wei-hai-wei; but the fact to remember is that just 400 miles
       inland, due west of Kiao-chau, lies Tszechau, the centre,
       according to Richthofen, of the richest coal and iron deposits
       in existence. There with the rude methods used by the Chinese,
       coal actually sells at 13 cents the ton. Thus it has come to
       pass that the problem now being attacked by all the statesmen,
       soldiers, scientific men, and engineers of the two eastern
       continents is whether Russia, Germany, France, England, and
       Japan, combined or separately, can ever bring these resources
       on the market in competition with the United States."

          B. Adams,
          The New Industrial Revolution
          (Atlantic Monthly, February, 1901).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (January-May).
       Arbitration Treaty with Great Britain rejected by the Senate.

          See, (in this volume),
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

       The correspondence which took place between the governments of
       the United States and Great Britain, on the subject of an
       arbitration of the Venezuela Boundary dispute, having led to
       the revival of a project for the negotiation of a general
       treaty of arbitration, which the late American Secretary of
       State, Mr. Gresham, had broached to the British government in
       the spring of 1895, the terms of such an arrangement were
       carefully and fully discussed between Secretary Olney and Lord
       Salisbury, during the year 1896, and an agreement was reached
       which took form in a solemn compact for the settlement by
       arbitration of all matters in difference between the two
       countries, signed at Washington on the 11th of January, 1897.
       The treaty thus framed was as follows:

       "ARTICLE I.
       The High Contracting Parties agree to submit to Arbitration in
       accordance with the provisions and subject to the limitations
       of this Treaty all questions in difference between them which
       they may fail to adjust by diplomatic negotiation.

       "ARTICLE II.
       All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which do
       not in the aggregate exceed £100,000 in amount, and which do
       not involve the determination of territorial claims, shall be
       dealt with and decided by an Arbitral Tribunal constituted as
       provided in the next following Article. In this Article and in
       Article IV the words 'groups of pecuniary claims' mean
       pecuniary claims by one or more persons arising out of the
       same transactions or involving the same issues of law and
       fact.'

       "ARTICLE III.
       Each of the High Contracting Parties shall nominate one
       arbitrator who shall be a jurist of repute and the two
       arbitrators so nominated shall within two months of the date
       of their nomination select an umpire. In case they shall fail
       to do so within the limit of time above mentioned, the umpire
       shall be appointed by agreement between the Members for the
       time being of the Supreme Court of the United States and the
       Members for the time being of the Judicial Committee of the
       Privy Council in Great Britain, each nominating body acting by
       a majority. In case they shall fail to agree upon an umpire
       within three months of the date of an application made to them
       in that behalf by the High Contracting Parties or either of
       them, the umpire shall be selected in the manner provided for
       in Article X. The person so selected shall be the President of
       the Tribunal and the award of the majority of the Members
       thereof shall be final.

    {578}

       "ARTICLE IV.
       All pecuniary claims or groups of pecuniary claims which shall
       exceed £100,000 in amount and all other matters in difference,
       in respect of which either of the High Contracting Parties
       shall have rights against the other under Treaty or otherwise,
       provided that such matters in difference do not involve the
       determination of territorial claims, shall be dealt with and
       decided by an Arbitral Tribunal, constituted as provided in
       the next following Article.

       "ARTICLE V.
       Any subject of Arbitration described in Article IV shall be
       submitted to the Tribunal provided for by Article III, the
       award of which Tribunal, if unanimous, shall be final. If not
       unanimous either of the High Contracting Parties may within
       six months from the date of the award demand a review thereof.
       In such case the matter in controversy shall be submitted to
       an Arbitral Tribunal consisting of five jurists of repute, no
       one of whom shall have been a member of the Tribunal whose
       award is to be reviewed and who shall be selected as follows,
       viz:—two by each of the High Contracting Parties, and one, to
       act as umpire, by the four thus nominated and to be chosen
       within three months after the date of their nomination. In
       case they shall fail to choose an umpire within the limit of
       time above-mentioned, the umpire shall be appointed by
       agreement between the Nominating Bodies designated in Article
       III acting in the manner therein provided. In case they shall
       fail to agree upon an umpire within three months of the date
       of an application made to them in that behalf by the High
       Contracting Parties or either of them, the umpire shall be
       selected in the manner provided for in Article X. The person
       so selected shall be the President of the Tribunal and the
       award of the majority of the Members thereof shall be final.

       "ARTICLE VI.
       Any controversy which shall involve the determination of
       territorial claims shall be submitted to a Tribunal composed
       of six members, three of whom (subject to the provisions of
       Article VIII) shall be Judges of the Supreme Court of the
       United States or Justices of the Circuit Courts to be
       nominated by the President of the United States, and the other
       three of whom (subject to the provisions of Article VIII)
       shall be Judges of the British Supreme Court of Judicature or
       Members of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council to be
       nominated by Her Britannic Majesty, whose award by a majority
       of not less than five to one shall be final. In case of an
       award made by less than the prescribed majority, the award
       shall also be final unless either Power shall, within three
       months after the award has been reported, protest that the
       same is erroneous, in which case the award shall be of no
       validity. In the event of an award made by less than the
       prescribed majority and protested as above provided, or if the
       members of the Arbitral Tribunal shall be equally divided,
       there shall be no recourse to hostile measures of any
       description until the mediation of one or more friendly Powers
       has been invited by one or both of the High Contracting
       Parties.

       "ARTICLE VII.
       Objections to the jurisdiction of an Arbitral Tribunal
       constituted under this Treaty shall not be taken except as
       provided in this Article. If before the close of the hearing
       upon a claim submitted to an Arbitral Tribunal constituted
       under Article III or Article V either of the High Contracting
       Parties shall move such Tribunal to decide, and thereupon it
       shall decide that the determination of such claim necessarily
       involves the decision of a disputed question of principle of
       grave general importance affecting the national rights of such
       party as distinguished from the private rights whereof it is
       merely the international representative, the jurisdiction of
       such Arbitral Tribunal over such claim shall cease and the
       same shall be dealt with by arbitration under Article VI.

       "ARTICLE VIII.
       In cases where the question involved is one which concerns a
       particular State or Territory of the United States, it shall
       be open to the President of the United States to appoint a
       judicial officer of such State or Territory to be one of the
       Arbitrators under Article III or Article V or Article VI. In
       like manner in cases where the question involved is one which
       concerns a British Colony or possession, it shall be open to
       Her Britannic Majesty to appoint a judicial officer of such
       Colony or possession to be one of the Arbitrators under
       Article III or Article V or Article VI.

       "ARTICLE IX.
       Territorial claims in this Treaty shall include all claims to
       territory and all claims involving questions of servitudes,
       rights of navigation and of access, fisheries and all rights
       and interests necessary to the control and enjoyment of the
       territory claimed by either of the High Contracting Parties.

       "ARTICLE X.
       If in any case the nominating bodies designated in Articles
       III and V shall fail to agree upon an Umpire in accordance
       with the provisions of the said Articles, the Umpire shall be
       appointed by His Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. Either
       of the High Contracting Parties, however, may at any time give
       notice to the other that, by reason of material changes in
       conditions as existing at the date of this Treaty, it is of
       opinion that a substitute for His Majesty should be chosen
       either for all cases to arise under the Treaty or for a
       particular specified case already arisen, and thereupon the
       High Contracting Parties shall at once proceed to agree upon
       such substitute to act either in all cases to arise under the
       Treaty or in the particular case specified as may be indicated
       by said notice; provided, however, that such notice shall have
       no effect upon an Arbitration already begun by the constitution
       of an Arbitral Tribunal under Article III. The High
       Contracting Parties shall also at once proceed to nominate a
       substitute for His Majesty in the event that His Majesty shall
       at any time notify them of his desire to be relieved from the
       functions graciously accepted by him under this Treaty either
       for all cases to arise thereunder or for any particular
       specified case already arisen.

       "ARTICLE XI.
       In case of the death, absence or incapacity to serve of any
       Arbitrator or Umpire, or in the event of any Arbitrator or
       Umpire omitting or declining or ceasing to act as such,
       another Arbitrator or Umpire shall be forthwith appointed in
       his place and stead in the manner provided for with regard to
       the original appointment.

    {579}

       "ARTICLE XII.
       Each Government shall pay its own agent and provide for the
       proper remuneration of the counsel employed by it and of the
       Arbitrators appointed by it and for the expense of preparing
       and submitting its case to the Arbitral Tribunal. All other
       expenses connected with any Arbitration shall be defrayed by
       the two Governments in equal moieties. Provided, however,
       that, if in any case the essential matter of difference
       submitted to arbitration is the right of one of the High
       Contracting Parties to receive disavowals of or apologies for
       acts or defaults of the other not resulting in substantial
       pecuniary injury, the Arbitral Tribunal finally disposing of
       the said matter shall direct whether any of the expenses of
       the successful party shall be borne by the unsuccessful party,
       and if so to what extent.

       "ARTICLE XIII.
       The time and place of meeting of an Arbitral Tribunal and all
       arrangements for the hearing and all questions of procedure
       shall be decided by the Tribunal itself. Each Arbitral
       Tribunal shall keep a correct record of its proceedings and
       may appoint and employ all necessary officers and agents. The
       decision of the Tribunal shall, if possible, be made within
       three months from the close of the arguments on both sides. It
       shall be made in writing and dated and shall be signed by the
       Arbitrators who may assent to it. The decision shall be in
       duplicate, one copy whereof shall be delivered to each of the
       High Contracting Parties through their respective agents.

       "ARTICLE XIV.
       This Treaty shall remain in force for five years from the date
       at which it shall come into operation, and further until the
       expiration of twelve months after either of the High
       Contracting Parties shall have given notice to the other of
       its wish to terminate the same.

       "ARTICLE XV.
       The present Treaty shall be duly ratified by the President of
       the United States of America, by and with the advice and
       consent of the Senate thereof, and by Her Britannic Majesty;
       and the mutual exchange of ratifications shall take place in
       Washington or in London within six months of the date hereof
       or earlier if possible."

          United States, 54th Congress, 2d Session,
          Senate Document Number 63.

       Public feeling in both countries gave joyful welcome to this
       nobly conceived treaty when it was announced. All that was
       best in English sentiment and American sentiment had been
       shuddering at the thought of possible war between the kindred
       peoples, and thanked God for what promised some certitude that
       no dispute would be pushed to that barbarous appeal. Only the
       mean thought and temper of either country was provoked to
       opposition; but, unhappily, the meaner temper and the narrower
       and more ignorant opinion on one side of the sea had been
       getting so strong a representation in the United States Senate
       as to prove capable of much mischief there, on this and other
       matters of most serious public concern. When the great
       covenant of peace went to that body for approval, there were
       senators who found it offensive to them because it came from
       the hands of President Cleveland and Secretary Olney; and
       there were other senators whose dignity was hurt by the eager
       impatience with which the public voice cried out for their
       ratifying vote; and still others there were who looked with
       official jealousy at the project of an arbitral tribunal which
       might sometimes take something from senatorial functions in
       foreign affairs. And the combination of pitiful motives had
       strength enough to baffle the high hopes and defeat the will
       of the American people.

       Of the public feeling thus outraged, the following is one
       expression of the time, among many which it would be possible
       to quote:

       Many people "are represented by influential papers like the
       St. Paul 'Pioneer Press' and the Minneapolis 'Journal,' the
       latter declaring that it is humiliating to think that, widely
       as the treaty is favored throughout the country, a few
       ill-natured men in the Senate have the power to delay
       ratification. In the Central West the feeling is generally
       strong for arbitration, if we may judge from the Chicago
       'Times-Herald,' the St. Louis 'Republic,' the Indianapolis
       'Journal,' and the Cleveland 'Leader.' In the South there are
       such cheering reports as this from the Memphis 'Scimetar'; 'If
       the treaty now under consideration in the Senate Committee on
       Foreign Relations should fail of ratification, public opinion
       in this country would demand that the incoming Administration
       provide another embodying the same vital principle.' In the
       East the sentiment in favor of immediate ratification of the
       original draft has been almost universal, the only two
       journals of note differing from this being the New York 'Sun'
       and the Washington 'Post.' The trend of opinion is shown in
       the adoption by the Massachusetts House of Representatives of
       an endorsement by a vote of 141 to 11. An important meeting
       took place last week in Washington in favor of ratification.
       The speakers were ex-Secretary of State Foster, Mr. G. G.
       Hubbard, Professor B. L. Whitman, ex-Senator J. B. Henderson,
       ex-Governor Stanard, and Justice Brewer, of the Supreme Court.
       The last named said; 'I do not believe in saying to the
       gentlemen charged with the duty of considering carefully that
       treaty, that "you must vote for it." There is something in my
       own nature which, when anybody says to me "you must," causes
       something to run up my spinal column which says "I won't." It
       is the Senate's duty to consider that treaty carefully, and
       when I say that, I say it is no trespass upon their rights for
       American citizens to express their views of that treaty. What are
       the errors and losses incidental to arbitration compared to
       the horrors of war? What are a few million dollars of wrongful
       damages in comparison to the sacrifice of thousands of human
       lives?'"

          The Outlook, February 6, 1897.

       "This treaty was greeted with widespread favor in the press,
       but was antagonized at once in the Senate by the jingo element
       and by the personal adversaries of the administration. The
       committee on foreign relations reported the draft favorably,
       but with certain amendments, on February 1. The ensuing debate
       soon revealed that a vote on ratification could not be
       obtained before March 4, and the whole matter was dropped. At
       the opening of the new Congress the Senate Committee again
       considered the treaty and reported it, with amendments, on
       March 18. During two weeks' discussion the Senate adopted the
       committee's amendments and also others, with the result that
       the draft was radically transformed.
    {580}
       Instead of the general reference of all disputes to the
       tribunals, it was provided that any difference 'which, in the
       judgment of either power, materially affects its honor or its
       domestic or foreign policy,' should be submitted to
       arbitration only by special agreement; that no question should
       be submitted save with the consent of the Senate in its
       treaty-making capacity; and that no claim of a British subject
       against a state or territory of the United States should be
       submitted under any circumstances. The first of these changes
       was due mainly to the objection that without it the Monroe
       Doctrine might be subjected to arbitration; the second to the
       sensitiveness of senators as to their constitutional functions
       in foreign relations; and the third to a desire to protect
       states against claims on their defaulted bonds. Other changes
       modified materially the method of appointing the arbitrators
       for the United States, and struck out entirely the designation
       of the King of Sweden as umpire. Even with these amendments,
       the opposition to the treaty was not overcome; and the final
       vote on ratification, taken May 5, resulted in its rejection,
       the vote standing 43 to 26, less than two-thirds in the
       affirmative. Thirty Republicans and 13 Democrats voted for the
       treaty; 8 Republicans, 12 Democrats and 6 Populists against
       it."

          Political Science Quarterly,
          June, 1897.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March).
       Inauguration of President McKinley.
       Leading topics of the inaugural address.
       The President's Cabinet.

       The inauguration of President McKinley was performed with the
       customary ceremonies on the 4th of March. In his inaugural
       address, the new President laid somewhat less emphasis than
       might have been expected on the need of measures for reforming
       the monetary system of the country, but strongly urged that
       instant steps be taken to increase the revenues of the
       government by a return to higher tariff charges. "With
       adequate revenue secured," he argued, "but not until then, we
       can enter upon such changes in our fiscal laws as will, while
       insuring safety and volume to our money, no longer impose upon
       the government the necessity of maintaining so large a gold
       reserve, with its attendant and inevitable temptations to
       speculation. Most of our financial laws are the outgrowth of
       experience and trial, and should not be amended without
       investigation and demonstration of the wisdom of the proposed
       changes. We must be both 'sure we are right' and 'make haste
       slowly.' …

       "The question of international bimetallism will have early and
       earnest attention. It will be my constant endeavor to secure
       it by cooperation with the other great commercial powers of
       the world. Until that condition is realized, when the parity
       between our gold and silver money springs from and is
       supported by the relative value of the two metals, the value
       of the silver already coined, and of that which may hereafter
       be coined, must be kept constantly at par with gold by every
       resource at our command. The credit of the government, the
       integrity of its currency, and the inviolability of its
       obligations must be preserved. This was the commanding verdict
       of the people, and it will not be unheeded.

       "Economy is demanded in every branch of the government at all
       times, but especially in periods like the present of
       depression in business and distress among the people. The
       severest economy must be observed in all public expenditures,
       and extravagance stopped wherever it is found, and prevented
       wherever in the future it may be developed. If the revenues
       are to remain as now, the only relief that can come must be
       from decreased expenditures. But the present must not become
       the permanent condition of the government. It has been our
       uniform practice to retire, not increase, our outstanding
       obligations; and this policy must again be resumed and
       vigorously enforced. Our revenues should always be large
       enough to meet with ease and promptness not only our current
       needs and the principal and interest of the public debt, but
       to make proper and liberal provision for that most deserving
       body of public creditors, the soldiers and sailors and the
       widows and orphans who are the pensioners of the United
       States. …

       "A deficiency is inevitable so long as the expenditures of the
       government exceed its receipts. It can only be met by loans or
       an increased revenue. While a large annual surplus of revenue
       may invite waste and extravagance, inadequate revenue creates
       distrust and undermines public and private credit. Neither
       should be encouraged. Between more loans and more revenue
       there ought to be but one opinion. We should have more
       revenue, and that without delay, hindrance, or postponement. A
       surplus in the treasury created by loans is not a permanent or
       safe reliance. It will suffice while it lasts, but it cannot
       last long while the outlays of the government are greater than
       its receipts, as has been the case during the last two years.
       … The best way for the government to maintain its credit is to
       pay as it goes—not by resorting to loans, but by keeping out
       of debt—through an adequate income secured by a system of
       taxation, external, or internal, or both. It is the settled
       policy of the government, pursued from the beginning and
       practiced by all parties and administrations, to raise the
       bulk of our revenue from taxes upon foreign productions
       entering the United States for sale and consumption, and
       avoiding, for the most part, every form of direct taxation
       except in time of war.

       "The country is clearly opposed to any needless additions to
       the subjects of internal taxation, and is committed by its
       latest popular utterance to the system of tariff taxation.
       There can be no misunderstanding either about the principle
       upon which this tariff taxation shall be levied. Nothing has
       ever been made plainer at a general election than that the
       controlling principle in the raising of revenue from duties on
       imports is zealous care for American interests and American
       labor. The people have declared that such legislation should
       be had as will give ample protection and encouragement to the
       industries and the development of our country. … The paramount
       duty of congress is to stop deficiencies by the restoration of
       that protective legislation which has always been the firmest
       prop of the treasury. The passage of such a law or laws would
       strengthen the credit of the government both at home and
       abroad, and go far toward stopping the drain upon the gold
       reserve held for the redemption of our currency, which has
       been heavy and well-nigh constant for several years. In the
       revision of the tariff, especial attention should be given to
       the re-enactment and extension of the reciprocity principle of
       the law of 1890, under which so great a stimulus was given to
       our foreign trade in new and advantageous markets for our
       surplus agricultural and manufactured products."

    {581}

       Without effect, the incoming President urged the ratification
       of the treaty of arbitration with Great Britain, negotiated by
       his predecessor and still pending in the Senate. In concluding
       his address he announced his intention to convene Congress in
       extra session, saying: "The condition of the public treasury
       demands the immediate consideration of congress. It alone has
       the power to provide revenue for the government. Not to
       convene it under such circumstances, I can view in no other
       sense than the neglect of a plain duty."

       On the day following his inauguration, the President sent to
       the Senate the following nominations for his Cabinet, which
       were confirmed:

       Secretary of State, John Sherman of Ohio;
       Secretary of the Treasury, Lyman J. Gage of Illinois;
       Secretary of War, Russel A. Alger of Michigan;
       Attorney-General, Joseph McKenna of California;
       Postmaster-General, James A. Gary of Maryland;
       Secretary of the Navy, John D. Long of Massachusetts;
       Secretary of the Interior, Cornelius N. Bliss of New York;
       Secretary of Agriculture, James Wilson of Iowa.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (March-July).
       Passage of the Dingley Tariff Act.

       Carrying out an intention announced in his Inaugural Address,
       President McKinley called Congress together in extra session
       on the 15th of March, asking for immediate action to increase
       the revenue of the government by increased duties, "so levied
       upon foreign products as to preserve the home market, so far
       as possible, to our own producers." In his Inaugural Address
       the President had expressed the understanding of his party as
       to the chief meaning of the late election, by saying that "the
       country is … committed by its latest popular utterance to the
       system of tariff taxation. … The people have declared that
       such legislation should be had as will give ample protection
       and encouragement to the industries and development of our
       country. … The paramount duty of Congress is to stop
       deficiencies by the restoration of that protective legislation
       which has always been the firmest prop of the treasury." To
       the majority in both Houses of Congress these views were
       entirely acceptable, and they were acted upon at once. The
       Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives in
       the previous Congress had already prepared a comprehensive new
       tariff bill, which it passed on to its successor. This
       ready-made bill was reported to the House on the first day of
       the session, by Mr. Dingley, chairman of the newly appointed
       committee, as he had been of the one before it. Debate on the
       measure began a week later, and was controlled by a fixed
       programme, which required it to be ended on the 31st of March.
       The bill was then passed, by a vote of 205 against 121. Of the
       action of the Senate upon it, and of the main features of the
       bill as it was finally shaped and became law, the following is
       a succinct account:

       "The bill, referred at once to the Senate Committee on
       Finance, was reported after a month, on May 8, with important
       amendments. There was an attempt to impose some purely revenue
       duties, and, as to the protective duties, the tendency was
       towards lower rates than in the House bill, though on certain
       articles, such as wools of low grade, hides, and others (of
       which more will be said presently), the drift was the other
       way. The Senate, however, paid much less respect than the
       House to the recommendations of the committee in charge. In
       the course of two months, from May 4 to July 7, it went over
       the tariff bill item by item, amending without restraint,
       often in a perfunctory manner, and not infrequently with the
       outcome settled by the accident of attendance on the
       particular day; on the whole, with a tendency to retain the
       higher rates of the House bill. As passed finally by the
       Senate on July 7, the bill, though it contained some 872
       amendments, followed the plan of the House Committee rather
       than that of the Senate Committee. As usual, it went to a
       Conference Committee. In the various compromises and
       adjustments in the Senate and in the Conference Committee
       there was little sign of the deliberate plan and method which
       the House had shown, and the details of the act were settled
       in no less haphazard fashion than has been the case with other
       tariff measures. As patched up by the Conference Committee,
       the bill was promptly passed by both branches of Congress, and
       became law on July 24. In what manner these political
       conditions affected the character of the act will appear from
       a consideration of the more important specific changes.

       "First and foremost was the reimposition of the duties on
       wool. As the repeal of these duties had been the one important
       change made by the act of 1894, so their restoration was the
       salient feature in the act of 1897. … Clothing wool was
       subjected once more to a duty of 11 cents a pound, combing
       wool to one of 12 cents. On carpet wool there were new graded
       duties, heavier than any ever before levied. If its value was
       12 cents a pound or less the duty was 4 cents; if over 12
       cents, the duty was 7 cents. … The duties on carpet wool, as
       has already been noted, were made higher than ever before. In
       the House the rates of the act of 1890 had been retained; but
       in the Senate new and higher rates were inserted. … They were
       demanded by the Senators from some States in the Far West,
       especially from Idaho and Montana. … They [the Senators in
       question] needed to be placated and they succeeded in getting
       higher duties on the cheap carpet wools, on the plea of
       encouragement for the comparatively coarse clothing wool of
       their ranches. … The same complications that led to the high
       duty on carpet wool brought about a duty on hides. This rawest
       of raw materials had been on the free list for just a quarter
       of a century, since 1872, when the duty of the war days had
       been repealed. … But here, again, the Senators from the
       ranching States were able to dictate terms. … In the Senate a
       duty of 20 per cent. was tacked on. The rate was reduced to 15
       per cent. in the Conference Committee, and so remains in the
       act. The restored duties on wool necessarily brought in their
       train the old system of high compensating duties on woollens.
       … In the main, the result was a restoration of the rates of
       the act of 1890. There was some upward movement almost all
       along the line; and the ad valorem duty alone, on the classes
       of fabrics which are most largely imported, crept up to 55 per
       cent. …

    {582}

       "On cotton goods the general tendency was to impose duties
       lower than those of 1890. This was indicated by the drag-net
       rate, on manufactures of cotton not otherwise provided for,
       which had been 50 per cent. in 1890, and was 45 per cent. in
       1897. On two large classes of textile goods new and distinctly
       higher duties were imposed,—on silks and linens. … The mode of
       gradation was to levy the duties according to the amount of
       pure silk contained in the goods. The duties were fixed by the
       pound, being lowest all goods containing a small proportion of
       pure silk, and rising as that proportion became larger; with
       the proviso that in no case should the duty be less than 50
       per cent. … Thus, the duty on certain kinds of silks was $1.30
       cents per pound, if they contained 45 per cent in weight of
       silk; but advanced suddenly to $2.25, if they contained more
       than 45 per cent. … On linens another step of the same kind
       was taken, specific duties being substituted here also for
       ad-valorem. … Linens were graded somewhat as cottons had been
       graded since 1861, according to the fineness of the goods as
       indicated by the number of threads to the square inch. If the
       number of threads was 60 or less per square inch, the duty was
       1¾ cents a square yard; if the threads were between 60 and
       120, the duty was 2¾ cents; and so on,—plus 30 per cent.
       ad-valorem duty in all cases. But finer linen goods, unless
       otherwise specially provided for, were treated leniently. If
       the weight was small (less than 4½ ounces per yard), the duty
       was but 35 per cent. On the other hand, linen laces, or
       articles trimmed with lace or embroidery, were dutiable at 60
       percent.,—an advance at 10 per cent. over the rate of 1890. …
       It was inevitable, under the political conditions of the
       session, that in this schedule something should again be
       attempted for the farmer; and, accordingly, we find a
       substantial duty on flax. The rate of the act of 1890 was
       restored,—3 cents a pound on prepared flax, in place of the
       rate of 1½ cents imposed by the act of 1894. …

       "On chinaware the rates of 1890 were restored. The duty on the
       finer qualities which are chiefly imported had been lowered to
       35 per cent. in 1894, and was now once more put at 60 per
       cent. On glassware, also, the general ad-valorem rate, which
       had been reduced to 35 per cent. in 1894, was again fixed at
       45 per cent., as in 1890. Similarly the specific duties on the
       cheaper grades of window-glass and plate-glass, which had been
       lowered in 1894, were raised to the figures of 1890. … The metal
       schedules in the act of 1897 showed in the main a striking
       contrast with the textile schedules. Important advances of
       duty were made on many textiles, and in some cases rates went
       considerably higher even than those of 1890. But on most
       metals, and especially on iron and steel, duties were left
       very much as they had been in 1894. … On steel rails there was
       even a slight reduction from the rate of 1894—$6.72 per ton
       instead of $7.84. On coal there was a compromise rate. The
       duty had been 75 cents a ton in 1890, and 40 cents in 1894; it
       was now fixed at 67 cents. On the other hand, as to certain
       manufactures of iron and steel farther advanced beyond the
       crude stage, there was a return to rates very similar to those
       of 1890. Thus, on pocket cutlery, razors, guns, we find once
       more the system of combined ad-valorem and specific duties,
       graded according to the value of the article. … Copper
       remained on the free list, where it had been put in 1894. …
       For good or ill the copper duty had worked out all its effects
       years before. On the other hand, the duties on lead and on
       lead ore went up to the point at which they stood in 1890.
       Here we have once more the signs of concession to the silver
       Republicans of the far West. … The duty on tin plate, a bone
       of contention under the act of 1890, was disposed of, with
       little debate, by the imposition of a comparatively moderate
       duty. …

       "A part of the act which aroused much public attention and
       which had an important bearing on its financial yield was the
       sugar schedule—the duties on sugar, raw and refined. … The act
       of 1890 had admitted raw sugar free, while that of 1894 had
       imposed a duty of 40 per cent. ad valorem. … The price of raw
       sugar had maintained its downward tendency; and the duty of 40
       per cent. had been equivalent in 1896 to less than one cent a
       pound. In the act of 1897 the duty was made specific, and was
       practically doubled. Beginning with a rate of one cent a pound
       on sugar tested to contain 75 per cent., it advanced by stages
       until on sugar testing 95 per cent. (the usual content of
       commercial raw sugar) it reached 1.65 cents per pound. The
       higher rate thus imposed was certain to yield a considerable
       increase of revenue. Much was said also of the protection now
       afforded to the beet sugar industry of the West. That
       industry, however, was still of small dimensions and uncertain
       future. … On refined sugar, the duty was made 1.95 cents per
       pound, which, as compared with raw sugar testing 100 per
       cent., left a protection for the domestic refiner,—i. e., for
       the Sugar 'Trust,'—of 1/8 of one cent a pound. Some intricate
       calculation would be necessary to make out whether this
       'differential' for the refining interest was more or less than
       in the act of 1894; but, having regard to the effect of the
       substitution of specific for ad-valorem duties, the Trust was
       no more favored by the act of 1897 than by its predecessor,
       and even somewhat less favored. The changes which this part of
       the tariff act underwent in the two Houses are not without
       significance." In the bill passed by the House. "the so-called
       differential, or protection to the refiners, was one-eighth of
       a cent per pound. In the Senate there was an attempt at
       serious amendment. The influence of the Sugar Trust in the
       Senate had long been great. How secured, whether through party
       contributions, entangling alliances, or coarse bribery, the
       public could not know; but certainly great, as the course of
       legislation in that body demonstrated." The Senate attempted
       to make an entire change in the scheme of sugar duties, which
       would give the Trust a fifth of a cent per pound of protective
       differential, instead of an eighth; but the House resisted,
       with more success than in 1894, and the senatorial friends of
       the Sugar Trust had to give way.

          See, also (in this volume),
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES;
          and SUGAR BOUNTIES.

       "The tariff act of 1894 had repealed the provisions as to
       reciprocity in the act of 1890, and had rendered nugatory such
       parts of the treaties made under the earlier act as were
       inconsistent with the provisions of its successor. The act of
       1897 now revived the policy of reciprocity, and in some ways
       even endeavored to enlarge the scope of the reciprocity
       provisions"

          See below: A. D. 1899-1901.

          F. W. Taussig,
          Tariff History of the United States,
          4th edition, chapter 7 (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (April-October).
       Negotiations for an international bi-metallic agreement.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    {583}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (June).
       Appointment of the Nicaragua Canal Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Refusal to negotiate with the insurgent republic of the
       Philippine Islands.

       On the 3d of November, 1897, Mr. Rounseville Wildman, the U.
       S. Consul at Hongkong, addressed the following to the State
       Department: "Since my arrival in Hongkong I have been called
       upon several times by Mr. F. Agoncilla, foreign agent and high
       commissioner, etc., of the new republic of the Philippines.
       Mr. Agoncilla holds a commission, signed by the president,
       members of cabinet, and general in chief of the republic of
       Philippines, empowering him absolutely with power to conclude
       treaties with foreign governments. Mr. Agoncilla offers on
       behalf of his government alliance offensive and defensive with
       the United States when the United States declares war on
       Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's judgment, will be very soon.
       In the meantime he wishes the United States to send to some
       port in the Philippines 20,000 stand of arms and 200,000
       rounds of ammunition for the use of his government, to be paid
       for on the recognition of his government by the United States.
       He pledges as security two provinces and the custom-house at
       Manila. He is not particular about the price—is willing the
       United States should make 25 per cent or 30 per cent profit.
       He is a very earnest and attentive diplomat and a great
       admirer of the United States. On his last visit he surprised
       me with the information that he had written his government
       that he had hopes of inducing the United States to supply the
       much-needed guns, etc. In case Señor Agoncilla's dispatch
       should fall into the hands of an unfriendly power and find its
       way into the newspapers, I have thought it wise to apprise the
       State Department of the nature of the high commissioner's
       proposals. Señor Agoncilla informs me by late mail that he
       will proceed at once to Washington to conclude the proposed
       treaty, if I advise. I shall not advise said step until so
       instructed by the State Department."

       To this communication, the Third Assistant Secretary of State,
       Mr. Cridler, returned the following reply, December 15, 1897:

       "I have to acknowledge the receipt of your dispatch Number 19
       of November 3, 1897, in which you announce the arrival at your
       post of Mr. F. Agoncilla, whom you describe as foreign agent
       and high commissioner of the new republic of the Philippines,
       and who holds full power to negotiate and conclude treaties
       with foreign powers. Mr. Agoncilla offers an alliance
       'offensive and defensive with the United States when the
       United States declares war on Spain, which, in Mr. Agoncilla's
       judgment, will be very soon,' and suggests that 20,000 stand
       of arms and 200,000 rounds of ammunition be supplied to his
       government by that of the United States. You may briefly
       advise Mr. Agoncilla, in case he should call upon you, that
       the Government of the United States does not negotiate such
       treaties and that it is not possible to forward the desired
       arms and ammunition. You should not encourage any advances on
       the part of Mr. Agoncilla, and should courteously decline to
       communicate with the Department further regarding his alleged
       mission."

          Treaty of Peace and Accompanying Papers
          (55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document
          Number 62, part 1, pages 333,334).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (November).
       Treaty with Russia and Japan to suspend pelagic sealing.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).
       President McKinley on Cuban affairs.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897 (December).
       Stringent measures against pelagic sealing.

          See (in this volume)
          BERING SEA QUESTIONS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1898 (December-March).
       Reports from Cuba of the suffering condition of
       the "reconcentrados."

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1899.
       Agreements with the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, Cherokee,
       and Seminole tribes of Indians.
       Work of the Dawes Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1893-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1897-1900.
       Treaty for the annexation of Hawaii.
       Its failure of ratification.
       Passage of joint resolution to annex, and of an Act
       for the government of the islands.

          See (in this volume)
          HAWAII.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-March).
       American sympathy with the Cubans and indignation
       against Spain.
       Destruction of the United States battle-ship "Maine"
       in Havana harbor.
       Investigation and findings of the American and
       Spanish courts of inquiry.

       Public feeling in the United States, excited by a terrible
       state of suffering in Cuba, resulting from Spanish methods of
       dealing with insurrection in that island, had been gathering
       intensity for months past, and threatening a rupture of
       peaceful relations between the United States and Spain.

          See (in this volume),
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897 and 1897-1898)

       A sudden crisis in the situation was produced, on the morning
       of the 15th of February, 1898, by news that the United States
       battle-ship "Maine," while paying a visit of courtesy to the
       harbor of Havana, had been totally destroyed, on the previous
       evening, by an explosion which killed most of her crew. In a
       subsequent message on the subject to Congress, President
       McKinley recited the circumstances of the catastrophe, and the
       proceedings adopted to ascertain its cause, with the
       conclusions reached, in the following words: "For some time
       prior to the visit of the 'Maine' to Havana Harbor our
       consular representatives pointed out the advantages to flow
       from the visit of national ships to the Cuban waters, in
       accustoming the people to the presence of our flag as the
       symbol of good will and of our ships in the fulfillment of the
       mission of protection to American interests, even though no
       immediate need therefor might exist. Accordingly on the 24th
       of January last, after conference with the Spanish minister;
       in which the renewal of visits of our war vessels to Spanish
       waters was discussed and accepted, the peninsular authorities
       at Madrid and Havana were advised of the purpose of this
       Government to resume friendly naval visits at Cuban ports, and
       that in that view the 'Maine' would forthwith call at the port
       of Havana. This announcement was received by the Spanish
       Government with appreciation of the friendly character of the
       visit of the 'Maine,' and with notification of intention to
       return the courtesy by sending Spanish ships to the principal
       ports of the United States. Meanwhile the 'Maine' entered the
       port of Havana on the 25th of January, her arrival being
       marked with no special incident besides the exchange of
       customary salutes and ceremonial visits.

    {584}

       "The 'Maine' continued in the harbor of Havana during the
       three weeks following her arrival. No appreciable excitement
       attended her stay; on the contrary, a feeling of relief and
       confidence followed the resumption of the long-interrupted
       friendly intercourse. So noticeable was this immediate effect
       of her visit that the consul-general strongly urged that the
       presence of our ships in Cuban waters should be kept up by
       retaining the 'Maine' at Havana, or, in the event of her
       recall, by sending another vessel there to take her place. At
       forty minutes past 9 in the evening of the 15th of February
       the 'Maine' was destroyed by an explosion, by which the entire
       forward part of the ship was utterly wrecked. In this
       catastrophe 2 officers and 264 of her crew perished, those who
       were not killed outright by her explosion being penned between
       decks by the tangle of wreckage and drowned by the immediate
       sinking of the hull. Prompt assistance was rendered by the
       neighboring vessels anchored in the harbor, aid being
       especially given by the boats of the Spanish cruiser 'Alfonso
       XII' and the Ward Line steamer 'City of Washington,' which lay
       not far distant. The wounded were generously cared for by the
       authorities of Havana, the hospitals being freely opened to
       them, while the earliest recovered bodies of the dead were
       interred by the municipality in a public cemetery in the city.
       Tributes of grief and sympathy were offered from all official
       quarters of the island.

       "The appalling calamity fell upon the people of our country
       with crushing force, and for a brief time an intense
       excitement prevailed, which in a community less just and
       self-controlled than ours might have led to hasty acts of
       blind resentment. This spirit, however, soon gave way to the
       calmer processes of reason and to the resolve to investigate
       the facts and await material proof before forming a judgment
       as to the cause, the responsibility, and, if the facts
       warranted, the remedy due. This course necessarily recommended
       itself from the outset to the Executive, for only in the light
       of a dispassionately ascertained certainty could it determine
       the nature and measure of its full duty in the matter. The
       usual procedure was followed, as in all cases of casualty or
       disaster to national vessels of any maritime State. A naval
       court of inquiry was at once organized, composed of officers
       well qualified by rank and practical experience to discharge
       the onerous duty imposed upon them. Aided by a strong force of
       wreckers and divers, the court proceeded to make a thorough
       investigation on the spot, employing every available means for
       the impartial and exact determination of the causes of the
       explosion. Its operations have been conducted with the utmost
       deliberation and judgment, and while independently pursued no
       attainable source of information was neglected, and the
       fullest opportunity was allowed for a simultaneous
       investigation by the Spanish authorities. The finding of the
       court of inquiry was reached, after twenty-three days of
       continuous labor, on the 21st of March, instant, and, having
       been approved on the 22d by the commander in chief of the
       United States naval force on the North Atlantic Station, was
       transmitted to the Executive. It is herewith laid before the
       Congress, together with the voluminous testimony taken before
       the court. Its purport is, in brief, as follows:

       "When the 'Maine' arrived at Havana she was conducted by the
       regular Government pilot to buoy Number 4, to which she was
       moored in from 5½ to 6 fathoms of water. The state of
       discipline on board and the condition of her magazines,
       boilers, coal bunkers, and storage compartments are passed in
       review, with the conclusion that excellent order prevailed and
       that no indication of any cause for an internal explosion
       existed in any quarter. At 8 o'clock in the evening of
       February 15 everything had been reported secure, and all was
       quiet. At forty minutes past 9 o'clock the vessel was suddenly
       destroyed. There were two distinct explosions, with a brief
       interval between them. The first lifted the forward part of
       the ship very perceptibly. The second, which was more open,
       prolonged, and of greater volume, is attributed by the court
       to the partial explosion of two or more of the forward
       magazines. The evidence of the divers establishes that the
       after part of the ship was practically intact and sank in that
       condition a very few moments after the explosion. The forward
       part was completely demolished. Upon the evidence of a
       concurrent external cause the finding of the court is as
       follows:

       "'At frame 17 the outer shell of the ship, from a point of 11½
       feet from the middle line of the ship and 6 feet above the
       keel when in its normal position, has been forced up so as to
       be now about 4 feet above the surface of the water, therefore
       about 34 feet above where it would be had the ship sunk
       uninjured. The outside bottom plating is bent into a reversed
       V shape (˄), the after wing of which, about 15 feet broad and
       32 feet in length (from frame 17 to frame 25), is doubled back
       upon itself against the continuation of the same plating,
       extending forward. At frame 18 the vertical keel is broken
       in two and the flat keel bent into an angle similar to the
       angle formed by the outside bottom plates. This break is now
       about 6 feet below the surface of the water and about 30 feet
       above its normal position. In the opinion of the court this
       effect could have been produced only by the explosion of a
       mine situated under the bottom of the ship at about frame 18
       and somewhat on the port side of the ship.'

       "The conclusions of the court are: That the loss of the
       'Maine' was not in any respect due to fault or negligence on
       the part of any of the officers or members of her crew; That
       the ship was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine,
       which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her
       forward magazines; and That no evidence has been obtainable
       fixing the responsibility for the destruction of the 'Maine'
       upon any person or persons.

       "I have directed that the finding of the court of inquiry and
       the views of this Government thereon be communicated to the
       Government of Her Majesty the Queen Regent, and I do not
       permit myself to doubt that the sense of justice of the
       Spanish nation will dictate a course of action suggested by
       honor and the friendly relations of the two Governments. It
       will be the duty of the Executive to advise the Congress of
       the result, and in the meantime deliberate consideration is
       invoked."

          Congressional Record, March 28, 1898.

    {585}

       A Spanish naval board of inquiry, convened by the maritime
       authority at Havana, and investigating the matter with haste,
       arrived at a conclusion quite opposite to that stated above,
       reporting on the 22d of March that "an explosion of the first
       order, in the forward magazine of the American ironclad
       'Maine,' caused the destruction of that part of the ship and
       its total submersion in the same place in this bay at which it
       was anchored. … That the important facts connected with the
       explosion in its external appearances at every moment of its
       duration having been described by witnesses, and the absence
       of all circumstances which necessarily accompany the explosion
       of a torpedo having been proved by these witnesses and
       experts, it can only be honestly asserted that the catastrophe
       was due to internal causes. … That the character of the
       proceedings undertaken and respect for the law which
       establishes the absolute extra-territoriality of a foreign war
       vessel have prevented the determination, even by conjecture,
       of the said internal origin of the disaster, to which also the
       impossibility of establishing the necessary communication
       either with the crew of the wrecked vessel or the officials of
       their Government commissioned to investigate the causes of the
       said event, or with those subsequently intrusted with the
       issue, has contributed. … That the interior and exterior
       examination of the bottom of the 'Maine,' whenever it is
       possible, unless the bottom of the ship and that of the place
       in the bay where it is sunk are altered by the work which is
       being carried on for the total or partial recovery of the
       vessel, will prove the correctness of all that is said in this
       report; but this must not be understood to mean that the
       accuracy of these present conclusions requires such proof."

          U. S. Senate Report Number 885,
          55th Congress, 2d Session, page 635.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (February-December).
       In the Chinese "battle of concessions."

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY-DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March).
       Account by Senator Proctor of the condition of
       the "reconcentrados" in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1897-1898 (DECEMBER-MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (March-April).
       Continued discussion of Cuban affairs with Spain.
       Unsatisfactory results.
       Message of the President asking Congress for authority
       to terminate hostilities in Cuba.

       On the 11th of April, President McKinley addressed another
       special message to Congress, setting forth the unsatisfactory
       results with which Cuban affairs had been further discussed
       with the government of Spain, and formally asking to be
       authorized and empowered to take measures for securing a "full
       and final termination of hostilities" in the oppressed island.
       He said:

       "Obedient to that precept of the Constitution which commands
       the President to give from time to time to the Congress
       information of the state of the Union and to recommend to
       their consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary
       and expedient, it becomes my duty now to address your body
       with regard to the grave crisis that has arisen in the
       relations of the United States to Spain by reason of the
       warfare that for more than three years has raged in the
       neighboring island of Cuba. I do so because of the intimate
       connection of the Cuban question with the state of our own
       Union, and the grave relation the course which it is now
       incumbent upon the nation to adopt must needs bear to the
       traditional policy of our Government, if it is to accord with
       the precepts laid down by the founders of the Republic and
       religiously observed by succeeding Administrations to the
       present day.

       "The present revolution is but the successor of other similar
       insurrections which have occurred in Cuba against the dominion
       of Spain, extending over a period of nearly half a century,
       each of which, during its progress, has subjected the United
       States to great effort and expense in enforcing its neutrality
       laws, caused enormous losses to American trade and commerce,
       caused irritation, annoyance, and disturbance among our
       citizens, and, by the exercise of cruel, barbarous, and
       uncivilized practices of warfare, shocked the sensibilities
       and offended the humane sympathies of our people. Since the
       present revolution began, in February, 1895, this country has
       seen the fertile domain at our threshold ravaged by fire and
       sword in the course of a struggle unequaled in the history of
       the island and rarely paralleled as to the numbers of the
       combatants and the bitterness of the contest by any revolution
       of modern times where a dependent people striving to be free
       have been opposed by the power of the sovereign state. Our
       people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to
       comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed,
       its exceptional productiveness diminished, its fields laid
       waste, its mills in ruins, and its people perishing by tens of
       thousands from hunger and destitution. We have found ourselves
       constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which
       our laws enjoin and which the law of nations commands, to
       police our own waters and to watch our own seaports in
       prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the Cubans. Our trade
       has suffered; the capital invested by our citizens in Cuba has
       been largely lost, and the temper and forbearance of our
       people have been so sorely tried as to beget a perilous unrest
       among our own citizens which has inevitably found its
       expression from time to time in the National Legislature, so
       that issues wholly external to our own body politic engross
       attention and stand in the way of that close devotion to
       domestic advancement that becomes a self-contained
       commonwealth whose primal maxim has been the avoidance of all
       foreign entanglements. All this must needs awaken, and has,
       indeed, aroused the utmost concern on the part of this
       Government, as well during my predecessor's term as in my own.

       "In April, 1896, the evils from which our country suffered
       through the Cuban war became so onerous that my predecessor
       made an effort to bring about a peace through the mediation of
       this Government in any way that might tend to an honorable
       adjustment of the contest between Spain and her revolted
       colony, on the basis of some effective scheme of
       self-government for Cuba under the flag and sovereignty of
       Spain. It failed through the refusal of the Spanish Government
       then in power to consider any form of mediation or, indeed, any
       plan of settlement which did not begin with the actual
       submission of the insurgents to the mother country, and then
       only on such terms as Spain herself might see fit to grant.
       The war continued unabated. The resistance of the insurgents
       was in no wise diminished. The efforts of Spain were
       increased, both by the dispatch of fresh levies to Cuba and by
       the addition to the horrors of the strife of a new and inhuman
       phase happily unprecedented in the modern history of civilized
       Christian peoples.
    {586}
       The policy of devastation and concentration, inaugurated by
       the captain-general's bando of October 21, 1896, in the
       province of Pinar del Rio, was thence extended to embrace all
       of the island to which the power of the Spanish arms was able
       to reach by occupation or by military operations. The
       peasantry, including all dwelling in the open agricultural
       interior, were driven into the garrison towns or isolated
       places held by the troops. The raising and movement of
       provisions of all kinds were interdicted. The fields were laid
       waste, dwellings unroofed and fired, mills destroyed, and, in
       short, everything that could desolate the land and render it
       unfit for human habitation or support was commanded by one or
       the other of the contending parties and executed by all the
       powers at their disposal.

       "By the time the present Administration took office, a year
       ago, reconcentration—so called—had been made effective over
       the better part of the four central and western
       provinces—Santa Clara, Matanzas, Habana, and Pinar del Rio.
       The agricultural population to the estimated number of 300,000
       or more was herded within the towns and their immediate
       vicinage, deprived of the means of support, rendered destitute
       of shelter, left poorly clad, and exposed to the most
       unsanitary conditions. As the scarcity of food increased with
       the devastation of the depopulated areas of production,
       destitution and want became misery and starvation. Month by
       month the death rate increased in an alarming ratio. By March,
       1897, according to conservative estimates from official
       Spanish sources, the mortality among the reconcentrados, from
       starvation and the diseases thereto incident, exceeded 50 per
       centum of their total number. No practical relief was accorded
       to the destitute. The overburdened towns, already suffering
       from the general dearth, could give no aid. So-called 'zones
       of cultivation' established within the immediate areas of
       effective military control about the cities and fortified
       camps proved illusory as a remedy for the suffering. The
       unfortunates, being for the most part women and children, with
       aged and helpless men, enfeebled by disease and hunger, could
       not have tilled the soil without tools, seed, or shelter for
       their own support or for the supply of the cities.
       Reconcentration, adopted avowedly as a war measure in order to
       cut off the resources of the insurgents, worked its
       predestined result. As I said in my message of last December,
       it was not civilized warfare; it was extermination. The only
       peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the grave.

       "Meanwhile the military situation in the island had undergone
       a noticeable change. The extraordinary activity that
       characterized the second year of the war, when the insurgents
       invaded even the thitherto unharmed fields of Pinar del Rio
       and carried havoc and destruction up to the walls of the city
       of Habana itself, had relapsed into a dogged struggle in the
       central and eastern provinces. The Spanish arms regained a
       measure of control in Pinar del Rio and parts of Habana, but,
       under the existing conditions of the rural country, without
       immediate improvement of their productive situation. Even thus
       partially restricted, the revolutionists held their own, and
       their conquest and submission, put forward by Spain as the
       essential and sole basis of peace, seemed as far distant as at
       the outset. In this state of affairs my Administration found
       itself confronted with the grave problem of its duty. My
       message of last December reviewed the situation, and narrated
       the steps taken with a view to relieving its acuteness and
       opening the way to some form of honorable settlement. The
       assassination of the prime minister, Canovas, led to a change
       of government in Spain. The former administration, pledged to
       subjugation without concession, gave place to that of a more
       liberal party, committed long in advance to a policy of reform
       involving the wider principle of home rule for Cuba and Porto
       Rico.

       "The overtures of this Government, made through its new envoy,
       General Woodford, and looking to an immediate and effective
       amelioration of the condition of the island, although not
       accepted to the extent of admitted mediation in any shape,
       were met by assurances that home rule, in an advanced phase,
       would be forthwith offered to Cuba, without waiting for the
       war to end, and that more humane methods should thenceforth
       prevail in the conduct of hostilities. Coincidentally with
       these declarations, the new Government of Spain continued and
       completed the policy already begun by its predecessor, of
       testifying friendly regard for this nation by releasing
       American citizens held under one charge or another connected
       with the insurrection, so that by the end of November not a
       single person entitled in any way to our national protection
       remained in a Spanish prison.

       "While these negotiations were in progress the increasing
       destitution of the unfortunate reconcentrados and the alarming
       mortality among them claimed earnest attention. The success
       which had attended the limited measure of relief extended to
       the suffering American citizens among them by the judicious
       expenditure through the consular agencies of the money
       appropriated expressly for their succor by the joint
       resolution approved May 24, 1897, prompted the humane
       extension of a similar scheme of aid to the great body of
       sufferers. A suggestion to this end was acquiesced in by the
       Spanish authorities. On the 24th of December last I caused to
       be issued an appeal to the American people, inviting
       contributions in money or in kind for the succor of the
       starving sufferers in Cuba, following this on the 8th of
       January by a similar public announcement of the formation of a
       central Cuban relief committee, with headquarters in New York
       City, composed of three members, representing the American
       National Red Cross and the religious and business elements of
       the community. The efforts of that committee have been
       untiring and have accomplished much. Arrangements for free
       transportation to Cuba have greatly aided the charitable work.
       The president of the American Red Cross and representatives of
       other contributory organizations have generously visited Cuba
       and cooperated with the consul-general and the local
       authorities to make effective distribution of the relief
       collected through the efforts of the central committee. Nearly
       $200,000 in money and supplies has already reached the
       sufferers, and more is forthcoming. The supplies are admitted
       duty free, and transportation to the interior has been
       arranged, so that the relief, at first necessarily confined to
       Habana and the larger cities, is now extended through most, if
       not all, of the towns where suffering exists.
    {587}
       Thousands of lives have already been saved. The necessity for
       a change in the condition of the reconcentrados is recognized
       by the Spanish Government. Within a few days past the orders
       of General Weyler have been revoked; the reconcentrados, it is
       said, are to be permitted to return to their homes, and aided
       to resume the self-supporting pursuits of peace. Public works
       have been ordered to give them employment, and a sum of
       $600,000 has been appropriated for their relief.

       "The war in Cuba is of such a nature that short of subjugation
       or extermination a final military victory for either side
       seems impracticable. The alternative lies in the physical
       exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both—a
       condition which in effect ended the ten years' war by the truce
       of Zanjon. The prospect of such a protraction and conclusion
       of the present strife is a contingency hardly to be
       contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least
       of all by the United States, affected and injured as we are,
       deeply and intimately, by its very existence. Realizing this,
       it appeared to be my duty, in a spirit of true friendliness,
       no less to Spain than to the Cubans who have so much to lose
       by the prolongation of the struggle, to seek to bring about an
       immediate termination of the war. To this end I submitted on
       the 27th ultimo, as a result of much representation and
       correspondence, through the United States minister at Madrid,
       propositions to the Spanish Government looking to an armistice
       until October 1 for the negotiation of peace with the good
       offices of the President. In addition, I asked the immediate
       revocation of the order of reconcentration, so as to permit
       the people to return to their farms and the needy to be
       relieved with provisions and supplies from the United States,
       cooperating with the Spanish authorities, so as to afford full
       relief.

       "The reply of the Spanish cabinet was received on the night of
       the 31st ultimo. It offered, as the means to bring about peace
       in Cuba, to confide the preparation thereof to the insular
       parliament, inasmuch as the concurrence of that body would be
       necessary to reach a final result, it being, however,
       understood that the powers reserved by the constitution to the
       Central Government are not lessened or diminished. As the
       Cuban parliament does not meet until the 4th of May next, the
       Spanish Government would not object, for its part, to accept
       at once a suspension of hostilities if asked for by the
       insurgents from the general in chief, to whom it would
       pertain, in such case, to determine the duration and
       conditions of the armistice. The propositions submitted by
       General Woodford and the reply of the Spanish Government were
       both in the form of brief memoranda, the texts of which are
       before me, and are substantially in the language above given.
       The function of the Cuban parliament in the matter of
       'preparing' peace and the manner of its doing so are not
       expressed in the Spanish memorandum; but from General
       Woodford's explanatory reports of preliminary discussions
       preceding the final conference it is understood that the
       Spanish Government stands ready to give the insular congress
       full powers to settle the terms of peace with the
       insurgents—whether by direct negotiation or indirectly by
       means of legislation does not appear.

       "With this last overture in the direction of immediate peace,
       and its disappointing reception by Spain, the Executive is
       brought to the end of his effort. In my annual message of
       December last I said: 'Of the untried measures there remain
       only: Recognition of the insurgents as belligerents;
       recognition of the independence of Cuba; neutral intervention
       to end the war by imposing a rational compromise between the
       contestants, and intervention in favor of one or the other
       party. I speak not of forcible annexation, for that can not be
       thought of. That, by our code of morality, would be criminal
       aggression.' Thereupon I review these alternatives, in the
       light of President Grant's measured words, uttered in 1875,
       when after seven years of sanguinary, destructive, and cruel
       hostilities in Cuba he reached the conclusion that the
       recognition of the independence of Cuba was impracticable and
       indefensible; and that the recognition of belligerence was not
       warranted by the facts according to the tests of public law. I
       commented especially upon the latter aspect of the question,
       pointing out the inconveniences and positive dangers of a
       recognition of belligerence which, while adding to the already
       onerous burdens of neutrality within our own jurisdiction,
       could not in any way extend our influence or effective offices
       in the territory of hostilities. Nothing has since occurred to
       change my view in this regard; and I recognize as fully now as
       then that the issuance of a proclamation of neutrality, by which
       process the so-called recognition of belligerents is
       published, could, of itself and unattended by other action,
       accomplish nothing toward the one end for which we labor—the
       instant pacification of Cuba and the cessation of the misery
       that afflicts the island.

       "Turning to the question of recognizing at this time the
       independence of the present insurgent government in Cuba, we
       find safe precedents in our history from an early day. They
       are well summed up in President Jackson's message to Congress,
       December 21, 1836, on the subject of the recognition of the
       independence of Texas. He said: 'In all the contests that have
       arisen out of the revolutions of France, out of the disputes
       relating to the Crowns of Portugal and Spain, out of the
       separation of the American possessions of both from the
       European Governments, and out of the numerous and constantly
       occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America, so wisely
       consistent with our just principles has been the action of our
       Government that we have, under the most critical
       circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other
       evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good
       will in those against whom we have been by force of evidence
       compelled to decide. It has thus made known to the world that
       the uniform policy and practice of the United States is to
       avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the
       internal government of other nations, and eventually to
       recognize the authority of the prevailing party without
       reference to our particular interests and views or to the
       merits of the original controversy. … But on this, as on every
       other trying occasion, safety is to be found in a rigid
       adherence to principle. In the contest between Spain and the
       revolted colonies we stood aloof, and waited not only until
       the ability of the new States to protect themselves was fully
       established, but until the danger of their being again
       subjugated had entirely passed away.
    {588}
       Then, and not until then, were they recognized. Such was our
       course in regard to Mexico herself. … It is true that with
       regard to Texas the civil authority of Mexico has been
       expelled, its invading army defeated, the chief of the
       Republic himself captured, and all present power to control
       the newly-organized government of Texas annihilated within its
       confines; but, on the other hand, there is, in appearance at
       least, an immense disparity of physical force on the side of
       Texas. The Mexican Republic, under another Executive, is
       rallying its forces under a new leader and menacing a fresh
       invasion to recover its lost dominion. Upon the issue of this
       threatened invasion the independence of Texas may be
       considered as suspended; and were there nothing peculiar in
       the relative situation of the United States and Texas, our
       acknowledgment of its independence at such a crisis could
       scarcely be regarded as consistent with that prudent reserve
       with which we have hitherto held ourselves bound to treat all
       similar questions.'

       "Thereupon Andrew Jackson proceeded to consider the risk that
       there might be imputed to the United States motives of selfish
       interest in view of the former claim on our part to the
       territory of Texas, and of the avowed purpose of the Texans in
       seeking recognition of independence as an incident to the
       incorporation of Texas in the Union, concluding thus:
       'Prudence, therefore, seems to dictate that we should still
       stand aloof and maintain our present attitude, if not until
       Mexico itself or one of the great foreign powers shall
       recognize the independence of the new government, at least
       until the lapse of time or the course of events shall have
       proved beyond cavil or dispute the ability of the people of
       that country to maintain their separate sovereignty and to
       uphold the government constituted by them. Neither of the
       contending parties can justly complain of this course. By
       pursuing it we are but carrying out the long-established
       policy of our Government, a policy which has secured to us
       respect and influence abroad and inspired confidence at home.'

       "These are the words of the resolute and patriotic Jackson.
       They are evidence that the United States, in addition to the
       test imposed by public law as the condition of the recognition
       of independence by a neutral state (to wit, that the revolted
       state shall 'constitute in fact a body politic, having a
       government in substance as well as in name, possessed of the
       elements of stability,' and forming de facto, 'if left to
       itself, a state among the nations, reasonably capable of
       discharging the duties of a state'), has imposed for its own
       governance in dealing with cases like these the further
       condition that recognition of independent statehood is not due
       to a revolted dependency until the danger of its being again
       subjugated by the parent state has entirely passed away. This
       extreme test was, in fact, applied in the case of Texas. The
       Congress, to whom President Jackson referred the question as
       one 'probably leading to war,' and therefore a proper subject
       for 'a previous understanding with that body, by whom war can
       alone be declared, and by whom all the provisions for
       sustaining its perils must be furnished,' left the matter of
       the recognition of Texas to the discretion of the Executive,
       providing merely for the sending of a diplomatic agent when
       the President should be satisfied that the Republic of Texas
       had become 'an independent State.' It was so recognized by
       President Van Buren, who commissioned a chargé d'affaires
       March 7, 1837, after Mexico had abandoned an attempt to
       reconquer the Texan territory, and when there was at the time
       no bona fide contest going on between the insurgent province
       and its former sovereign.

       "I said in my message of December last, 'It is to be seriously
       considered whether the Cuban insurrection possesses beyond
       dispute the attributes of statehood which alone can demand the
       recognition of belligerency in its favor.' The same
       requirement must certainly be no less seriously considered
       when the graver issue of recognizing independence is in
       question, for no less positive test can be applied to the
       greater act than to the lesser, while, on the other hand, the
       influences and consequences of the struggle upon the internal
       policy of the recognizing State, which form important factors
       when the recognition of belligerency is concerned, are
       secondary, if not rightly eliminable, factors when the real
       question is whether the community claiming recognition is or
       is not independent beyond peradventure.

       "Nor from the standpoint of expediency do I think it would be
       wise or prudent for this Government to recognize at the
       present time the independence of the so-called Cuban republic.
       Such recognition is not necessary in order to enable the United
       States to intervene and pacify the island. To commit this
       country now to the recognition of any particular government in
       Cuba might subject us to embarrassing conditions of
       international obligation toward the organization so
       recognized. In case of intervention our conduct would be
       subject to the approval or disapproval of such government. We
       would be required to submit to its direction and to assume to
       it the mere relation of a friendly ally. When it shall appear
       hereafter that there is within the island a government capable
       of performing the duties and discharging the functions of a
       separate nation, and having, as a matter of fact, the proper
       forms and attributes of nationality, such government can be
       promptly and readily recognized and the relations and
       interests of the United States with such nation adjusted.

       "There remain the alternative forms of intervention to end the
       war, either as an impartial neutral by imposing a rational
       compromise between the contestants or as the active ally of
       the one party or the other. As to the first, it is not to be
       forgotten that during the last few months the relation of the
       United States has virtually been one of friendly intervention
       in many ways, each not of itself conclusive, but all tending
       to the exertion of a potential influence toward an ultimate
       pacific result just and honorable to all interests concerned.
       The spirit of all our acts hitherto has been an earnest,
       unselfish desire for peace and prosperity in Cuba untarnished
       by differences between us and Spain and unstained by the blood
       of American citizens. The forcible intervention of the United
       States as a neutral to stop the war, according to the large
       dictates of humanity and following many historical precedents
       where neighboring states have interfered to check the hopeless
       sacrifices of life by internecine conflicts beyond their
       borders, is justifiable on rational grounds. It involves,
       however, hostile constraint upon both the parties to the
       contest, as well to enforce a truce as to guide the eventual
       settlement.

    {589}

       "The grounds for such intervention may be briefly summarized
       as follows:

       First.
       In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities,
       bloodshed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there,
       and which the parties to the conflict are either unable or
       unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer to say this is
       all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is
       therefore none of our business. It is specially our duty, for
       it is right at our door.

       Second.
       We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that
       protection and indemnity for life and property which no
       government there can or will afford, and to that end to
       terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal
       protection.

       Third.
       The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious
       injury to the commerce, trade, and business of our people and
       by the wanton destruction of property and devastation of the
       island.

       Fourth,
       and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition
       of affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace, and
       entails upon this Government an enormous expense.

       With such a conflict waged for years in an island so near us
       and with which our people have such trade and business
       relations—when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in
       constant danger and their property destroyed and themselves
       ruined—where our trading vessels are liable to seizure and
       are seized at our very door by warships of a foreign nation,
       the expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to
       prevent altogether, and the irritating questions and
       entanglements thus arising—all these and others that I need
       not mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a
       constant menace to our peace, and compel us to keep on a
       semi-war footing with a nation with which we are at peace.

       "These elements of danger and disorder already pointed out
       have been strikingly illustrated by a tragic event which has
       deeply and justly moved the American people. I have already
       transmitted to Congress the report of the naval court of
       inquiry on the destruction of the battleship 'Maine' in the
       harbor of Habana during the night of the 15th of February. The
       destruction of that noble vessel has filled the national heart
       with inexpressible horror. Two hundred and fifty-eight brave
       sailors and marines and two officers of our Navy, reposing in
       the fancied security of a friendly harbor, have been hurled to
       death, grief and want brought to their homes and sorrow to the
       nation. The naval court of inquiry, which, it is needless to
       say, commands the unqualified confidence of the Government,
       was unanimous in its conclusion that the destruction of the
       'Maine' was caused by an exterior explosion, that of a
       submarine mine. It did not assume to place the responsibility:
       that remains to be fixed. In any event the destruction of them
       'Maine' by whatever exterior cause, is a patent and
       impressive proof of a state of things in Cuba that is
       intolerable. That condition is thus shown to be such that the
       Spanish Government cannot assure safety and security to a
       vessel of the American Navy in the harbor of Habana on a
       mission of peace, and rightfully there.

       "Further referring in this connection to recent diplomatic
       correspondence, a dispatch from our minister to Spain, of the
       26th ultimo, contained the statement that the Spanish minister
       for foreign affairs assured him positively that Spain will do
       all that the highest honor and justice require in the matter
       of the 'Maine.' The reply above referred to of the 31st
       ultimo, also contained an expression of the readiness of Spain
       to submit to an arbitration all the differences which can
       arise in this matter, which is subsequently explained by the
       note of the Spanish minister at Washington of the 10th
       instant, as follows: 'As to the question of fact which springs
       from the diversity of views between the reports of the
       American and Spanish boards, Spain proposes that the facts be
       ascertained by an impartial investigation by experts, whose
       decision Spain accepts in advance.' To this I have made no
       reply.

       "President Grant, in 1875, after discussing the phases of the
       contest as it then appeared, and its hopeless and apparent
       indefinite prolongation, said: 'In such an event, I am of
       opinion that other nations will be compelled to assume the
       responsibility which devolves upon them, and to seriously
       consider the only remaining measures possible—mediation and
       intervention. Owing, perhaps, to the large expanse of water
       separating the island from the peninsula, … the contending
       parties appear to have within themselves no depository of
       common confidence, to suggest wisdom when passion and
       excitement have their sway, and to assume the part of
       peacemaker. In this view in the earlier days of the contest
       the good offices of the United States as a mediator were
       tendered in good faith, without any selfish purpose, in the
       interest of humanity and in sincere friendship for both
       parties, but were at the time declined by Spain, with the
       declaration, nevertheless, that at a future time they would be
       indispensable. No intimation has been received that in the
       opinion of Spain that time has been reached. And yet the
       strife continues with all its dread horrors and all its
       injuries to the interests of the United States and of other
       nations. Each party seems quite capable of working great
       injury and damage to the other, as well as to all the
       relations and interests dependent on the existence of peace in
       the island; but they seem incapable of reaching any
       adjustment, and both have thus far failed of achieving any
       success whereby one party shall possess and control the island
       to the exclusion of the other. Under these circumstances, the
       agency of others, either by mediation or by intervention,
       seems to be the only alternative which must sooner or later be
       invoked for the termination of the strife.'

       "In the last annual message of my immediate predecessor during
       the pending struggle, it was said: 'When the inability of
       Spain to deal successfully with the insurrection has become
       manifest, and it is demonstrated that her sovereignty is
       extinct in Cuba for all purposes of its rightful existence,
       and when a hopeless struggle for its re-establishment has
       degenerated into a strife which means nothing more than the
       useless sacrifice of human life and the utter destruction of
       the very subject-matter of the conflict, a situation will be
       presented in which our obligations to the sovereignty of Spain
       will be superseded by higher obligations, which we can hardly
       hesitate to recognize and discharge.'

    {590}

       "In my annual message to Congress, December last, speaking to
       this question, I said: 'The near future will demonstrate
       whether the indispensable condition of a righteous peace, just
       alike to the Cubans and to Spain, as well as equitable to all
       our interests so intimately involved in the welfare of Cuba,
       is likely to be attained. If not, the exigency of further and
       other action by the United States will remain to be taken.
       When that time comes that action will be determined in the
       line of indisputable right and duty. It will be faced, without
       misgiving or hesitancy, in the light of the obligation this
       Government owes to itself, to the people who have confided to
       it the protection of their interests and honor, and to
       humanity. Sure of the right, keeping free from all offense
       ourselves, actuated only by upright and patriotic
       considerations, moved neither by passion nor selfishness, the
       Government will continue its watchful care over the rights and
       property of American citizens and will abate none of its efforts
       to bring about by peaceful agencies a peace which shall be
       honorable and enduring. If it shall hereafter appear to be a
       duty imposed by our obligations to ourselves, to civilization,
       and humanity to intervene with force, it shall be without fault
       on our part, and only because the necessity for such action
       will be so clear as to command the support and approval of the
       civilized world.'

       "The long trial has proved that the object for which Spain has
       waged the war cannot be attained. The fire of insurrection may
       flame or may smoulder with varying seasons, but it has not
       been and it is plain that it cannot be extinguished by present
       methods. The only hope of relief and repose from a condition
       which can no longer be endured is the enforced pacification of
       Cuba. In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in
       behalf of endangered American interests which give us the
       right and the duty to speak and act, the War in Cuba must
       stop.

       "In view of these facts and of these considerations, I ask the
       Congress to authorize and empower the President to take
       measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities
       between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to
       secure in the island the establishment of a stable government,
       capable of maintaining order and observing its international
       obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the security
       of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military
       and naval forces of the United States as may be necessary for
       these purposes. And in the interest of humanity and to aid in
       preserving the lives of the starving people of the island I
       recommend that the distribution of food and supplies be
       continued, and that an appropriation be made out of the public
       Treasury to supplement the charity of our citizens.

       "The issue is now with the Congress. It is a solemn
       responsibility. I have exhausted every effort to relieve the
       intolerable condition of affairs which is at our doors.
       Prepared to execute every obligation imposed upon me by the
       Constitution and the law, I await your action.

       "Yesterday, and since the preparation of the foregoing
       message, official information was received by me that the
       latest decree of the Queen Regent of Spain directs General
       Blanco, in order to prepare and facilitate peace, to proclaim
       a suspension of hostilities, the duration and details of which
       have not yet been communicated to me. This fact with every
       other pertinent consideration will, I am sure, have your just
       and careful attention in the solemn deliberations upon which
       you are about to enter. If this measure attains a successful
       result, then our aspirations as a Christian, peace-loving
       people will be realized. If it fails, it will be only another
       justification for our contemplated action."

          Congressional Record,
          April 11, 1898.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Action of Congress empowering the President to expel
       Spanish authority from the island of Cuba, and its result
       in a state of war with Spain.

       On the 13th of April, two days after receiving the President's
       Message, as above, the House of Representatives adopted the
       following resolution, by a vote of 324 against 19: "Resolved,
       That the President is hereby authorized and directed to
       intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba, to the end and with
       the purpose of securing permanent peace and order there and
       establishing by the free action of the people thereof a stable
       and independent government of their own in the island of Cuba;
       and the President is hereby authorized and empowered to use
       the land and naval forces of the United States to execute the
       purpose of this resolution."

          Congressional Record,
          April 13, 1898, pages 4192-4196.

       Three days later the Senate adopted the following, by 27 votes
       against 21: "Resolved by the Senate and House of
       Representatives of the United States of America in Congress
       assembled,

       First.
       That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought
       to be, free and independent, and that the Government of the
       United States hereby recognizes the Republic of Cuba as the
       true and lawful Government of that island.

       "Second.
       That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
       Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the
       Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and
       government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and
       naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

       "Third.
       That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
       directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces
       of the United States, and to call into the actual service of
       the United States the militia of the several States, to such
       extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into
       effect.

       "Fourth.
       That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
       intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
       over said island except for the pacification thereof, and
       asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave
       the government and control of the island to its people."

          Congressional Record,
          April 16, 1898, page 4386-4387.

       The two Houses were in conflict, it will be seen, on the
       question of the recognition of what claimed to be the
       government of the Republic of Cuba, organized by the
       insurgents. A majority of the House shared the doubts
       expressed by the President in his message, as to the existence
       of such a government in Cuba as could be recognized without
       embarrassment; a majority of the Senate shut its eyes to that
       doubt. After two days of heated controversy, the Senate gave
       way, and the following resolution, recommended by conference
       committees, was adopted in both Houses,—in the Senate by 42
       yeas to 35 nays (12 not voting); in the House by 311 to 6 (39
       not voting):

    {591}

       "Resolved, etc.

       "First.
       That the people of the Island of Cuba are and of right ought
       to be free and independent.

       "Second.
       That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the
       Government of the United States does hereby demand, that the
       Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and
       government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and
       naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters.

       "Third.
       That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is,
       directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces
       of the United States, and to call into the actual service of
       the United States the militia of the several States, to such
       extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into
       effect.

       "Fourth.
       That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or
       intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
       over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and
       asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave
       the government and control of the island to its people."

          Congressional Record,
          April 18, 1898, pages 4421-4422, and 4461-4462.

       One week later, on the 25th of April, the President
       communicated to Congress an account of his action in
       accordance with this joint resolution, and its result in a
       state of war between the United States and Spain as follows:

       "Upon communicating to the Spanish minister in Washington the
       demand which it became the duty of the Executive to address to
       the Government of Spain in obedience to said resolution, the
       minister asked for his passports and withdrew. The United
       States minister at Madrid was in turn notified by the Spanish
       minister for foreign affairs that the withdrawal of the
       Spanish representative from the United States had terminated
       diplomatic relations between the two countries, and that all
       official communications between their respective
       representatives ceased therewith.

       "I commend to your special attention the note addressed to the
       United States minister at Madrid by the Spanish minister for
       foreign affairs on the 21st instant, whereby the foregoing
       notification was conveyed. It will be perceived therefrom that
       the Government of Spain, having cognizance of the joint
       resolution of the United States Congress, and in view of the
       things which the President is thereby required and authorized
       to do, responds by treating the reasonable demands of this
       Government as measures of hostility, following with that
       instant and complete severance of relations by its action
       which, by the usage of nations, accompanies an existent state
       of war between sovereign powers.

       "The position of Spain being thus made known and the demands
       of the United States being denied with a complete rupture of
       intercourse by the act of Spain, I have been constrained, in
       exercise of the power and authority conferred upon me by the
       joint resolution aforesaid, to proclaim under date of April
       22, 1898, a blockade of certain ports of the north coast of
       Cuba, lying between Cardenas and Bahia Honda and of the port
       of Cienfuegos on the south coast of Cuba; and further, in
       exercise of my constitutional powers and using the authority
       conferred upon me by the act of Congress approved April 22,
       1898, to issue my proclamation dated April 23, 1898, calling
       forth volunteers in order to carry into effect the said
       resolution of April 20, 1898. …

       "In view of the measures so taken, and with a view to the
       adoption of such other measures as may be necessary to enable
       me to carry out the expressed will of the Congress of the
       United States in the premises, I now recommend to your
       honorable body the adoption of a joint resolution declaring
       that a state of war exists between the United States of
       America and the Kingdom of Spain, and I urge speedy action
       thereon, to the end that the definition of the international
       status of the United States as a belligerent power may be made
       known, and the assertion of all its rights and the maintenance
       of all its duties in the conduct of a public war may be
       assured."

          Congressional Record,
          April 25, 1898, page 4671.

       The recommendation of the President was carried out, on the
       same day, by the passage in both Houses, unanimously, of an
       enactment, "First. That war be, and the same is hereby,
       declared to exist, and that war has existed since the 21st day
       of April, A. D. 1898, including said day, between the United
       States of America and the Kingdom of Spain. Second. That the
       President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed
       and empowered to use the entire land and naval forces of the
       United States, and to call into the actual service of the
       United States the militia of the several States, to such
       extent as may be necessary to carry this act into effect."

          Congressional Record,
          April 25, pages 4674 and 4693.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April).
       Cabinet changes.

       Two resignations from the President's cabinet occurred in
       April, both occasioned by failing health. Honorable James A.
       Gary was succeeded as Postmaster-General by Honorable Charles
       Emory Smith, and Honorable John Sherman was followed in the
       Secretaryship of State by his First Assistant in that office,
       Judge William R. Day.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May).
       War with Spain.
       Military preparations.
       Regular and Volunteer armies.
       "The Rough Riders."

       At the outbreak of the war, the Regular Army of the United
       States numbered but 28,000 officers and men. Under authority
       given by acts of Congress it was rapidly increased, and
       returns for May, 1898, show 2,191 officers and nearly 42,000
       men in the ranks. At the same time, a Volunteer Army was being
       speedily raised and equipped. By proclamation of April 2-3d,
       the President called for 125,000 volunteers, to be
       apportioned, as far as practicable, among the states and
       territories, according to population. On the 25th of May he
       called for 75,000 more. Before the end of May, 118,580
       enlisted volunteers, with 6,224 officers, were reported to
       have been mustered in. These were assembled in various camps
       and prepared for service in a more or less hurried way. At the
       beginning, six army corps were constituted, embracing both the
       Regular and Volunteer branches of the army. The First Corps,
       under Major General John R. Brooke, and the Third under Major
       General James F. Wade, were organized at Camp Thomas, Georgia.
       The Second was organized under Major General William M.
       Graham, at Camp Alger, near Falls Church, Virginia. The
       organization of the Fourth Corps, Major General John J.
       Coppinger, commanding, was begun at Mobile, Alabama. The Fifth
       Corps was organized at Tampa, Florid., under Major General
       William R. Shafter.
    {592}
       A Sixth Corps, which had been provided for, was never
       organized; but the Seventh was formed, at Tampa, Florida,
       under Major General Fitzhugh Lee. Subsequently an Eighth Corps
       was concentrated at San Francisco, and transported to the
       Philippine Islands. Tampa, Florida, was the port chosen for
       the shipment of troops to Cuba, and extensive preparations
       were made for the transport service from that point. The
       movement waited, first, for the preparation of newly levied
       troops, and, secondly, for naval operations to make the voyage
       of transports to Cuba safe from attack.

          Annual Report of the Adjutant-General to the
          Major-General Commanding the Army, 1898.

       Among the Volunteer regiments organized, one known as that of
       "the Rough Riders" excited public interest in the greatest
       degree. "The moment that the newspapers sent broadcast the
       tale that such a regiment was contemplated, excitement began
       in nearly every State in the Union, and did not end until the
       announcement was made that the regiment was complete. As it
       stood, finished, the troops which made it up, theoretically
       came from the following sections, although men from the East
       and from other States and Territories were scattered through
       each troop. Troops A, B, and C, from Arizona. Troop D, from
       Oklahoma. Troops E, F, G, H, and I, from New Mexico. Troop K,
       from Eastern colleges and cities. Troops L and M, from Indian
       Territory.

       "Senator Warren, of Iowa, is responsible for the idea of the
       Rough Riders. He introduced and carried through Congress,
       aided by Senators Kyle, Carter, and others, a bill authorizing
       the enrollment of three regiments, to be made up of expert
       hunters, riflemen, cow-men, frontiersmen, and such other hardy
       characters as might care to enlist from the Territories.
       Captain Leonard Wood, of the Medical Corps, was the
       President's chief medical adviser, and had had much experience
       in Indian fighting in the West. Theodore Roosevelt was
       Assistant Secretary of the Navy, and had had some knowledge of
       men and things on the frontier, through his life on his Own
       and other ranches. It was the President's intention to offer
       to Wood the colonelcy of one regiment, to Roosevelt the
       colonelcy of a second, and to Griggsby, of Montana, the
       colonelcy of a third. Wood and Roosevelt received their offers
       at about the same moment. Roosevelt promptly declined his, on
       the theory that he had not had sufficient military experience
       to warrant him in taking command of a regiment. He asked that
       he might be given the second place in the regiment commanded
       by Wood, which was done. Thus the Rough Riders began.

       "Alexander Brodie, who afterwards became major of the
       regiment, was probably the first man to systematically start
       towards the organization of this particular regiment. … It was
       on the 3d of May that the Arizona men started for San Antonio.
       It was on the 8th of May that the very last men of all—those
       of K Troop—left Washington for San Antonio. These were the
       'dude warriors,' the 'dandy troopers,' the 'gilded gang.' When
       their train pulled into San Antonio, and they started
       stragglingly to march into camp, they encountered a contingent
       of 340 cowboys from New Mexico. Oil and water are not farther
       removed than were the everyday natures of these two groups of
       men. Yet, instantly they fraternized, and from that
       moment—through the hardships of it all—these men were
       brothers. … Probably no military organization has ever been
       made up of men selected from so large a number of applicants,
       or of men so carefully selected. … A large delegation of men
       from Harvard College called upon Roosevelt one day in
       Washington and offered their services in a body. Indeed,
       delegations of that kind from most of the Eastern Colleges
       went to him, but went to him in vain. His secretary answered
       more than five thousand individual applications for places in
       the regiment, and answered ninety-nine per cent. of them with
       declinations."

          E. Marshall,
          The Story of the Rough Riders,
          chapter 1
          (Copyright, G. W. Dillingham & Co., New York).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Cuba)
       War with Spain.
       Blockade of Cuban ports.

       On the 21st of April, the following instructions were
       despatched by the Secretary of the Navy to Rear-Admiral
       Sampson, appointed that day to the command of the naval force
       on the Atlantic Station: "You will immediately institute a
       blockade of the north coast of Cuba, extending from Cardenas
       on the east to Bahia Honda on the west; also, if in your
       opinion your force warrants, the port of Cienfuegos, on the
       south side of the island. It is considered doubtful if the
       present force at your command would warrant a more extensive
       blockade. It should be borne in mind that whenever the Army is
       ready to embark for Cuba the Navy will be required to furnish
       the necessary convoy for its transports. For this reason it
       does not seem desirable that you should undertake at present
       to blockade any more of the island than has been indicated. It
       is believed that this blockade will cut off Havana almost
       entirely from receiving supplies from the outside. The Navy
       Department is considering the question of occupying the port
       of Matanzas by a military force large enough to hold it and to
       open communications with the insurgents, and this may be done
       at an early date, even before the main party of the Army is
       ready to embark. If this operation is decided upon, you are
       directed to co-operate with the Army and assist with such
       vessels as are necessary to cover and protect such a
       movement."

          Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, page 175.

       In previous confidential orders to the commander of the North
       Atlantic squadron, issued April 6, in anticipation of
       hostilities, the Department had directed as follows: "In the
       event of hostilities with Spain, the Department wishes you to
       do all in your power to capture or destroy the Spanish war
       vessels in West Indian waters, including the small gunboats
       which are stationed along the coast of Cuba.

       "2. The Department does not wish the vessels of your squadron
       to be exposed to the fire of the batteries at Havana, Santiago
       de Cuba, or other strongly fortified ports in Cuba, unless the
       more formidable Spanish vessels should take refuge within
       those harbors. Even in this case the Department would suggest
       that a rigid blockade and employment of our torpedo boats
       might accomplish the desired object, viz, the destruction of
       the enemy's vessels, without subjecting unnecessarily our own
       men-of-war to the fire of the land batteries. There are two
       reasons for this: First. There may be no United States troops
       to occupy any captured stronghold, or to protect from riot and
       arson, until after the dry season begins, about the first of
       October. Second. The lack of docking facilities makes it
       particularly desirable that our vessels should not be crippled
       before the capture or destruction of Spain's most formidable
       vessels.

    {593}

       "3. The Department further desires that, in case of war, you
       will maintain a strict blockade of Cuba, particularly at the
       ports of Havana, Matanzas, and, if possible, of Santiago de
       Cuba, Manzanillo, and Cienfuegos. Such a blockade may cause
       the Spaniards to yield before the rainy season is over."

          Report of Secretary of Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, page 171.

       The prudent policy here set forth restricted the action of the
       fleet to blockading duty so closely, during the early weeks of
       the war, that no serious demonstrations against the Spanish
       land batteries were made. Admiral Sampson had been urgent for
       permission to force the entrance to Havana harbor, before its
       defenses were strengthened, expressing perfect confidence that
       he could silence the western batteries, and reach a position
       from which the city would be at the mercy of his guns; but he
       was not allowed to make the attempt. The projected occupation
       of Matanzas was not undertaken.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-May: Philippines).
       Statements of the circumstances in which Aguinaldo, the
       head of the insurrectionary movement in the Philippines,
       went to Manila, to co-operate with the American forces.

       On the 4th of May, 1898, the following was published in the
       "Singapore Free Press": "General Emilio Aguinaldo, accompanied
       by his aide-de-camp, Colonel Marcelo H. del Pilar, and his
       private secretary, Mr. J. Leyba, arrived incognito in
       Singapore from Saigon on April 21, 1898. In Saigon, where
       Aguinaldo had remained for one week, he had interviews with
       one or two old Philippino friends now resident there. The
       special purpose of Aguinaldo's visit to Singapore was to
       consult other friends here, particularly Mr. Howard W. Bray,
       an old and intimate English friend, for fifteen years resident
       in the Philippines, about the state of affairs in the islands
       generally—particularly as to the possibility of war between
       the United States and Spain, and whether, in such an event,
       the United States would eventually recognize the independence
       of the Philippines, provided he lent his co-operation to the
       Americans in the conquest of the country. The situation of the
       moment was this, that the conditions of the honorable peace
       concluded on December 14, 1897, between President Aguinaldo,
       on behalf of the Philippine rebels, and H. E. Governor-General
       Primo di Rivera, on behalf of Spain, had not been carried out,
       although their immediate execution had been vouched for in
       that agreement. These reforms would have provided protection
       to the people against the organized oppression and rapacity of
       the religious fraternities, would have secured improved civil
       and criminal procedure in courts, and have guaranteed, in many
       ways, improvements in the fiscal and social conditions of the
       people. The repudiation by the Spanish Government of these
       conditions, made by General Primo di Rivera, now left the
       rebel leaders, who had for the most part gone to Hongkong,
       free to act. And it was in pursuance of that freedom of action
       that Aguinaldo again sought counsel of his friends in Saigon
       and Singapore, with a view to the immediate resumption of
       operations in the Philippines.

       "Meantime Mr. Bray, whose assistance to this journal on
       matters connected with the Philippines has been very
       considerable, as our readers will have seen, was introduced by
       the editor of the Singapore Free Press to Mr. Spencer Pratt,
       consul-general of the United States, who was anxious, in view
       of contingencies, to learn as much as possible about the real
       condition of the Philippines. It was a few days after this
       that Aguinaldo arrived incognito in Singapore, when he at once
       met his friends, including Mr. Bray. Affairs now becoming more
       warlike, Mr. Bray, after conversation with Mr. Spencer Pratt,
       eventually arranged an interview between that gentleman and
       General Aguinaldo, which took place late on the evening of
       Sunday, the 24th April, at 'The Mansion,' River Valley road.
       There were present on that occasion General Emilio Aguinaldo y
       Fami, Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, consul-general United States of
       America; Mr. Howard W. Bray; Aguinaldo's private secretary,
       Mr. J. Leyba; Colonel M. H. del Pilar, and Dr. Marcelino
       Santos.

       "During this conference, at which Mr. Bray acted as
       interpreter, General Aguinaldo explained to the American
       consul-general, Mr. Pratt, the incidents and objects of the
       late rebellion, and described the present disturbed state of
       the country. General Aguinaldo then proceeded to detail the
       nature of the co-operation he could give, in which he, in the
       event of the American forces from the squadron landing and
       taking possession of Manila, would guarantee to maintain order
       and discipline amongst the native troops and inhabitants in
       the same humane way in which he had hitherto conducted the
       war, and prevent them from committing outrages on defenceless
       Spaniards beyond the inevitable in fair and honorable warfare.
       He further declared his ability to establish a proper and
       responsible government on liberal principles, and would be
       willing to accept the same terms for the country as the United
       States intend giving to Cuba.

       "The consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the
       general views expressed during the discussion, placed himself
       at once in telegraphic communication with Admiral Dewey at
       Hongkong, between whom and Mr. Pratt a frequent interchange of
       telegrams consequently took place. As a result another private
       interview was arranged at the American consular residence at
       the Raffles Hotel between General Aguinaldo, Mr. Spencer
       Pratt, Mr. Howard Bray, and Mr. Leyba, private secretary to
       General Aguinaldo. As a sequel to this interview, and in
       response to the urgent request of Admiral Dewey, General
       Aguinaldo left Singapore for Hongkong by the first available
       steamer, the Peninsular and Oriental 'Malacca,' on Tuesday,
       the 26th April, at noon, accompanied by his aide-de-camp,
       Captain del Pilar, and Mr. Leyba, his private secretary. …

       "Throughout the whole stay of General Aguinaldo in Singapore
       the editor was kept fully informed daily of the progress of
       affairs. Naturally, however, all statement of what occurred
       has been withheld by us until what has been deemed the fitting
       moment has arrived. The substance of the whole incident in its
       relations to the recent course of affairs in the Philippines
       has been very fully telegraphed by the editor both to New York
       and London."

    {594}

       Mr. Pratt, the U. S. Consul-General at Singapore, had already,
       under date of April 28, given his own official report of the
       interview with General Aguinaldo, to the Department at
       Washington, as follows:

       "I have the honor to report that I sent you on the 27th
       instant, and confirmed in my dispatch Number 211 of that date,
       a telegram which deciphered read as follows. … 'General
       Aguinaldo gone my instance Hongkong arrange with Dewey
       co-operation insurgents Manila.
       PRATT.'

       "The facts are these: On the evening of Saturday the 23d
       instant, I was confidentially informed of the arrival here,
       incognito, of the supreme leader of the Philippine insurgents,
       General Emilio Aguinaldo, by Mr. H. W. Bray, an English gentleman
       of high standing, who, after fifteen years' residence as a
       merchant and planter in the Philippines, had been compelled by
       the disturbed condition of things resulting from Spanish
       misrule to abandon his property and leave there, and from whom
       I had previously obtained much valuable information for
       Commodore Dewey regarding fortifications, coal deposits, etc.,
       at different points in the islands. Being aware of the great
       prestige of General Aguinaldo with the insurgents, and that no
       one, either at home or abroad, could exert over them the same
       influence and control that he could, I determined at once to
       see him, and, at my request, a secret interview was
       accordingly arranged for the following morning, Sunday, the
       24th, in which, besides General Aguinaldo, were only present
       the General's trusted advisers and Mr. Bray, who acted as
       interpreter.

       "At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the
       state of and object sought to be obtained by the present
       insurrectionary movement, which, though absent from the
       Philippines, he was still directing, I took it upon myself,
       whilst explaining that I had no authority to speak for the
       Government, to point out the danger of continuing independent
       action at this stage; and, having convinced him of the
       expediency of co-operating with our fleet, then at Hongkong,
       and obtained the assurance of his willingness to proceed
       thither and confer with Commodore Dewey to that end, should
       the latter so desire, I telegraphed the Commodore the same day
       as follows, through our consul-general at Hongkong:
       'Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange
       with Commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila if
       desired. Telegraph.
       PRATT.'

       "The Commodore's reply reading thus:
       'Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.
       DEWEY.'

       "I received it late that night, and at once communicated to
       General Aguinaldo, who, with his aide-de-camp and private
       secretary, all under assumed names, I succeeded in getting off
       by the British steamer 'Malacca,' which left here on Tuesday,
       the 26th. Just previous to his departure, I had a second and
       last interview with General Aguinaldo, the particulars of
       which I shall give you by next mail. The general impressed me
       as a man of intelligence, ability, and courage, and worthy the
       confidence that had been placed in him.

       "I think that in arranging for his direct cooperation with
       the commander of our forces, I have prevented possible
       conflict of action and facilitated the work of occupying and
       administering the Philippines. If this course of mine meets
       with the Government's approval, as I trust it may, I shall be
       fully satisfied; to Mr. Bray, however, I consider there is due
       some special recognition for most valuable services rendered.
       How that recognition can best be made I leave to you to
       decide."

       Two days later (April 30), Mr. Pratt reported further, as
       follows: "Referring to my dispatch No. 212, of the 28th
       instant, I have the honor to report that in the second and
       last interview I had with General Emilio Aguinaldo, on the eve
       of his departure for Hongkong, I enjoined upon him the
       necessity, under Commodore Dewey's direction, of exerting
       absolute control over his forces in the Philippines, as no
       excesses on their part would be tolerated by the American
       Government, the President having declared that the present
       hostilities with Spain were to be carried on in strict accord
       with modern principles of civilized warfare. To this General
       Aguinaldo fully assented, assuring me that he intended and was
       perfectly able, once on the field, to hold his followers, the
       insurgents, in check and lead them as our commander should
       direct. The general further stated that he hoped the United
       States would assume protection of the Philippines for at least
       long enough to allow the inhabitants to establish a government
       of their own, in the organization of which he would desire
       American advise and assistance. These questions I told him I
       had no authority to discuss."

       Of the arrival of Aguinaldo at Hongkong and his conveyance
       thence to Manila, the following account was given by Mr.
       Wildman, the U. S. Consul at Hongkong, in a communication to
       the State Department at Washington, which bears date July 18:
       "On May 2 Aguinaldo arrived in Hongkong and immediately called
       on me. It was May 16 before I could obtain permission from
       Admiral Dewey to allow Aguinaldo to go by the United States
       ship 'McCulloch,' and I put him aboard in the night so as to
       save any complications with the local Government. Immediately
       on the arrival of Aguinaldo at Cavite he issued a
       proclamation, which I had outlined for him before he left,
       forbidding pillage, and making it a criminal offense to
       maltreat neutrals. He, of course, organized a government of
       which he was dictator, an absolutely necessary step if he
       hoped to maintain control over the natives, and from that date
       until the present time he has been uninterruptedly successful
       in the field and dignified and just as the head of his
       government. According to his own statements to me by letter,
       he has been approached by both the Spaniards and the Germans,
       and has had tempting offers made him by the Catholic Church.
       He has been watched very closely by Admiral Dewey, Consul
       Williams, and his own junta here in Hongkong, and nothing of
       moment has occurred which would lead anyone to believe that he
       was not carrying out to the letter the promises made to me in
       this consulate. The insurgents are fighting for freedom from
       the Spanish rule, and rely upon the well-known sense of
       justice that controls all the actions of our Government as to
       their future."

    {595}

       In reply to Consul Pratt's report of his interviews with
       General Aguinaldo, and of his proceedings in connection with
       the departure of that personage from Singapore to Hongkong,
       the United States Secretary of State, Mr. Day, wrote, June 16,
       as follows: "The Department observes that you informed General
       Aguinaldo that you had no authority to speak for the United
       States; and, in the absence of the fuller report which you
       promise, it is assumed that you did not attempt to commit this
       Government to any alliance with the Philippine insurgents. To
       obtain the unconditional personal assistance of General
       Aguinaldo in the expedition to Manila was proper, if in so
       doing he was not induced to form hopes which it might not be
       practicable to gratify. This Government has known the
       Philippine insurgents only as discontented and rebellious
       subjects of Spain, and is not acquainted with their purposes.
       While their contest with that power has been a matter of
       public notoriety, they have neither asked nor received from
       this Government any recognition. The United States, in
       entering upon the occupation of the islands, as the result of
       its military operations in that quarter, will do so in the
       exercise of the rights which the state of war confers, and
       will expect from the inhabitants, without regard to their
       former attitude toward the Spanish Government, that obedience
       which will be lawfully due from them. If, in the course of
       your conferences with General Aguinaldo, you acted upon the
       assumption that this government would cooperate with him for
       the furtherance of any plan of his own, or that, in accepting
       his cooperation, it would consider itself pledged to recognize
       any political claims which he may put forward, your action was
       unauthorized and cannot be approved."

          Treaty of Peace, and Accompanying Papers
          (55th Congress, 3d Session, Senate Document Number 62,
          part 2, pages 337-354).

          See, also (in this volume),
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1806-1808.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-June).
       The War with Spain.
       Movements or the Spanish squadron under Admiral Cervera,
       and the blockading of it in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba.
       Lieutenant Hobson's exploit.
       The sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel.

       The opening of hostilities found a Spanish squadron of four
       armored cruisers (the "Cristobal Colon," the "Almirante
       Oquendo," the "Vizcaya," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa,") with
       three torpedo-boat destroyers (the "Pluton," "Furor" and
       "Terror") and some lighter craft, assembled at the Cape Verde
       islands, under Rear-Admiral Pascual Cervera. They were in
       Portuguese waters, and Portugal, though friendly to Spain, was
       forced to issue a proclamation of neutrality, on the 20th of
       April, which required the Spanish fleet to depart. Some of the
       vessels then returned to Spain; but the seven named above
       sailed westward, and their destination became a mystery, very
       exciting for some time to the American mind. They might
       attempt to surprise some American coast city; they might
       intercept the battle-ship "Oregon," then making her way from
       the Pacific coast, by the long circuit around Cape Horn; they
       might have some plan for breaking the Cuban blockade. Acting
       on the latter conjecture, and surmising that Porto Rico would
       be chosen for the Spanish naval base, Admiral Sampson moved in
       that direction to seek them. He attacked the forts at San Juan
       (May 12), and satisfied himself that no fleet was in the bay.

       The truth was that Cervera was then just entering the
       Caribbean Sea, considerably to the south of Sampson's search.
       He touched at the French island of Martinique, and at the
       Dutch island of Curaçoa, and then slipped across to Santiago
       de Cuba, where he was to be overtaken by his fate. In the long
       hill-sheltered bay, with a narrow entrance, which forms this
       excellent Cuban harbor, the Spanish fleet was so hidden that
       nearly a fortnight passed before its whereabouts could be
       fully ascertained. It was not until May 20 that a blockade of
       Santiago was established by a flying squadron of the American
       fleet, under Commodore Schley, with certainty that the
       squadron of Cervera was harbored there. On the 1st of June,
       Admiral Sampson arrived on the scene, with a stronger naval
       force, and took command. To attempt to force the narrow
       entrance of the harbor, strongly fortified and thickly mined
       as it was, and attack the Spanish fleet in the bay, was not
       deemed practicable. The course resolved upon was to hold the
       enemy fast in the shelter he had sought, until Santiago could
       be taken, by a land attack. In pursuance of this plan, an
       exploit of splendid daring was performed, in the early morning
       of June 3, by a young officer, Lieutenant Richmond Pearson
       Hobson, with a crew of seven volunteers, who placed and sank a
       huge coaling ship, the "Merrimac," in the channel that leads
       into Santiago Bay. The following is Admiral Sampson's report
       of the undertaking and its achievement:

       "Before coming here, I decided to make the harbor entrance
       secure against the possibility of egress of the Spanish ships
       by obstructing the narrow part of the entrance by sinking a
       collier at that point. Upon calling upon Mr. Hobson for his
       professional opinion as to a sure method of sinking the ship,
       he manifested a most lively interest in the problem. After
       several days' consideration he presented a solution which he
       considered would insure the immediate sinking of the ship when
       she had reached the desired point in the channel. This plan we
       prepared for before we reached Santiago. This plan included
       ten electric torpedoes on the outside of the ship, each of 78
       pounds of gunpowder, sinking the ship partially before going
       in, cutting the sea valves, and opening the cargo ports. The
       plan contemplated a crew of only seven men and Mr. Hobson, who
       begged that it might be intrusted to him. The anchor chains
       were ranged upon deck for both the anchors, forward and aft,
       the plan including the anchoring of the ship almost
       automatically. As soon as I reached Santiago and had the
       collier to work upon the details were commenced and diligently
       prosecuted, hoping to complete them in one day, as the moon
       and tide served best the first night after our arrival.
       Notwithstanding every effort, the hour of 4 o'clock in the
       morning arrived and the preparations were scarcely completed.
       After a careful inspection of the final preparations I was
       forced to relinquish the plan for that morning, as dawn was
       breaking. Mr. Hobson begged to try it at all hazards.

       "This morning proved more propitious, as a prompt start could
       be made. Nothing could have been more gallantly executed. We
       waited impatiently after the firing by the Spaniards had
       ceased. When they did not reappear from the harbor at 6
       o'clock I feared they had all perished. A steam launch, which
       had been sent in charge of Naval Cadet Powell to rescue the
       men, appeared at this time, coming out under a persistent fire
       from the batteries, but brought none of the crew. A careful
       inspection of the harbor from this ship showed that the
       'Merrimac' had been sunk in the channel somewhat farther in
       than had been intended.
    {596}
       This afternoon the chief of staff of Admiral Cervera came out
       under a flag of truce with a letter from the Admiral extolling
       the bravery of the crew in an unusual manner. I can not myself
       too earnestly express my appreciation of the conduct of Mr.
       Hobson and his gallant crew. I venture to say that a more
       brave and daring thing has not been done since Cushing blew up
       the 'Albemarle.'" The sunken ship did not actually block the
       channel; but that fact takes nothing from the gallantry of the
       exploit. Why the intended spot in the channel was missed was
       explained by Lieutenant Hobson in a statement which he
       afterwards made: "When the 'Merrimac' poked her nose into the
       channel," says the Lieutenant, "our troubles commenced. The
       deadly silence was broken by the swash of a small boat
       approaching us from the shore. I made her out to be a picket
       boat. She ran close up under the stern of the 'Merrimac' and
       fired several shots from what seemed to be 3 pounder guns. The
       'Merrimac's' rudder was carried away by this fire. That is why
       the collier was not sunk across the channel. We did not discover
       the loss of the rudder until Murphy [the volunteer assigned to
       that duty] had cast anchor. We then found that the 'Merrimac'
       would not answer to the helm and were compelled to make the
       best of the situation. … Submarine mines and torpedoes were
       exploded all around us, adding to the excitement. The mines
       did no damage, although we could hear the rumbling and feel
       the ship tremble. We were running without lights, and only the
       darkness saved us from utter destruction. When the ship was in
       the desired position and we found that the rudder was gone, I
       called the men on deck. While they were launching the
       catamaran I touched off the explosives. At the same time two
       torpedoes, fired by the 'Reina Mercedes,' struck the
       'Merrimac' amidships. I can not say whether our own explosives
       or the Spanish torpedoes did the work, but the 'Merrimac' was
       lifted out of the water, and almost rent asunder."

       What followed, in the experience of the crew, when their
       vessel went down, is described as follows by Lieutenant
       Hobson, in a narrative of "The Sinking of the Merrimac," which
       he published at a later day: "The stricken vessel now reeled
       to port. Some one said: 'She is going to turn over on us,
       sir,' to which I replied: 'No; she will right herself in
       sinking, and we shall be the last spot to go under.' The
       firing suddenly ceased. The vessel lowered her head like a
       faithful animal, proudly aware of its sacrifice, bowed below
       the surface, and plunged forward. The stern rose and heeled
       heavily; it stood for a moment, shuddering, then started
       downward, righting as it went. A great rush of water came up
       the gangway, seething and gurgling out of the deck. The mass
       was whirling from right to left 'against the sun'; it seized
       us and threw us against the bulwarks, then over the rail. Two
       were swept forward as if by a momentary recession, and one was
       carried down into a coal-bunker—luckless Kelly. In a moment,
       however, with increased force, the water shot him up out of
       the same hole and swept him among us. The bulwarks
       disappeared. A sweeping vortex whirled above. We charged about
       with casks, cans, and spars, the incomplete stripping having
       left quantities on the deck. The life-preservers stood us in
       good stead, preventing chests from being crushed, as well as
       buoying us on the surface; for spars came end on like
       battering-rams, and the sharp corners of tin cans struck us
       heavily. … When we looked for the life-boat we found that it
       had been carried away. The catamaran was the largest piece of
       floating debris; we assembled about it. The line suspending it
       from the cargo-boom held and anchored us to the ship, though
       barely long enough to reach the surface, causing the raft to
       turn over and set us scrambling as the line came taut.

       "The firing had ceased. It was evident the enemy had not seen
       us in the general mass of moving objects; but soon the tide
       began to drift these away, and we were being left alone with
       the catamaran. The men were directed to cling close in, bodies
       below and only heads out, close under the edges, and were
       directed not to speak above a whisper, for the destroyer was
       near at hand, and boats were passing near. We mustered; all
       were present, and direction was given to remain as we were
       till further orders, for I was sure that in due time after
       daylight a responsible officer would come out to reconnoiter.
       It was evident that we could not swim against the tide to
       reach the entrance. Moreover, the shores were lined with
       troops, and the small boats were looking for victims that
       might escape from the vessel. The only chance lay in remaining
       undiscovered until the coming of the reconnoitering boat, to
       which, perhaps, we might surrender without being fired on. …
       The air was chilly and the water positively cold. In less than
       five minutes our teeth were chattering; so loud, indeed, did
       they chatter that it seemed the destroyer or the boats would
       hear. … We remained there probably an hour."

       At daylight a steam launch approached, and was hailed by
       Lieutenant Hobson, who judged that there must be officers on
       board to whom it would be safe to surrender. He was more than
       right. The commander of the launch was Admiral Cervera, in
       person, who took the nearly exhausted men from the water and
       treated them with great kindness, admiring the bravery of
       their exploit, and sending a flag of truce to Admiral Sampson
       to announce their safety. They were taken aboard the 'Reina
       Mercedes,' and, as prisoners of war, were confined at first in
       Morro Castle, and afterwards in the city. It so happened that
       they were locked in the Morro during a bombardment of the
       Spanish coast defences and fleet by ten of our vessels on June
       6th, when about 1,500 projectiles were fired; and much anxiety
       and indignation were expressed in this country in view of that
       circumstance; but Mr. Ramsden, British consul at Santiago,
       explained in a despatch that they were removed as soon as
       lodgings could be prepared in the barracks—actually on June
       7th. They were released on July 6th in exchange for prisoners
       captured by our forces.

    {597}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (April-July).
       War with Spain,
       Destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Bay.
       Despatches of Admiral Dewey.
       His relations with Aguinaldo, the insurgent chief.
       Arrival of American troops for the occupation of the city.

       Commodore George Dewey, commanding the Asiatic Squadron, then
       awaiting orders at Hongkong, received on the 25th of April the
       following despatch by cable from the Secretary of the Navy: "War
       has commenced between the United States and Spain. Proceed at
       once to Philippine Islands. Commence operations at once,
       particularly against the Spanish fleet. You must capture
       vessels or destroy. Use utmost endeavors." On the sixth day
       after receiving these orders (namely on May 1st), he was able
       to report from Manila, by a telegram sent from Hongkong on the
       7th: "The squadron arrived at Manila at daybreak this morning.
       Immediately engaged enemy and destroyed the following Spanish
       vessels: 'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de
       Biloa,' 'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de
       Cuba,' 'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Curreo,'
       'Velasco,' one transport, 'Isla de Mandano,' water battery at
       Cavite. I shall destroy Cavite arsenal dispensatory. The
       squadron is uninjured. Few men were slightly wounded. I
       request the Department will send immediately from San
       Francisco fast steamer with ammunition. The only means of
       telegraphing is to the American consul at Hongkong."

       In due time the post brought particulars of the action, in the
       following report from Commodore Dewey, dated May 4: "The
       squadron left Mirs Bay, [China] on April 27, immediately on
       the arrival of Mr. O. F. Williams, United States consul at
       Manila, who brought important information and who accompanies
       the squadron. Arrived off Bolinao on the morning of April 30
       and, finding no vessels there, proceeded down the coast and
       arrived off the entrance to Manila Bay on the same afternoon.
       The 'Boston' and 'Concord' were sent to reconnoiter Port
       Subic, I having been informed that the enemy intended to take
       position there. A thorough search of the port was made by the
       'Boston' and 'Concord,' but the Spanish fleet was not found,
       although, from a letter afterwards found in the arsenal (
       inclosed with translation), it appears that it had been their
       intention to go there. Entered the Boca Grande, or south
       channel, at 11.30 p. m., steaming in column at distance at 8
       knots. After half the squadron had passed, a battery on the
       south side of the channel opened fire, none of the shots
       taking effect. The 'Boston' and 'McCulloch' returned the fire.
       The squadron proceeded across the bay at slow speed, and
       arrived off Manila at daybreak, and was fired upon at 5.15 a.
       m. by three batteries at Manila and two at Cavite and by the
       Spanish fleet anchored in an approximately east and west line
       across the mouth of Bakor Bay, with their left in shoal water
       in Canacao Bay. The squadron then proceeded to the attack, the
       flagship 'Olympia,' under my personal direction, leading,
       followed at distance by the 'Baltimore,' 'Raleigh,' 'Petrel,'
       'Concord,' and 'Boston,' in the order named, which formation
       was maintained throughout the action. The squadron opened fire
       at 5.41 a. m. While advancing to the attack, two mines were
       exploded ahead of the flagship, too far to be effective. The
       squadron maintained a continuous and precise fire at ranges
       varying from 5,000 to 2,000 yards, countermarching in a line
       approximately parallel to that of the Spanish fleet. The
       enemy's fire was vigorous, but generally ineffective.

       "Early in the engagement two launches put out toward the
       'Olympia' with the apparent intention of using torpedoes. One
       was sunk and the other disabled by our fire and beached before
       an opportunity occurred to fire torpedoes. At 7 a. m. the Spanish
       flagship 'Reina Christina' made a desperate attempt to leave
       the line and come out to engage at short range, but was
       received with such galling fire, the entire battery of the
       'Olympia' being concentrated upon her, that she was barely
       able to return to the shelter of the point. The fires started
       in her by our shell at this time were not extinguished until
       she sank. At 7.35 a. m., it having been erroneously reported
       to me that only 15 rounds per gun remained for the 5-inch
       rapid-fire battery, I ceased firing and withdrew the squadron
       for consultation and a redistribution of ammunition, if
       necessary. The three batteries at Manila had kept up a
       continuous fire from the beginning of the engagement, which
       fire was not returned by this squadron. The first of these
       batteries was situated on the south mole head at the entrance
       to the Pasig River, the second on the south bastion of the
       walled city of Manila, and the third at Malate, about one-ha]f
       mile farther south. At this point I sent a message to the
       Governor-General to the effect that if the batteries did not
       cease firing the city would be shelled. This had the effect of
       silencing them.

       "At 11.16 a. m., finding that the report of scarcity of
       ammunition was incorrect, I returned with the squadron to the
       attack. By this time the flagship and almost the entire
       Spanish fleet were in flames, and at 12.30 p. m. the squadron
       ceased firing, the batteries being silenced and the ships
       sunk, burnt, and deserted. At 12.40 p. m. the squadron
       returned and anchored off Manila, the 'Petrel' being left
       behind to complete the destruction of the smaller gunboats,
       which were behind the point of Cavite. This duty was performed
       by Commander E. P. Wood in the most expeditious and complete
       manner possible. The Spanish lost the following vessels:
       Sunk—'Reina Christina,' 'Castillia,' 'Don Antonio de Ulloa.'
       Burnt—'Don Juan de Austria,' 'Isla de Luzon,' 'Isla de Cuba,'
       'General Lezo,' 'Marques del Duaro,' 'El Correo,' 'Velasco,'
       and 'Isla Mindanao,' (transport). Captured—'Rapido,' and
       'Hercules' (tugs), and several small launches. I am unable to
       obtain complete accounts of the enemy's killed and wounded,
       but believe their loss to be very heavy. The 'Reina Christina'
       alone had 150 killed, including the captain, and 90 wounded.

       "I am happy to report that the damage done to the squadron
       under my command was inconsiderable. There were none killed,
       and only 7 men in the squadron very slightly wounded. As will
       be seen by the reports of the commanding officers which are
       herewith inclosed, several of the vessels were struck and even
       penetrated, but the damage was of the slightest, and the
       squadron is in as good condition now as before the battle. I
       beg to state to the Department that I doubt if any commander
       in chief, under similar circumstances, was ever served by more
       loyal, efficient, and gallant captains than those of the
       squadron now under my command. … On May 2, the day following
       the engagement, the squadron again went to Cavite, where it
       remains. A landing party was sent to destroy the guns and
       magazines of the batteries there. … On the 3d the military
       forces evacuated the Cavite Arsenal, which was taken
       possession of by a landing party."

    {598}

       Promptly in response to this report of his victory, a joint
       resolution of thanks to Commodore Dewey and his officers and
       men, by the two Houses of Congress, was despatched to them,
       with announcement to the former of his promotion to the rank
       of rear-admiral. The admiral replied, on the 13th, from
       Cavite, making due acknowledgments, and adding: "I am
       maintaining strict blockade of Manila by sea, and believe
       rebels are hemming in by land, although they are inactive and
       making no demonstrations. Great scarcity of provisions in the
       city. I believe the Spanish Governor-General will be obliged
       to surrender soon. I can take Manila at any moment. To retain
       possession and thus control Philippine Islands would require,
       in my best judgment, a well equipped force of 5,000 men."

       On the 20th he reported, further: "Aguinaldo, the rebel
       commander in chief, was brought down by the 'McCulloch' [from
       Hongkong]. Organizing forces near Cavite and may render
       assistance that will be valuable." On the 27th of June, in
       reply to inquiries from the Navy Department, he explained his
       relations with Aguinaldo, as follows: "Aguinaldo, insurgent
       leader, with thirteen of his staff, arrived May 19, by
       permission, on 'Nanshan.' Established self Cavite, outside
       arsenal, under the protection of our guns, and organized his
       army. I have had several conferences with him, generally of a
       personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from assisting
       him in any way with the force under my command, and on several
       occasions I have declined requests that I should do so,
       telling him the squadron could not act until the arrival of
       the United States troops. At the same time I have given him to
       understand that I consider insurgents as friends, being
       opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of
       insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil
       government. Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron,
       but has kept me advised of his progress, which has been
       wonderful. I have allowed to pass by water recruits, arms, and
       ammunition, and to take such Spanish arms and ammunition from
       the arsenal as he needed. Have advised frequently to conduct
       the war humanely, which he has done invariably. My relations
       with him are cordial, but I am not in his confidence. The
       United States has not been bound in any way to assist
       insurgents by any act or promises, and he is not, to my
       knowledge, committed to assist us. I believe he expects to
       capture Manila without my assistance, but doubt ability, they
       not yet having many guns. In my opinion these people are far
       superior in their intelligence and more capable of
       self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar
       with both races."

          Report of the Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, pages 67-72 and 103.

       On the 30th of June, troops sent from San Francisco, to the
       number of 2,500 officers and men, commanded by General T. M.
       Anderson, arrived in Manila Bay, to co-operate with the navy
       in taking Manila and occupying the city, when taken. They were
       followed by a second expeditionary force, under General F. V.
       Greene, which arrived July 17, and by a third, July 25 and 31,
       with which came General Merritt, commanding the corps and the
       Department of the Pacific. General Merritt's army then
       numbered nearly 11,000 men, and it was increased during the
       next few weeks to more than 15,000.

          Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 499.

       An English officer, Major Younghusband, who visited Manila at
       this time, remarked: "It may, perhaps, with some confidence be
       prophesied that when the cold fit, which will in due course
       follow the warmth of the present enthusiasm, falls on the
       nation, America will discover that the true parting of the
       ways was … in having allowed Admiral Dewey to do more than
       defeat the Spanish fleet and exact a heavy indemnity from the
       city of Manila before sailing away." It would seem to be more
       true, however, to say that the parting of the ways was when a
       military expedition was sent from San Francisco to Manila, to
       be landed, for the capture of the city and for the occupation
       of the islands. It is claimed with reason that Admiral Dewey
       could not "sail away," after the destruction of the Spanish
       ships, because he needed the harbor he had seized, his fleet
       having lost most of the privileges it had formerly been using
       in neutral ports, when it became the fleet of a belligerent
       power. To retain possession of Manila Bay while it was needed
       by the American fleet was clearly a measure connected
       legitimately with the general conduct of the war against
       Spain. But it is difficult to see that the landing of soldiers
       on the island of Luzon and the capture of the city of Manila
       added anything to the security with which the Bay was held for
       the purposes of Admiral Dewey's fleet, or that it contributed
       at all to the weakening of Spain in the war, and to the rescue
       of Cuba from Spanish misrule. For two months, from the first
       day of May until the last day of June, before a soldier
       arrived, and for six weeks longer, before Manila surrendered,
       Admiral Dewey appears to have been as fully and as
       conveniently in possession of all the advantages that
       harborage there could give him, as he was after the Spanish
       flag had been lowered in the city and on the island.
       Therefore, the American conquest of the Philippines does not
       readily connect itself with the war for the liberation of
       Cuba, as a necessary part of it, but presents itself to the
       mind as a somewhat supplementary enterprise, undertaken with
       objects of its own.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (May-August).
       Conduct of English and German naval officers at Manila.

       While Admiral Dewey was holding Manila Bay, before the taking
       of the city, there were many rumors and exciting stories
       afloat, of offensive behavior towards the American fleet by
       commanders of German war ships that were sent to the scene. As
       far as possible, the facts were officially suppressed, in
       order to avoid a quarrel between the two countries, and no
       authoritative account of what occurred can be found. But some
       incidents obtained publicity which are probably true in the
       main. The first unpleasant happening appears to have been the
       arrival in Manila Bay of a German naval vessel, which steamed
       in with entire disregard of the blockading fleet, as though
       the port was its own. Thereupon Admiral Dewey sent a forcible
       reminder to the captain that he was intruding upon a blockade,
       by firing a shot across his bow, and ordering him to heave to.
       The German captain, in a rage, is said to have called on the
       commanding officer of a British squadron that was in the Bay,
       for advice as to what he should do, and was told that he owed
       the American Admiral an apology for his violation of naval
       etiquette, well settled for such circumstances as those
       existing in Manila Bay. According to the story, the British
       commander, Captain Sir Edward Chichester, himself on the best
       of terms with Admiral Dewey, visited the latter, on behalf of
       the German officer, and made the matter smooth.
    {599}
       But, either through indiscretion of his own, or because he had
       instructions to interfere as much as possible with the
       proceedings of the Americans, the German commander continued
       to pursue an offensive course. According to report, be went so
       far as to stop a movement which Aguinaldo (then a recognized
       ally of the United States) was making, to take possession of a
       certain island, and to capture some Spaniards who were on it.
       This provoked Admiral Dewey to a demonstration against him so
       threatening that he drew back in haste, and the island was
       occupied.

       According to all accounts, Admiral Dewey showed unsurpassed
       wisdom and dignity in meeting and checking these offensive
       proceedings without allowing them to become a cause of
       international quarrel; and he was happily aided in doing so by
       the hearty support of the British naval commander. According
       to still another report of the time, a German admiral, who had
       come upon the scene, meditated an interference to forbid the
       bombarding of Manila, when the city was about to be attacked,
       and, calling upon Sir Edward Chichester to ascertain what
       action the latter would take, was significantly told, "That is
       only known to Admiral Dewey and myself,"—which convinced him
       that his project was not wise. An English writer has related,
       with much satisfaction, that when Sir Edward's ship, the
       "Immortalité," finally steamed out of Manila Bay, returning to
       Hong Kong, "every ship in the American fleet manned her yards
       and gave the British man-of-war three cheers as she passed
       along; and she with the answering signal, 'thank you,' flying
       at her mast-head, went on her way."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
       Act creating the United States Industrial Commission.

       An Act "authorizing the appointment of a non-partisan
       Commission to collate information and to consider and
       recommend legislation to meet the problems presented by labor,
       agriculture, and capital," was passed by Congress and approved
       by the President June 18, 1898. It provided:

       "That a commission is hereby created, to be called the
       'Industrial Commission,' to be composed as follows. Five
       members of the Senate, to be appointed by the presiding
       officer thereof; five members of the House of Representatives,
       to be appointed by the Speaker, and nine other persons, who shall
       fairly represent the different industries and employments, to
       be appointed by the President, by and with the advice and
       consent of the Senate. … That it shall be the duty of this
       commission to investigate questions pertaining to immigration,
       to labor, to agriculture, to manufacturing, and to business,
       and to report to Congress and to suggest such legislation as
       it may deem best upon these subjects. … That it shall furnish
       such information and suggest such laws as may be made a basis
       for uniform legislation by the various States of the Union, in
       order to harmonize conflicting interests and to be equitable
       to the laborer, the employer, the producer, and the consumer.
       … That the commission shall give reasonable time for hearings,
       if deemed necessary, and if necessary it may appoint a
       subcommission or subcommissions of its own members to make
       investigation in any part of the United States, and it shall
       be allowed actual necessary expenses for the same. It shall
       have the authority to send for persons and papers and to
       administer oaths and affirmations. … That it may report from
       time to time to the Congress of the United States, and shall
       at the conclusion of its labors submit a final report."

       The Commission thus contemplated was duly appointed by the
       President, and organized by the election of Senator Kyle for
       its chairman. For the scope and plan of its investigations a
       committee on procedure made the following recommendations,
       which were adopted by the Commission and which have been
       followed in what it has done:

       "The main work of the Commission may … be said to be to study
       and compare existing laws bearing upon industrial conditions,
       here and elsewhere, to ascertain by competent testimony
       wherein they are deficient, defective, inoperative, or
       oppressive, and to recommend such remedial statutes as will
       tend not only to make the conditions of industry more uniform
       as between the several States, but to remove such existing
       sources or causes of discontent, inequality, and injustice as
       can be reached and regulated through legislation. … In order
       to secure satisfactory results, it appears to your committee
       imperatively necessary that the work shall be confined
       strictly to the main purpose, viz, of ascertaining the nature
       and effects of existing legislation, and the nature of
       remedial legislation which may be necessary or desirable to
       equalize conditions in industry and to remove any just grounds
       of complaint on the part of either labor or capital or of the
       people at large.

       "To facilitate the progress of the work we recommend the
       division of the Commission into four subcommissions of five
       members each, to be severally charged with the investigation
       of present conditions and the formulation of remedial
       suggestions in the following branches of industry:

       1. On agriculture and agricultural labor.

       2. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in
       manufacturing and general business.

       3. On the conditions of labor and capital employed in mining.

       4. On transportation.

       In addition, we recommend a fifth subcommission, to be known
       as the subcommission on statistics, in the membership of which
       there shall be one representative of each of the above
       subcommissions. …

       "The committee also suggests that there are certain subjects
       of inquiry which appertain equally to all the groups into
       which it has recommended that the Commission be segregated.
       The subjects of immigration, of education, of combinations and
       trusts, and of taxation at once suggest themselves as
       belonging in this category. It is therefore recommended that
       these subjects, one or more of them, be examined into by the
       full Commission pending the organization of the several
       subcommissions."

       The subject to which the Commission gave earliest attention
       was that of "Trusts and Industrial Combinations," on which it
       submitted a preliminary report on the 1st of March, 1900.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS.

    {600}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
       Act providing for the arbitration of disputes between
       employers and employees in inter-state commerce.

       The following are the main sections of a very important Act of
       Congress, approved June 1, 1898, which provides for the
       arbitration of disputes between railway and other employees
       engaged in interstate commerce and the companies or
       individuals employing them:

       "That the provisions of this Act shall apply to any common
       carrier or carriers and their officers, agents, and employees,
       except masters of vessels and seamen, … engaged in the
       transportation of passengers or property wholly by railroad,
       or partly by railroad and partly by water, for a continuous
       carriage or shipment, from one State or Territory of the
       United States or the District of Columbia, to any other State
       or Territory of the United States, or the District of
       Columbia, or from any place in the United States to an
       adjacent foreign country, or from any place in the United
       States through a foreign country to any other place in the
       United States. …

       "Section 2. That whenever a controversy concerning wages,
       hours of labor, or conditions of employment shall arise
       between a carrier subject to this Act and the employees of
       such carrier, seriously interrupting or threatening to
       interrupt the business of said carrier, the chairman of the
       Interstate Commerce Commission and the Commissioner of Labor
       shall, upon the request of either party to the controversy,
       with all practicable expedition, put themselves in
       communication with the parties to such controversy, and shall
       use their best efforts, by mediation and conciliation, to
       amicably settle the same; and if such efforts shall be
       unsuccessful, shall at once endeavor to bring about an
       arbitration of said controversy in accordance with the
       provisions of this Act.

       "Section 3. That whenever a controversy shall arise between a
       carrier subject to this Act and the employees of such carrier
       which can not be settled by mediation and conciliation in the
       manner provided in the preceding section, said controversy may
       be submitted to the arbitration of a board of three persons,
       who shall be chosen in the manner following: One shall be
       named by the carrier or employer directly interested; the
       other shall be named by the labor organization to which the
       employees directly interested belong, or, if they belong to
       more than one, by that one of them which specially represents
       employees of the same grade and class and engaged in services
       of the same nature as said employees so directly interested:
       Provided, however, That when a controversy involves and
       affects the interests of two or more classes and grades of
       employees belonging to different labor organizations, such
       arbitrator shall be agreed upon and designated by the
       concurrent action of all such labor organizations; and in
       cases where the majority of such employees are not members of
       any labor organization, said employees may by a majority vote
       select a committee of their own number, which committee shall
       have the right to select the arbitrator on behalf of said
       employees. The two thus chosen shall select the third
       commissioner of arbitration; but, in the event of their
       failure to name such arbitrator within five days after their
       first meeting, the third arbitrator shall be named by the
       commissioners named in the preceding section. A majority of
       said arbitrators shall be competent to make a valid and
       binding award under the provisions hereof. The submission
       shall be in writing, shall be signed by the employer and by
       the labor organization representing the employees, shall
       specify the time and place of meeting of said board of
       arbitration, shall state the questions to be decided, and
       shall contain appropriate provisions by which the respective
       parties shall stipulate, as follows:

       "First. That the board of arbitration shall commence their
       hearings within ten days from the date of the appointment of
       the third arbitrator, and shall find and file their award, as
       provided in this section, within thirty days from the date of
       the appointment of the third arbitrator; and that pending the
       arbitration the status existing immediately prior to the
       dispute shall not be changed: Provided, That no employee shall
       be compelled to render personal service without his consent.

       "Second. That the award and the papers and proceedings,
       including the testimony relating thereto certified under the
       hands of the arbitrators and which shall have the force and
       effect of a bill of exceptions, shall be filed in the clerk's
       office of the circuit court of the United States for the
       district wherein the controversy arises or the arbitration is
       entered into, and shall be final and conclusive upon both
       parties, unless set aside for error of law apparent on the
       record.

       "Third. That the respective parties to the award will each
       faithfully execute the same, and that the same may be
       specifically enforced in equity so far as the powers of a
       court of equity permit: Provided, That no injunction or other
       legal process shall be issued which shall compel the
       performance by any laborer against his will of a contract for
       personal labor or service.

       "Fourth. That employees dissatisfied with the award shall not
       by reason of such dissatisfaction quit the service of the
       employer before the expiration of three months from and after
       the making of such award without giving thirty days' notice in
       writing of their intention so to quit. Nor shall the employer
       dissatisfied with such award dismiss any employee or employees
       on account of such dissatisfaction before the expiration of three
       months from and after the making of such award without giving
       thirty days' notice in writing of his intention so to
       discharge.

       "Fifth. That said award shall continue in force as between the
       parties thereto for the period of one year after the same
       shall go into practical operation, and no new arbitration upon
       the same subject between the same employer and the same class
       of employees shall be had until the expiration of said one
       year if the award is not set aside as provided in section
       four. That as to individual employees not belonging to the
       labor organization or organizations which shall enter into the
       arbitration, the said arbitration and the award made therein
       shall not be binding, unless the said individual employees
       shall give assent in writing to become parties to said
       arbitration. …

       "Section 7. That during the pendency of arbitration under this
       Act it shall not be lawful for the employer, party to such
       arbitration, to discharge the employees, parties thereto,
       except for inefficiency, violation of law, or neglect of duty;
       nor for the organization representing such employees to order,
       nor for the employees to unite in, aid, or abet, strikes
       against said employer; nor, during a period of three months
       after an award under such an arbitration, for such an employer
       to discharge any such employees, except for the causes
       aforesaid, without giving thirty days' written notice of an
       intent so to discharge; nor for any of such employees, during
       a like period, to quit the service of said employer without
       just cause, without giving to said employer thirty days'
       written notice of an intent so to do; nor for such
       organization representing such employees to order, counsel, or
       advise otherwise.
    {601}
       Any violation of this section shall subject the offending
       party to liability for damages; Provided, that nothing herein
       contained shall be construed to prevent any employer, party to
       such arbitration, from reducing the number of its or his
       employees whenever in its or his judgment business necessities
       require such reduction. …

       "Section 10. That any employer subject to the provisions of
       this Act and any officer, agent, or receiver of such employer
       who shall require any employee, or any person seeking
       employment, as a condition of such employment, to enter into
       an agreement, either written or verbal, not to become or
       remain a member of any labor corporation, association, or
       organization; or shall threaten any employee with loss of
       employment, or shall unjustly discriminate against any
       employee because of his membership in such a labor
       corporation, association, or organization; or who shall
       require any employee or any person seeking employment, as a
       condition of such employment, to enter into a contract whereby
       such employee or applicant for employment shall agree to
       contribute to any fund for charitable, social or beneficial
       purposes; to release such employer from legal liability for
       any personal injury by reason of any benefit received from
       such fund beyond the proportion of the benefit arising from
       the employer's contribution to such fund; or who shall, after
       having discharged an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
       such employee from obtaining employment, or who shall, after
       the quitting of an employee, attempt or conspire to prevent
       such employee from obtaining employment, is hereby declared to
       be guilty of a misdemeanor, and, upon conviction thereof in
       any court of the United States of competent jurisdiction in
       the district in which such offense was committed, shall be
       punished for each offense by a fine of not less than one
       hundred dollars and not more than one thousand dollars."

          United States Statutes at Large,
          volume 30, page 424.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June).
       The War with Spain.
       Seizure of the island of Guam.

       The following order, dated May 10, 1898, was addressed by the
       Secretary of the Navy to the Commander of the U. S. S.
       'Charleston':

       "Upon the receipt of this order, which is forwarded by the
       steamship 'City of Pekin' to you at Honolulu, you will proceed
       with the 'Charleston' and 'City of Pekin' in company, to
       Manila, Philippine Islands. On your way, you are hereby
       directed to stop at the Spanish Island of Guam. You will use
       such force as may be necessary to capture the port of Guam,
       making prisoners of the governor and other officials and any
       armed force that may be there. You will also destroy any
       fortifications on said island and any Spanish naval vessels
       that may be there, or in the immediate vicinity. These
       operations at the Island of Guam should be very brief, and
       should not occupy more than one or two days. Should you find
       any coal at the Island of Guam, you will make such use of it
       as you consider desirable. It is left to your discretion
       whether or not you destroy it. From the Island of Guam,
       proceed to Manila and report to Rear-Admiral George Dewey, U.
       S. N., for duty in the squadron under his command."

       In a despatch dated June 24, Captain Glass, of the
       "Charleston," reported the execution of these orders as
       follows: "I have the honor to report that in obedience to the
       Department's telegraphic order of May 24, 1898, this ship
       sailed from Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, on the 4th instant for
       Manila with the transports 'City of Pekin,' 'Australia,' and
       'City of Sydney' under convoy. When clear of land, I opened
       the confidential order of May 10, 1898, and changed course for
       the Island of Guam, next day informing Commander Gibson, in
       charge of transports, and Brigadier-General Anderson,
       commanding expeditionary force, of the change in my orders and
       that the transports would accompany the 'Charleston.' Arriving
       off the north end of the island at daylight, June 20, I first
       visited the port of Agana, the capital of Guam, and of the
       Mariana group, and finding no vessels there of any kind,
       proceeded to San Luis D'Apra, where it was expected that a
       Spanish gunboat and a military force would be found, a rumor
       to that effect having reached me while at Honolulu. Arriving
       off the port at 8.30 a. m., it was found that Fort Santiago,
       on Oroté Point, was abandoned and in ruins, and I steamed
       directly into the harbor, having ordered the transports to
       take a safe position outside and await instructions. A few
       shots were fired from the secondary battery at Fort Santa Cruz
       to get the range and ascertain if it was occupied. Getting no
       response, ceased firing and came to anchor in a position to
       control the harbor, and it was then found that this fort also
       was abandoned. The only vessel in port was a small Japanese
       trading vessel from Yokohama. An officer had just shoved off
       from the ship to board the Japanese vessel, and obtain
       information as to the condition of affairs on shore, when a
       boat was seen approaching the ship, through the reefs at the
       head of the harbor, flying the Spanish flag and bringing two
       officers, the captain of the port, a lieutenant-commander in
       the Spanish navy, and the health officer, a surgeon of the
       Spanish army. These officers came on board, and, in answer to
       my questions, told me they did not know that war had been
       declared between the United States and Spain, their last news
       having been from Manila, under date of April 14. I informed
       them that war existed and that they must consider themselves
       as prisoners. As they stated that no resistance could be made
       by the force on the island, I released them on parole for the
       day, to proceed to Agana and inform the governor that I
       desired him to come on board ship at once, they assuring me
       that he would do so as soon as he could reach the port. While
       awaiting the return of these officers, an examination was made
       of the harbor, the only dangers to navigation were buoyed, and
       the transports came in during the afternoon.

       "At 5 p. m. the governor's secretary, a captain in the Spanish
       army, came on board, bringing me a letter from the governor,
       in which he stated that he was not allowed by law to go on
       board a foreign vessel and requested me to meet him on shore
       for a conference. This letter is appended, marked A. As it was
       then too late to land a party, from the state of the tide on
       the reef between the ship and the landing place, I directed
       the secretary to return and say to the governor that I would
       send an officer ashore with a communication for him early next
       day.
    {602}
       … At 8.30 a. m. on June 21 Lieutenant William Braunersreuther
       was sent ashore, under flag of truce, with a written demand
       for the immediate surrender of the defenses of the Island of
       Guam and all officials and persons in the military service of
       Spain. Mr. Braunersreuther was directed to wait half an hour
       only for a reply, to bring the governor and other officials on
       board as prisoners of war in case of surrender, or in case of
       refusal or delay beyond the time given, to return and take
       command of the landing force, which he would find in
       readiness, and proceed to Agaña. At 12.15 p. m. Mr.
       Braunersreuther returned to the ship, bringing off the
       governor and three other officers, his staff, and handed me a
       letter from the governor acceding fully to my demand. Having
       received the surrender of the Island of Guam, I took formal
       possession at 2.45 p. m., hoisting the American flag on Fort
       Santa Cruz and saluting it with 21 guns from the 'Charleston.'
       From a personal examination of Fort Santa Cruz, I decided that
       it was entirely useless as a defensive work, with no guns and
       in a partly ruinous condition, and that it was not necessary
       to expend any mines in blowing it up. The forts at Agaña, San
       Luis D'Apra, and Umata are of no value and no guns remain in
       the island except four small cast-iron guns of obsolete
       pattern at Agaña, formerly used for saluting, but now
       condemned as unsafe even for that purpose. No Spanish vessel
       of war has visited Guam during the last eighteen months. No
       coal was found on the island."

          Annual Reports of the Navy Department, 1898,
          volume 2, pages 151-3.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (June-July).
       War with Spain.
       Expedition of the army under General Shafter
       against Santiago de Cuba.
       Battles of El Caney and San Juan Hill.

       To co-operate with the navy in operations for the capture of
       Santiago de Cuba, and of the Spanish fleet blockaded in the
       harbor of that town, orders were issued from Washington on the
       31st of May, by Major-General Miles, Commanding the Army,
       "with the approval of the Secretary of War," which directed
       General Shafter, commanding the forces assembled at Tampa,
       Florida, to place them on transports and proceed with them,
       under convoy of the navy, to Santiago. Owing to an extreme
       lack of both railway and harbor facilities at Tampa, an entire
       week was consumed in the embarkation of the troops and
       supplies. When on shipboard, the expedition was delayed
       another week by false reports of the appearance of Spanish
       cruisers on the Cuban coast, which seemed to the Washington
       authorities to call for a stronger naval convoy to guard the
       transport fleet. It was not until the 14th of June that the
       fleet was permitted to sail, with 16,000 men. It arrived off
       Guantanamo, near Santiago, on the morning of the 20th.

       Meantime, the blockading fleet had bombarded the forts at
       Santiago twice, on the 6th and on the 16th, and had silenced
       them, for the time being, on both occasions, but apparently
       with no permanent effect. With more success, two vessels from
       the fleet had entered the harbor of Guantanamo on the 7th and
       taken possession of the lower bay, where a marine battalion
       was landed on the 10th and established in camp, to hold ground
       until the army arrived. Meantime, also, communication with
       General Garcia, commanding Cuban forces, had been opened, and
       arrangements made, the results of which were subsequently
       acknowledged by General Miles, in his annual report, as
       follows:

       "General Garcia regarded my requests as his orders, and
       promptly took steps to execute the plan of operations. He sent
       3,000 men to check any movement of the 12,000 Spaniards
       stationed at Holguín. A portion of this latter force started
       to the relief of the garrison at Santiago, but was
       successfully checked and turned back by the Cuban forces under
       General Feria. General Garcia also sent 2,000 men, under
       Perez, to oppose the 6,000 Spaniards at Guantánamo, and they
       were successful in their object. He also sent 1,000 men, under
       General Ríos, against the 6,000 men at Manzanillo. Of this
       garrison, 3,500 started to reenforce the garrison at Santiago,
       and were engaged in no less than thirty combats with the
       Cubans on their way before reaching Santiago. … With an
       additional force of 5,000 men General Garcia besieged the
       garrison of Santiago, taking up a strong position on the west
       side and in close proximity to the harbor, and he afterwards
       received General Shafter and Admiral Sampson at his camp near
       that place. He had troops in the rear, as well as on both
       sides of the garrison at Santiago before the arrival of our
       troops."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 16.

       The troops from Tampa, under General Shafter, arriving on the
       20th, were disembarked on the 22d, 23d and 24th, at Daiquiri,
       and advanced to Siboney. The first resistance encountered was
       at La Guasima, three miles from Siboney, on the Santiago road,
       where the Spaniards were driven from strong entrenchments by a
       part of Young's brigade of General Wheeler's cavalry division
       (dismounted). The brigade thus first in the fighting was
       composed of the 1st and 10th regiments of regular cavalry and
       the 1st United States Volunteer cavalry, commonly called the
       "Rough Riders." After the engagement at La Guasima, six days
       were occupied in concentrating the army (including the Cuban
       auxiliaries of General Garcia), mostly at Sevilla, a short
       distance beyond La Guasima, on the same road, and in
       overcoming great difficulties of transportation for supplies.

       On June 30, General Shafter reconnoitered the country around
       Santiago and made his plan of attack. "From a high hill," says
       his subsequent report, "from which the city was in plain view,
    I could see the San Juan Hill and the country about El Caney. The
       roads were very poor, and, indeed, little better than
       bridlepaths, until the San Juan River and El Caney were
       reached. The position of El Caney, to the northeast of
       Santiago, was of great importance to the enemy as holding the
       Guantanamo road, as well as furnishing shelter for a strong
       outpost that might be used to assail the right flank and rear
       of any force operating against San Juan Hill. In view of this
       I decided to begin the attack next day at El Caney with one
       division, while sending two divisions on the direct road to
       Santiago, passing by El Poso House, and, as a diversion, to
       direct a small force against Aguadores from Siboney along the
       railroad by the sea, with a view of attracting the attention
       of the Spaniards in the latter direction and of preventing
       them from attacking our left flank.

       "During the afternoon I assembled the division commanders and
       explained to them my general plan of battle. Lawton's division
       [composed of Chaffee's, Miles' and Ludlow's brigades],
       assisted by Capron's light battery, was ordered to move out
       during the afternoon toward El Caney, to begin the attack
       there early the next morning.

    {603}

    Map Illustrating the Santiago Campaign…

    {604}

        After carrying El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road
        toward Santiago and take position on the right of the line.
        Wheeler's division of dismounted cavalry [embracing Sumner's
        brigade—3d, 6th and 9th regular cavalry, and Young's brigade
        mentioned above] and Kent's division of infantry [Wikoft's,
        Hawkins's and Pearson's brigades] were directed on the
        Santiago road, the head of the column resting near El Poso,
        toward which heights Grimes's battery moved on the afternoon
        of the 30th, with orders to take position thereon early the
        next morning and at the proper time prepare the way for the
        advance of Wheeler and Kent on San Juan Hill. The attack at
        this point was to be delayed until Lawton's guns were heard
        at El Caney and his infantry fire showed he had become well
        engaged.

       "The remainder of the afternoon and night was devoted to
       cutting out and repairing the roads and to other necessary
       preparations for battle. These preparations were far from what
       I desired them to be; but we were in a sickly climate; our
       supplies had to be brought forward by a narrow wagon road,
       which the rains might at any time render impassable; fear was
       entertained that a storm might drive the vessels containing
       our stores to sea, thus separating us from our base of
       supplies; and lastly, it was reported that General Pando, with
       8,000 reenforcements for the enemy, was en route from
       Manzanillo and might be expected in a few days. Under those
       conditions I determined to give battle without delay.

       "Early on the morning of July 1, Lawton was in position around
       El Caney, Chaffee's brigade [7th, 12th, and 13th U. S.
       Infantry] on the right, across the Guantanamo road; Miles's
       brigade [1st, 4th, and 25th U. S. Infantry] in the center, and
       Ludlow's [8th and 22d U. S. Infantry and 2d Microcassettes
       Volunteers] on the left. The duty of cutting off the enemy's
       retreat along the Santiago road was assigned to the latter
       brigade. The artillery opened on the town at 6.15 A. M. The
       battle here soon became general and was hotly contested. The
       enemy's position was naturally strong and was rendered more so
       by blockhouses, a stone fort, and entrenchments cut in solid
       rock, and the loopholing of a solidly built stone church. The
       opposition offered by the enemy was greater than had been
       anticipated, and prevented Lawton from joining the right of
       the main line during the day, as had been intended.

       "After the battle had continued for some time Bates's brigade
       of two regiments (3d and 20th United States Infantry] reached
       my headquarters from Siboney. I directed him to move near El
       Caney, to give assistance, if necessary. He did so and was put
       in position between Miles and Chaffee. The battle continued
       with varying intensity during most of the day and until the
       place was carried by assault, about 4.30 p. m. As the
       Spaniards endeavored to retreat along the Santiago road,
       Ludlow's position enabled him to do very effective work and to
       practically cut off all retreat in that direction.

       "After the battle at El Caney was well opened and the sound of
       the small-arms fire caused us to believe that Lawton was
       driving the enemy before him, I directed Grimes's battery to
       open fire from the heights of El Poso on the San Juan'
       blockhouse, which could be seen situated in the enemy's
       entrenchments extending along the crest of San Juan Hill. This
       fire was effective and the enemy could be seen running away
       from the vicinity of the blockhouse. The artillery fire from
       El Poso was soon returned by the enemy's artillery. They
       evidently had the range of this hill, and their first shells
       killed and wounded several men. As the Spaniards used
       smokeless powder it was very difficult to locate the positions
       of their pieces, while, on the contrary, the smoke caused by our
       black powder plainly indicated the position of our battery.

       "At this time the cavalry division [of General Wheeler] under
       General Sumner (commanding temporarily in consequence of the
       illness of General Wheeler, who returned to duty that day],
       which was lying concealed in the general vicinity of the El
       Poso House, was ordered forward, with directions to cross the
       San Juan River and deploy to the right on the Santiago side,
       while Kent's division was to follow closely in its rear and
       deploy to the left. These troops moved forward in compliance
       with orders, but the road was so narrow as to render it
       impracticable to retain the column of fours formation at all
       points, while the undergrowth on either side was so dense as
       to preclude the possibility of deploying skirmishers. It
       naturally resulted that the progress made was slow, and the
       long range rifles of the enemy's infantry killed and wounded a
       number of our men while marching along this road and before
       there was any opportunity to return this fire. At this time
       Generals Kent and Sumner were ordered to push forward with all
       possible haste and place their troops in position to engage the
       enemy. General Kent, with this end in view, forced the head of
       his column alongside of the cavalry column as far as the
       narrow trail permitted, and thus hurried his arrival at the
       San Juan and the formation beyond that stream. A few hundred
       yards before reaching the San Juan the road forks, a fact that
       was discovered by Lieutenant-Colonel Derby, of my staff, who
       had approached well to the front in a war balloon. This
       information he furnished to the troops, resulting in Sumner
       moving on the right-hand road, while Kent was enabled to
       utilize the road to the left. … After crossing the stream, the
       cavalry moved to the right with a view of connecting with
       Lawton's left when he should come up, and with their left
       resting near the Santiago road. In the meanwhile Kent's
       division, with the exception of two regiments of Hawkins's
       brigade, being thus uncovered, moved rapidly to the front from
       the forks previously mentioned in the road, utilizing both
       trails, but more especially the one to the left, and crossing
       the creek formed for attack in the front of San Juan Hill."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 147.

       "The particulars of this gallant attack, which won the hill
       and decided the fate of Santiago, are given with more
       clearness in the report of General Kent, who commanded the
       division which had most of the fighting to do, than in that of
       General Shafter. Wikoff's 'heroic brigade,' writes General
       Kent, 'consisting of the 13th, 9th, and 24th United States
       Infantry, speedily crossed the stream and were quickly
       deployed to the left of the lower ford.
    {605}
       While personally superintending this movement Colonel Wikoff
       was killed, the command of the brigade then devolving upon
       Lieutenant-Colonel Worth, 13th Infantry, who immediately fell
       severely wounded, and then upon Lieutenant-Colonel Liscum,
       24th Infantry, who, five minutes later, also fell under the
       withering fire of the enemy. The command of the brigade then
       devolved upon Lieutenant-Colonel E. P. Ewers, 9th Infantry.
       Meanwhile I had again sent a staff officer to hurry forward
       the second brigade [Pearson's] which was bringing up the rear.
       The 10th and 2d Infantry, soon arriving at the forks, were
       deflected to the left to follow the Third Brigade [Wikoff's],
       while the 21st was directed along the main road to support
       Hawkins [whose brigade was composed of the 6th and 16th U. S.
       Infantry and the 71st New York Volunteers].

       "Crossing the lower ford a few minutes later, the 10th and 2d
       moved forward in column in good order toward the green knoll …
       on the left. Approaching the knoll the regiments deployed,
       passed over the knoll, and ascended the high ridge beyond,
       driving back the enemy in the direction of his trenches. I
       observed this movement from the Fort San Juan Hill. … Prior to
       this advance of the second brigade, the third, connecting with
       Hawkins's gallant troops on the right, had moved toward Fort
       San Juan, sweeping through a zone of most destructive fire,
       scaling a steep and difficult hill, and assisting in capturing
       the enemy's strong position (Fort San Juan) at 1.30 p. m. This
       crest was about 125 feet above the general level and was
       defended by deep trenches and a loopholed brick fort
       surrounded by barbed-wire entanglements. General Hawkins, some
       time after I reached the crest, reported that the 6th and 16th
       Infantry had captured the hill, which I now consider
       incorrect. Credit is almost equally due the 6th, 9th, 13th,
       16th, and 24th regiments of infantry. … The Thirteenth
       Infantry captured the enemy's colors waving over the fort, but
       unfortunately destroyed them. …

       "The greatest credit is due to the officers of my command,
       whether company, battalion, regimental, or brigade commanders,
       who so admirably directed the formation of their troops,
       unavoidably intermixed in the dense thicket, and made the
       desperate rush for the distant and strongly defended crest, I
       have already mentioned the circumstances of my third brigade's
       advance across the ford, where, in the brief space of ten
       minutes, it lost its brave commander (killed) and the next two
       ranking officers by disabling wounds; yet in spite of these
       confusing conditions the formations were effected without
       hesitation, although under a stinging fire, companies acting
       singly in some instances and by battalions and regiments in
       others, rushing through the jungle, across the stream, waist
       deep, and over the wide bottom thickly set with barbed-wire
       entanglements. …

       "The enemy having retired to a second line of rifle pits, I
       directed my line to hold their positions and intrench. At ten
       minutes past 3 p. m. I received almost simultaneously two
       requests—one from Colonel Wood, commanding a cavalry brigade,
       and one from General Sumner—asking for assistance for the
       cavalry on my right, 'as they were hard pressed.' I
       immediately sent to their aid the 13th Infantry, who promptly
       went on this further mission, despite the heavy losses they
       had already sustained. Great credit is due to the gallant
       officer and gentleman, Brigadier General H. S. Hawkins, who,
       placing himself between the two regiments, leading his
       brigade, the 6th and 16th Infantry, urged and led them by
       voice and bugle calls to the attack so successfully
       accomplished."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 164.

       The part borne by the dismounted cavalry division in the
       capture of the Spanish intrenchments on San Juan Hill is
       described as follows in the report of General Sumner,
       temporarily in command:

       "After crossing the creek with sufficient strength to hold it
       and protect the crossing, I received verbal orders to move by
       the right flank to connect with Lawton's left. During the
       execution of this movement a balloon, under command of Colonel
       Derby, came up the road, forcing open Wood's Brigade and
       cutting it in two, thereby delaying the movement. The
       artillery fire of the enemy opened upon the balloon and
       continued for more than an hour, thereby subjecting part of my
       command massed and the rest moving by the flank to long
       shrapnel fire. Many officers and men were wounded here by
       exploding shells and small arms' firing of the enemy. After
       completing the deployment the command was so much committed to
       battle that it became necessary either to advance or else
       retreat under fire.

       "Lieutenant Miley, representing General Shafter, authorized an
       advance, which was ordered, Carroll's brigade taking the
       advance, reinforced on the right by Roosevelt's regiment and
       supported by the 1st and 10th Cavalry of Wood's Brigade. The
       advance was made under heavy infantry fire through open flat
       ground, cut up by wire fences, to the creek, dIstant about 600
       yards. The advance was made in good order, the enemy's fire
       being returned only under favorable opportunities. In crossing
       the flat one officer (Captain O'Neil) and several men were
       killed and several officers and men wounded. Both sides of the
       creek are heavily wooded for about 200 yards. The creek was
       swollen, and the crossing through this space and the creek was
       made with great difficulty. After passing through the thick
       woods the ground was entirely open and fenced by wire. From
       this line it was necessary to storm the hill, upon the top of
       which is a house loopholed, etc., for defense. The slope of
       the hill is very difficult, but the assault was made with
       great gallantry and with much loss to the enemy. In this
       assault Colonel Hamilton, Lieutenants Smith and Shipp were
       killed; Colonel Carroll, Lieutenants Thayer and Myer were
       wounded. A number of casualties occurred among the enlisted
       men. After taking this hill the front line advanced to take
       the Fort San Juan Hill under fire from strong force of the
       enemy in trenches and house known as 'Blockhouse.' … The
       assault was successful, the line storming the trenches and
       blockhouse with conspicuous gallantry and coolness, capturing
       three prisoners, wounding and killing many of the enemy. …
       Connected with my left, Hawkins's brigade of Kent's division
       carried everything in front of it and captured the house and
       hill known as 'Fort San Juan' proper."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2. page 370.

    {606}

       Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt, who commanded the Rough Riders
       regiment that day, while Colonel Wood commanded the brigade,
       tells the story of the fight, and what followed, very tersely,
       in his report: "After crossing the river at the ford," says
       the Lieutenant-Colonel, "we were moved along and up its light
       bank under fire, and were held in reserve at a sunken road.
       Here we lost a good many men, including Captain O'Neil,
       killed, and Lieutenant Haskell, wounded. We then received your
       order to advance and support the regular cavalry in the attack
       on the intrenchments and blockhouses on the hills to the left.
       The regiment was deployed on both sides of the road, and moved
       forward until we came to the rearmost lines of the regulars.
       We continued to move forward until I ordered a charge, and the
       men rushed the blockhouse and rifle pits on the hill to the
       right of our advance. They did the work in fine shape, though
       suffering severely. The guidons of Troops E and G were first
       planted on the summit, though the first men up were some A and
       B troopers who were with me.

       "We then opened fire on the intrenchments on a hill to our
       left which some of the other regiments were assailing and
       which they carried a few minutes later. Meanwhile we were
       under a heavy rifle fire from the intrenchments along the
       hills to our front, from whence they also shelled us with a
       piece of field artillery until some of our marksmen silenced
       it. When the men got their wind we charged again and carried
       the second line of intrenchments with a rush. Swinging to the
       left, we then drove the Spaniards over the brow of the chain
       of hills fronting Santiago. By this time the regiments were
       much mixed, and we were under a very heavy fire, both of
       shrapnel and from rifles from the batteries, intrenchments,
       and forts immediately in front of the city. On the extreme
       front I now found myself in command with fragments of the six
       cavalry regiments of the two brigades under me. The Spaniards
       made one or two efforts to retake the line, but were promptly
       driven back.

       "Both General Sumner and you sent me word to hold the line at
       all hazards, and that night we dug a line of intrenchments
       across our front, using the captured Spaniards' intrenching
       tools. We had nothing to eat except what we captured from the
       Spaniards; but their dinners had fortunately been cooked, and
       we ate them with relish, having been fighting all day. We had
       no blankets and coats, and lay by the trenches all night. The
       Spaniards attacked us once in the night, and at dawn they
       opened a heavy artillery and rifle fire. Very great assistance
       was rendered us by Lieutenant Parker's Gatling battery at
       critical moments; he fought his guns at the extreme front of
       the firing line in a way that repeatedly called forth the
       cheers of my men. One of the Spanish batteries which was used
       against us was directly in front of the hospital so that the
       red cross flag flew over the battery, saving it from our fire
       for a considerable period. The Spanish Mauser bullets made
       clean wounds; but they also used a copper-jacketed or
       brass-jacketed bullet which exploded, making very bad wounds
       indeed.

       "Since then we have continued to hold the ground; the food has
       been short; and until today [July 4] we could not get our
       blankets, coats, or shelter tents, while the men lay all day
       under the fire from the Spanish batteries, intrenchments, and
       guerrillas in trees, and worked all night in the trenches,
       never even taking off their shoes. But they are in excellent
       spirits, and ready and anxious to carry out any orders they
       receive. At the end of the first day the eight troops were
       commanded, two by captains, three by first lieutenants, two by
       second lieutenants, and one by the sergeant whom you made
       acting lieutenant. We went into the fight about 490 strong; 86
       were killed or wounded, and there are about half a dozen
       missing. The great heat prostrated nearly 40 men, some of them
       among the best in the regiment."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 684.

       There have been much contradiction and controversy concerning
       some of the orders by which the battle of San Juan was
       directed. The following are the conclusions on that subject of
       a civilian observer who seems to have seen and investigated
       with impartiality:

       "The orders under which the battle of San Juan was fought were
       given by Adjutant-General McClernand to General Kent, commanding
       the Infantry Division—consisting, in addition to the
       organizations already mentioned (Wikoff's and Pearson's
       brigades), of the First Brigade, including the Sixth and
       Sixteenth United States Infantry and the Seventy-first New
       York, under General Hawkins—at about nine o'clock in the
       morning. There is no question fortunately as to the exact
       wording of the orders. A little green knoll to the left of the
       Santiago road and half a mile short of the San Juan Heights was
       pointed out as the point which was to be the extreme limit of
       the forward movement of the Infantry Division. Once there,
       further orders would be given. The orders under which General
       Sumner advanced from El Pozo would appear to have been more
       specific, and certainly more clear than the orders which
       General Kent received for the Infantry Division a few minutes
       later. At the same time, it is true that these orders were
       also based upon a complete misconception of the situation and
       a total ignorance of the Spanish position and the lay of the
       country beyond El Pozo. General Sumner's orders were to
       advance along that branch of the Aguadores Creek which runs
       parallel with the Santiago road from El Pozo, until it joins
       the main stream of the Aguadores at the angle subsequently
       known as the 'bloody angle,' where the creek makes a sharp
       turn to the left, and then runs a general southerly course
       toward the town of Aguadores and the sea. This creek General
       Sumner was instructed to hold until the result of Lawton's
       attack upon Caney became known, and he received further
       orders. Once the creek was reached, Sumner, under the most
       unfavorable circumstances of a heavy fire, and the thick and
       pathless jungles which his men had to penetrate, deployed his
       whole division, and then sent back word to McClernand, the
       adjutant-general of the corps, acquainting him with the actual
       conditions by which he was confronted, and asking whether his
       orders contemplated an attack upon the enemy's intrenched
       position, setting forth at the same time the utter
       impossibility of keeping his men inactive for a long time
       under such a heavy fire as was being poured in upon them.

    {607}

       "Had it been proposed to carry out the plan, as discussed and
       agreed upon at General Shafter's headquarters the night
       before, to advance along the right flank of the Spanish
       position, keeping in touch with Lawton, obviously these two
       divisions, or a large part of them, should have been directed
       to take the direct road which ran north from El Pozo to
       Marianaje and thence to El Caney, leaving in front of San Juan
       only force sufficient to retain the Spaniards in their
       position. But the divisions were ordered to proceed along the
       Santiago road, and in a very few minutes came under fire. The
       original plan may have been changed at the last moment, of
       course; but as every movement that was subsequently made was
       in the line of carrying this plan out, until finally, on the
       12th, General Lawton succeeded in completely investing the
       town on the north and west, this does not seem likely. The
       more probable explanation of the movement and of what
       followed, and the one accepted by general officers, is as
       follows: That it was still intended to follow Lawton's advance
       on the right, but that owing to our failure to develop the
       Spanish position in our front, and our complete ignorance of
       the lay of the land, the flank movement was not begun until
       too late—not until the troops had been led into a position
       from which they could be extricated only by wresting from the
       Spaniards the block-houses and the trenches from which,
       unexposed and unseen, they were delivering such a galling fire
       upon our men, engaged in wandering aimlessly about in an
       almost trackless tropical jungle. At this moment of great
       confusion and uncertainty, when the road was choked with the
       regiments of both the cavalry and infantry divisions, mutually
       hindering one another in their struggles to advance, and
       having to sustain a heavy and destructive fire which could not
       be answered, an ordeal even for the veteran soldier; at this
       moment, when something might still have been done to mislead
       the enemy and cover our advance, the war balloon was sent up
       directly behind our columns. This mistake betrayed the exact
       location of our advance, and the Spanish fire became heavier
       and better directed, and our losses more severe."

          S. Bonsal,
          The Fight for Santiago,
          chapter 6 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company).

       The same writer gives a sickening account of the sufferings of
       the wounded after the battle and the miserable failure of
       provision for any kind of succor or care of them. "Of course:"
       he says, "in view of the perilous situation which the two
       divisions now occupied upon the crest of the hill, and the
       great anxiety which was felt at headquarters for the safety of
       the whole army, and the preparations which had to be made
       against the expected night attack of the Spaniards to drive
       our men back and retake their lost position, the search for
       the dead and wounded this evening had to be confined to a very
       limited area, and was only as thorough as the shortness of the
       time for which men could be spared from the colors permitted.
       The jungle and the great fields of long grass were not
       searched, and thus many of the wounded were not discovered
       until the following day; and quite a number, indeed, not until
       the armistice was declared, on the third day after the battle,
       when the men had time to ransack the hill-side and the valley
       for the missing. And there were some—those who had the
       strength when they fell to crawl through the cactus, the
       Spanish bayonet, and all manner of prickly and trailing plants
       into the deeper and more protected recesses of the jungle—who
       were never discovered at all until days, many days, had
       passed; and the gathering of the vultures told where some poor
       fellow had died without care and without food, of his wounds
       or from starvation. Of such an one, when his place of hiding
       was discovered, there was, as a rule, only left a whitened
       skeleton and pieces of the uniform he had worn. The last
       resting place of not a few was never discovered at all.

       "I believe I am giving a moderate estimate when I say that at
       least one-third of the men wounded on July 1st received no
       attention, and were not brought back to the division hospital
       until the afternoon of Ju]y 3d. This night we knew nothing,
       and had not even the slightest suspicion, of how numerous the
       undiscovered wounded were. … Only about half of the wounded
       men who were discovered this evening and been brought back to
       the dressing station when the moon rose above the dark forest
       line, and lit up the battlefield and the heights of San Juan
       as clearly, and, indeed, more clearly than day, for there was
       now not the dazzling force and the confusing mirage of the
       pitiless sunlight to blind the sight. The majority of these
       men had had their wounds dressed where they fell, or soon
       after falling, with the first-aid bandages. There were very
       few indeed to whom it had been possible to give any further
       attention than this, as the regimental surgeons, for want of
       transportation, had been unable to bring their medical chests,
       and those who were best provided carried with them only small
       pocket cases. …

       "When the first-aid bandages were applied, the wounded man and
       those who helped him were, as a rule, under fire, which made
       any but the most summary methods of wound-dressing quite
       impossible. Fortunately these bandages, so simple and
       practical, lent themselves excellently well to this procedure.
       The first thing the soldiers or the hospital attendants would
       do when they came upon a wounded man was, in the case of a
       wound in the body, to tear off his shirt, or in the case of a
       wound in the leg, tear off his trousers, and then wrap around
       the wound the first-aid bandage. The wound-dressers were
       generally in such haste, and the wounded men usually so
       helpless to assist in any way, and their shirts and trousers
       so rotten from the drenching rains in which they had been worn
       without change day or night, that the taking off of the clothing
       was literally what I call it—tearing, and the garment came off
       so rent as to be quite useless for further wear. Consequently
       the soldiers were carried half-naked, or, if they had been
       wounded in both the body and the lower limbs, as was so
       frequently the case, entirely naked, to the army wagons and so
       down to the hospital, where there was not a scrap of clothing
       or bedding forthcoming to cover them with. These who were
       stripped in this way during the daytime were baked and
       blistered by the fierce sunlight, only to shiver with the
       penetrating cold and dampness after the rain had ceased to
       fall and when the chill night came on.

       "Knowing that he was totally unprepared to clothe or cover the
       wounded that would probably be brought in, the chief surgeon
       of the corps issued an order, the evening before the battle,
       that all wounded men should be brought in with their blankets,
       halves of shelter-tents, and ponchos when possible. This was
       certainly a step in the right direction, even if it was but a
       frank confession by the authorities that no preparation had
       been made by them for the emergency which it cannot be said
       was suddenly thrust upon them, but which they might have
       foreseen and should have been preparing against for many weeks
       previous.
    {608}
       While the attending soldiers, realizing how serious for their
       wounded comrades it would be to have to lie in the hospitals
       uncovered to wind and weather, made great efforts to find
       their packs, these efforts were not often successful, and a
       great majority of the wounded reached the hospital half
       naked, and had thereafter only the covering and the bedding
       which their comrades and the hospital attendants were able to
       'rustle' for them, and this was little enough and not seldom
       nothing at all.

       "Had this expedition been provided with a greater number of
       surgeons and hospital attendants, had the ambulances been at
       hand which we left in Tampa or upon the transports, ambulances
       without which it is reasonable to suppose—at least we had
       supposed—no civilized power would enter upon an aggressive
       war, much less upon a campaign in which we had the advantage
       of choosing both our own time and the field of operations, the
       outrageous treatment which our wounded suffered, and the
       barbarous scenes which we were called upon to witness upon
       this and the following days would never have occurred."

          S. Bonsai,
          The Fight for Santiago,
          chapter 8 (New York: Doubleday, Page & Company).

       The troops which had carried San Juan Hill were intrenched,
       that night, in the positions they had gained, and those which
       had taken El Caney were brought into connection with them,
       Lawton's division on their right and Bates's brigade on the
       left. The battle was renewed by the Spaniards soon after
       daylight on the morning of the 2d, and raged with more or less
       fury throughout the day. That evening, about 10 o'clock, a
       fierce attempt was made to break through the American lines,
       but without success. Again, on the morning of the third, the
       Spaniards reopened battle, but with less vigor than before.
       General Shafter then sent the following letter to General
       Toral, the Spanish commander: "I shall be obliged, unless you
       surrender, to shell Santiago de Cuba. Please inform the
       citizens of foreign countries, and all women and children,
       that they should leave the city before 10 o'clock to-morrow
       morning." In reply, General Toral wrote; "It is my duty to say
       to you that this city will not surrender, and that I will
       inform the foreign consuls and inhabitants of the contents of
       your message." Several of the foreign consuls at Santiago then
       came into the American lines and persuaded General Shafter to
       delay the shelling of the town until noon of the 5th, provided
       that the Spanish forces made no demonstration meantime against
       his own. This established a truce which was renewed, in a
       series of negotiations until the 10th. "I was of the opinion,"
       reported General Shafter, "that the Spaniards would surrender
       if given a little time, and I thought this result would be
       hastened if the men of their army could be made to understand
       they would be well treated as prisoners of war. Acting upon
       this presumption I determined to offer to return all the
       wounded Spanish officers at El Caney who were able to bear
       transportation, and who were willing to give their paroles not
       to serve against the forces of the United States until
       regularly exchanged. This offer was made and accepted. These
       officers, as well as several of the wounded Spanish privates,
       27 in all, were sent to their lines under the escort of some
       of our mounted cavalry. Our troops were received with honors,
       and I have every reason to believe the return of the Spanish
       prisoners produced a good impression on their comrades. The
       cessation of firing about noon on the 3d practically
       terminated the battle of Santiago." General Shafter goes on to
       say that when the battle was fiercest, on July 1st, he probably
       had no more than 12,000 men on the firing line, not counting a
       few Cubans who assisted in the attack on El Caney, and who
       fought with valor. They were confronted by about equal numbers
       of the enemy, in strong and intrenched positions. "Our losses
       in these battles were 22 officers and 208 men killed, and 81
       officers and 1,203 men wounded; missing 79. The missing, with
       few exceptions, reported later." Up to this time, General
       Shafter had been unable to complete the investment of the town
       with his own men, and had depended upon General Garcia with
       his Cubans, placed on the extreme right of the American lines,
       to watch for and intercept reinforcements. They failed to do
       so, and 2,800 Spaniards, under General Escario, entered the
       city on the night of the 2d. The American commander now
       extended his own lines as rapidly as possible and completed
       the investment of the town.

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, pages 155-157.

       As stated above, permission was given on the 3d for
       non-combatants to leave the city. "They did leave in the
       following days to the number of perhaps 20,000, filling the
       neighboring villages and roads with destitute people, mostly
       women and children. It then seemed to fall to our lot to see
       that these people did not starve in a desolate country, and to
       be as much our duty to take care of these people, whom our
       policy had driven from their homes, as it was for Spain to
       feed the reconcentrados, whom they drove from their homes
       under their war policy. The task was not insignificant."

          Report of Inspector-General
          (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 596).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July).
       Annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          HAWAIIAN ISLANDS: A. D. 1898.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 1).
       National Bankrupt Law.

       After years of effort on the part of its advocates, a national
       bankrupt law was enacted by both Houses of Congress and
       received the President's signature on the 1st of July, 1898.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July 3).
       Destruction of the Spanish squadron at Santiago.

       On the morning of July 3, Admiral Cervera, convinced that
       Santiago would be taken by the American forces, and acting
       under orders from the Captain-General at Havana, made a
       desperate attempt to save his squadron by escaping to sea. The
       result was a total destruction of the Spanish ships, in an
       engagement with the blockading fleet, of which Admiral Sampson
       gave the following account in his official report:

       "The enemy's vessels came out of the harbor between 9.35 and
       10 a. m., the head of the column appearing around Cay Smith at
       9.31 and emerging from the channel five or six minutes later.
       The positions of the vessels of my command off Santiago at
       that moment were as follows: The flagship 'New York' was 4
       miles east of her blockading station and about 7 miles from
       the harbor entrance. She had started for Siboney, where I
       intended to land, accompanied by several of my staff, and go
       to the front to consult with General Shafter.
    {609}
       A discussion of the situation and a more definite
       understanding between us of the operations proposed had been
       rendered necessary by the unexpectedly strong resistance of
       the Spanish garrison of Santiago. I had sent my chief of staff
       on shore the day before to arrange an interview with General
       Shafter, who had been suffering from heat prostration. I made
       arrangements to go to his headquarters, and my flagship was in
       the position mentioned above when the Spanish squadron
       appeared in the channel. The remaining vessels were in or near
       their usual blockading positions, distributed in a semicircle
       about the harbor entrance, counting from the eastward to the
       westward, in the following order: The 'Indiana' about a mile
       and a half from shore, the 'Oregon'—the 'New York's' place
       being between these two—the 'Iowa,' 'Texas,' and 'Brooklyn,'
       the latter two miles from the shore west of Santiago. The
       distance of the vessels from the harbor entrance was from 2½
       to 4 miles, the latter being the limit of day blockading
       distance. The length of the arc formed by the ships was about
       8 miles. The 'Massachusetts' had left at 4 a. m., for
       Guantanamo for coal. Her station was between the 'Iowa' and
       'Texas.' The auxiliaries 'Gloucester' and 'Vixen' lay close to
       the land and nearer the harbor entrance than the large
       vessels, the 'Gloucester' to the eastward and the 'Vixen' to
       the westward. The torpedo boat 'Ericsson' was in company with
       the flagship and remained with her during the chase until
       ordered to discontinue, when she rendered very efficient
       service in rescuing prisoners from the burning' Vizcaya.' …

       "The Spanish vessels came rapidly out of the harbor, at a
       speed estimated at from 8 to 10 knots, and in the following
       order: 'Infanta Maria Teresa' (flagship), 'Vizcaya,'
       'Cristobal Colon,' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' The distance
       between these ships was about 800 yards, which means that from
       the time the first one became visible in the upper reach of
       the channel until the last one was out of the harbor an
       interval of only about 12 minutes elapsed. Following the
       'Oquendo,' at a distance of about 1,200 yards, came the
       torpedo-boat destroyer 'Pluton,' and after her the 'Furor.'
       The armored cruisers, as rapidly as they could bring their
       guns to bear, opened a vigorous fire upon the blockading
       vessels, and emerged from the channel shrouded in the smoke
       from their guns. The men of our ships in front of the port
       were at Sunday 'quarters for inspection.' The signal was made
       simultaneously from several vessels, 'Enemy ships escaping,'
       and general quarters was sounded. The men cheered as they
       sprang to their guns, and fire was opened probably within 8
       minutes by the vessels whose guns commanded the entrance. The
       'New York' turned about and steamed for the escaping fleet,
       flying the signal, 'Close in towards harbor entrance and
       attack vessels,' and gradually increasing speed, until toward
       the end of the chase she was making 16½ knots, and was rapidly
       closing on the 'Cristobal Colon.' She was not, at any time,
       within the range of the heavy Spanish ships, and her only part
       in the firing was to receive the undivided fire from the forts
       in passing the harbor entrance, and to fire a few shots at one
       of the destroyers, thought at the moment to be attempting to
       escape from the 'Gloucester.'

       "The Spanish vessels, upon clearing the harbor, turned to the
       westward in column, increasing their speed to the full power
       of their engines. The heavy blockading vessels, which had
       closed in towards the Morro at the instant of the enemy's
       appearance, and at their best speed, delivered a rapid fire,
       well sustained and destructive, which speedily overwhelmed and
       silenced the Spanish fire. The initial speed of the Spaniards
       carried them rapidly past the blockading vessels, and the
       battle developed into a chase in which the 'Brooklyn' and
       'Texas' had, at the start, the advantage of position. The
       'Brooklyn' maintained this lead. The 'Oregon,' steaming with
       amazing speed from the commencement of the action, took first
       place. The 'Iowa' and the 'Indiana' having done good work, and
       not having the speed of the other ships, were directed by me,
       in succession, at about the time the 'Vizcaya' was beached, to
       drop out of the chase and resume blockading stations. These
       vessels rescued many prisoners. The 'Vixen,' finding that the
       rush of the Spanish ships would put her between two fires, ran
       outside of our own column and remained there during the battle
       and chase.

       "The skillful handling and gallant fighting of the
       'Gloucester' excited the admiration of everyone who witnessed
       it, and merits the commendation of the Navy Department. She is
       a fast and entirely unprotected auxiliary vessel—the yacht
       'Corsair'—and has a good battery of light rapid-fire guns. She
       was lying about 2 miles from the harbor entrance, to the
       southward and eastward, and immediately steamed in, opening
       fire upon the large ships. Anticipating the appearance of the
       'Pluton' and 'Furor,' the 'Gloucester' was slowed, thereby
       gaining more rapidly a high pressure of steam, and when the
       destroyers came out she steamed for them at full speed, and
       was able to close to short range, while her fire was accurate,
       deadly, and of great volume. During this fight the
       'Gloucester' was under the fire of the Socapa Battery. Within
       twenty minutes from the time they emerged from Santiago Harbor
       the careers of the 'Furor' and the 'Pluton' were ended, and
       two-thirds of their people killed. The 'Furor' was beached and
       sunk in the surf; the 'Pluton' sank in deep water a few
       minutes later. The destroyers probably suffered much injury
       from the fire of the secondary batteries of the battle ships
       'Iowa,' 'Indiana,' and the 'Texas,' yet I think a very
       considerable factor in their speedy destruction was the fire,
       at close range, of the 'Gloucester's' battery. After rescuing
       the survivors of the destroyers, the 'Gloucester' did
       excellent service in landing and securing the crew of the
       'Infanta Maria Teresa.'

       "The method of escape attempted by the Spaniards, all steering
       in the same direction, and in formation, removed all tactical
       doubts or difficulties, and made plain the duty of every
       United States vessel to close in, immediately engage, and
       pursue. This was promptly and effectively done. As already
       stated, the first rush of the Spanish squadron carried it past
       a number of the blockading ships which could not immediately
       work up to their best speed; but they suffered heavily in
       passing, and the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' and the 'Oquendo' were
       probably set on fire by shells fired during the first fifteen
       minutes of the engagement. It was afterwards learned that the
       'Infanta Maria Teresa's' fire main had been cut by one of our
       first shots, and that she was unable to extinguish fire. With
       large volumes of smoke rising from their lower decks aft,
       these vessels gave up both fight and flight and ran in on the
       beach—the 'Infanta Maria Teresa' at about 10.15 a. m. at Nima
       Nima, 6½ miles from Santiago Harbor entrance, and the
       'Almirante Oquendo' at about 10.30 a. m. at Juan Gonzales, 7
       miles from the port.

    {610}

       "The 'Vizcaya' was still under the fire of the leading
       vessels; the 'Cristobal Colon' had drawn ahead, leading the
       chase, and soon passed beyond the range of the guns of the
       leading American ships. The 'Vizcaya' was soon set on fire,
       and, at 11.15, she turned inshore, and was beached at
       Aserraderos, 15 miles from Santiago, burning fiercely, and
       with her reserves of ammunition on deck already beginning to
       explode. When about 10 miles west of Santiago the 'Indiana'
       had been signaled to go back to the harbor entrance, and at
       Aserraderos the 'Iowa' was signaled to 'Resume blockading
       station.' The 'Iowa' assisted by the 'Ericsson' and the
       'Hist,' took off the crew of the 'Vizcaya,' while the
       'Harvard' and the 'Gloucester' rescued those of the 'Infanta
       Maria Teresa' and the 'Almirante Oquendo.' This rescue of
       prisoners, including the wounded, from the burning Spanish
       vessels, was the occasion of some of the most daring and
       gallant conduct of the day. The ships were burning fore and
       aft, their guns and reserve ammunition were exploding, and it
       was not known at what moment the fire would reach the main
       magazines. In addition to this a heavy surf was running just
       inside of the Spanish ships. But no risk deterred our officers
       and men until their work of humanity was complete.

       "There remained now of the Spanish ships only the 'Cristobal
       Colon'—but she was their best and fastest vessel. Forced by
       the situation to hug the Cuban coast, her only chance of
       escape was by superior and sustained speed. When the 'Vizcaya'
       went ashore, the 'Colon' was about 6 miles ahead of the
       'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon'; but her spurt was finished, and
       the American ships were now gaining upon her. Behind the
       'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' came the 'Texas,' 'Vixen,' and
       'New York.' It was evident from the bridge of the 'New York'
       that all the American ships were gradually overhauling the
       chase, and that she had no chance of escape. At 12.50 the
       'Brooklyn' and the 'Oregon' opened fire and got her range—the
       'Oregon's' heavy shell striking beyond her—and at 1.20 she
       gave up without firing another shot, hauled down her colors,
       and ran ashore at Rio Torquino, 48 miles from Santiago.
       Captain Cook, of the 'Brooklyn,' went on board to receive the
       surrender. While his boat was alongside I came up in the 'New
       York,' received his report, and placed the 'Oregon' in charge
       of the wreck to save her, if possible, and directed the
       prisoners to be transferred to the 'Resolute,' which had
       followed the chase. Commodore Schley, whose chief of staff had
       gone on board to receive the surrender, had directed that all
       their personal effects should be retained by the officers.
       This order I did not modify. The 'Cristobal Colon' was not
       injured by our firing, and probably is not much injured by
       beaching, though she ran ashore at high speed. The beach was
       so steep that she came off by the working of the sea. But her
       sea valves were opened and broken, treacherously, I am sure,
       after her surrender, and despite all efforts she sank. When it
       became evident that she could not be kept afloat, she was
       pushed by the 'New York' bodily up on the beach, the 'New
       York's' stem being placed against her for this purpose—the
       ship being handled by Captain Chadwick with admirable
       judgment—and sank in shoal water and may be saved. Had this
       not been done she would have gone down in deep water and would
       have been, to a certainty, a total loss.

       "I regard this complete and important victory over the Spanish
       forces as the successful finish of several weeks of arduous
       and close blockade, so stringent and effective during the
       night that the enemy was deterred from making the attempt to
       escape at night, and deliberately elected to make the attempt
       in daylight. The object of the blockade of Cervera's squadron
       was fully accomplished, and each individual bore well his part
       in it—the commodore in command on the second division, the
       captains of ships, their officers, and men. The fire of the
       battle ships was powerful and destructive, and the resistance
       of the Spanish squadron was, in great part, broken almost
       before they had got beyond the range of their own forts. …
       Several of the [American] ships were struck—the 'Brooklyn'
       more often than the others—but very slight material injury was
       done, the greatest being aboard the 'Iowa.' Our loss was 1 man
       killed and 1 wounded, both on the 'Brooklyn.' It is difficult to
       explain this immunity from loss of life or injury to ships in
       a combat with modern vessels of the best type, but Spanish
       gunnery is poor at the best, and the superior weight and
       accuracy of our fire speedily drove the men from their guns
       and silenced their fire. This is borne out by the statements
       of prisoners and by observation."

          Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, pages 506-511.

       Some particulars of the destruction of the "Furor," the
       "Pluton," and the "Infanta Maria Teresa," and of the rescue of
       surviving Spaniards, including Admiral Cervera, are given in a
       report by Lieutenant Huse, executive officer of the "Gloucester,"
       as follows: "The 'Pluton' was run on the rocks about 4 miles
       west of Morro and blew up. Our crew cheered at the sight of
       the explosion. The 'Furor' soon commenced to describe circles
       with a starboard helm, her fire ceased, and it became apparent
       that she was disabled. A white rag was waved from forward and
       we stopped firing. Lieutenants Wood and Norman and Assistant
       Engineer Proctor were sent to rescue the crews and to see if
       the prizes could be saved. These found a horrible state of
       affairs on the 'Furor.' The vessel was a perfect shambles. As
       she was on fire and burning rapidly, they took off the living
       and then rescued all they could find in the water and on the
       beach. The 'Pluton' was among the rocks in the surf and could
       not be boarded, but her crew had made their way ashore or were
       adrift on life buoys and wreckage. These were all taken on board.
       I have since learned that the 'New York' passed a number of
       men in the water who had doubtless jumped overboard from the
       destroyers to escape our fire. All these were probably
       drowned. While this work was going on several explosions took
       place on the 'Furor,' and presently—at about 11.30—she threw
       her bows in the air, and turning to port slowly sank in deep
       water. …

    {611}

       "While one of our boats was still ashore, seeing heavy clouds
       of smoke behind the next point the ship was moved in that
       direction, the men being at quarters and everything in
       readiness for further action. On rounding the point two
       men-of-war were found on the beach burning fiercely aft, the
       majority of the crew being crowded on the forecastle and
       unable apparently to reach land, only 200 yards away. Our
       boats, under Lieutenant Norman and Ensign Edson, put off to
       the nearer vessel, which proved to be the flagship 'Infanta
       Maria Teresa,' and rescued all on board by landing them on the
       beach through the surf. Lieutenant Norman formally received
       the surrender of the commander in chief and all his officers
       and men present, and as soon as all hands had been transferred
       ashore, brought on board this ship all the higher officers,
       including the admiral. Lieutenant Wood meanwhile rescued the
       remaining survivors on board the 'Oquendo,' the second of the
       burning vessels. The Spanish officers not feeling that the
       prisoners on shore were secure from attack by Cuban partisans,
       by your orders I directed Lieutenant Norman to land with a
       small force, establish a camp on shore, and hoist the United
       States flag over it. He took with him all the rations that
       could be spared from the stores aboard."

          Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, page 542.

       The following is a translation, from Admiral Cervera's report,
       as partly published in newspapers at Madrid, giving his
       description of the destruction of his flagship and his own
       rescue from death: "The enemy's fire produced terrible damages
       on board the 'Infanta Maria Teresa,' destroying the elements
       of defence—among others, the net for protection against fire.
       In this critical moment the captain of the ship, Señor Concas,
       fell wounded, and it was necessary to withdraw him, I taking
       command of the vessel, because it was impossible to find the
       second commandant of the 'Maria Teresa.' Immediately
       afterwards they reported to me that my cabin was burning in
       consequence of an explosion. The fire soon became very great
       and ignited other parts of the ship. I gave orders to my aid
       to flood the after magazines, but it was impossible. Dense
       clouds of smoke impeded walking in the passages and practicing
       any kind of operations. In this situation I could only think
       of beaching the ship, and did so, running aground on Punta
       Cabrera. The contest was impossible on our side, and there was
       nothing more to be done but to save as much as possible. I
       thought to lower the flag, but that was not possible on
       account of the fire, which prevented all operations. In these
       anxious moments two boats came to the aid of the 'Maria
       Teresa,' into which a number of us jumped. Those that were not
       dying were saved with nothing. The 'Teresa' lowered a small boat,
       which sank before it could be of any service. Subsequently
       they succeeded in launching a steam launch, but this also sank
       after making one voyage to the beach. I succeeded in saving
       myself with nothing, two sailors helping me, one named Andres
       Sequeros and the officer D. Angel Cervera, all of us arriving
       on board the American ship 'Gloucester' naked. At this time we
       were all naked."

          Annual Report of Secretary of the Navy, 1898,
          volume 2, pages 558-559.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 July (4-17).
       The surrender of Santiago and of all the Spanish forces
       in eastern Cuba.

       The following is a continuation of the report made by General
       Shafter of his operations at Santiago de Cuba, resulting in
       the surrender of the entire forces of Spain in eastern Cuba:
       "The information of our naval victory was transmitted under
       flag of truce to the Spanish commander in Santiago on July 4,
       and the suggestion again made that he surrender to save
       needless effusion of blood. On the same date I informed
       Admiral Sampson that if he would force his way into the harbor
       the city would surrender without any further sacrifice of
       life. Commodore Watson replied that Admiral Sampson was
       temporarily absent, but that in his (Watson's) opinion the
       navy should not enter the harbor. In the meanwhile letters
       passing between General Toral and myself caused the cessation
       of hostilities to continue; each army, however, continued to
       strengthen its intrenchments. I was still of the opinion the
       Spaniards would surrender without much more fighting, and on
       July 6 called General Toral's attention to the changed
       conditions and at his request gave him time to consult his
       home Government. This he did, asking that the British consul,
       with the employees of the cable company, be permitted to
       return from El Caney to the city. This I granted. The strength
       of the enemy's position was such I did not wish to assault if
       it could be avoided. An examination of the enemy's works, made
       after the surrender, fully justified the wisdom of the course
       adopted. The intrenchments could only have been carried with
       very great loss of life, probably with not less than 3,000
       killed and wounded.

       "On July 8 General Toral offered to march out of the city with
       arms and baggage, provided he would not be molested before
       reaching Holguin, and to surrender to the American forces the
       territory then occupied by him. I replied that while I would
       submit his proposition to my home Government, I did not think
       it would be accepted. In the meanwhile arrangements were made
       with Admiral Sampson that when the army again engaged the
       enemy the navy would assist by shelling the city from ships
       stationed off Aguadores, dropping a shell every few minutes.
       On July 10 the 1st Illinois and the 1st District of Columbia
       arrived, and were placed on the line to the right of the
       cavalry division. This enabled me to push Lawton further to
       the right and to practically command the Cobra road. On the
       afternoon of the date last mentioned the truce was broken off
       at 4 p. m., and I determined to open with four batteries of
       artillery, and went forward in person to the trenches to give
       the necessary orders; but the enemy anticipated us by opening
       fire with his artillery a few minutes after the hour stated.
       His batteries were apparently silenced before night, while
       ours continued playing upon his trenches until dark. During
       this firing the navy fired from Aguadores, most of the shells
       falling in the city. There was also some small-arms firing. On
       this afternoon and the next morning we lost Captain Charles W.
       Rowell, 2d Infantry, and 1 man killed, and Lieutenant Lutz, 2d
       Infantry, and 10 men wounded. On the morning of July 11 the
       bombardment by the Navy and my field guns was renewed and
       continued until nearly noon, and on the same day I reported to
       the Adjutant-General of the Army that the right of Ludlow's
       brigade of Lawton's division rested on the bay. Thus our hold
       upon the enemy was complete.

    {612}

       "At 2 p. m. on this date, the 11th, the surrender of the city
       was again demanded. The firing ceased and was not again
       renewed. By this date the sickness in the army was increasing
       very rapidly as a result of exposure in the trenches to the
       intense heat of the sun and the heavy rains. Moreover, the
       dews in Cuba are almost equal to rains. The weakness of the
       troops was becoming so apparent I was anxious to bring the
       siege to an end, but in common with most of the officers of
       the army I did not think an assault would be justifiable,
       especially as the enemy seemed to be acting in good faith in
       their preliminary propositions to surrender. On July 11 I
       wrote General Toral as follows: 'With the largely increased
       forces which have come to me, and the fact that I have your
       line of retreat securely in my hands, the time seems fitting
       that I should again demand of your excellency the surrender of
       Santiago and of your excellency's army. I am authorized to
       state that should your excellency so desire the Government of
       the United States will transport the entire command of your
       excellency to Spain.' General Toral replied that he had
       communicated my proposition to his general-in-chief, General
       Blanco.

       "July 12 I informed the Spanish commander that Major-General
       Miles, commander-in-chief of the American Army, had just
       arrived in my camp, and requested him to grant us a personal
       interview on the following day. He replied he would be pleased
       to meet us. The interview took place on the 13th, and I
       informed him his surrender only could be considered, and that
       as he was without hope of escape he had no right to continue
       the fight. On the 14th another interview took place, during
       which General Toral agreed to surrender, upon the basis of his
       army, the Fourth Army Corps, being returned to Spain, the
       capitulation embracing all of eastern Cuba east of a line
       passing from Acerraderos on the south to Sagua de Tanamo on
       the north, via Palma Soriano. It was agreed commissioners
       should meet during the afternoon to definitely arrange the
       terms. … The terms of surrender finally agreed upon included
       about 12,000 Spanish troops in the city and as many more in
       the surrendered district. It was arranged the formal surrender
       should take place between the lines on the morning of July 17,
       each army being represented by 100 armed men. At the time
       appointed, I appeared at the place agreed upon with my general
       officers, staff, and 100 troopers of the Second Cavalry under
       Captain Brett. General Toral also arrived with a number of his
       officers and 100 infantry. We met midway between the
       representatives of our two armies, and the Spanish commander
       formally consummated the surrender of the city and the 24,000
       troops in Santiago and the surrendered district. After this
       ceremony I entered the city with my staff and escort, and at
       12 o'clock noon the American flag was raised over the
       governor's palace with appropriate ceremonies."

          Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 2, pages 157-159.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898
       (July-August: Army administration).
       Red-tape and politics.
       Their working in the campaign.

       "The Cuban campaign had been foreseen by intelligent officers
       for more than a year, but the department which clothes the
       army had taken no steps toward providing a suitable uniform
       for campaigning in the tropics until war was declared. The
       Fifth Army Corps, a comparatively small body of 17,000 men,
       was concentrated at Tampa on the railroad within reach of all
       the appliances for expediting business. Between April 26, when
       war was declared, and, June 6, when the corps embarked for
       Cuba, sufficient time elapsed to have clothed 1,000,000 men if
       the matter had been handled in the same manner a wholesale
       clothing firm would handle similar business. Yet the corps
       went to Cuba wearing the winter clothing it had brought on its
       backs from Montana, Wyoming, and Michigan. It endured the heat
       of the tropics clad in this, and was furnished with light
       summer clothing by the department to wear for its return to
       Montauk, where the breezes were so bracing that the teeth
       chattered even when the men were clad in winter clothing. The
       only reason for this absolute failure to properly clothe the
       army was that the methods of the department are too slow and
       antiquated for the proper performance of business. There was
       no lack of money. It was a simple case of red-tape delays.
       There can be no doubt that the intention was that the summer
       clothing should be worn in Cuba and that there should be warm
       clothing issued at Montauk. It was issued after the troops had
       shivered for days in their light clothes. The delays
       unavoidably connected with an obsolete method caused great
       suffering that should not have been inflicted upon men
       expected to do arduous duty. A sensible man would not put a
       heavy blanket on a horse to do draught work on a hot day; but
       the red tape of an antiquated way of doing business caused our
       soldiers to wear heavy woolen clothes in torrid heat, when every
       nerve was to be strained to the breaking point in athletic
       exertion. This is not pointed out in a fault-finding spirit.
       The men are proud to have been in the Fifth Corps and to have
       endured these things for the country and the flag; but these
       unnecessary sufferings impaired the fighting strength of the
       army, caused much of the sickness that visited the Fifth
       Corps, and might have caused the failure of the whole
       expedition. …

       "The difficulty here depicted was one which beset the
       department at every turn in the whole campaign. It is a
       typical case. Transports, tentage, transportation—it was the
       same in everything. With the most heroic exertions the
       department was able to meet emergencies only after they had
       passed. This was caused partly by lack of ready material, but
       mainly by an inelastic system of doing business which broke
       down in emergencies. This, in turn, was caused mainly by the
       illiberal treatment accorded to this, as well as to every
       other department of the army by Congress. It uniformly cuts
       mercilessly all estimates of this, as of every other
       department, and leaves no margin of expenditure or chance of
       improvement. It dabbles in matters which are purely technical
       and require the handling of expert executive talent. …

       "Plans for war should be prepared in advance. This was
       especially true of the last war, which had been foreseen for
       years and considered a probability for several months. All
       details should have been previously worked out, all
       contingencies foreseen before hostilities began. Such plans
       would require some modifications, of course, but would form a
       working basis.
    {613}
       Neither Santiago nor Manila Bay would have been foreseen; but
       any plans for war would have involved the consideration and
       solution of the following problems: How to raise, arm, equip,
       organize, mobilize, clothe, feed, shelter, and transport large
       bodies of soldiers. The point where the battle might occur
       would be a mere tactical detail to be worked out at the proper
       time. The above problems could all be solved in time of peace and
       should have been solved. The general staff performs this
       function in foreign armies, but we had no such body in our
       service and nothing to imperfectly take its place. …

       "The most urgently needed reform is the absolute divorcement
       of the army in all of its departments from politics. … No
       department of the army should be more exempt from political
       influence than the staff. This points at once to the most
       urgent reform, viz., make the commanding general the real
       working head of the army, instead of the Secretary of War. No
       good results have come to the service by the extension of the
       Secretary's powers in Grant's first administration. Most of
       the evils of the service can be traced to the fact that the
       general commanding has since that time been practically
       deprived of his proper functions, and the real head of the
       army has been a politician."

          Lieutenant J. H. Parker,
          Our Army Supply Department and the need of a General Staff
          (Review of Reviews, December, 1898).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Cuba).
       The War with Spain.
       Sickness in the American army at Santiago.
       Its alarming state.
       Hurried removal of troops to Montauk Point, Long Island.

       "After the surrender of General Toral's army General Shafter
       urged the War Department from time to time to hasten the
       shipment of the Spanish prisoners to their homes, in order
       that the American Army, whose condition was now deplorable,
       might be transported to the United States. At this time about
       half the command had been attacked by malarial fever, with a
       few cases of yellow fever, dysentery, and typhoid fever. The
       yellow-fever cases were mainly confined to the troops at
       Siboney, and the few cases found among the troops at the front
       were at once transferred to that place. … There was great
       fear, and excellent grounds for it, that the yellow fever, now
       sporadic throughout the command, would become epidemic. With
       the command weakened by malarial fevers, and its general tone
       and vitality much reduced by all the circumstances incident to
       the campaign, the effects of such an epidemic would
       practically mean its annihilation. The first step taken to
       check the spread of disease was the removal of all the troops
       to new camping grounds. … It was directed that the command be
       moved in this way every few days, isolating the cases of
       yellow fever as they arose, and it was expected that in a
       short time the yellow fever would be stamped out. … But the
       effect produced on the command by the work necessary to set up
       the tents and in the removal of the camps increased the number
       on the sick report to an alarming degree. Convalescents from
       malarial fever were taken again with the fever, and yellow
       fever, dysentery, and typhoid increased. It was useless now to
       attempt to confine the yellow-fever cases to Siboney, and
       isolation hospitals were established around Santiago. It was
       apparent that to keep moving the command every few days simply
       weakened the troops and increased the fever cases. Any exertion
       in this heat caused a return of the fever, and it must be
       remembered that the convalescents now included about 75 per
       cent. of the command. The Commanding General was now directed
       to move the entire command into the mountains to the end of
       the San Luis railroad, where the troops would be above the
       yellow fever limit; but this was a physical impossibility. …

       "The situation was desperate; the yellow-fever cases were
       increasing in number, and the month of August, the period in
       which it is epidemic, was at hand. It was with these
       conditions staring them in the face, that the officers
       commanding divisions and brigades and the Chief Surgeon were
       invited by General Shafter to discuss the situation. As a
       result of this conference the General sent the following
       telegram giving his views [and those of the General Officers
       and Medical Officers]. … 'In reply to telegram of this date
       [August 3], stating that it is deemed best that my command be
       moved to end of railroad, where yellow fever is impossible, I
       have to say that under the circumstances this move is
       practically impossible. The railroad is not yet repaired,
       although it will be in about a week. Its capacity is not to
       exceed 1,000 men a day, at the best, and it will take until
       the end of August to make this move, even if the sick-list
       should not increase. An officer of my staff, Lieutenant Miley,
       who has looked over the ground, says it is not a good camping
       ground. … In my opinion there is but one course to take, and
       that is to immediately transport the Fifth Corps and the
       detached regiments that came with it, and were sent
       immediately after it, with the least delay possible, to the
       United States. If this is not done I believe the death-rate
       will be appalling. I am sustained in this view by every
       medical officer present. I called together to-day the General
       Officers and the senior Medical Officers and telegraph you
       their views.' …

       "On August 4th instructions were received from the War
       Department to begin the removal of the command to Montauk
       Point, Long Island. Some of the immune regiments were on the
       way to Santiago, and other regiments were at once ordered
       there to garrison the district as General Shafter's command
       was withdrawn. The first of the fleet of vessels to return the
       Spanish troops arrived in time to be loaded and leave August
       9th, and by the end of the month nearly all were transported.

       "After the surrender the relations between the American and
       Spanish troops were very cordial. There could be little or no
       conversation between individuals, but in many ways the respect
       each had for the other was shown, and there seemed to be no
       hatred on either side. Most of the Spanish officers remained
       in their quarters in town, and they shared in the feeling
       displayed by their men. Salutations were generally exchanged
       between the officers, and American ways and manners became
       very popular among the Spaniards. …
    {614}
       "By the 25th of the month General Shafter's entire command,
       with the exception of a few organizations just ready to
       embark, had departed, and, turning over the command to General
       Lawton, he sailed that day with his staff on the 'Mexico,' one
       of the captured transports, and at noon September 1st went
       ashore at Montauk Point, Long Island."

          J. D. Miley, In Cuba with Shafter,
          chapter 12 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Philippines).
       Correspondence between the General commanding
       United States forces at Cavite and Manila,
       and Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.

       On the 4th of July, General Thomas M. Anderson, then
       commanding the "United States Expeditionary Forces" at Cavite
       Arsenal, addressed the following communication to "Señor Don
       Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy, Commanding Philippine Forces":

       "General: I have the honor to inform you that the United
       States of America, whose land forces I have the honor to
       command in this vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of
       Spain, has entire sympathy and most friendly sentiments for
       the native people of the Philippine Islands. For these reasons
       I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to
       have you and your people co-operate with us in military
       operations against the Spanish forces. In our operations it
       has become necessary for us to occupy the town of Cavite as a
       base of operations. In doing this I do not wish to interfere
       with your residence here and the exercise by yourself and
       other native citizens of all functions and privileges not
       inconsistent with military rule. I would be pleased to be
       informed at once of any misconduct of soldiers under my
       command, as it is the intention of my Government to maintain
       order and to treat all citizens with justice, courtesy, and
       kindness. I have therefore the honor to ask your excellency to
       instruct your officials not to interfere with my officers in
       the performance of their duties and not to assume that they
       can not visit Cavite without permission."

       On the following day Aguinaldo replied:

       "General: Interpreting the sentiments of the Philippine
       people, I have the honor to express to your excellency my most
       profound gratefulness for the sympathy and amicable sentiments
       with which the natives of these islands inspire the great North
       American nation and your excellency. I also thank most
       profoundly your desire of having friendly relations with us,
       and of treating us with justice, courtesy, and kindness, which
       is also our constant wish to prove the same, and special
       satisfaction whenever occasion represents. I have already
       ordered my people not to interfere in the least with your
       officers and men, orders which I shall reiterate to prevent
       their being unfulfilled; hoping that you will inform me of
       whatever misconduct that may be done by those in my command,
       so as to reprimand them and correspond with your wishes." …

       To this communication General Anderson returned the following
       on the 6th: "General: I am encouraged by the friendly
       sentiment expressed by your excellency in your welcome letter
       received on the 5th instant to endeavor to come to a definite
       understanding, which I hope will be advantageous to both. Very
       soon we expect a large addition to our forces, and it must be
       apparent to you as a military officer that we will require
       much more room to camp our soldiers, and also storeroom for
       our supplies. For this I would like to have your excellency's
       advice and co-operation, as you are best acquainted with the
       resources of this country. It must be apparent to you that we
       do not intend to remain here inactive, but to move promptly
       against our common enemy. But for a short time we must
       organize and land supplies, and also retain a place for
       storing them near our fleet and transports. I am solicitous to
       avoid any conflict of authority which may result from having
       two sets of military officers exercising command in the same
       place. I am also anxious to avoid sickness by taking sanitary
       precaution. Your own medical officers have been making
       voluntary inspections with mine, and fear epidemic diseases if
       the vicinity is not made clean. Would it not be well to have
       prisoners work to this end under the advice of the surgeons?"
       …

       On the 9th of July General Anderson reported to the War
       Department at Washington: "General Aguinaldo tells me he has
       about 15,000 fighting men, but only 11,000 armed with guns,
       which mostly were taken from the Spaniards. He claims to have
       in all 4,000 prisoners. When we first landed he seemed very
       suspicious, and not at all friendly, but I have now come to a
       better understanding with him and he is much more friendly and
       seems willing to co-operate. But he has declared himself
       dictator and president, and is trying to take Manila without
       our assistance. This is not probable, but if he can effect his
       purpose he will, I apprehend, antagonize any attempt on our
       part to establish a provisional government."

       On the 17th the American commander caused another
       communication to be addressed to "General Emilio Aguinaldo" as
       follows: "Sir: General Anderson wishes me to say that, the
       second expedition having arrived, he expects to encamp in the
       vicinity of Paranaque from 5,000 to 7,000 men. To do this,
       supply this army and shelter, will require certain assistance
       from the Filipinos in this neighborhood. We will want horses,
       buffaloes, carts, etc., for transportation, bamboo for
       shelter, wood to cook with, etc. For all this we are willing
       to pay a fair price, but no more. We find so far that the
       native population are not willing to give us this assistance
       as promptly as required. But we must have it, and if it
       becomes necessary we will be compelled to send out parties to
       seize what we may need. We would regret very much to do this,
       as we are here to befriend the Filipinos. Our nation has spent
       millions of money to send forces here to expel the Spaniards
       and to give good government to the whole people, and the
       return we are asking is comparatively slight. General Anderson
       wishes you to inform your people that we are here for their
       good, and that they must supply us with labor and material at
       the current market prices. We are prepared to purchase 500
       horses at a fair price, but can not undertake to bargain for
       horses with each individual owner. I regret very much that I
       am unable to see you personally, as it is of the utmost
       importance that these arrangements should be made as soon as
       possible."

       To this communication there seems to have been no written
       reply until the 24th; and, on the 20th, the Chief
       Quartermaster reported to General Anderson "that it is
       impossible to procure transportation except upon Señor
       Aguinaldo's order, in this section, who has an inventory of
       everything. The natives have removed their wheels and hid
       them." On the 23d General Anderson repeated his request, as
       follows:

    {615}

       "General: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your
       excellency to give what assistance you could to procure means
       of transportation for the American Army, as it was to fight
       the cause of your people. So far we have received no response.
       As you represent your people, I now have the honor to make
       requisition on you for 500 horses and 50 oxen and ox carts. If
       you can not secure these, I will have to pass you and make
       requisition directly on the people. I beg leave to request an
       answer at your earliest convenience."

       The next day Aguinaldo replied: "I have the honor to manifest
       to your excellency that I am surprised beyond measure at that
       which you say to me in it, lamenting the nonreceipt of any
       response relative to the needs (or aids) that you have asked
       of me in the way of horses, buffaloes, and carts, because I
       replied in a precise manner, through the bearer, that I was
       disposed to give convenient orders whenever you advised me of
       the number of these with due anticipation (notice). I have
       circulated orders in the provinces in the proximity that in
       the shortest time possible horses be brought for sale, but I
       cannot assure your excellency that we have the number of 500
       that is needed, because horses are not abundant in these
       vicinities, owing to deaths caused by epizootic diseases in
       January and March last. Whenever we have them united (or
       collected), I shall have the pleasure to advise your
       excellency. I have also ordered to be placed at my disposal 50
       carts that I shall place at your disposition whenever
       necessary, always (premising) that you afford me a previous
       advice of four days in anticipation."

       Meantime, General Anderson had written to the War Department,
       on the 18th: "Since reading the President's instructions to
       General Merritt, I think I should state to you that the
       establishment of a provisional government on our part will
       probably bring us in conflict with insurgents, now in active
       hostility to Spain. The insurgent chief, Aguinaldo, has
       declared himself dictator and self-appointed president. He has
       declared martial law and promulgated a minute method of rule and
       administration under it. We have observed all official
       military courtesies, and he and his followers express great
       admiration and gratitude to the great American Republic of the
       north, yet in many ways they obstruct our purposes and are
       using every effort to take Manila without us. I suspect also
       that Aguinaldo is secretly negotiating with the Spanish
       authorities, as his confidential aid is in Manila. The city is
       strongly fortified and hard to approach in the rainy season.
       If a bombardment fails we should have the best engineering
       ability here." And, again on the 21st, he had written: "Since
       I wrote last, Aguinaldo has put in operation an elaborate
       system of military government, under his assumed authority as
       dictator, and has prohibited any supplies being given us,
       except by his order. As to this last I have written to him
       that our requisitions on the country for horses, ox carts,
       fuel and bamboo (to make scaling ladders) must be filled, and
       that he must aid in having them filled. His assumption of
       civil authority I have ignored, and let him know verbally that
       I could, and would, not recognize it, while I did not
       recognize him as a military leader. It may seem strange that I
       have made no formal protest against his proclamation as
       dictator, his declaration of martial law, and publication and
       execution of a despotic form of government. I wrote such a
       protest, but did not publish it, at Admiral Dewey's request,
       and also for fear of wounding the susceptibilities of
       Major-General Merritt, but I have let it be known in every
       other way that we do not recognize the dictatorship. These
       people only respect force and firmness. I submit, with all
       deference, that we have heretofore underrated the natives.
       They are not ignorant, savage tribes, but have a civilization
       of their own; and although insignificant in appearance, are
       fierce fighters, and for a tropical people they are
       industrious. A small detail of natives will do more work in a
       given time than a regiment of volunteers."

       On the 24th General Anderson received from the Philippine
       leader a very clear and definite statement of his attitude
       towards the "Expeditionary Forces of the United States," and
       the intentions with which he and the people whom he
       represented were acting. "I came," he wrote, "from Hongkong to
       prevent my countrymen from making common cause with the
       Spanish against the North Americans, pledging before my word
       to Admiral Dewey to not give place [to allow] to any internal
       discord, because, [being] a judge of their desires, I had the
       strong convictions that I would succeed in both objects,
       establishing a government according to their desires. Thus it
       is that in the beginning I proclaimed the dictatorship, and
       afterwards, when some of the provinces had already liberated
       themselves from Spanish domination, I established a
       revolutionary government that to-day exists, giving it a
       democratic and popular character as far as the abnormal
       circumstances of war permitted, in order that they [the
       provinces] might be justly represented, and administered to
       their satisfaction. It is true that my government has not been
       acknowledged by any of the foreign powers, but we expected
       that the great North American nation, which struggled first
       for its independence, and afterwards for the abolition of
       slavery, and is now actually struggling for the independence
       of Cuba, would look upon it with greater benevolence than any
       other nation. Because of this we have always acknowledged the
       right of preference to our gratitude.

       "Debtor to the generosity of the North Americans, and to the
       favors we have received through Admiral Dewey, and [being]
       more desirous than any other person of preventing any conflict
       which would have as a result foreign intervention, which must be
       extremely prejudicial, not alone to my nation but also to that
       of your excellency, I consider it my duty to advise you of the
       undesirability of disembarking North American troops in the
       places conquered by the Filipinos from the Spanish, without
       previous notice to this government, because as no formal
       agreement yet exists between the two nations the Philippine
       people might consider the occupation of its territories by
       North American troops as a violation of its rights.

       "I comprehend that without the destruction of the Spanish
       squadron the Philippine revolution would not have advanced so
       rapidly. Because of this I take the liberty of indicating to
       your excellency the necessity that, before disembarking, you
       should communicate in writing to this government the places
       that are to be occupied and also the object of the occupation,
       that the people may be advised in due form and [thus] prevent
       the commission of any transgression against friendship.
    {616}
       I can answer for my people, because they have given me evident
       proofs of their absolute confidence in my government, but I
       can not answer for that which another nation whose friendship
       is not well guaranteed might inspire in it [the people]; and
       it is certain that I do this not as a menace, but as a further
       proof of the true and sincere friendship which I have always
       professed for the North American people, in the complete
       security that it will find itself completely identified with
       our cause of liberty."

       In the same strain, on the 1st of August, Aguinaldo wrote to
       United States Consul Williams, as to a "distinguished friend:"

       "I have said always, and I now repeat, that we recognize the
       right of the North Americans to our gratitude, for we do not
       forget for a moment the favors which we have received and are
       now receiving; but however great those favors may be, it is
       not possible for me to remove the distrust of my compatriots.
       These say that if the object of the United States is to annex
       these islands, why not recognize the government established in
       them, in order in that manner to join with it the same as by
       annexation? Why do not the American generals operate in
       conjunction with the Filipino generals and, uniting the
       forces, render the end more decisive? Is it intended, indeed,
       to carry out annexation against the wish of these people,
       distorting the legal sense of that word? If the revolutionary
       government is the genuine representative by right and deed of
       the Filipino people, as we have proved when necessary, why is
       it wished to oppress instead of gaining their confidence and
       friendship?

       "It is useless for me to represent to my compatriots the
       favors received through Admiral Dewey, for they assert that up
       to the present the American forces have shown not an active,
       only a passive, co-operation, from which they suppose that the
       intentions of these forces are not for the best. They assert,
       besides, that it is possible to suppose that I was brought
       from Hongkong to assure those forces by my presence that the
       Filipinos would not make common cause with the Spaniards, and
       that they have delivered to the Filipinos the arms abandoned
       by the former in the Cavite Arsenal, in order to save
       themselves much labor, fatigue, blood, and treasure that a war
       with Spain would cost. But I do not believe these unworthy
       suspicions. I have full confidence in the generosity and
       philanthropy which shine in characters of gold in the history
       of the privileged people of the United States, and for that
       reason, invoking the friendship which you profess for me and
       the love which you have for my people, I pray you earnestly,
       as also the distinguished generals who represent your country
       in these islands, that you entreat the Government at
       Washington to recognize the revolutionary government of the
       Filipinos, and I, for my part, will labor with all my power
       with my people that the United States shall not repent their
       sentiments of humanity in coming to the aid of an oppressed
       people.

       "Say to the Government at Washington that the Filipino people
       abominate savagery; that in the midst of their past
       misfortunes they have learned to love liberty, order, justice,
       and civil life, and that they are not able to lay aside their
       own wishes when their future lot and history are under
       discussion. Say also that I and my leaders know what we owe to
       our unfortunate country; that we know how to admire and are
       ready to imitate the disinterestedness, the abnegation, and
       the patriotism of the grand men of America, among whom stands
       pre-eminent the immortal General Washington."

          United States, 56th Congress, 1st Session,
          Senate Document Number 208.

       In an article published in the "North American Review,"
       February, 1900, General Anderson discussed his relations with
       Aguinaldo very frankly, in part as follows: "On the 1st of
       July, 1898, I called on Aguinaldo with Admiral Dewey. He asked
       me at once whether 'the United States of the North' either had
       recognized or would recognize his government—I am not quite
       sure as to the form of his question, whether it was 'had' or
       'would.' In either form it was embarrassing. My orders were,
       in substance, to effect a landing, establish a base, not to go
       beyond the zone of naval co-operation, to consult Admiral
       Dewey and to wait for Merritt. Aguinaldo had proclaimed his
       government only a few days before (June 28), and Admiral Dewey
       had no instructions as to that assumption. The facts as to the
       situation at that time I believe to be these: Consul Williams
       states in one of his letters to the State Department that
       several thousand Tagals were in open insurrection before our
       declaration of war with Spain. I do not know as to the number,
       yet I believe the statement has foundation in fact. Whether
       Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman and Williams did or
       did not give Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino government
       would be recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so,
       probably inferring this from their acts rather than from their
       statements. If an incipient rebellion was already in progress,
       what could be inferred from the fact that Aguinaldo and
       thirteen other banished Tagals were brought down on a naval
       vessel and landed in Cavite? Admiral Dewey gave them arms and
       ammunition, as I did subsequently, at his request. They were
       permitted to gather up a lot of arms which the Spaniards had
       thrown into the bay; and, with the four thousand rifles taken
       from Spanish prisoners and two thousand purchased in Hong
       Kong, they proceeded to organize three brigades and also to
       arm a small steamer they had captured. I was the first to tell
       Admiral Dewey that there was any disposition on the part of
       the American people to hold the Philippines, if they were
       captured. The current of opinion was setting that way when the
       first expeditionary force left San Francisco, but this the
       Admiral had had no reason to surmise.

       "But to return to our interview with Aguinaldo. I told him I
       was acting only in a military capacity; that I had no
       authority to recognize his government; that we had come to
       whip the Spaniards, and that, if we were successful, the
       indirect effect would be to free them from Spanish tyranny. I
       added that, as we were fighting a common enemy, I hoped we
       would get along amicably together. He did not seem pleased
       with this answer. The fact is, he hoped and expected to take
       Manila with Admiral Dewey's assistance, and he was bitterly
       disappointed when our soldiers landed at Cavite. … A few days
       thereafter, he made an official call, coming with cabinet and
       staff and a band of music. On that occasion he handed me an
       elaborate schedule for an autonomous government which he had
       received from some Filipinos in Manila, with a statement that
       they had reason to believe that Spain would grant them such a
       form of government.
    {617}
       With this was an open letter addressed to the Filipino people
       from Pedro Alexandre Paterno, advising them to put their trust
       in Spain rather than America. The day before, two German
       officers had called on Aguinaldo and I believed they had
       brought him these papers. I asked him if the scheme was
       agreeable to him. He did not answer, but asked if we, the
       North Americans, as he called us, intended to hold the
       Philippines as dependencies. I said I could not answer that,
       but that in one hundred and twenty years we had established no
       colonies. He then made this remarkable statement: 'I have studied
       attentively the Constitution of the United States, and I find
       in it no authority for colonies and I have no fear.' It may
       seem that my answer was somewhat evasive, but I was at the
       time trying to contract with the Filipinos for horses, carts,
       fuel and forage. …

       "The origin of our controversies and conflicts with the
       Filipinos can … be traced back to our refusal to recognize the
       political authority of Aguinaldo. Our first serious break with
       them arose from our refusal to let them co-operate with us.
       About nine o'clock on the evening of August 12, I received
       from General Merritt an order to notify Aguinaldo to forbid
       the Filipino insurgents under his command from entering
       Manila. This notification was delivered to him at twenty
       minutes past ten that night. The Filipinos had made every
       preparation to assail the Spanish lines in their front.
       Certainly, they would not have given up part of their line to
       us unless they thought they were to fight with us. They,
       therefore, received General Merritt's interdict with anger and
       indignation. They considered the war as their war, and Manila
       as their capital, and Luzon as their country. … At seven
       o'clock I received an order from General Merritt to remove the
       Filipinos from the city. … I therefore took the responsibility
       of telegraphing Aguinaldo, who was at Bacoor, ten miles below,
       requesting him to withdraw his troops and intimating that
       serious consequences would follow if he did not do so. I
       received his answer at eleven, saying that a Commission would
       come to me the next morning with full powers. Accordingly the
       next day Señors Buencomeno, Lagarde, Araneto and Sandeco came
       to Division Headquarters in Manila and stated that they were
       authorized to order the withdrawal of their troops, if we
       would promise to reinstate them in their present positions on
       our making peace with Spain. Thereupon I took them over to
       General Merritt. Upon their repeating their demands, he told
       them he could not give such a pledge, but that they could rely
       on the honor of the American people. The General then read to
       them the proclamation he intended to issue to the Filipino
       people. …

       "There is a great diversity of opinion as to whether a
       conflict with the Filipinos could not have been avoided if a
       more conciliatory course had been followed in dealing with
       them. I believe we came to a parting of the ways when we
       refused their request to leave their military force in a good
       strategic position on the contingency of our making peace with
       Spain without a guarantee of their independence."

          T. M. Anderson,
          Our Rule in the Philippines
          (North American Review, volume 170, page 275).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-August: Porto Rico).
       Occupation of Porto Rico.

       "With the fall of Santiago the occupation of Porto Rico became
       the next strategic necessity. General Miles had previously been
       assigned to organize an expedition for that purpose.
       Fortunately, he was already at Santiago, where he had arrived
       on the 11th of July with reinforcements for General Shafter's
       army. With these troops, consisting of 3,415 infantry and
       artillery, 2 companies of engineers and 1 company of the
       signal corps, General Miles left Guantanamo on July 21st,
       having 9 transports, convoyed by the fleet, under Captain
       Higginson, with the 'Massachusetts' (flagship), 'Dixie,',
       Gloucester,' 'Columbia' and 'Yale,' the two latter carrying
       troops. The expedition landed at   on July 25th, which port
       was entered with little opposition. Here the fleet was joined
       by the 'Annapolis' and the 'Wasp,' while the 'Puritan' and
       'Amphitrite' went to San Juan and joined the 'New Orleans,'
       which was engaged in blockading that port. The major general
       commanding was subsequently reinforced by General Schwan's
       brigade of the Third Army Corps, by General Wilson with a part
       of his division and also by General Brooke with a part of his
       corps, numbering in all 16,973 officers and men. On July 27th
       he entered Ponce, one of the most important ports in the
       island, from which he thereafter directed operations for the
       capture of the island. With the exception of encounters with
       the enemy at Guayama, Hormigueros [the Rio Prieto], Coamo, and
       Yauco and an attack on a force landed at Cape San Juan, there
       was no serious resistance. The campaign was prosecuted with
       great vigor and by the 12th of August much of the island was
       in our possession and the acquisition of the remainder was
       only a matter of a short time. At most of the points in the
       island our troops were enthusiastically welcomed.
       Protestations of loyalty to the flag and gratitude for
       delivery from Spanish rule met our commanders at every stage."

          Message of the President of the United States
          to Congress, December 5, 1898.

       "During the nineteen days of active campaign on the island of
       Puerto Rico a large portion of the island was captured by the
       United States forces and brought under our control. Our forces
       were in such a position as to make the positions of the
       Spanish forces, outside of the garrison at San Juan, utterly
       untenable. The Spaniards had been defeated or captured in the
       six different engagements which took place, and in every
       position they had occupied up to that time. The volunteers had
       deserted their colors, and many of them had surrendered to our
       forces and taken the oath of allegiance. This had a
       demoralizing effect upon the regular Spanish troops. … The
       loss of the enemy in killed, wounded and captured was nearly
       ten times our own, which was only 3 killed and 40 wounded."

          General Miles,
          Report
          (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, part 2, page 36).

    {618}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-September).
       The War with Spain.
       Capture of Manila.
       Relations with the Filipino insurgents.
       General Merritt's report.
       Aguinaldo declared President of the Philippine Republic.

       "Immediately after my arrival [July 25] I visited General
       Greene's camp and made a reconnaissance of the position held
       by the Spanish, and also the opposing lines of the insurgent
       forces, hereafter to be described. I found General Greene's
       command encamped on a strip of sandy land running parallel to
       the shore of the bay and not far distant from the beach, but
       owing to the great difficulties of landing supplies, the
       greater portion of the force had shelter tents only, and were
       suffering many discomforts, the camp being situated in a low,
       flat place, without shelter from the heat of the tropical sun
       or adequate protection during the terrific downpours of rain
       so frequent at this season. I was at once struck by the
       exemplary spirit of patient, even cheerful, endurance shown by
       the officers and men under such circumstances, and this
       feeling of admiration for the manner in which the American
       soldier, volunteer and regular alike, accept the necessary
       hardships of the work they have undertaken to do, has grown
       and increased with every phase of the difficult and trying
       campaign which the troops of the Philippine expedition have
       brought to such a brilliant and successful conclusion.

       "I discovered during my visit to General Greene that the left
       or north flank of his brigade camp extended to a point on the
       'Calle Real' about 3,200 yards from the outer line of Spanish
       defenses of the city of Manila. This Spanish line began at the
       powder magazine, or old Fort San Antonio, within a hundred
       yards of the beach and just south of the Malate suburb of
       Manila, and stretched away to the Spanish left in more or less
       detached works, eastward, through swamps and rice fields,
       covering all the avenues of approach to the town and
       encircling the city completely. The Filipinos, or insurgent
       forces at war with Spain, had, prior to the arrival of the
       American land forces, been waging a desultory warfare with the
       Spaniards for several months, and were at the time of my
       arrival in considerable force, variously estimated and never
       accurately ascertained, but probably not far from 12,000 men.
       These troops, well supplied with small arms, with plenty of
       ammunition and several field guns, had obtained positions of
       investment opposite to the Spanish line of detached works
       throughout their entire extent; and on the particular road
       called the 'Calle Real,' passing along the front of General
       Greene's brigade camp and running through Malate to Manila,
       the insurgents had established an earthwork or trench within
       800 yards of the powder-magazine fort. They also occupied as
       well the road to the right, leading from the village of Pasay,
       and the approach by the beach was also in their possession.
       This anomalous state of affairs, namely, having a line of
       quasi-hostile native troops between our forces and the Spanish
       position, was, of course, very objectionable, but it was
       difficult to deal with, owing to the peculiar condition of our
       relations with the insurgents, which may be briefly stated as
       follows:

       "Shortly after the naval battle of Manila Bay, the principal
       leader of the insurgents, General Emilio Aguinaldo, came to
       Cavite from Hongkong, and, with the consent of our naval
       authorities, began active work in raising troops and pushing
       the Spaniards in the direction of the city of Manila. Having
       met with some success, and the natives flocking to his
       assistance, he proclaimed an independent government of
       republican form, with himself as president, and at the time of
       my arrival in the islands the entire edifice of executive and
       legislative departments and subdivision of territory for
       administrative purposes had been accomplished, at least on
       paper, and the Filipinos held military possession of many
       points in the islands other than those in the vicinity of
       Manila. As General Aguinaldo did not visit me on my arrival
       nor offer his services as a subordinate military leader, and
       as my instructions from the President fully contemplated the
       occupation of the islands by the American land forces, and
       stated that 'the powers of the military occupant are absolute
       and supreme and immediately operate upon the political
       condition of the inhabitants,' I did not consider it wise to
       hold any direct communication with the insurgent leader until
       I should be in possession of the city of Manila, especially as
       I would not until then be in a position to issue a
       proclamation and enforce my authority, in the event that his
       pretensions should clash with my designs.

       "For these reasons the preparations for the attack on the city
       were pressed and military operations conducted without
       reference to the situation of the insurgent forces. The wisdom
       of this course was subsequently fully established by the fact
       that when the troops of my command carried the Spanish
       intrenchments, extending from the sea to the Pasay road on the
       extreme Spanish right, we were under no obligations, by
       pre-arranged plans of mutual attack, to turn to the right and
       clear the front still held against the insurgents, but were
       able to move forward at once and occupy the city and suburbs.

       "To return to the situation of General Greene's brigade as I
       found it on my arrival, it will be seen that the difficulty in
       gaining an avenue of approach to the Spanish line lay in the
       fact of my disinclination to ask General Aguinaldo to withdraw
       from the beach and the 'Calle Real,' so that Greene could move
       forward. This was overcome by instructions to General Greene
       to arrange, if possible, with the insurgent brigade commander
       in his immediate vicinity to move to the right and allow the
       American forces unobstructed control of the roads in their
       immediate front. No objection was made, and accordingly
       General Greene's brigade threw forward a heavy outpost line on
       the 'Calle Real' and the beach and constructed a trench, in
       which a portion of the guns of the Utah batteries was placed.
       The Spanish, observing this activity on our part, made a very
       sharp attack with infantry and artillery on the night of July
       31. The behavior of our troops during this night attack was
       all that could be desired, and I have, in cablegrams to the
       War Department, taken occasion to commend by name those who
       deserve special mention for good conduct in the affair. Our
       position was extended and strengthened after this and resisted
       successfully repeated night attacks, our forces suffering,
       however, considerable loss in wounded and killed, while the
       losses of the enemy, owing to the darkness, could not be
       ascertained.

       "The strain of the night fighting and the heavy details for
       outpost duty made it imperative to re-enforce General Greene's
       troops with General MacArthur's brigade, which had arrived in
       transports on the 31st of July. The difficulties of this
       operation can hardly be overestimated. The transports were at
       anchor off Cavite, 5 miles from a point on the beach where it
       was desired to disembark the men.
    {619}
       Several squalls, accompanied by floods of rain, raged day
       after day, and the only way to get the troops and supplies
       ashore was to load them from the ship's side into native
       lighters (called 'cascos') or small steamboats, move them to a
       point opposite the camp, and then disembark them through the
       surf in small boats, or by running the lighters head on to the
       beach. The landing was finally accomplished, after days of
       hard work and hardship; and I desire here to express again my
       admiration for the fortitude and cheerful willingness of the
       men of all commands engaged in this operation. Upon the
       assembly of MacArthur's brigade in support of Greene's, I had
       about 8,500 men in position to attack, and I deemed the time
       had come for final action. During the time of the night
       attacks I had communicated my desire to Admiral Dewey that he
       would allow his ships to open fire on the right of the Spanish
       line of intrenchments, believing that such action would stop
       the night firing and loss of life, but the admiral had
       declined to order it unless we were in danger of losing our
       position by the assaults of the Spanish, for the reason that,
       in his opinion, it would precipitate a general engagement, for
       which he was not ready. Now, however, the brigade of General
       MacArthur was in position and the 'Monterey' had arrived, and
       under date of August 6 Admiral Dewey agreed to my suggestion
       that we should send a joint letter to the captain-general
       notifying him that he should remove from the city all
       non-combatants within forty-eight hours, and that operations
       against the defenses of Manila might begin at any time after
       the expiration of that period.

       "This letter was sent August 7, and a reply was received the
       same date, to the effect that the Spanish were without places
       of refuge for the increased numbers of wounded, sick women,
       and children now lodged within the walls. On the 9th a formal
       joint demand for the surrender of the city was sent in. This
       demand was based upon the hopelessness of the struggle on the
       part of the Spaniards, and that every consideration of
       humanity demanded that the city should not be subjected to
       bombardment under such circumstances. The captain-general's
       reply, of same date, stated that the council of defense had
       declared that the demand could not be granted; but the
       captain-general offered to consult his Government if we would
       allow him the time strictly necessary for the communications
       by way of Hongkong. This was declined on our part for the
       reason that it could, in the opinion of the admiral and
       myself, lead only to a continuance of the situation, with no
       immediate result favorable to us, and the necessity was
       apparent and very urgent that decisive action should be taken
       at once to compel the enemy to give up the town, in order to
       relieve our troops from the trenches and from the great
       exposure to unhealthy conditions which were unavoidable in a
       bivouac during the rainy season.

       "The seacoast batteries in defense of Manila are so situated
       that it is impossible for ships to engage them without firing
       into the town, and as the bombardment of a city filled with
       women and children, sick and wounded, and containing a large
       amount of neutral property, could only be justified as a last
       resort, it was agreed between Admiral Dewey and myself that an
       attempt should be made to carry the extreme right of the
       Spanish line of intrenchments in front of the positions at
       that time occupied by our troops, which, with its flank on the
       seashore, was entirely open to the fire of the navy. It was
       not my intention to press the assault at this point, in case
       the enemy should hold it in strong force, until after the navy
       had made practicable breaches in the works and shaken the troops
       holding them, which could not be done by the army alone, owing
       to the absence of siege guns. … It was believed, however, as
       most desirable, and in accordance with the principles of
       civilized warfare, that the attempt should be made to drive
       the enemy out of his intrenchments before resorting to the
       bombardment of the city. …

       "All the troops were in position on the 13th at an early hour
       in the morning. About 9 a. m. on that day our fleet steamed
       forward from Cavite and before 10 a. m. opened a hot and
       accurate fire of heavy shells and rapid-fire projectiles on
       the sea flank of the Spanish intrenchments at the powder
       magazine fort, and at the same time the Utah batteries, in
       position in our trenches near the 'Calle Real,' began firing
       with great accuracy. At 10.25, on a prearranged signal from
       our trenches that it was believed our troops could advance,
       the navy ceased firing, and immediately a light line of
       skirmishers from the Colorado regiment of Greene's brigade
       passed over our trenches and deployed rapidly forward, another
       line from the same regiment from the left flank of our
       earthworks advancing swifty up the beach in open order. Both
       these lines found the powder-magazine fort and the trenches
       flanking it deserted, but as they passed over the Spanish
       works they were met by a sharp fire from a second line
       situated in the streets of Malate, by which a number of men
       were killed and wounded, among others the soldier who pulled
       down the Spanish colors still flying on the fort and raised
       our own.

       "The works of the second line soon gave way to the determined
       advance of Greene's troops, and that officer pushed his
       brigade rapidly through Malate and over the bridges to occupy
       Binondo and San Miguel, as contemplated in his instructions.
       In the meantime the brigade of General MacArthur, advancing
       simultaneously on the Pasay road, encountered a very sharp
       fire, coming from the blockhouses, trenches, and woods in his
       front, positions which it was very difficult to carry, owing
       to the swampy condition of the ground on both sides of the
       roads and the heavy undergrowth concealing the enemy. With
       much gallantry and excellent judgment on the part of the
       brigade commander and the troops engaged these difficulties
       were overcome with a minimum loss, and MacArthur advanced and
       held the bridges and the town of Malate, as was contemplated
       in his instructions.

       "The city of Manila was now in our possession, excepting the
       walled town, but shortly after the entry of our troops into
       Malate a white flag was displayed on the walls, whereupon
       Lieutenant Colonel C. A. Whittier, United States Volunteers,
       of my staff, and Lieutenant Brumby, United States Navy,
       representing Admiral Dewey, were sent ashore to communicate
       with the Captain-General. I soon personally followed these
       officers into the town, going at once to the palace of the
       Governor-General, and there, after a conversation with the
       Spanish authorities, a preliminary agreement of the terms of
       capitulation was signed by the Captain-General and myself.
       This agreement was subsequently incorporated into the formal
       terms of capitulation, as arranged by the officers
       representing the two forces, a copy of which is hereto
       appended and marked.
    {620}
       Immediately after the surrender the Spanish colors on the sea
       front were hauled down and the American flag displayed and
       saluted by the guns of the navy. The Second Oregon Regiment,
       which had proceeded by sea from Cavite, was disembarked and
       entered the walled town as a provost guard, and the colonel
       was directed to receive the Spanish arms and deposit them in
       places of security. The town was filled with the troops of the
       enemy driven in from the intrenchments, regiments formed and
       standing in line in the streets, but the work of disarming
       proceeded quietly and nothing unpleasant occurred.

       "In leaving the subject of the operations of the 13th, I
       desire here to record my appreciation of the admirable manner
       in which the orders for attack and the plan for occupation of
       the city were carried out by the troops exactly as
       contemplated. I submit that for troops to enter under fire a
       town covering a wide area, to rapidly deploy and guard all
       principal points in the extensive suburbs, to keep out the
       insurgent forces pressing for admission, to quietly disarm an
       army of Spaniards more than equal in numbers to the American
       troops, and finally by all this to prevent entirely all
       rapine, pillage, and disorder, and gain entire and complete
       possession of a city of 300,000 people, filled with natives
       hostile to the European interests, and stirred up by the
       knowledge that their own people were fighting in the outside
       trenches, was an act which only the law-abiding, temperate,
       resolute American soldier, well and skillfully handled by his
       regimental and brigade commanders, could accomplish. …

       "The amount of public funds and the numbers of the prisoners
       of war and small arms taken have been reported in detail by
       cable. It will be observed that the trophies of Manila were
       nearly $900,000, 13,000 prisoners, and 22,000 arms.
       Immediately after the surrender my headquarters were
       established in the ayuntamiento, or city office of the
       Governor-General, where steps were at once inaugurated to set
       up the government of military occupancy. … On the 16th a
       cablegram containing the text of the President's proclamation
       directing a cessation of hostilities was received by me, and
       at the same time an order to make the fact known to the
       Spanish authorities, which was done at once. This resulted in
       a formal protest from the Governor-General in regard to the
       transfer of public funds then taking place, on the ground that
       the proclamation was dated prior to the surrender. To this I
       replied that the status quo in which we were left with the
       cessation of hostilities was that existing at the time of the
       receipt by me of the official notice, and that I must insist
       upon the delivery of the funds. The delivery was made under
       protest.

       "After the issue of my proclamation and the establishment of
       my office as military governor, I had direct written
       communication with General Aguinaldo on several occasions. He
       recognized my authority as military governor of the town of
       Manila and suburbs, and made professions of his willingness to
       withdraw his troops to a line which I might indicate, but at
       the same time asking certain favors for himself. The matters
       in this connection had not been settled at the date of my
       departure. Doubtless much dissatisfaction is felt by the rank
       and file of the insurgents that they have not been permitted
       to enjoy the occupancy of Manila, and there is some ground for
       trouble with them owing to that fact, but, notwithstanding
       many rumors to the contrary, I am of the opinion that the
       leaders will be able to prevent serious disturbances, as they
       are sufficiently intelligent and educated to know that to
       antagonize the United States would be to destroy their only
       chance of future political improvement.

       "On the 28th instant I received a cablegram directing me to
       transfer my command to Major-General Otis, United States
       Volunteers, and to proceed to Paris, France, for conference
       with the peace commissioners. I embarked on the steamer
       'China' on the 30th in obedience to these instructions."

          Report of General Wesley Merritt
          (Annual Reports of the War Department, 1898,
          volume 1, pages 39-45).

       "Aguinaldo … retired to Malalos, about 25 miles to the
       northward, leaving his troops entrenched round Manila, and
       there with considerable pomp and ceremony on September 29th,
       1898, he was declared First President of the Philippine
       Republic, and the National Congress was opened with Pedro
       Paterno as President of that assembly."

          G. J. Younghusband,
          The Philippines and Round About,
          page 27.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (July-December).
       War with Spain.
       Suspension of hostilities.
       Negotiation of Treaty of Peace.
       Instructions to American Commissioners.
       Relinquishment of Spanish sovereignty over Cuba and cession
       of Porto Rico, the island of Guam and the Philippine Islands
       to the United States.

       In his message to Congress, December 5, 1898, President
       McKinley gave the following account of his reception of
       overtures from Spain, for the termination of the war, and of
       the negotiations which resulted in a treaty of peace:

       "The annihilation of Admiral Cervera's fleet, followed by the
       capitulation of Santiago, having brought to the Spanish
       Government a realizing sense of the hopelessness of continuing
       a struggle now become wholly unequal, it made overtures of
       peace through the French Ambassador, who, with the assent of
       his Government, had acted as the friendly representative of
       Spanish interests during the war. On the 26th of July M.
       Cambon presented a communication signed by the Duke of
       Almodovar, the Spanish Minister of State, inviting the United
       States to state the terms upon which it would be willing to
       make peace. On the 30th of July, by a communication addressed
       to the Duke of Almodovar and handed to M. Cambon, the terms of
       this Government were announced, substantially as in the
       protocol afterwards signed. On the 10th of August the Spanish
       reply, dated August 7th, was handed by M. Cambon to the
       Secretary of State. It accepted unconditionally the terms
       imposed as to Cuba, Porto Rico and an island of the Ladrone
       group, but appeared to seek to introduce inadmissible
       reservations in regard to our demand as to the Philippine
       Islands. Conceiving that discussion on this point could
       neither be practical nor profitable, I directed that, in order
       to avoid misunderstanding, the matter should be forthwith
       closed by proposing the embodiment in a formal protocol of the
       terms upon which the negotiations for peace were to be
       undertaken.
    {621}
       The vague and inexplicit suggestion of the Spanish note could
       not be accepted, the only reply being to present as a virtual
       ultimatum a draft of protocol embodying the precise terms
       tendered to Spain in our note of July 30th, with added
       stipulations of detail as to the appointment of commissioners
       to arrange for the evacuation of the Spanish Antilles. On
       August 12th M. Cambon announced his receipt of full powers to
       sign the protocol submitted. Accordingly, on the afternoon of
       August 12th M. Cambon, as the plenipotentiary of Spain, and
       the Secretary of State, as the plenipotentiary of the United
       States, signed a protocol providing:

       Article I—
       Spain will relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title
       to Cuba.

       Article II-
       Spain will cede to the United States the island of Porto Rico
       and other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West
       Indies and also an island in the Ladrones to be selected by
       the United States.

       Article III-
       The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay and
       harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace,
       which shall determine the control, disposition and government
       of the Philippines.

       The fourth article provided for the appointment of joint
       commissions on the part of the United States and Spain, to
       meet in Havana and San Juan, respectively, for the purpose of
       arranging and carrying out the details of the stipulated
       evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and other Spanish islands in
       the West Indies.

       The fifth article provided for the appointment of not more
       than five commissioners on each side, to meet at Paris not
       later than October 1st, and proceed to the negotiation and
       conclusion of a treaty of peace, subject to ratification
       according to the respective constitutional forms of the two
       countries.

       The sixth and last article provided that upon the signature of
       the protocol hostilities between the two countries should be
       suspended and that notice to that effect should be given as
       soon as possible by each government to the commanders of its
       military and naval forces. Immediately upon the conclusion of
       the protocol I issued a proclamation of August 12th,
       suspending hostilities on the part of the United States. The
       necessary orders to that end were at once given by telegraph.
       The blockade of the ports of Cuba and San Juan de Porto Rico
       was in like manner raised. On the 18th of August the
       muster-out of 100,000 Volunteers, or as near that number as
       was found to be practicable, was ordered. On the 1st of
       December 101,165 officers and men had been mustered out and
       discharged from the service and 9,002 more will be mustered
       out by the 10th of this month. Also a corresponding number of
       general staff officers have been honorably discharged from the
       service. The military commissions to superintend the
       evacuation of Cuba, Porto Rico and the adjacent islands were
       forthwith appointed: For Cuba, Major-General James F. Wade,
       Rear-Admiral William T. Sampson, Major-General Matthew C.
       Butler. For Porto Rico, Major-General John R. Brooke,
       Rear-Admiral Winfield S. Schley and Brigadier-General William
       W. Gordon, who soon afterwards met the Spanish commissioners
       at Havana and San Juan respectively. … Pursuant to the fifth
       article of the protocol, I appointed William H. Day, late
       Secretary of State; Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye and
       George Gray, Senators of the United States, and Whitelaw Reid,
       to be the peace commissioners on the part of the United
       States. Proceeding in due season to Paris they there met on
       the first of October five commissioners, similarly appointed
       on the part of Spain."

          Message of the President to Congress,
          December 5, 1898.

       The instructions given (September 16) by President McKinley to
       the commissioners appointed to treat for peace with Spain, and
       the correspondence between the commissioners at Paris and the
       President and the Secretary of State at Washington during the
       progress of the negotiations, were communicated confidentially
       to the United States Senate on the 30th of January, 1899, but
       not published until February, 1901, when the injunction of
       secrecy was removed and the printing of the papers ordered by
       vote of the Senate. The chief interest of these papers lies in
       their disclosure of what passed between the American executive
       and the peace commissioners on the subject of the Philippine
       Islands which led to the demand for their entire surrender by
       Spain.

       In his instructions of September 16th to the commissioners, on
       their departure for the meeting with Spanish commissioners at
       Paris, the President wrote on this subject: "By article 6 of
       the protocol it was agreed that hostilities between the two
       countries should be suspended, and that notice to that effect
       should be given as soon as possible by each Government to the
       Commanders of its military and naval forces. Such notice was
       given by the Government of the United States immediately after
       the signature of the protocol, the forms of the necessary
       orders having previously been prepared. But before notice
       could reach the commanders of the military and naval forces of
       the United States in the Philippines they captured and took
       possession by conquest of the city of Manila and its suburbs,
       which are therefore held by the United States by conquest as
       well as by virtue of the protocol. In view of what has taken
       place it is necessary now to determine what shall be our
       future relations to the Philippines. …

       "Our aim in the adjustment of peace should be directed to
       lasting results and to the achievement of the common good
       under the demands of civilization rather than to ambitious
       designs. The terms of the protocol were framed upon this
       consideration. The abandonment of the Western Hemisphere by
       Spain was an imperative necessity. In presenting that
       requirement we only fulfilled a duty universally acknowledged.
       It involves no ungenerous reference to our recent foe, but
       simply a recognition of the plain teachings of history, to say
       that it was not compatible with the assurance of permanent
       peace on and near our own territory that the Spanish flag
       should remain on this side of the sea. This lesson of events
       and of reason left no alternative as to Cuba, Porto Rico, and
       the other islands belonging to Spain in this hemisphere. The
       Philippines stand upon a different basis. It is none the less
       true, however, that, without any original thought of complete
       or even partial acquisition, the presence and success of our
       arms at Manila imposes upon us obligations which we can not
       disregard. The march of events rules and overrules human
       action. A vowing unreservedly the purpose which has animated
       all our effort, and still solicitous to adhere to it, we can
       not be unmindful that without any desire or design on our part
       the war has brought us new duties and responsibilities which
       we must meet and discharge as becomes a great nation on whose
       growth and career from the beginning the Ruler of Nations has
       plainly written the high command and pledge of civilization.

    {622}

       "Incidental to our tenure in the Philippines is the commercial
       opportunity to which American statesmanship can not be
       indifferent. It is just to use every legitimate means for the
       enlargement of American trade; but we seek no advantages in
       the Orient which are not common to all. Asking only the open
       door for ourselves, we are ready to accord the open door to
       others. The commercial opportunity which is naturally and
       inevitably associated with this new opening depends less on
       large territorial possessions than upon an adequate commercial
       basis and upon broad and equal privileges. It is believed that
       in the practical application of these guiding principles the
       present interests of our country and the proper measure of its
       duty, its welfare in the future, and the consideration of its
       exemption from unknown perils will be found in full accord
       with the just, moral, and humane purpose which was invoked as
       our justification in accepting the war.

       "In view of what has been stated, the United States can not
       accept less than the cession in full right and sovereignty of
       the island of Luzon. It is desirable, however, that the United
       States shall acquire the right of entry for vessels and
       merchandise belonging to citizens of the United States into
       such ports of the Philippines as are not ceded to the United
       States upon terms of equal favor with Spanish ships and
       merchandise, both in relation to port and customs charges and
       rates of trade and commerce, together with other rights of
       protection and trade accorded to citizens of one country
       within the territory of another. You are therefore instructed
       to demand such concession, agreeing on your part that Spain
       shall have similar rights as to her subjects and vessels in
       the ports of any territory in the Philippines ceded to the
       United States."

       On the 7th of October, Mr. Day, on behalf of the American
       commissioners, cabled a long communication from Paris to Mr.
       Hay, his successor in the United States Department of State,
       summarizing testimony given before the Commission by General
       Merritt, lately commanding in the Philippines, and statements
       brought by General Merritt from Admiral Dewey, General Greene,
       and others. In part, the telegram was as follows:

       "General Anderson, in correspondence with Aguinaldo in June
       and July, seemed to treat him and his forces as allies and
       native authorities, but subsequently changed his tone. General
       Merritt reports that Admiral Dewey did not approve this
       correspondence and advised against it. Merritt and Dewey both
       kept clear of any compromising communications. Merritt
       expresses opinion we are in no way committed to any insurgent
       programme. Answering questions of Judge Day, General Merritt
       said insurrection practically confined to Luzon. Tribal and
       religious differences between the inhabitants of various
       islands. United States has helped rather than injured
       insurrection. Under no obligation other than moral to help
       natives. Natives of Luzon would not accept Spanish rule, even
       with amnesty. Insurgents would be victorious unless Spaniards
       did better in future than in past. Insurgents would fight
       among themselves if they had no common enemy. Think it
       feasible for United States to take Luzon and perhaps some
       adjacent islands and hold them as England does her colonies.
       Natives could not resist 5,000 troops. … General Merritt
       thinks that if United States attempted to take possession of
       Luzon, or all the group as a colony, Aguinaldo and his
       immediate followers would resist it, but his forces are
       divided and his opposition would not amount to anything. If
       the islands were divided, filibustering expeditions might go
       from one island to another, thus exposing us to constant
       danger of conflict with Spain. In answer to questions of
       Senator Frye, Merritt said insurgents would murder Spaniards
       and priests in Luzon and destroy their property if the United
       States withdrew. United States under moral obligation to stay
       there. He did not know whether the effect of setting up a
       government by the United States in Luzon would be to produce
       revolutions in other islands. It might cause reforms in their
       government. … Answering questions of Mr. Gray, Merritt said
       consequences in case of either insurgent or Spanish triumph
       made it doubtful whether United States would be morally
       justified in withdrawing. Our acts were ordinary acts of war,
       as if we had attacked Barcelona, but present conditions in
       Philippine Islands were partly brought about by us. Insurgents
       not in worse condition by our coming. Spaniards hardly able to
       defend themselves. If we restored them to their position and
       trenches, they might maintain themselves with the help of a
       navy when we withdrew. Did not know that he could make out a
       responsibility by argument, but he felt it. It might be
       sentimental. He thought it would be an advantage if the United
       States would change its policy and keep the islands. (He)
       thought our interests in the East would be helped by the cheap
       labor in the Philippines, costing only from 20 to 80 cents a
       day, according to skill. … Answering questions of Mr. Reid,
       Merritt said he considered capture of Manila practically
       capture of group. Nothing left of Spanish sovereignty that was
       not at mercy of the United States. Did not think our humanity
       bounded by geographical lines. After Dewey's victory we armed
       insurgents to some extent, but Dewey says it was
       over-estimated. Insurgents bought arms from Hongkong merchants
       with Dewey's cognizance, but Dewey was not in favor of allowing
       this to continue. Spaniards would destroy Aguinaldo and his
       principal followers, if allowed to do so."

       October 25, Judge Day cabled a message to Washington, saying:
       "Differences of opinion among commissioners concerning
       Philippine Islands are set forth in statements transmitted
       herewith. On these we request early consideration and explicit
       instructions. Liable now to be confronted with this question
       in joint commission almost immediately." The differing
       statements then transmitted were three in number, the first of
       them signed by Messrs. Davis, Frye, and Reid, who said:
       "Information gained by commission in Paris leads to conviction
       that it would be naval, political, and commercial mistake to
       divide the archipelago. Nearly all expert testimony taken
       tends to this effect. As instructions provide for retention at
       least of Luzon, we do not consider question of remaining in
       Philippine Islands at all as now properly before us. We
       therefore ask for extension of instructions. Spain governed
       and defended these islands from Manila, and with destruction
       of her fleet and the surrender of her army we became as
       complete masters of the whole group as she had been, with
       nothing needed to complete the conquest save to proceed with
       the ample forces we had at hand to take unopposed possession.
    {623}
       The Ladrones and Carolines were also governed from the same
       capital by the same governor-general. National boundaries
       ought to follow natural divisions, but there is no natural
       place for dividing Philippine Islands. … If we do not want the
       islands ourselves, better to control their disposition; that
       is, to hold the option on them rather than to abandon it.
       Could then at least try to protect ourselves by ample treaty
       stipulations with the acquiring powers. Commercially, division
       of archipelago would not only needlessly establish dangerous
       rivals at our door, but would impair value of part we kept."

       Disagreeing with this view, Judge Day said:

       "I am unable to agree that we should peremptorily demand the
       entire Philippine island group. In the spirit of our
       instructions, and bearing in mind the often declared
       disinterestedness of purpose and freedom from designs of
       conquest with which the war was undertaken, we should be
       consistent in our demands in making peace. Territory
       permanently held must be taken as war indemnity and with due
       regard to our responsibility because of the conduct of our
       military and naval authorities in dealing with the insurgents.
       Whether this conduct was wise or unwise is not now important. We
       cannot leave the insurgents to mere treaty stipulations or to
       their unaided resources, either to form a government or to
       battle against a foe which (although) unequal to us, might
       readily overcome them. On all hands it is agreed that the
       inhabitants of the islands are unfit for self-government. This
       is particularly true of Mindanao and the Sulu group. Only
       experience can determine the success of colonial expansion
       upon which the United States is entering. It may prove
       expensive in proportion to the scale upon which it is tried
       with ignorant and semibarbarous people at the other side of
       the world. It should therefore be kept within bounds." Judge
       Day, accordingly, suggested a division of the archipelago that
       would give to the United States Luzon, Mindoro, and Palawan,
       and control the entrance to the China Sea. Senator Gray, in a
       third statement, dissented from both these views, saying: "The
       undersigned can not agree that it is wise to take Philippine
       Islands in whole or in part. To do so would be to reverse
       accepted continental policy of the country, declared and acted
       upon throughout our history. Propinquity governs the case of
       Cuba and Porto Rico. Policy proposed introduces us into
       European politics and the entangling alliances against which
       Washington and all American statesmen have protested. It will
       make necessary a navy equal to largest of powers; a greatly
       increased military establishment; immense sums for
       fortifications and harbors; multiply occasions for dangerous
       complications with foreign nations, and increase burdens of
       taxation. Will receive in compensation no outlet for American
       labor in labor market already overcrowded and cheap; no area
       for homes for American citizens; climate and social conditions
       demoralizing to character of American youth; new and disturbing
       questions introduced into our politics; church question
       menacing. On whole, instead of indemnity—injury. The
       undersigned can not agree that any obligation incurred to
       insurgents is paramount to our own manifest interests. … No
       place for colonial administration or government of subject
       people in American system. So much from standpoint of
       interest; but even conceding all benefits claimed for
       annexation, we thereby abandon the infinitely greater benefit
       to accrue from acting the part of a great, powerful, and
       Christian nation; we exchange the moral grandeur and strength
       to be gained by keeping our word to nations of the world and
       by exhibiting a magnanimity and moderation in the hour of
       victory that becomes the advanced civilization we claim, for
       doubtful material advantages and shameful stepping down from
       high moral position boastfully assumed. We should set example
       in these respects, not follow in the selfish and vulgar greed
       for territory which Europe has inherited from medieval times.
       Our declaration of war upon Spain was accompanied by a solemn
       and deliberate definition of our purpose. Now that we have
       achieved all and more than our object, let us simply keep our
       word. … At the very least let us adhere to the President's
       instructions and if conditions require the keeping of Luzon
       forego the material advantages claimed in annexing other
       islands. Above all let us not make a mockery of the injunction
       contained in those instructions, where, after stating that we
       took up arms only in obedience to the dictates of humanity and
       in the fulfillment of high public and moral obligations, and
       that we had no design of aggrandizement and no ambition of
       conquest, the President among other things eloquently says:
       'It is my earnest wish that the United States in making peace
       should follow the same high rule of conduct which guided it in
       facing war. It should be as scrupulous and magnanimous in the
       concluding settlement as it was just and humane in its
       original action.' This and more, of which I earnestly ask a
       re-perusal, binds my conscience and governs my actions."

       But the President had now arrived at a different state of
       mind, and directed Secretary Hay to make the following reply,
       on the 26th: "The information which has come to the President
       since your departure convinces him that the acceptance of the
       cession of Luzon alone, leaving the rest of the islands
       subject to Spanish rule, or to be the subject of future
       contention, can not be justified on political, commercial, or
       humanitarian grounds. The cession must be of the whole
       archipelago or none. The latter is wholly inadmissible and the
       former must therefore be required. The President reaches this
       conclusion after most thorough consideration of the whole
       subject, and is deeply sensible of the grave responsibilities
       it will impose, believing that this course will entail less
       trouble than any other and besides will best subserve the
       interests of the people involved, for whose welfare we can not
       escape responsibility."

       Two days later, the moral and political reflections of the
       President on the subject were expressed still further to the
       commissioners by Secretary Hay, in the following telegram:

       "While the Philippines can be justly claimed by conquest,
       which position must not be yielded, yet their disposition,
       control, and government the President prefers should be the
       subject of negotiation as provided in the protocol. It is
       imperative upon us that as victors we should be governed only
       by motives which will exalt our nation. Territorial expansion
       should be our least concern; that we shall not shirk the moral
       obligations of our victory is of the greatest.
    {624}
       It is undisputed that Spain's authority is permanently
       destroyed in every part of the Philippines. To leave any part
       in her feeble control now would increase our difficulties and
       be opposed to the interests of humanity. The sentiment in the
       United States is almost universal that the people of the
       Philippines, whatever else is done, must be liberated from
       Spanish domination. In this sentiment the President fully
       concurs. Nor can we permit Spain to transfer any of the
       islands to another power. Nor can we invite another power or
       powers to join the United States in sovereignty over them. We
       must either hold them or turn them back to Spain.
       Consequently, grave as are the responsibilities and unforeseen
       as are the difficulties which are before us, the President can
       see but one plain path of duty—the acceptance of the archipelago.
       Greater difficulties and more serious
       complications—administrative and international—would follow
       any other course. The President has given to the views of the
       commissioners the fullest consideration, and in reaching the
       conclusion above announced in the light of information
       communicated to the commission and to the President since your
       departure, he has been influenced by the single consideration
       of duty and humanity. The President is not unmindful of the
       distressed financial condition of Spain, and whatever
       consideration the United States may show must come from its
       sense of generosity and benevolence, rather than from any real
       or technical obligation. The terms upon which the full cession
       of the Philippines shall be made must be left largely with the
       commission."

       On the 3d of November, Judge Day cabled: "After a careful
       examination of the authorities, the majority of the commission
       are clearly of opinion that our demand for the Philippine
       Islands can not be based on conquest. When the protocol was
       signed Manila was not captured, siege was in progress and
       capture made after the execution of the protocol. Captures
       made after agreement for armistice must be disregarded and
       status quo restored as far as practicable. We can require
       cession of Philippine Islands only as indemnity for losses and
       expenses of the war. Have in view, also, condition of islands,
       the broken power of Spain, anarchy in which our withdrawal would
       leave the islands, etc. These are legitimate factors."

       On the 4th, Senator Davis added a personal telegram as
       follows: "I think we can demand cession of entire archipelago
       on other and more valid grounds than a perfected territorial
       conquest of the Philippine Islands, such as indemnity or as
       conditions of peace imposed by our general military success
       and in view of our future security and general welfare,
       commercial and otherwise. I think the protocol admits all
       these grounds, and that the ground alone of perfected
       territorial conquest of the Philippine Islands is too narrow
       and untenable under protocol."

       Secretary Hay replied, for the President, on the 5th: "The
       President has no purpose to question the commission's judgment
       as to the grounds upon which the cession of the archipelago is
       to be claimed. His only wish in that respect is to hold all
       the ground upon which we can fairly and justly make the claim.
       He recognizes fully the soundness of putting forward indemnity
       as the chief ground, but conquest is a consideration which
       ought not to be ignored. How our demand shall be presented,
       and the grounds upon which you will rest it, he confidently
       leaves with the commissioners. His great concern is that a
       treaty shall be effected in terms which will not only satisfy
       the present generation but, what is more important, be
       justified in the judgment of posterity."

       Discussion followed, in which Judge Day and Senator Gray
       repeated the views they had formerly expressed, in dissent
       from the policy determined upon by the President and his
       cabinet, the latter saying: "Believing that the result of a
       failure to obtain a treaty would be the forcible seizure of
       the whole Philippine Islands group, an event greatly to be
       deprecated as inconsistent with the traditions and
       civilization of the United States, I would be willing to take
       the islands by the cession of a treaty of peace, and I would,
       to that end, make such reasonable concessions as would comport
       with the magnanimity of a great nation dealing with a weak and
       prostrate foe. I mean that I would prefer the latter
       alternative to the former, not that I have changed my mind as
       to the policy of taking the Philippine Islands at all."

       So far as concerned the demands of the United States (which
       Spain was powerless to resist), the question was settled, on
       the 13th of November, by a telegram from Secretary Hay to Mr.
       Day, in which he said: "We are clearly entitled to indemnity
       for the cost of the war. We can not hope to be fully
       indemnified. We do not expect to be. It would probably be
       difficult for Spain to pay money. All she has are the
       archipelagoes of the Philippines and the Carolines. She surely
       can not expect us to turn the Philippines back and bear the cost
       of the war and all claims of our citizens for damages to life
       and property in Cuba without any indemnity but Porto Rico,
       which we have and which is wholly inadequate. … You are
       therefore instructed to insist upon the cession of the whole
       of the Philippines, and, if necessary, pay to Spain ten to
       twenty millions of dollars, and if you can get cession of a
       naval and telegraph station in the Carolines, and the several
       concessions and privileges and guaranties, so far as
       applicable, enumerated in the views of Commissioners Frye and
       Reid, you can offer more."

          United States, 56th Congress, 2d Session,
          Senate Document Number 148
          (Papers relating to the Treaty with Spain).

       Discussion between the Spanish and American commissioners at
       Paris was prolonged until the 10th of December, when the
       former yielded to what they protested against as hard terms,
       and the following Treaty of Peace was signed:

       Treaty of Peace.

       ARTICLE I.
       Spain relinquishes all claim of sovereignty over and title to
       Cuba. And as the island is, upon its evacuation by Spain, to
       be occupied by the United States, the United States will, so
       long as such occupation shall last, assume and discharge the
       obligations that may under international law result from the
       fact of its occupation, for the protection of life and
       property.

       ARTICLE II.
       Spain cedes to the United States the island of Porto Rico and
       other islands now under Spanish sovereignty in the West
       Indies, and the island of Guam in the Marianas or Ladrones.

    {625}

       ARTICLE III.
       Spain cedes to the United States the archipelago known as the
       Philippine Islands, and comprehending the islands lying within
       the following line: A line running from west to east along or
       near the twentieth parallel of north latitude, and through the
       middle of the navigable channel of Bachi, from the one hundred
       and eighteenth (118th) to the one hundred and twenty seventh
       (127th) degree meridian of longitude east of Greenwich, thence
       along the one hundred and twenty seventh (127th) degree
       meridian of longitude east of Greenwich to the parallel of
       four degrees and forty five minutes (4° 45') north latitude,
       thence along the parallel of four degrees and forty five
       minutes (4° 45') north latitude to its intersection with the
       meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and
       thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich, thence along
       the meridian of longitude one hundred and nineteen degrees and
       thirty five minutes (119° 35') east of Greenwich to the
       parallel of latitude seven degrees and forty minutes (7° 40')
       north, thence along the parallel of latitude of seven degrees
       and forty minutes (7° 40') north to its intersection with the
       one hundred and sixteenth (116th) degree meridian of longitude
       east of Greenwich, thence by a direct line to the intersection
       of the tenth (10th) degree parallel of north latitude with the
       one hundred and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of
       longitude east of Greenwich, and thence along the one hundred
       and eighteenth (118th) degree meridian of longitude east of
       Greenwich to the point of beginning. The United States will
       pay to Spain the sum of twenty million dollars ($20,000,000)
       within three months after the exchange of the ratifications of
       the present treaty.

       ARTICLE IV.
       The United States will, for the term of ten years from the
       date of the exchange of the ratifications of the present
       treaty, admit Spanish ships and merchandise to the ports of
       the Philippine Islands on the same terms as ships and
       merchandise of the United States.

       ARTICLE V.
       The United States will, upon the signature of the present
       treaty, send back to Spain, at its own cost, the Spanish
       soldiers taken as prisoners of war on the capture of Manila by
       the American forces. The arms of the soldiers in question
       shall be restored to them. Spain will, upon the exchange of
       the ratifications of the present treaty, proceed to evacuate
       the Philippines, as well as the island of Guam, on terms
       similar to those agreed upon by the Commissioners appointed to
       arrange for the evacuation of Porto Rico and other islands in
       the West Indies, under the Protocol of August 12, 1898, which
       is to continue in force till its provisions are completely
       executed. The time within which the evacuation of the
       Philippine Islands and Guam shall be completed shall be fixed
       by the two Governments. Stands of colors, uncaptured war
       vessels, small arms, guns of all calibres, with their
       carriages and accessories, powder, ammunition, livestock, and
       materials and supplies of all kinds, belonging to the land and
       naval forces of Spain in the Philippines and Guam, remain the
       property of Spain. Pieces of heavy ordnance, exclusive of
       field artillery, in the fortifications and coast defences,
       shall remain in their emplacements for the term of six months,
       to be reckoned from the exchange of ratifications of the
       treaty; and the United States may, in the meantime, purchase
       such material from Spain, if a satisfactory agreement between
       the two Governments on the subject shall be reached.

       ARTICLE VI.
       Spain will, upon the signature of the present treaty, release
       all prisoners of war, and all persons detained or imprisoned
       for political offences, in connection with the insurrections
       in Cuba and the Philippines and the war with the United
       States. Reciprocally the United States will release all
       persons made prisoners of war by the American forces, and will
       undertake to obtain the release of all Spanish prisoners in
       the hands of the insurgents in Cuba and the Philippines. The
       Government of the United States will at its own cost return to
       Spain and the Government of Spain will at its own cost return
       to the United States, Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines,
       according to the situation of their respective homes,
       prisoners released or caused to be released by them,
       respectively, under this article.

       ARTICLE VII.
       The United States and Spain mutually relinquish all claims for
       indemnity, national and individual, of every kind, of either
       Government, or of its citizens or subjects, against the other
       Government, that may have arisen since the beginning of the
       late insurrection in Cuba and prior to the exchange of
       ratifications of the present treaty, including all claims for
       indemnity for the cost of the war. The United States will
       adjudicate and settle the claims of its citizens against Spain
       relinquished in this article.

       ARTICLE VIII.
       In conformity with the provisions of Articles I, II, and III
       of this treaty, Spain relinquishes in Cuba, and cedes in Porto
       Rico and other islands in the West Indies, in the island of
       Guam, and in the Philippine Archipelago, all the buildings,
       wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways and
       other immovable property which, in conformity with law, belong
       to the public domain, and as such belong to the Crown of
       Spain. And it is hereby declared that the relinquishment or
       cession, as the case may be, to which the preceding paragraph
       refers, cannot in any respect impair the property or rights
       which by law belong to the peaceful possession of property of
       all kinds, of provinces, municipalities, public or private
       establishments, ecclesiastical or civic bodies, or any other
       associations having legal capacity to acquire and possess
       property in the aforesaid territories renounced or ceded, or
       of private individuals, of whatsoever nationality such
       individuals may be. The aforesaid relinquishment or cession,
       as the case may be, includes all documents exclusively
       referring to the sovereignty relinquished or ceded that may
       exist in the archives of the Peninsula. Where any document in
       such archives only in part relates to said sovereignty, a copy
       of such part will be furnished whenever it shall be requested.
       Like rules shall be reciprocally observed in favor of Spain in
       respect of documents in the archives of the islands above
       referred to. In the aforesaid relinquishment or cession, as
       the case may be, are also included such rights as the Crown of
       Spain and its authorities possess in respect of the official
       archives and records, executive as well as judicial, in the
       islands above referred to, which relate to said islands or the
       rights and property of their inhabitants. Such archives and
       records shall be carefully preserved, and private persons
       shall without distinction have the right to require, in
       accordance with law, authenticated copies of the contracts,
       wills and other instruments forming part of notarial protocols
       or files, or which may be contained in the executive or
       judicial archives, be the latter in Spain or in the islands
       aforesaid.

    {626}

       ARTICLE IX.
       Spanish subjects, natives of the Peninsula, residing in the
       territory over which Spain by the present treaty relinquishes
       or cedes her sovereignty, may remain in such territory or may
       remove therefrom, retaining in either event all their rights
       of property, including the right to sell or dispose of such
       property or of its proceeds; and they shall also have the
       right to carry on their industry, commerce and professions,
       being subject in respect thereof to such laws as are
       applicable to other foreigners. In case they remain in the
       territory they may preserve their allegiance to the Crown of
       Spain by making, before a court of record, within a year from
       the date of the exchange of ratifications of this treaty, a
       declaration of their decision to preserve such allegiance; in
       default of which declaration they shall be held to have
       renounced it and to have adopted the nationality of the
       territory in which they may reside. The civil rights and
       political status of the native inhabitants of the territories
       hereby ceded to the United States shall be determined by the
       Congress.

       ARTICLE X.
       The inhabitants of the territories over which Spain
       relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be secured in the
       free exercise of their religion.

       ARTICLE XI.
       The Spaniards residing in the territories over which Spain by
       this treaty cedes or relinquishes her sovereignty shall be
       subject in matters civil as well as criminal to the
       jurisdiction of the courts of the country wherein they reside,
       pursuant to the ordinary laws governing the same; and they
       shall have the right to appear before such courts, and to
       pursue the same course as citizens of the country to which the
       courts belong.

       ARTICLE XII.
       Judicial proceedings pending at the time of the exchange of
       ratifications of this treaty in the territories over which
       Spain relinquishes or cedes her sovereignty shall be
       determined according to the following rules:

       1. Judgments rendered either in civil suits between private
       individuals, or in criminal matters, before the date
       mentioned, and with respect to which there is no recourse or
       right of review under the Spanish law, shall be deemed to be
       final, and shall be executed in due form by competent
       authority in the territory within which such judgments should
       be carried out.

       2. Civil suits between private individuals which may on the
       date mentioned be undetermined shall be prosecuted to judgment
       before the court in which they may then be pending or in the
       court that may be substituted therefor.

       3. Criminal actions pending on the date mentioned before the
       Supreme Court of Spain against citizens of the territory which
       by this treaty ceases to be Spanish shall continue under its
       jurisdiction until final judgment; but, such judgment having
       been rendered, the execution thereof shall be committed to the
       competent authority of the place in which the case arose.

       ARTICLE XIII.
       The rights of property secured by copyrights and patents
       acquired by Spaniards in the Island of Cuba and in Porto Rico,
       the Philippines and other ceded territories, at the time of
       the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, shall
       continue to be respected. Spanish scientific, literary and
       artistic works, not subversive of public order in the
       territories in question, shall continue to be admitted free of
       duty into such territories, for the period of ten years, to be
       reckoned from the date of the exchange of the ratifications of
       this treaty.

       ARTICLE XIV.
       Spain will have the power to establish consular officers in
       the ports and places of the territories, the sovereignty over
       which has been either relinquished or ceded by the present
       treaty.

       ARTICLE XV.
       The Government of each country will, for the term of ten
       years, accord to the merchant vessels of the other country the
       same treatment in respect of all port charges, including
       entrance and clearance dues, light dues, and tonnage duties,
       as it accords to its own merchant vessels, not engaged in the
       coastwise trade. This article may at any time be terminated on
       six months notice given by either Government to the other.

       ARTICLE XVI.
       It is understood that any obligations assumed in this treaty
       by the United States with respect to Cuba are limited to the
       time of its occupancy thereof; but it will upon the
       termination of such occupancy, advise any Government
       established in the island to assume the same obligations.

       ARTICLE XVII.
       The present treaty shall be ratified by the President of the
       United States, by and with the advice and consent of the
       Senate thereof, and by Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain;
       and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Washington within
       six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible. In
       faith whereof, we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have
       signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals. Done
       in duplicate at Paris, the tenth day of December, in the year
       of Our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ninety-eight.

       [Signed]
       William R. Day,
       Cushman K. Davis,
       William P. Frye,
       Geo. Gray,
       Whitelaw Reid,
       Eugenio Montero Ríos,
       B. de Abarzuza,
       J. de Garnica,
       W. R. de Villa Urrutia,
       Rafael Cerero.

       That the treaty would be ratified by the Senate of the United
       States was by no means certain when it was signed, and
       remained questionable for two months.

          See below:
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-FEBRUARY).

       Some time after the conclusion of the treaty, it was
       discovered that the boundaries defined in it for the cession
       of the Philippine Islands failed to include the islands of
       Cagayan, or Kagayan, and Sibutu, in the southern part of the
       archipelago. Still later, it was found that several small
       islands (the Bachi or Bashee group, and others) belonging to
       the Spanish possessions in the East were left lying outside of
       the northern Philippine boundary, as laid down in the treaty
       of cession. It is said that the Japanese government called
       attention to this latter error, desiring to have the islands
       in question, which are near to Formosa, controlled by the
       United States, rather than by Spain. By a new treaty with
       Spain, negotiated in 1900, all these outlying islands were
       acquired by the United States, for the sum of $100,000.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August).
       Losses of the armies at Santiago and in the Philippines.

          See below:
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (JUNE).

    {627}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August 21).
       The War with Spain.
       Letter from departing Spanish soldiers to the soldiers
       of the American army.

       The following letter, addressed, on the eve of their departure
       for Spain, by the Spanish soldiers at Santiago, to the
       soldiers of the American army, "is surely," says
       Lieutenant-Colonel Miley, who quotes it in his book entitled
       "In Cuba with Shafter"—"is surely the most remarkable letter
       ever addressed by vanquished soldiers to their conquerors:

       'Soldiers of the American Army: We would not be fulfilling our
       duty as well-born men in whose breasts there lives gratitude
       and courtesy, should we embark for our beloved Spain without
       sending you our most cordial and sincere good wishes and
       farewell. We fought you with ardor and with all our strength,
       endeavoring to gain the victory, but without the slightest
       rancor or hate toward the American nation. We have been
       vanquished by you, so our generals and chiefs judged in
       signing the capitulation, but our surrender and the
       blood-battles preceding it have left in our souls no place for
       resentment against the men who fought us nobly and valiantly.
       You fought and acted in compliance with the same call of duty
       as we, for we all but represent the power of our respective
       States. You fought us as men, face to face, and with great
       courage, as before stated—a quality we had not met with during
       the three years we have carried on this war against a people
       without a religion, without morals, without conscience, and of
       doubtful origin, who could not confront the enemy, but shot
       their noble victims from ambush and then immediately fled.
       This was the kind of warfare we had to sustain in this
       unfortunate land. You have complied exactly with all the laws
       and usages of war as recognized by the armies of the most
       civilized nations of the world; have given honorable burial to
       the dead of the vanquished; have cured their wounded with
       great humanity; have respected and cared for your prisoners
       and their comfort; and lastly, to us, whose condition was
       terrible, you have given freely of food and of your stock of
       medicines, and have honored us with distinction and courtesy,
       for after the fighting the two armies mingled with the utmost
       harmony. With this high sentiment of appreciation from us all,
       there remains but to express our farewell, and with the
       greatest sincerity we wish you all happiness and health in
       this land, which will no longer belong to our dear Spain, but
       will be yours. You have conquered it by force and watered it
       with your blood, as your conscience called for under the
       demands of civilization and humanity; but the descendants of
       the Congos and Guineas, mingled with the blood of unscrupulous
       Spaniards and of traitors and adventurers—these people are
       not able to exercise or enjoy their liberty, for they will
       find it a burden to comply with the laws which govern
       civilized humanity. From eleven thousand Spanish soldiers.

       (Signed) Pedro Lopez De Castillo, Soldier of Infantry.
       Santiago de Cuba, August 21, 1898.'"

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (August-December).
       Situation in the Philippines following the occupation
       of Manila by American forces.
       Growing distrust and unfriendliness of the Tagalos.
       Report of General Otis.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898 (December).
       Organization of military government in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Statistics of the Spanish-American War.

       The following military and naval statistics of the war with
       Spain, compiled from official sources, were submitted to the
       House of Representatives, during its debate on the Army Bill,
       in December, 1900, as part of an appendix to a speech made in
       support of the Bill by Honorable Charles Dick, of Ohio:

       ORGANIZATION AND STRENGTH OF THE ARMY
       DURING AND AFTER THE WAR.

       By an Act of Congress approved April 22, 1898, providing for
       the temporary increase of the military establishment of the
       United States, "the organized and active land forces were
       declared to consist of the Regular Army and of the militia of
       the several States when called into service, constituting two
       branches, designated, respectively, as be Regular Army and the
       Volunteer Army of the United States. And the President was
       authorized to organize the regular and volunteer troops into
       divisions of three brigades, each brigade to be composed of
       three or more regiments, and when three or more divisions are
       present in the same army, to organize them into army corps,
       each corps to consist of not more than three divisions. Under
       the authority conferred upon him by the joint resolution of
       April 20 and the act of April 22, 1898, the President issued a
       proclamation, dated April 23, 1898, calling for volunteers to the
       number of 125,000 men, to be apportioned as far as practicable
       among the several States, Territories, and the District of
       Columbia, according to population, to serve for two years
       unless sooner discharged. Among the several arms of the
       service the troops were apportioned as follows: Five regiments
       and 17 troops of cavalry, 16 batteries of light artillery, 1
       regiment and 7 batteries of heavy artillery, 119 regiments and
       10 battalions of infantry. May 25, 1898, the President issued
       a proclamation calling for an additional force of 75,000 men.
       For controlling military reasons, it was determined to utilize
       so much of this additional force as was necessary to bring up
       the several State organizations in service to the full legal
       strength, the remainder to be apportioned among the several
       States and Territories according to their respective quotas as
       nearly as possible. The apportionment to the several arms of
       service under this second call was for 16 batteries of light
       artillery, 3 battalions of heavy artillery, and 22 regiments,
       ten battalions, and 46 companies of infantry."

       The strength of the Regular Army on the 1st of April, 1898,
       just before the breaking out of the war, was as follows:

                                          Officers.  Enlisted Men.

       General officers and staff corps.      532       2,026
       Cavalry.                               437       6,047
       Artillery.                             288       4,486
       Infantry.                              886      12,828
       Miscellaneous.                                     653

       Total.                               2,143      26,040

       The Regular Army was authorized to be increased to 65,000 men
       as a war footing. The total strength of the armies, Regular
       and Volunteer, at several later dates, was as follows:

    {628}

          DATE.             Regulars.   Volunteers.    Total.

       April   15, 1898      28,183                    28,183
       May     31, 1898      38,816       124,776     162,592
       August  31, 1898      56,362       216,256     272,618
       January 31, 1899      65,531        90,241     155,772
       June    30, 1899      63,535        16,550      80,085

       Maximum force at any one time during Spanish-American war,
       274,717 officers and men. On the 29th of November, 1898, the
       Army of the United States consisted of 2,324 officers and
       61,444 enlisted men of the regular force, and of 5,216
       officers and 110,202 enlisted men of the volunteer force,
       making an aggregate of 7,540 officers and 171,646 enlisted
       men.

       PAY OF ARMY.

       Payments made to Regular and Volunteer armies engaged during
       Spanish-American war, from April 21, 1898, to April 11, 1899,
       $67,065,629.56.

       CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

       In Cuba, Porto Rico, and the Philippines between May 1, 1898,
       and June 30, 1899.

       Killed               Cuba    Porto Rico    Philippines
          Officers            21                      16
          Enlisted men       223          4          219

       Wounded:
          Officers           101                      92
          Enlisted men     1,344         36        1,349

       Died of Wounds:
          Officers            10                      10
          Enlisted men        64          8           82

       Died of Disease:
          Officers            34          4           11
          Enlisted men.      888        251          369

       Grand total, 5,136.

       Casualties in Fifth Army Corps in campaign against Santiago,
       June 22, 1898, to July 17, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.

       Killed.      21         222
       Wounded     101       1,344

       At battle of Las Guasimas, June 24, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.
       Killed.       1         15
       Wounded       6         43

       At battle of El Caney, July 1, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.
       Killed.       4         77
       Wounded      25        335

       At Aguadores, July 1-2, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.
       Killed.                  2
       Wounded                 10

       At battle of San Juan, July 1-3, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.
       Killed.      15        127
       Wounded      69        945

       Casualties around Santiago, July 10-12, 1898.

                Officers.  Enlisted Men.
       Killed.       1          1
       Wounded       1         11

       Grand total of casualties in killed and wounded
       during the war with Spain.

       WHERE.             KILLED.                WOUNDED.

                   Officers. Enlisted Men.  Officers. Enlisted Men.

       Cuba            23        237           99        1,332
       Porto Rico.                 3            4           36
       Manila                     17           10           96

       Total           23        257          113        1,464

       The deaths from all causes (including casualties in action) in
       the whole Army, regulars and volunteers, for the fourteen
       months from May, 1898, to June, 1899, inclusive, were 6,619.
       This is equivalent to an annual rate of 33.03 per thousand of
       strength. The deaths from disease during the whole period were
       at an annual rate of hut 25.68 per thousand. These were as
       follows:

       STATIONS.       Number of Deaths      Rate per 1,000.

       United States        3,577               23.81
       Cuba                   928               45.14
       Porto Rico             238               38.15
       Philippines            402               17.20

    {629}

       Deaths in the armies of the United States, by countries,
       between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

    [Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

    COUNTRY             KILLED.     DIED OF    DISEASE.    ACCIDENT.
                                     WOUNDS
                       Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.
    REGULARS.
    United States        1    5          10    32  874      1   51
    Cuba                19  184      5   60     8  381           7
    Porto Rico                                  3   73           3
    Hawaiian Islands                                10           1
    Philippine Islands    4  81      1   33     4  109          10
    At sea                           1   11     4   77

    Total                24 270      7  114    51  1,524    1   72

    VOLUNTEERS.
    United States                         1    87  2,836    3  111
    Cuba                  3  39          10    16    457    2   12
    Porto Rico                3                 1    157         5
    Hawaiian Islands                                  33         1
    Philippine Islands   14  146     3   67     5    215         6
    At sea                                      5    122         2

    Total                17  188     3   78   114  3,820    5  137

    Aggregate            38  458    10  192   165  5,344    6  209

    COUNTRY.              DROWNED.    SUICIDE.  MURDER       TOTAL.
                                                HOMICIDE
                         Off. Enl.   Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.  Off. Enl.
    REGULARS.
    United States          1   16          19         18    35   993
    Cuba                        7           5          6    32   650
    Porto Rico                  1           3          1     3    81
    Hawaiian Islands            1                                 12
    Philippine Islands         19      1    3          1    10   256
    At sea                 1    4           2                6    94

    Total                  2   48      1   32         26    86 2,086

    VOLUNTEERS.
    United States              23      1  15          22    91 3,008
    Cuba                        4                      3    21   525
    Porto Rico                  2          1           1     1   169
    Hawaiian Islands                                              34
    Philippine Islands     1    9          3                23   446
    At sea                      2          1                 5   127

    Total                  1   40      1  20          26   141  4,309

    Aggregate              3  88       2  52          52   224  6,395

    {630}

       Recapitulation of casualties in action in the armies of the
       United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

    [Off. = Officer; Enl. = Enlisted Men.]

    COUNTRY.           KILLED.      WOUNDED.     TOTAL.     AGGREGATE
                       Off. Enl.    Off. Enl.   Off.  Enl.
    REGULARS.

    Cuba                18  183     86  1,126   104  1,309    1,413
    Porto Rico                1      2     15     2     16       18
    United States        1    5            10     1     15       16
    Philippines, to
     August 13, 1898          7      1     25     1     32       33
    Philippines since
     February 4, 1899    2   74     20    410    22    484      506

    Total               21  270    109  1,586   130  1,856    1,986

    VOLUNTEERS.

    Cuba                 3   39     15    218    18    257     275
    Porto Rico                3      2     21     2     24      26
    Philippines,
     to Aug. 13, 1898        11      9     74     9     85      94
    Philippines, since
     February 4, 1899   14  135     62    865    76  1,000   1,076

    Total               17  188     88  1,178   105  1,366   1,471

    Grand total         38  458    197  2,764   235  3,222  3,457

    HOSPITALS.

       From the declaration of war with Spain to September 20, 1899,
       there have been established:

                                                              Beds.
    20 field division hospitals, averaging 250 beds each      5,000
    31 general hospitals with a total capacity of about      13,800
    Railroad ambulance train                                    270
    4 hospital ships                                          1,000

    Total                                                    20,070

       In addition to these over 5,000 cases were treated in civil
       hospitals. It is difficult even to approximate the number of
       men treated in these hospitals. During that period somewhat
       over 100,000 cases were admitted on sick report, a number
       equal to 2,147 per 1,000 of strength during the year, or to
       179 per 1,000 per month—the ratio of admissions to hospital
       cases being 13 to 8. Using these data as a basis, and assuming
       the mean strength of the Army (Regulars and Volunteers) to have
       been 154,000, it would appear that from May 1, 1898, to
       September 20, 1899, about 275,000 cases have been treated in
       these hospitals.

    TRANSPORTATION OF SPANISH PRISONERS OF WAR TO SPAIN.

       The following is a statement showing the dates of embarkation,
       names of vessels, and number of officers, enlisted men, and
       others who took passage:

       [Date   = Date of Embarkation,
       Off.    = Officers
       Men     = Enlisted men,
       Women   = Women and children over 5 years of age,
       Priests = Priests and Sisters of Charity.]

    Date          Name of Vessel.    Off.   Men Women  Priests  Total

    August  9     Alicante            38  1,069    6      11    1,124
    August 14     Isla de Luzon      137  2,056   40       4    2,237
    August 16     Covadonga          109  2,148   79            2,336
    August 19     Villaverde          52    565   34              651
    August 19     Isla de Panay       99  1,599   26       5    1,729
    August 22     P. de Satrustegui  128  2,359   68            2,555
    August 25     Montevideo         136  2,108  122       2    2,368
    August 27     Cherihon            18    905   37              960
    August 28     Colón              100  1,316   59            1,475
    August 30     do                  23    726    5              754
    September 1   Leon XIII          113  2,209  108            2,430
    September 3   San Ignacio         59  1,408   20      12    1,499
    September 6   Leonora             15  1,118                 1,333
    September 12  Cindad de Cadiz     53          19      14       86
    September 17  San Augustin        65    800   45              910
    September 17  San Francisco       18    588   11              617

    Total                          1,163 20,974  679      48   22,864

       ARMS AND AMMUNITION CAPTURED AT SANTIAGO.

       Mauser carbines, Spanish, 7 mm     16,902
       Mauser rifles, Argentine, 7½ mm       872
       Remington rifles, 7 mm              6,118
       Total rifles                       23,892

       Mauser carbines, Spanish              833
       Mauser carbines, Argentine 7½ mm       84
       Remington carbines, 7½ mm             330

       Total carbines                      1,247

       Revolvers                              75

    {631}

       Mauser-Spanish—cartridges, 7 mm.     1,500,000
       Mauser-Argentine—cartridges, 7½ mm.  1,471,200
       Remington cartridges, 7½ mm          1,680,000

       Total.                               4,651,200

       Nine hundred and seventy-three thousand Remington
       cartridges, 7½ mm., worthless.

    STRENGTH OF THE NAVY, REGULAR AND AUXILIARY.

       The number of enlisted men allowed by law prior to the
       outbreak of hostilities was 12,500. On August 15, when the
       enlisted force reached its maximum, there were 24,123 men in
       the service. This great increase was made necessary by the
       addition of 128 ships to the Navy. The maximum fighting force
       of the Navy, separated into classes, was as follows:

       Battle ships (first class).   4
       Battle ships (second class).  1
       Armored cruisers.             2
       Coast defense monitors.       6
       Armored ram.                  1
       Protected cruisers.          12
       Unprotected cruisers.         3
       Gunboats.                    18
       Dynamite cruiser.             1
       Torpedo boats.               11
       Vessels of old Navy,
          Including monitors.       14
       Auxiliary Navy:
          Auxiliary cruisers.       11
          Converted yachts.         28
          Revenue cutters.          15
          Light-house tenders.       4
          Converted tugs.           27
          Converted colliers.       19
          Miscellaneous.            19

    NAVAL, PRISONERS OF WAR CAPTURED OFF SANTIAGO, JULY 3, 1898.

       Officers.                   99
       Enlisted men.            1,675

    CASUALTIES IN ACTION.

    ENGAGEMENT.               Casualties  Killed  Wounded Died later
                                                          from wounds
    Action at Manila Bay,
       May 1                      9                 9
    Action off Cienfuegos,
       May 11                    12         1      11        1
    Action off Cardenas,
       May 11.                    8         5       3
    Action off San Juan,
       Porto Rico, May 12         8         1       7
    Engagements at Guantanamo,
       Cuba, June 11 to 20       22        *6      16
    Engagement off Santiago:
       June 22                   10         1       9
       July 3                    11         1      10
    Miscellaneous:
       Yankee, June 13.           1                 1
    Eagle, July 12                1                 1
    Bancroft, August 2            1         1
    Amphitrite, August 7          1         1      †l

    Total                        84        16      68       2

       * One accidentally killed.
       † Accidentally shot.

          Congressional Record,
          February 1, 1901, pages 1941-1962.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Investigation of the conduct of the War Department
       in the war with Spain.

       Severe criticism of the conduct of the War Department during
       the war with Spain, including many charges of inefficiency in
       its service, produced by improper appointments made for
       political reasons, and other charges of misdoing in the
       purchase of supplies, under influences either political or
       otherwise corrupt, led to the appointment by the President, in
       September, 1898, of an investigating commission, composed of
       nine soldier and civilian members, as follows:
       General Grenville M. Dodge, President.
       Colonel James A. Sexton.
       Colonel Charles Denby,
       Captain Evan P. Howell,
       Honorable Urban A. Woodbury,
       Brigadier-General John M. Wilson, U. S. A.,
       General James A. Beaver,
       Major-General Alexander McD. Cook, U. S. A.,
       Dr. Phineas S. Conner.

       The report of the Commission, made in the following February,
       cannot be said to have been a convincing and satisfactory one
       to the country at large. It was indignantly described as a
       "whitewashing report," even by many journals and writers of
       the party in power. Its inquiries did not appear to have been
       keenly and impartially searching; its conclusions were not
       thought to be drawn with a rigorous and fearless hand.

       The charges against the War Department which excited most
       feeling and drew most public attention related to the quality
       of the fresh beef supplied to the army, which was in two
       forms, refrigerated and canned. Major-General Miles,
       commanding the Army, had declared that much of the
       refrigerated beef furnished to the soldiers should be called
       "embalmed beef," maintaining that it had been "apparently
       preserved with secret chemicals, which destroy its natural
       flavor" and which were believed to be "detrimental to the
       health of the troops." He intimated that hundreds of tons of
       such beef had been contracted for by the Commissary-General
       "under pretense of experiment." In repelling this serious
       accusation, Commissary-General Charles P. Eagan read a
       statement before the Commission, so violent and unmeasured in
       its vituperation of the commanding general that it was
       returned to him for correction; many newspapers declined to
       publish it, and he was subsequently tried by court-martial in
       consequence—as related below. The conclusion of the
       Commission on the subject of the charges relating to
       refrigerated beef was stated in its report as follows:

       "The Commission is of the opinion that no refrigerated beef
       furnished by contractors and issued to the troops during the
       war with Spain was subjected to or treated with any chemicals
       by the contractors or those in their employ."

       Concerning the canned beef, which had caused much disgust in
       the army, the Commission reported:

       "The result of our own testing and of all the analyses made at
       our instance … is that the canned meat which has been brought
       to our attention is pure, sound, and nutritive. It has not
       been found to contain any acids or any deleterious substance,
       but to be unadulterated meat. The testimony before us is that
       the canned meat is not, in general, intended to be issued to
       troops except as an emergency ration. The preponderance of the
       proof is that meat on the hoof and the refrigerated beef are
       more acceptable. A number of officers and others have
       testified that the meat is unpalatable. Its palatability
       greatly depends upon the mode in which it is cooked. In a
       tropical climate, carried on the march, exposed to heat, the
       meat so changes in appearance as to become repulsive. In the
       Navy, where the meat is properly cared for, there has been no
       complaint, so far as has appeared in evidence before us. After
       careful consideration we find that canned meat, as issued to
       the troops, was generally of good quality, was properly
       prepared, and contained no deleterious substance.
    {632}
       At times probably material of poor quality is issued; in one
       of the cans sent to us and examined by the chemist a large
       amount of gristle was found. That it was not issued 'under
       pretense of an experiment' is indicated by the fact that it
       has been in use in the Army for more than 20 years."

       On the general management of the Quarter-master's Department,
       with which much fault had been found, the Commission reported:
       "The conclusions drawn … are as follows:

       "1. The Quartermaster's Department, a month before war was
       declared, was neither physically nor financially prepared for
       the tremendous labor of suddenly equipping and transporting an
       army over ten times the size of the Regular Army of the United
       States.

       "2. That the department devoted the ability, zeal, and
       industry of its officers to accomplish the herculean task
       before it so soon as funds were made available and war was
       declared.

       "3. That it deserves credit for the great work accomplished,
       for the immense quantity of materials obtained and issued
       within so short a period, and for its earnest efforts in
       reference to railroad transportation and in protecting the
       great interests of the General Government committed to its
       charge. Its officers, especially those at the head-quarters of
       the department and at its depots, worked earnestly and
       laboriously day and night, sparing themselves in no possible
       way.

       "4. There appears to have been a lack of system, whereby, even
       as late as October, troops in camps and in the field were
       lacking in some articles of clothing, camp and garrison
       equipage; and hospitals, at least at two important localities
       in the South—Fort Monroe, Virginia, and Huntsville,
       Alabama—lacked stoves, while at Huntsville fuel was wanting.

       "5. There appears to have been lack of executive or
       administrative ability, either on the part of the
       Quartermaster's Department or the railroad officials, in
       preventing the great congestion of cars at Tampa and
       Chickamauga when these camps were first established, which
       congestion caused delay, annoyance, and discomfort to the
       large bodies of troops concentrating at those places.

       "6. There appears to have been a lack of foresight in
       preparing and promptly having available at some central
       locality on the seacoast the necessary fleet of transports
       which it seemed evident would be required for the movement of
       troops to a foreign shore, and, finally, when the call came
       suddenly and the emergency was supreme, the department appears
       not to have fully comprehended the capacity of the fleet under
       its command; not to have supplied it with a complete outfit of
       lighters for the immediate disembarkation of troops and
       supplies; to have accepted without full investigation the
       statement that the vessels were capable of transporting 25,000
       men, while really they could not and did not transport more
       than 17,000 with their artillery, equipments, ammunition, and
       supplies, and lacked sufficient storage room for the necessary
       amount of wagon transportation—that very important element
       in the movement of an army in the face of an enemy.

       "7. The Quartermaster's Department should maintain on hand at
       all times a complete supply for at least four months for an
       army of 100,000 men of all articles of clothing, camp and
       garrison equipage, and other quartermaster's supplies which
       will not deteriorate by storage or which cannot at once be
       obtained in open market.

       "Finally. In the opinion of this commission, there should be a
       division of the labor now devolving upon the Quartermaster's
       Department."

       In another part of its report, dealing especially with the
       Santiago campaign, the Commission makes a statement which
       seems to reflect some additional light on the sixth paragraph
       of the finding quoted above, relative to the unpreparedness of
       the quartermaster's department for the landing of the Santiago
       expedition. It says:

       "The Navy Department, on the 31st of May, 1898, sent the
       following communication to the honorable the Secretary of War:
       'This Department begs leave to inquire what means are to be
       employed by the War Department for landing the troops,
       artillery, horses, siege guns, mortars, and other heavy
       objects when the pending military expedition arrives on the
       Cuban coast near Santiago. While the Navy will be prepared to
       furnish all the assistance that may be in its power, it is
       obvious that the crews of the armored ships and of such others
       as will be called upon to remove the Spanish mines and to meet
       the Spanish fleet in action can not be spared for other purposes,
       and ought not to be fatigued by the work incident to landing
       of the troops and stores, etc.' This information, so far as
       can be ascertained, was never communicated to either General
       Miles or General Shafter; the expedition therefore left Tampa
       with no facilities for landing other than were afforded by the
       boats of the several transports conveying the expedition, with
       the exception of several lighters and steam tugs of light draft,
       such as could be hastily secured."

       On the conduct of the Medical Department, which was another
       matter of investigation, the Commission reported: "To sum up,
       in brief, the evidence submitted shows:

       " 1. That at the outbreak of the war the Medical Department
       was, in men and materials, altogether unprepared to meet the
       necessities of the army called out.

       "2. That as a result of the action through a generation of
       contracted and contracting methods of administration, it was
       impossible for the Department to operate largely, freely, and
       without undue regard to cost.

       "3. That in the absence of a special corps of inspectors, and
       the apparent infrequency of inspections by chief surgeons, and
       of official reports of the state of things in camps and
       hospitals, there was not such investigation of the sanitary
       conditions of the army as is the first duty imposed upon the
       Department by the regulations.

       "4. That the nursing force during the months of My, June, and
       July was neither ample nor efficient, reasons for which may be
       found in the lack of a proper volunteer hospital corps, due to
       the failure of Congress to authorize its establishment, and to
       the nonrecognition in the beginning of the value of women
       nurses and the extent to which their services could be
       secured.

       "5. That the demand made upon the resources of the Department
       in the care of sick and wounded was very much greater than had
       been anticipated, and consequently, in like proportion, these
       demands were imperfectly met.

    {633}

       "6. That powerless as the Department was to have supplies
       transferred from point to point, except through the
       intermediation of the Quartermaster's Department, it was
       seriously crippled in its efforts to fulfil the regulation
       duty of 'furnishing all medical and hospital supplies.'

       "7. That the shortcomings in administration and operation may
       justly be attributed, in large measure, to the hurry and
       confusion incident to the assembling of an army of untrained
       officers and men, ten times larger than before, for which no
       preparations in advance had been or could be made because of
       existing rules and regulations.

       "8. That notwithstanding all the manifest errors, of omission
       rather than of commission, a vast deal of good work was done
       by medical officers, high and low, regular and volunteer, and
       there were unusually few deaths among the wounded and the
       sick.

       "What is needed by the medical department in the future is—

       "1. A larger force of commissioned medical officers.

       "2. Authority to establish in time of war a proper volunteer
       hospital corps.

       "3. A reserve corps of selected trained women nurses, ready to
       serve when necessity shall arise, but under ordinary
       circumstances, owing no duty to the War Department, except to
       report residence at determined intervals.

       "4. A year's supply for an army of at least four times the
       actual strength, of all such medicines, hospital furniture,
       and stores as are not materially damaged by keeping, to be
       held constantly on hand in the medical supply depots.

       "5. The charge of transportation to such extent as will secure
       prompt shipment and ready delivery of all medical supplies.

       "6. The simplification of administrative 'paper work,' so that
       medical officers may be able to more thoroughly discharge
       their sanitary and strictly medical duties.

       "7. The securing of such legislation as will authorize all
       surgeons in medical charge of troops, hospitals, transports,
       trains, and independent commands to draw from the Subsistence
       Department funds for the purchase of such articles of diet as
       may be necessary to the proper treatment of soldiers too sick
       to use the army ration. This to take the place of all
       commutation of rations of the sick now authorized.

       "Convalescent soldiers traveling on furlough should be
       furnished transportation, sleeping berths or staterooms, and
       $1.50 per diem for subsistence in lieu of rations, the soldier
       not to be held accountable or chargeable for this amount."

          Report of the Commission, volume 1.

       Public opinion of the report, when divested of partisan
       prejudice, was probably expressed very fairly in the following
       comments of "The Nation," of New York:

       "The two leading conclusions of the court of inquiry as to the
       quality of the beef supplied to our troops during the war with
       Spain, are in accordance with the evidence and will be
       accepted as fairly just by the country. The court finds that
       so far as the canned roast beef was concerned, the charges
       which General Miles made against it as an unsuitable ration
       are sustained, but that as regards the use of chemicals in the
       treatment of refrigerated beef his charges were not
       established. If instead of saying 'not established,' the court
       had said 'not fully sustained,' its verdict would have been
       above criticism on these two points. There was evidence of the
       use of chemicals, but it was not conclusive and was flatly
       contradicted. There is no doubt whatever that the use of the
       refrigerated beef was a blunder, but there was very little
       evidence to sustain a more serious charge than that against
       it.

       "But while the court has found justly on these points, it is
       difficult to read its report without feeling that its members
       did so reluctantly, and that, if left to follow their
       inclinations, they would have censured General Miles and
       allowed everybody else concerned to go free. General Miles is
       the one person involved whom they allow no extenuating
       circumstances to benefit in their report. At every opportunity
       they take the worst possible view of his conduct, while almost
       invariably taking the most lenient view possible of nearly
       everybody else. … So far as the findings of the court apply to
       Eagan's conduct, they are condemnatory in general terms, but
       they do not seek to go behind him for the reasons for his
       conduct. … No attention whatever is paid to the evidence of
       several reputable witnesses that Eagan had told them that he
       had to buy of certain contractors; none is paid, either, to
       the evidence of Eagan's subordinates that he himself so
       altered the refrigerated beef contracts that no one could say
       whether they called for preservation for seventy-two hours or
       twenty-four. Leniency of this kind is never shown toward
       General Miles."

          The Nation,
          May 11, 1899.

       Perhaps a weightier criticism is represented by the following,
       which we quote from an article contributed to "The
       Independent" by General Wingate, President of the National
       Guard Association of the United States: "So far as the
       refrigerated beef was concerned, the truth probably is that
       there was little, if any, 'embalming' about it. Soldiers
       generally agree that the beef itself was almost universally
       good. … General Miles, on the other hand, was clearly right in
       asking that the troops might be furnished with beef cattle on the
       hoof, which could follow the army over any road and which
       would keep in good condition on the luxuriant grasses of Cuba
       and Porto Rico. This was the system pursued in our Civil War.
       No one has yet explained why it was abandoned for the
       experiment of furnishing this kind of beef to places in the
       tropics where it had to be hauled in wagons for many hours
       over muddy roads, and when most of the wagons required to move
       it promptly had to be left behind for want of water
       transportation.

       "The matter of the refrigerated or so-called 'embalmed' beef
       is, however, of very slight consequence compared with that of
       the canned roast beef. The use of that beef as an army ration
       in this country, at least, was new. Officer after officer has
       testified before the court of inquiry that they never saw it
       so issued before the Cuban campaign. It is true that the navy
       uses it, but the facilities on shipboard for caring for and
       cooking food are so different and so superior to those of an
       army in the field that no comparison can justly be made
       between them. Moreover, as was recently stated in the 'Army
       and Navy Journal,' the belief is general in the navy that the
       canned beef it had rejected on inspection was afterward sold
       to the army and accepted by it without inspection.
    {634}
       Be this as it may, the evidence is overwhelming that the
       canned roast beef which was issued to the army was repulsive
       in appearance and disagreeable in smell. … Governor Roosevelt
       says in his testimony that 'from generals to privates he never
       heard any one who did not condemn it as an army ration.' Its
       defects appeared on the voyage to Santiago, if not before. It
       was then so bad that the men would not touch it, and as
       Governor Roosevelt says in his article in 'Scribner's,' his
       Rough Riders, who certainly were not particular, could not eat
       it, and as it constituted one-third of the rations, his men
       had to go hungry. And yet, in spite of these facts, a million
       pounds of that beef was purchased from Armour & Co. alone, and
       its issue was continued not only in Cuba but in Porto Rico.
       What is worse than all, after its defects were fully known it
       was issued as a traveling ration to the fever-racked men on
       their homeward voyage to this country; men who needed and were
       entitled to receive the most nourishing food and to whom this
       indigestible stuff was poison. This should never be forgotten
       or forgiven by the plain people of the country. …

       "No one in authority has been willing to admit that there was
       the slightest thing wrong, or the least need for improvement
       in his department. … This is another of the hundreds of
       examples which have occurred in our past war, and which will
       continue to take place in the future until the whole staff
       system of the army has been rectified, of the reign of that
       hide bound bureaucratic spirit which induces the head of a
       department in Washington to decide in his office what should
       be used by the troops in the field without practical
       experience on the subject, and to stubbornly close his eyes
       and ears to everything which will tend to show that it is
       possible that his department has made a mistake. …

       "It is noticeable that so far not an official in any of the
       supply or medical departments is known to have been court
       martialed or even censured. Yet I do not hesitate to say that
       the summary dismissal from the service, in the beginning, of
       two or three quartermasters and commissaries, including the
       gentlemen who were the cause of sending thousands of cars to
       Tampa without invoices or anything on the outside of them to
       indicate their contents, would have saved the lives of
       hundreds of our soldiers. Under these circumstances it is most
       lamentable to find that the awful experiences which have made
       so many homes desolate, and so many of our best young men
       invalids, have borne no practical fruit. Both the army
       officials and Congress are like the Bourbons, they 'have
       learned nothing and forgotten nothing.'"

          G. W. Wingate,
          What the Beef Scandal Teaches
          (Independent, April 6, 1899).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.
       Joint High Commission for settlement of
       pending questions with Canada.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (October-October).
       Military government of Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1898-1899 (OCTOBER-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899 (December-January).
       Instructions by the President to General Otis,
       Military Governor of the Philippines.
       Their proclamation by the latter in a modified form.
       The effect.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).
       The case of Commissary-General Eagan.

       A court-martial, sitting in January, 1899, for the trial of
       Commissary-General Eagan, on the charge that he had been
       guilty of "conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, and
       conduct to the prejudice of good order and military
       discipline," in the abusive language that he had applied to
       the commanding general of the army, in the course of his
       testimony before the Commission to investigate the conduct of
       the War Department found the accused officer guilty, and
       imposed the inevitable penalty of dismissal from the service,
       but recommended executive clemency in his case.

          See:
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

       The sentence was commuted by the President to suspension from
       rank and duty for six years. This involved no loss of pay,
       and, at the end of six years, General Eagan will go on the
       retired list.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January).
       Appointment of the First Commission to the Philippines.
       The President's instructions to the Commissioners.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-February).
       The Treaty of Peace in the Senate.
       Its ratification.

       The Treaty of Peace with Spain, signed at Paris December 10,
       1898, was sent by the President to the Senate on the 4th of
       January, 1899, and held under debate in that body until the
       6th of February following. The opposition to it was very
       strong, being especially directed against the acquisition of
       the Philippine Islands, involving, as that acquisition did,
       the embarkation of the Republic in a colonial or imperial
       policy, of conquest and of government without the consent of
       the governed, which seemed to a great number of thoughtful
       people, not only incongruous with its constitution, but a
       dangerous violation of the principles on which its republican
       polity is founded. But even those most opposed to the
       acquisition of the Philippine Islands were reluctant to reopen
       the state of war by rejection of the treaty, and directed
       their efforts mainly towards the securing of a definite
       declaration from Congress of the intention of the government
       of the United States to establish independence in the islands.

       "Even before the signing of the treaty at Paris, on the 6th of
       December, when the demand of the American commissioners for
       cession of the Philippines was known, the opposition expressed
       itself in the following resolution, introduced by Senator
       Vest, of Missouri:

       "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
       United States of America in Congress assembled. That under the
       Constitution of the United States no power is given to the
       Federal Government to acquire territory to be held and
       governed permanently as colonies. The colonial system of
       European nations can not be established under our present
       Constitution, but all territory acquired by the Government,
       except such small amount as may be necessary for coaling
       stations, correction of boundaries, and similar governmental
       purposes, must be acquired and governed with the purpose of
       ultimately organizing such territory into States suitable for
       admission into the Union."

       This resolution became the ground of much senatorial debate
       during the following weeks. The arguments opposed to it, and
       supporting the policy of the administration, are represented
       fairly by the following passage from a speech made by Senator
       Platt, of Connecticut, on December 16:

    {635}

       "I propose to maintain that the United States is a nation;
       that as a nation it possesses every sovereign power not
       reserved in its Constitution to the States or the people; that
       the right to acquire territory was not reserved, and is
       therefore an inherent sovereign right; that is a right upon
       which there is no limitation, and with regard to which there
       is no qualification; that in certain instances the right may
       be inferred from specific clauses in the Constitution, but
       that it exists independent of these clauses; that in the right
       to acquire territory is found the right to govern it; and as
       the right to acquire is a sovereign and inherent right, the
       right to govern is a sovereign right not limited in the
       Constitution, and that these propositions are in accordance
       with the views of the framers of the Constitution, the
       decisions of the Supreme Court, and the legislation of
       Congress.

       "Mr. President, this is a nation. It has been called by
       various names. It has been called a Confederated Republic, a
       Federal Union, the Union of States, a league of States, a rope
       of sand; but during all the time these names have been applied
       to it it has been a nation. It was so understood by the
       framers of the Constitution. It was so decided by the great
       judges of the Supreme Court in the early days of the
       Constitution. It is too late to deny it, and, Mr. President,
       it is also too late to admit it, and not have faith in it.
       Intellectual assent to the doctrines of Christianity does not
       make a man a Christian. It is saving faith that makes the
       Christian. And a mere intellectual assent to the doctrine that
       we are a nation does not make the true patriot. It is high
       time that we come to believe without qualification, to believe
       in our hearts, in the exercise of patriotic faith, that the
       United States is a nation. When we come to believe that, Mr.
       President, many of the doubts and uncertainties which have
       troubled men will disappear.

       "It is time to be heroic in our faith and to assert all the
       power that belongs to the nation as a nation. … The attempt to
       shear the United States of a portion of its sovereign power is
       an attempt which may well be thoroughly and fully discussed.
       In the right to acquire territory is found the right to
       govern, and as the right to acquire is sovereign and
       unlimited, the right to govern is a sovereign right, and I
       maintain is not limited in the Constitution. If I am right in
       holding that the power to acquire is the sovereign power
       without limitation, I think it must be admitted that the right
       to govern is also sovereign and unlimited. But if it is sought
       to rest the right to govern upon that clause of the
       Constitution which gives Congress the power to dispose of or
       make 'all needful rules and regulations' for the government of
       the territory of the United States, I submit there is no
       limitation there. There is no qualification there."

       On the 4th of January the Senate received the treaty from the
       President. On the 7th, Senator Mason, of Illinois, introduced
       the following resolution, and, subsequently, spoke with
       earnestness in its support:

       "Whereas all just powers of government are derived from the
       consent of the governed: Therefore, be it

       "Resolved by the Senate of the United States, That the
       Government of the United States of America will not attempt to
       govern the people of any other country in the world without
       the consent of the people themselves, or subject them by force
       to our dominion against their will."

       On the 9th an impressive speech was made by Senator Hoar, of
       Massachusetts, mainly in reply to Senator Platt. He spoke
       partly as follows:

       "Mr. President, I am quite sure that no man who will hear or
       who will read what I say today will doubt that nothing could
       induce me to say it but a commanding sense of public duty. I
       think I dislike more than most men to differ from men with
       whom I have so long and so constantly agreed. I dislike to
       differ from the President, whose election I hailed with such
       personal satisfaction and such exulting anticipations for the
       Republic. I dislike to differ from so many of my party
       associates in this Chamber, with whom I have for so many years
       trod the same path and sought the same goal. I am one of those
       men who believe that little that is great or good or permanent
       for a free people can be accomplished without the
       instrumentality of party. And I have believed religiously, and
       from my soul, for half a century, in the great doctrines and
       principles of the Republican party. I stood in a humble
       capacity by its cradle. I do not mean, if I can help it, to
       follow its hearse. I am sure I render it a service; I am sure
       I help to protect and to prolong the life of that great
       organization, if I can say or can do anything to keep it from
       forsaking the great principles and doctrines in which alone it
       must live or bear no life. I must, in this great crisis,
       discharge the trust my beloved Commonwealth has committed to
       me according to my sense of duty as I see it. However
       unpleasant may be that duty, as Martin Luther said, 'God help
       me. I can do no otherwise.'

       "I am to speak for my country, for its whole past and for its
       whole future. I am to speak to a people whose fate is bound up
       in the preservation of our great doctrine of constitutional
       liberty. I am to speak for the dead soldier who gave his life
       for liberty that his death might set a seal upon his country's
       historic glory. I am to speak for the Republican party, all of
       whose great traditions are at stake, and all of whose great
       achievements are in peril. …

       "The question with which we now have to deal is whether
       Congress may conquer and may govern, without their consent and
       against their will, a foreign nation, a separate, distinct,
       and numerous people, a territory not hereafter to be populated
       by Americans, to be formed into American States and to take its
       part in fulfilling and executing the purposes for which the
       Constitution was framed, whether it may conquer, control, and
       govern this people, not for the general welfare, common
       defense, more perfect union, more blessed liberty of the
       people of the United States, but for some real or fancied
       benefit to be conferred against their desire upon the people
       so governed or in discharge of some fancied obligation to
       them, and not to the people of the United States.

       "Now, Mr. President, the question is whether the men who
       framed the Constitution, or the people who adopted it, meant
       to confer that power among the limited and restrained powers
       of the sovereign nation that they were creating. Upon that
       question I take issue with my honorable friend from
       Connecticut.
    {636}
       I declare not only that this is not among the express powers
       conferred upon the sovereignty they created, that it is not
       among the powers necessarily or reasonably or conveniently
       implied for the sake of carrying into effect the purposes of
       that instrument, but that it is a power which it can be
       demonstrated by the whole contemporaneous history and by our
       whole history since until within six months they did not mean
       should exist—a power that our fathers and their descendants
       have ever loathed and abhorred—and that they believed that no
       sovereign on earth could rightfully exercise it, and that no
       people on earth could rightfully confer it. They not only did
       not mean to confer it, but they would have cut off their right
       hands, everyone of them, sooner than set them to an instrument
       which should confer it. …

       "The great contemporaneous exposition of the Constitution is
       to be found in the Declaration of Independence. Over every
       clause, syllable, and letter of the Constitution the
       Declaration of Independence pours its blazing torch-light. The
       same men framed it. The same States confirmed it. The same
       people pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred
       honor to support it. The great characters in the
       Constitutional Convention were the great characters of the
       Continental Congress. There are undoubtedly, among its burning
       and shining truths, one or two which the convention that
       adopted it were not prepared themselves at once to put into
       practice. But they placed them before their countrymen as an
       ideal moral law to which the liberty of the people was to
       aspire and to ascend as soon as the nature of existing
       conditions would admit. Doubtless slavery was inconsistent
       with it, as Jefferson, its great author, has in more than one
       place left on record. But at last in the strife of a great
       civil war the truth of the Declaration prevailed and the
       falsehood of slavery went down, and at last the Constitution
       of the United States conformed to the Declaration and it has
       become the law of the land, and its great doctrines of liberty
       are written upon the American flag wherever the American flag
       floats. Who shall haul them down?"

       Two days later (January 11) the following resolutions were
       introduced by Senator Bacon, of Georgia:

       "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
       United States of America in Congress assembled,

       First, That the Government and people of the United States
       have not waged the recent war with Spain for conquest and for
       the acquisition of foreign territory, but solely for the
       purposes set forth in the resolution of Congress making the
       declaration of said war, the acquisition of such small tracts
       of land or harbors as may be necessary for governmental
       purposes being not deemed inconsistent with the same.

       "Second. That in demanding and in receiving the cession of the
       Philippine Islands it is not the purpose of the Government of
       the United States to secure and maintain dominion over the
       same as a part of the territory of the United States, or to
       incorporate the inhabitants thereof as citizens of the United
       States, or to hold said inhabitants as vassals or subjects of
       this Government.

       "Third. That whereas at the time of the declaration of war by
       the United States against Spain, and prior thereto, the
       inhabitants of the Philippine Islands were actively engaged in
       a war with Spain to achieve their independence, and whereas
       said purpose and the military operations thereunder have not
       been abandoned, but are still being actively prosecuted
       thereunder, therefore, in recognition of and in obedience to
       the vital principle announced in the great declaration that
       governments derive 'their just powers from the consent of the
       governed,' the Government of the United States recognizes that
       the people of the Philippine Islands of a right ought to be
       free and independent; that, with this view and to give effect
       to the same, the Government of the United States has required
       the Government of Spain to relinquish its authority and
       government in the Philippine Islands and to withdraw its land
       and naval forces from the Philippine Islands and from the
       waters thereof.

       "Fourth. That the United States hereby disclaim any
       disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty,
       jurisdiction, or control over said islands, and assert their
       determination when an independent government shall have been
       duly erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to
       transfer to said government, upon terms which shall be
       reasonable and just, all rights secured under the cession by
       Spain, and to thereupon leave the government and control of
       the islands to their people."

       On the 13th, Senator McLaurin, of South Carolina, returned to
       the question of constitutional power in the government of the
       United States to hold territory in a permanently subject
       state, and spoke against the view maintained by Senator Platt,
       of Connecticut: "To hold," he said, "that there is an inherent
       power of sovereignty in the nation, outside of the
       Constitution, to do something not authorized by that
       instrument is to place this 'inherent sovereignty' above the
       Constitution and thus destroy the very foundation upon which
       constitutional government rests. Judge Gray in the
       Chinese-exclusion case, said: 'The United States are a
       sovereign and independent nation, and are invested by the
       Constitution with the entire control of international
       relations and with all the powers of government necessary to
       maintain that control and make it effective.' While holding
       that the United States are a sovereign and independent nation,
       it will be seen that he also holds that the sovereignty of the
       nation is vested by the Constitution; and if so, it can only
       be exercised in the mode pointed out in the Constitution and
       is controlled by the words of the grant of this sovereignty.
       There was no nation of the United States until the adoption of
       the Federal Constitution; hence before that time there could
       be no sovereignty of the nation. What conferred this
       sovereignty? Clearly the States, by and through the Federal
       Constitution. If so, then there can be no inherent right of
       sovereignty except that conferred by the Constitution.

       "The Senator further contends that we are a sovereign nation,
       and as such have the same inherent right to acquire territory
       as England, France, Germany, and Mexico. I controvert that
       proposition. The sovereignty of the nation of Great Britain
       and the others is vested in the people, and has never been
       delegated and limited as in our country. These Governments
       enjoy sovereignty in its elementary form.
    {637}
       What the government wills it may do without considering the
       act or its consequences in the light of an organic law of
       binding obligation. Our Government is in a very different
       position. The Federal Constitution is the embodiment of the
       sovereignty of the United States as a nation, and this
       sovereignty can only be exercised in accordance with the
       powers contained in its provisions. Great Britain can do
       anything as a nation in the way of the exercise of
       governmental functions. There is nothing to prohibit or
       restrict the fullest exercise of her sovereignty as a nation.
       Hence there is no analogy, and the sovereignty of the United
       States as a nation differs widely from that of Great Britain.

       "It is further contended that a sovereign right can not be
       limited and that all our Constitution can do is to prescribe
       the manner in which it can be exercised. If, as already shown,
       the sovereignty of the United States was conferred by the
       States through the Federal Constitution, it is clear that, in
       conferring the power and prescribing the manner of its
       exercise, they did set a limit in the very terms of the
       instrument itself. I deny, therefore, that the United States
       as a nation has a sovereign, inherent right and control
       outside of the grant of such power in the Constitution. This
       is not an essential element of nationality so far as our
       nation is concerned, although it may be in England or Russia,
       where the nationality and sovereignty incident to it are not
       created and limited by a written constitution."

       On the 14th of January, Mr. Hoar submitted the following:

       "Resolved, That the people of the Philippine islands of right
       ought to be free and independent; that they are absolved from
       all allegiance to the Spanish Crown, and that all political
       connection between them and Spain is and ought to be totally
       dissolved, and that they have, therefore, full power to do all
       acts and things which independent states may of right do; that
       it is their right to institute a new government for
       themselves, laying its foundation on such principles and
       organizing its powers in such form as to them shall seem most
       likely to effect their safety and happiness; and that with
       these rights the people of the United States do not propose to
       interfere."

       On the 18th, Mr. Bacon amended his resolutions, given above,
       by changing the phrase "an independent government" to "a
       stable and independent government," and then spoke upon them
       with force, saying, among other things: "The simple fact that
       we went to war with Spain did not devolve upon us any
       obligation with reference to the Philippine Islands. We went
       to war with Spain not for the purpose of correcting all the
       evils with which her people were afflicted; we went to war
       with Spain not to break the chains of tyranny with which she
       might be binding her different colonies: we did not undertake
       to be the great universal benefactor and to right all the
       wrongs of all the world, or even all the wrongs that Spain
       might be inflicting upon any of her people. "We went to war
       because a particular colony which she was afflicting lay at
       our doors; we went to war because the disorders of that
       Government affected the peace of our community and were
       injurious to our material interest. We said there was a
       condition of affairs which was unbearable and that we would
       put an end to it.

       "To that extent and to that alone we claimed and avowed the
       reason for the declaration of war. So it follows that the mere
       declaration of war did not affect in any manner our relations
       with the Philippine Islands except to put us in a state of war
       with them as a part of the Spanish domain, and in no manner
       laid any obligations upon us as to those islands. We were not
       charged with the duty of preserving order in Asia. We were not
       charged with the obligations of seeing that they had a stable
       and orderly government in any part of that hemisphere. No such
       duty rested upon us. None such was assumed by us. Therefore
       the simple declaration of war did not lay any obligation upon
       us as to the Philippine Islands, and I desire that any Senator
       will put his finger upon the act which laid us under any
       obligations to the Philippine Islands outside of the fact that
       in the war which ensued we took those who were the insurgents
       in those islands to be our allies and made a common cause with
       them.

       "Now, Mr. President, all that grows out of that—all that grows
       out of the fact of that cooperation and that alliance—is to
       impose upon us a single obligation which we must not ignore.
       How far does that obligation go? Does it require that we shall
       for all time undertake to be the guardians of the Philippine
       Islands? Does that particular obligation lay upon us the duty
       hereafter, not only now but for years to come, to maintain an
       expensive military establishment, to burden our people with
       debt, to run the risk of becoming involved in wars in order
       that we may keep our hands upon the Philippine Islands and
       keep them in proper condition hereafter? I am unable to see
       how the obligation growing out of the fact that they were our
       allies can possibly be extended to that degree. No Senator has
       yet shown any reason why such an obligation rests upon us, and
       I venture to say that none which is logical will or can be
       shown."

       The practical considerations, of circumstance and expediency,
       which probably had more influence than those of law or
       principle, were strongly urged by Senator Lodge, of
       Massachusetts, who said, on the 24th:

       "Suppose we ratify the treaty. The islands pass from the
       possession of Spain into our possession without committing us
       to any policy. I believe we can be trusted as a people to deal
       honestly and justly with the islands and their inhabitants
       thus given to our care. What our precise policy shall be I do
       not know, because I for one am not sufficiently informed as to
       the conditions there to be able to say what it will be best to
       do, nor, I may add, do I think anyone is. But I believe that
       we shall have the wisdom not to attempt to incorporate those
       islands with our body politic, or make their inhabitants part
       of our citizenship, or set their labor alongside of ours and
       within our tariff to compete in any industry with American
       workmen. I believe that we shall have the courage not to
       depart from those islands fearfully, timidly, and unworthily
       and leave them to anarchy among themselves, to the brief and
       bloody domination of some self-constituted dictator, and to
       the quick conquest of other powers, who will have no such
       hesitation as we should feel in crushing them into subjection
       by harsh and repressive methods. It is for us to decide the
       destiny of the Philippines, not for Europe, and we can do it
       alone and without assistance. …

    {638}

       "During the campaign of last autumn I said in many speeches to
       the people of my State that I could never assent to hand those
       islands back to Spain; that I wanted no subject races and no
       vassal States; but that we had by the fortunes of war assumed
       a great responsibility in the Philippines; that we ought to
       meet it, and that we ought to give to those people an
       opportunity for freedom, for peace, and for self-government;
       that we ought to protect them from the rapacity of other
       nations and seek to uplift those whom we had freed. From those
       views I have never swerved, and I believed then, as I believe
       now, that they met with the approbation of an overwhelming
       majority of the people of Massachusetts. …

       "Take now the other alternative. Suppose we reject the treaty
       or strike out the clause relating to the Philippines. That
       will hand the islands back to Spain; and I cannot conceive
       that any American should be willing to do that. Suppose we
       reject the treaty: what follows? Let us look at it
       practically. We continue the state of war, and every sensible
       man in the country, every business interest, desires the
       re-establishment of peace in law as well as in fact. At the
       same time we repudiate the President and his action before the
       whole world, and the repudiation of the President in such a
       matter as this is, to my mind, the humiliation of the United
       States in the eyes of civilized mankind and brands us a people
       incapable of great affairs or of taking rank where we belong,
       as one of the greatest of the great world powers.

       "The President cannot be sent back across the Atlantic in the
       person of his commissioners, hat in hand, to say to Spain,
       with bated breath, 'I am here in obedience to the mandate of a
       minority of one-third of the Senate to tell you that we have
       been too victorious, and that you have yielded us too much,
       and that I am very sorry that I took the Philippines from
       you.' I do not think that any American President would do
       that, or that any American would wish him to."

       Senator Harris, of Kansas, submitted the following on the 3d
       of February:

       "Resolved by the Senate of the United States of America, That
       the United States hereby disclaim any disposition or intention
       to exercise permanent sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control
       over the Philippine Islands, and assert their determination,
       when a stable and independent government shall have been
       erected therein entitled to recognition as such, to transfer
       to said government, upon terms which shall be reasonable and
       just, all rights secured under the cession by Spain, and to
       thereupon leave the government and control of the islands to
       their people."

       The following was offered on the 27th of January by Senator
       Sullivan, of Mississippi:

       "Resolved, That the ratification of the pending treaty of
       peace with Spain shall in no wise determine the policy to be
       pursued by the United States in regard to the Philippines, nor
       shall it commit this Government to a colonial policy; nor is
       it intended to embarrass the establishment of a stable,
       independent government by the people of those islands whenever
       conditions make such a proceeding hopeful of successful and
       desirable results."

       On the same day a joint resolution was proposed by Senator
       Lindsay, of Kentucky:

       "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
       United States of America in Congress assembled, That the
       acquisition by the United States, through conquest, treaty, or
       otherwise, of territory, carries with it no constitutional
       obligation to admit said territory, or any portion thereof,
       into the Federal Union as a State or States.

       "Section 2.
       That it is against the policy, traditions, and interests of
       the American people to admit states erected out of other than
       North American territory into our union of American States.

       "Section 3.
       That the United States accept from Spain the cession of the
       Philippine Islands with the hope that the people of those
       islands will demonstrate their capacity to establish and
       maintain a stable government, capable of enforcing law and
       order at home and of discharging the international obligations
       resting on separate and independent States, and with no
       expectation of permanently holding those islands as colonies
       or provinces after they shall demonstrate their capacity for
       self-government, the United States to be the judge of such
       capacity."

       None of the resolutions given above obtained favorable
       consideration in the Senate. On the 6th of February the treaty
       was ratified, by one vote in excess of the two-thirds which
       the constitution requires. It received 57 votes against 27, or
       61 against 29 if account be taken of senators absent and
       paired. Of the supporters of the treaty, 42 were Republicans;
       of its opponents, 24 were Democrats. It was signed by
       President McKinley on the 10th of February, and by the Queen
       of Spain on the 17th of March.

       After the ratification of the treaty, the Senate, by 26 votes
       against 22, adopted the following resolution, offered by Mr.
       McEnery of Louisiana:

       "Resolved, That by the ratification of the treaty of peace
       with Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants
       of the Philippine islands into citizenship of the United
       States, nor is it intended to permanently annex said islands
       as an integral part of the territory of the United States. But
       it is the intention of the United States to establish on said
       islands a government suitable to the wants and conditions of
       the inhabitants of said islands, to prepare them for local
       self-government, and in due time to make such disposition of
       said islands as will best promote the interests of the
       citizens of the United States and the inhabitants of said
       islands."

          Congressional Record,
          December 6, 1898—February 6, 1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (January-November).
       Attack on Americans at Manila by Aguinaldo's forces.
       Continued hostilities.
       Progress of American conquest.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (March).
       Appointment of the Isthmian Canal Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1889-1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May).
       Modification of Civil Service Rules by President McKinley.

          See (in this volume)
          CIVIL SERVICE REFORM: A. D. 1899.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (May-July).
       Representation in the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (June-October).
       Arbitration and settlement of the Venezuela boundary question.

          See (in this volume)
          VENEZUELA: A. D. 1896-1899.

    {639}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).
       Cabinet change.

       General Russel A. Alger resigned his place in the President's
       Cabinet as Secretary of War, in July, and was succeeded by the
       Honorable Elihu Root, of New York.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (July).
       Provisional government established in the island of Negros.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (MARCH-JULY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Report of conditions in Cuba by the Military Governor.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (October).
       Modus Vivendi fixing provisional boundary line between Alaska
       and Canada.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA BOUNDARY QUESTION.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Death of Vice-President Hobart.

       Honorable Garret A. Hobart, Vice-President of the United
       States, died November 21. Under the Act provided for this
       contingency, the Secretary of State then became the successor
       to the President, in the event of the death of the latter
       before the expiration of his term.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899 (November).
       Re-arrangement of affairs in the Samoan Islands.
       Acquisition of the eastern group, with Pago Pago harbor.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (September-February).
       Arrangement with European Powers of the commercial policy
       of the "open-door" in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1899-1900 (SEPTEMBER-FEBRUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1900 (November-November).
       Continued military operations in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899-1900.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Reciprocity arrangements under the Dingley Tariff Act,
       not ratified by the Senate.

       The Dingley Tariff Act, which became law on the 24th of July,
       1897, authorized the making of tariff concessions to other
       countries on terms of reciprocity, if negotiated within two
       years from the above date. At the expiration of two years,
       such conventions of reciprocity had been arranged with France
       and Portugal, and with Great Britain for her West Indian
       colonies of Jamaica, Barbadoes, Trinidad, Bermuda, and British
       Guiana. With France, a preliminary treaty signed in May, 1898,
       was superseded in July, 1899, by one of broader scope, which
       opens the French markets to an extensive list of American
       commodities at the minimum rates of the French tariff, and
       cuts the American tariff from 5 to 20 per cent. on many French
       products, not inclusive of sparkling wines. In the treaty with
       Portugal, the reduction of American duties on wines is more
       general. The reciprocal reduction on American products extends
       to many agricultural and mineral products. The reciprocal
       agreement with the British West Indies covers sugar, fruits,
       garden products, coffee and asphalt, on one side, and flour,
       meat, cotton goods, agricultural machinery, oils, etc., on the
       other.

       None of these treaties was acted upon by the United States
       Senate during the session of 1899-1900, and it became
       necessary to extend the time for their ratification, which was
       done. Some additional reciprocity agreements were then
       negotiated, of which the following statement was made by the
       President in his Message to Congress, December 3, 1900:

       "Since my last communication to the Congress on this subject
       special commercial agreements under the third section of the
       tariff act have been proclaimed with Portugal, with Italy and
       with Germany. Commercial conventions under the general
       limitations of the fourth section of the same act have been
       concluded with Nicaragua, with Ecuador, with the Dominican
       Republic, with Great Britain on behalf of the island of
       Trinidad and with Denmark on behalf of the island of St.
       Croix. These will be early communicated to the Senate.
       Negotiations with other governments are in progress for the
       improvement and security of our commercial relations."

       The question of the ratification of all these treaties was
       pending in the Senate when the term of the 56th Congress
       expired, March 4, 1901. Opposing interests in the United
       States seemed likely then to defeat their ratification. On the
       last day of the special session of the Senate, March 5-9, an
       agreement extending the time for the ratification of the
       French reciprocity treaty was received and referred to the
       committee on foreign relations. On the 15th of March,
       Secretary Hay and Lord Pauncefote signed protocols extending
       for one year the time of ratification for four of the British
       West Indian reciprocity treaties, namely, Jamaica, Bermuda,
       Guiana and Turks and Caicos islands.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Naval strength.

          See (in this volume)
          NAVIES OF THE SEA POWERS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       State of Indian schools.
       Recent Indian policy.
       Indian population.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIANS, AMERICAN: A. D. 1899-1900.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January).
       Report of the First Philippine Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (January-March).
       The outbreak of the "Boxers" in northern China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JANUARY-MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (February).
       Negotiation of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention relative
       to the Nicaragua Canal.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (March-December).
       Passage of the Financial Bill.
       Settlement of the question of the monetary standard.
       The working of the act.

       Legislation in the direction sought by the advocates of the
       gold standard and of a reformed monetary system for the
       country, whose agitations are referred to above, was attained
       in the spring of 1900, by the passage of an important
       "Financial Bill" which became law on the 14th of March.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1896-1898

       The provisions and the effect of the Act were summarized at
       the time by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Gage, in a
       published statement, as follows:

       "The financial bill has for its first object what its title
       indicates, the fixing of the standard of value and the
       maintaining at a parity with that standard of all forms of
       money issued or coined by the United States. It reaffirms that
       the unit of value is the dollar, consisting of 25.8 grains of
       gold, nine tenths fine, but from that point it goes on to make
       it the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to maintain all
       forms of money issued or coined at a parity with this
       standard. It puts into the hands of the Secretary ample power
       to do that.
    {640}
       For that purpose, the bill provides in the Treasury bureaus of
       issue and redemption and transfers from the general fund of
       the Treasury's cash $150,000,000 in gold coin and bullion to
       redemption fund, that gold to be used for the redemption of
       United States notes and Treasury notes. That fund is
       henceforth absolutely cut out of and separated from the cash
       balance in the Treasury and the available cash balance will
       hereafter show a reduction of $150,000,000 from the figures
       that have heretofore prevailed. This $150,000,000 redemption
       fund is to be used for no other purpose than the redemption of
       United States notes and Treasury notes and those notes so
       redeemed may be exchanged for the gold in the general fund or
       with the public, so that the reserve fund is kept full with
       gold to the $150,000,000 limit. If redemptions go on so that
       the gold in this reserve fund is reduced below $100,000,000,
       and the Secretary is unable to build it up to the $150,000,000
       mark by exchange for gold in the general fund or otherwise, he
       is given power to sell bonds and it is made his duty to
       replenish the gold to the $150,000,000 mark by such means.

       "The 'endless chain' is broken by a provision which prohibits
       the use of notes so redeemed to meet deficiencies in the
       current revenues. The act provides for the ultimate retirement
       of all the Treasury notes issued in payment for silver bullion
       under the Sherman act. As fast as that bullion is coined into
       silver dollars Treasury notes are to be retired and replaced
       with an equal amount of silver certificates. The measure
       authorizes the issue of gold certificates in exchange for
       deposits of gold coin, the same as at present, but suspends
       that authority whenever and so long as the gold in the
       redemption fund is below $100,000,000 and gives to the
       Secretary the option to suspend the issue of such certificates
       whenever the silver certificates and United States notes in
       the general fund of the Treasury exceed $40,000,000. The bill
       provides for a larger issue of silver certificates, by
       declaring that hereafter silver certificates shall be issued
       only in denominations of $10 and under except as to 10 per
       cent. of the total volume. Room is made for this larger use of
       silver certificates in the way of small bills by another
       provision which makes it necessary as fast as the present
       silver certificates of high denominations are broken up into
       small bills to cancel a similar volume of United States notes
       of small denominations and replace them with notes of
       denominations of $10 and upward. Further room is made for the
       circulation of small silver certificates by a clause which
       permits national banks to have only one third of their capital
       in denomination under $10.

       "One clause of the bill which the public will greatly
       appreciate is the right it gives to the Secretary to coin any
       of the 1890 bullion into subsidiary silver coins up to a limit
       of $100,000,000. There has for years been a scarcity of
       subsidiary silver during periods of active retail trade, but
       this provision will give the Treasury ample opportunity to
       supply all the subsidiary silver that is needed. Another
       provision that the public will greatly appreciate is the
       authority given to the Secretary to recoin worn and uncurrent
       subsidiary silver now in the Treasury or hereafter received.

       "A distinct feature of the bill is in reference to refunding
       the 3 per cent. Spanish war loan, the 2 per cent. bonds
       maturing in 1907 and the 5 per cent. bonds maturing in 1904, a
       total of $839,000,000, into new 2 per cent. bonds. These new 2
       per cent. bonds will not be offered for sale, but will only be
       issued in exchange for an equal amount, face value, of old
       bonds. This exchange will save the Government, after deducting
       the premium paid, nearly $23,000,000, if all the holders of the
       old bonds exchange them for the new ones. National banks that
       take out circulation based on the new bonds are to be taxed
       only one half of 1 per cent. on the average amount of
       circulation outstanding, while those who have circulation
       based on a deposit of old bonds will be taxed, as at present,
       1 per cent. There are some other changes in the national
       banking act. The law permits national banks with $25,000
       capital to be organized in places of 3,000 inhabitants or
       less, whereas heretofore the minimum capital has been $50,000.
       It also permits banks to issue circulation on all classes of
       bonds deposited up to the par value of the bonds, instead of
       90 per cent. of their face, as heretofore. This ought to make
       an immediate increase in national bank circulation of
       something like $24,000,000, as the amount of bonds now
       deposited to secure circulation is about $242,000,000. If the
       price of the new 2s is not forced so high in the market that
       there is no profit left to national banks in taking out
       circulation, we may also look for a material increase in
       national bank circulation based on additional deposits of
       bonds. National banks are permitted under the law to issue
       circulation up to an amount equal to their capital. The total
       capital of all national banks is $616,000,000. The total
       circulation outstanding is $253,000,000. There is, therefore,
       a possibility of an increase in circulation of $363,000,000,
       although the price of the 2 per cent. bonds, as already
       foreshadowed by market quotations in advance of their issue,
       promises to be so high that the profit to the banks in taking
       out circulation will not be enough to make the increase
       anything like such a possible total."

       Upon the working of the Act, during the first nine months of
       its operation, Secretary Gage remarked as follows, in his
       annual report dated December 14, 1900:

       "The operation of the act of March 14 last with respect to
       these two important matters of our finances has well
       exemplified its wisdom. Confidence in the purpose and power of
       the Government to maintain the gold standard has been greatly
       strengthened. The result is that gold flows toward the
       Treasury instead of away from it. At the date of this report
       the free gold in the Treasury is larger in amount than at any
       former period in our history. Including the $150,000,000
       reserve, the gold in the Treasury belonging to the Government
       amounts to over $242,000,000, while the Treasury holds,
       besides, more than $230,000,000, against which certificates
       have been issued. That provision of the act which liberalized
       the conditions of bank-note issue was also wise and timely.
       Under it, … there has been an increase of some $77,000,000 in
       bank-note issues. To this fact may be chiefly attributed the
       freedom from stress for currency to handle the large harvests
       of cotton, wheat, and corn. In this respect the year has been
       an exception to the general rule of stringency which for
       several years has so plainly marked the autumn season.

    {641}

       "Nevertheless, the measures referred to, prolific as they have
       been in good results, will yet need re-enforcement in some
       important particulars. Thus, as to the redemption fund
       provided for in said act, while the powers conferred upon the
       Secretary are probably ample to enable a zealous and watchful
       officer to protect fully the gold reserve, there appears to be
       lacking sufficient mandatory requirement to furnish complete
       confidence in the continued parity, under all conditions,
       between our two forms of metallic money, silver and gold. Upon
       this point further legislation may become desirable. As to the
       currency, while the liberalizing of conditions has, as previously
       noted, found response in a necessary increase of bank-note
       issues, there is under our present system no assurance
       whatever that the volume of bank currency will be continuously
       responsive to the country's needs, either by expanding as such
       needs require or by contracting when superfluous in amount.
       The truth is that safe and desirable as is our currency system
       in many respects, it is not properly related. The supply of
       currency is but remotely, if at all, influenced by the ever
       changing requirements of trade and industry. It is related
       most largely, if not entirely, to the price of Government
       bonds in the market."

          Annual Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, 1900,
          pages 72-73.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Speech of Senator Hoar in denial of the right of the
       government of the United States, under the Constitution, to
       hold the Philippine Islands as a subject state.

       On the 17th of April, the following joint resolution was under
       consideration in the Senate: "Be it resolved by the Senate and
       House of Representatives of the United States of America in
       Congress assembled, that the Philippine Islands are territory
       belonging to the United States; that it is the intention of
       the United States to retain them as such and to establish and
       maintain such governmental control throughout the archipelago
       as the situation may demand." Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts,
       spoke in opposition to the resolution, and some passages from
       his speech are quoted here, because they are notably
       representative of the ground and spirit of an opposition which
       existed within the party controlling the government to the war
       of subjugation in the Philippine Islands, to which the party
       and the government were finally committed by the adoption of
       this Congressional declaration. The attitude and argument of
       parties on the question are set forth below, in the platforms
       and manifestos of the presidential election. This speech
       exhibits a feeling on that question which was overridden in
       the winning party, and it has an importance both forensic and
       historical:

       "The American people, so far as I know, were all agreed that
       their victory [in the Spanish American war] brought with it
       the responsibility of protecting the liberated peoples from
       the cupidity of any other power until they could establish
       their own independence in freedom and in honor. I stand here
       to-day to plead with you not to abandon the principles that
       have brought these things to pass. I implore you to keep to
       the policy that has made the country great, that has made the
       Republican party great, that has made the President great. I
       have nothing new to say. But I ask you to keep in the old
       channels, and to keep off the old rocks laid down in the old
       charts, and to follow the old sailing orders that all the old
       captains of other days have obeyed, to take your bearings, as
       of old, from the north star,

          Of whose true fixed and resting quality
          There is no fellow in the firmament,

       and not from this meteoric light of empire.

       "Especially, if I could, would I persuade the great Republican
       party to come back again to its old faith, to its old
       religion, before it is too late. There is yet time. The
       President has said again and again that his is only an ad
       interim policy until Congress shall act. It is not yet too
       late. Congress has rejected, unwisely, as I think, some
       declarations for freedom. But the two Houses have not as yet
       committed themselves to despotism. The old, safe path, the
       path alike of justice and of freedom, is still easy. It is a
       path familiar, of old, to the Republican party. If we have
       diverged from it for the first time, everything in our
       history, everything in our own nature calls us back. The great
       preacher of the English church tells you how easy is the
       return of a great and noble nature from the first departure
       from rectitude:—

          'For so a taper, when its crown of flame is newly blown off,
          retains a nature so symbolical to light,
          that it will with greediness reenkindle and snatch a ray
          from the neighbor fire.'

       "I, for one, believed, and still believe that the pathway to
       prosperity and glory for the country was also the pathway to
       success and glory for the Republican party. I thought the two
       things inseparable. If, when we made the treaty of peace, we
       had adhered to the purpose we declared when we declared war;
       if we had dealt with the Philippine Islands as we promised to
       deal, have dealt, and expect to deal with Cuba, the country
       would have escaped the loss of 6,000 brave soldiers, other
       thousands of wrecked and shattered lives, the sickness of many
       more, the expenditure of hundreds of millions, and, what is
       far worse than all, the trampling under foot of its cherished
       ideals. There would have been to-day a noble republic in the
       East, sitting docile at our feet, receiving from us
       civilization, laws, manners, and giving in turn everything the
       gratitude of a free people could give-love, obedience, trade.
       The Philippine youth would throng our universities; our
       Constitution, our Declaration, the lives of Washington and
       Lincoln, the sayings of Jefferson and Franklin would have been
       the textbooks of their schools. How our orators and poets
       would have delighted to contrast America liberating and
       raising up the republic of Asia, with England subduing and
       trampling under foot the republic of Africa. Nothing at home
       could have withstood the great party and the great President
       who had done these things. We should have come from the next
       election with a solid North and have carried half the South.
       You would at least have been spared the spectacle of great
       Republican States rising in revolt against Republican
       policies. I do not expect to accomplish anything for liberty
       in the Philippine Islands but through the Republican party.
       Upon it the fate of these Islands for years to come is to
       depend. If that party can not be persuaded, the case is in my
       judgment for the present hopeless. …

    {642}

       "The practical question which divided the American people last
       year, and which divides them to-day, is this: Whether in
       protecting the people of the Philippine Islands from the
       ambition and cupidity of other nations we are bound to protect
       them from our own. … In dealing with this question, Mr.
       President, I do not mean to enter upon any doubtful ground. I
       shall advance no proposition ever seriously disputed in this
       country till within twelve months. … If to think as I do in
       regard to the interpretation of the Constitution; in regard to
       the mandates of the moral law or the law of nations, to which
       all men and all nations must render obedience; in regard to
       the policies which are wisest for the conduct of the State, or
       in regard to those facts of recent history in the light of
       which we have acted or are to act hereafter, be treason, then
       Washington was a traitor; then Jefferson was a traitor; then
       Jackson was a traitor; then Franklin was a traitor; then
       Sumner was a traitor; then Lincoln was a traitor; then Webster
       was a traitor; then Clay was a traitor; then Corwin was a
       traitor; then Kent was a traitor; then Seward was a traitor;
       then McKinley, within two years, was a traitor; then the
       Supreme Court of the United States has been in the past a nest
       and hotbed of treason; then the people of the United States,
       for more than a century, have been traitors to their own flag
       and their own Constitution.

       "'We are presented with an issue that can be clearly and
       sharply stated as a question of constitutional power, a
       question of international law, a question of justice and
       righteousness, or a question of public expediency. This can be
       stated clearly and sharply in the abstract, and it can be put
       clearly and sharply by an illustration growing out of existing
       facts.

       "The constitutional question is: Has Congress the power, under
       our Constitution, to hold in subjection unwilling vassal
       States?

       "The question of international law is: Can any nation
       rightfully convey to another sovereignty over an unwilling
       people who have thrown off its dominion, asserted their
       independence, established a government of their own, over whom
       it has at the time no practical control, from whose territory
       it has been disseized, and which it is beyond its power to
       deliver?

       "The question of justice and righteousness is: Have we the
       right to crush and hold under our feet an unwilling and
       subject people whom we had treated as allies, whose
       independence we are bound in good faith to respect, who had
       established their own free government, and who had trusted us?

       "The question of public expediency is: Is it for our advantage
       to promote our trade at the cannon's mouth and at the point of
       the bayonet?

       "All these questions can be put in a way of practical
       illustration by inquiring whether we ought to do what we have
       done, are doing, and mean to do in the case of Cuba; or what
       we have done, are doing, and some of you mean to do in the
       case of the Philippine Islands.

       "It does not seem to me to be worth while to state again at
       length the constitutional argument which I have addressed to
       the Senate heretofore. It has been encountered with eloquence,
       with clearness and beauty of statement, and, I have no doubt,
       with absolute sincerity by Senators who have spoken upon the
       other side. But the issue between them and me can be summed up
       in a sentence or two, and if, so stated, it can not be made
       clear to any man's apprehension, I despair of making it clear
       by any elaboration or amplification. I admit that the United
       States may acquire and hold property, and may make rules and
       regulations for its disposition. I admit that, like other
       property, the United States may acquire and hold land. It may
       acquire it by purchase. It may acquire it by treaty. It may
       acquire it by conquest. And it may make rules and regulations
       for its disposition and government, however it be acquired.
       When there are inhabitants upon the land so acquired it may
       make laws for their government. But the question between me
       and the gentlemen on the other side is this: Is this
       acquisition of territory, of land or other property, whether
       gained by purchase, conquest, or treaty, a constitutional end
       or only a means to a constitutional end? May you acquire,
       hold, and govern territory or other property as an end for
       which our Constitution was framed, or is it only a means
       toward some other and further end? May you acquire, hold, and
       govern property by conquest, treaty, or purchase for the sole
       object of so holding and governing it, without the
       consideration of any further constitutional purpose? Or must
       you hold it for a constitutional purpose only, such as the
       making of new States, the national defense and security, the
       establishment of a seat of government, or the construction of
       forts, harbors, and like works, which, of course, are
       themselves for the national defense and security?

       "I hold that this acquisition, holding and governing, can be
       only a means for a constitutional end—the creation of new
       States or some other of the constitutional purposes to which I
       have adverted. And I maintain that you can no more hold and
       govern territory than you can hold and manage cannon or fleets
       for any other than a constitutional end; and I maintain that
       the holding in subjection an alien people, governing them
       against their will for any fancied advantage to them, is not
       only not an end provided for by the Constitution, but is an
       end prohibited therein. … It is an end which the generation
       which framed the Constitution and the Declaration of
       Independence declared was unrighteous and abhorrent. So, in my
       opinion, we have no constitutional power to acquire territory
       for the purpose of holding it in subjugation, in a state of
       vassalage or serfdom, against the will of its people.

       "It is to be noted just here that we have acquired no
       territory or other property in the Philippine Islands, save at
       few public buildings. By every other acquisition of territory
       the United States became a great land owner. She owned the
       public lands as she had owned the public lands in the
       Northwest ceded to her by the old States. But you own nothing
       in the Philippines. The people own their farms and dwellings
       and cities. The religious orders own the rest. The Filipinos
       desire to do what our English ancestors did in the old days
       when England was Catholic. The laity feared that the Church
       would engross all the land. So they passed their statute of
       mortmain. You have either got to let the people of the
       Philippine Islands settle this matter for themselves, or you
       must take upon you the delicate duty of settling it for them.
    {643}
       Your purchase or conquest is a purchase or conquest of nothing
       but sovereignty. It is a sovereignty over a people who are
       never to be admitted to exercise it or to share it. In the
       present case we have not, I repeat, bought any property. We
       have undertaken to buy mere sovereignty. There were no public
       lands in the Philippine Islands, the property of Spain, which
       we have bought and paid for. The mountains of iron and the
       nuggets of gold and the hemp-bearing fields—do you purpose to
       strip the owners of their rightful title? We have undertaken
       to buy allegiance, pure and simple. And allegiance is just
       what the law of nations declares you can not buy. …

       "I have been unable to find a single reputable authority more
       than twelve months old for the power now claimed for Congress
       to govern dependent nations or territories not expected to
       become States. The contrary, until this war broke out, has
       been taken as too clear for reasonable question. I content
       myself with a few authorities. Among them are Daniel Webster,
       William H. Seward, the Supreme Court of the United States,
       James Madison.

       "Daniel Webster said in the Senate, March 23, 1848: 'Arbitrary
       governments may have territories and distant possessions,
       because arbitrary governments may rule them by different laws
       and different systems. We can do no such thing. They must be
       of us, part of us, or else strangers. I think I see a course
       adopted which is likely to turn the Constitution of the land
       into a deformed monster, into a curse rather than a blessing;
       in fact, a frame of an unequal government, not founded on
       popular representation, not founded on equality, but on the
       grossest inequality; and I think that this process will go on,
       or that there is danger that it will go on, until this Union
       shall fall to pieces. I resist it to-day and always! Whoever
       falters or whoever flies, I continue the contest!'

       "James Madison said in the Federalist: 'The object of the
       Federal Constitution is to secure the union of the thirteen
       primitive States, which we know to be practicable; and to add
       to them such other States as may arise in their own bosoms, or
       in their neighborhood, which we can not doubt will be
       practicable.'

          James Madison,
          Federalist, Number 14.

       "William H. Seward said: 'It is a remarkable feature of the
       Constitution of the United States that its framers never
       contemplated colonies, or provinces, or territories at all. On
       the other hand, they contemplated States only, nothing less
       than States, perfect States, equal States, as they are called
       here, sovereign States. … There is reason—there is sound
       political wisdom in this provision of the Constitution
       excluding colonies, which are always subject to oppression,
       and excluding provinces, which always tend to corrupt and
       ultimately to break down the parent State.'

          Seward's Works
          Volume 1, page 122.

       'By the Constitution of the United States, there are no
       subjects, Every citizen of any one State is a free and equal
       citizen of the United States. Again, by the Constitution of
       the United States there are no permanent provinces or
       dependencies.'

          Seward's Works
          Volume 4, page 167.

       "The Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of
       Fleming vs. Page, said: 'The genius and character of our
       institutions are peaceful; and the power to declare war was
       not conferred upon Congress for the purposes of aggression or
       aggrandizement, but to enable the Government to vindicate by
       arms, if it should become necessary, its own rights and the
       rights of its citizens. A war, therefore, declared by
       Congress, can never be presumed to be waged for the purpose of
       conquest or the acquisition of territory; nor does the law
       declaring the war imply an authority to the President to
       enlarge the limits of the United States by subjugating the
       enemy's country.'

       "Our territories, so far, have all been places where Americans
       would go to dwell as citizens, to establish American homes, to
       obtain honorable employment, and to build a State. Will any
       man go to the Philippine Islands to dwell, except to help
       govern the people, or to make money by a temporary residence?
       …

       "When hostilities broke out, February 5, 1899, we had no
       occupancy of and no title of any kind to any portion of the
       Philippine territory, except the town and bay of Manila.
       Everything else was in the peaceful possession of the
       inhabitants. In such a condition of things, Mr. President,
       international law speaks to us with its awful mandate. It
       pronounces your proposed action sheer usurpation and robbery.
       You have no better title, according to the law of nations, to
       reduce this people to subjection than you have to subjugate
       Mexico or Haiti or Belgium or Switzerland. This is the settled
       doctrine, as declared by our own great masters of
       jurisprudence. You have no right, according to tho law of
       nations, to obtain by purchase or acquisition sovereignty over
       a people which is not actually exercised by the country which
       undertakes to convey it or yield it. We have not yet completed
       the acquisition. But at the time we entered upon it, and at
       the time of this alleged purchase, the people of the
       Philippine Islands, as appears by General Otis's report, by
       Admiral Dewey's report, and the reports of officers for whom
       they vouched, held their entire territory, with the exception
       of the single town of Manila. They had, as appears from these
       reports, a full organized government. They had an army
       fighting for independence, admirably disciplined, according to
       the statement of zealous advocates of expansion.

       "Why, Mr. President, is it credible that any American
       statesman, that any American Senator, that any intelligent
       American citizen anywhere, two years ago could have been found
       to affirm that a proceeding like that of the Paris treaty
       could give a just and valid title to sovereignty over a people
       situated as were the people of those islands? A title of
       Spain, originally by conquest, never submitted to nor admitted
       by the people of the islands, with frequent insurrections at
       different times for centuries, and then the yoke all thrown
       off, a constitutional government, schools, colleges, churches,
       universities, hospitals, town governments, a legislature, a
       cabinet, courts, a code of laws, and the whole island occupied
       and controlled by its people, with the single exception of one
       city; with taxes lawfully levied and collected, with an army
       and the beginning of a navy.

    {644}

       "And yet the Senate, the Congress enacted less than two years
       ago that the people of Cuba—controlling peaceably no part of
       their island, levying no taxes in any orderly or peaceable
       way, with no administration of justice, no cabinet—not only of
       right ought to be, but were, in fact, a free and independent
       State. I did not give my assent to that declaration of fact. I
       assented to the doctrine that they of right ought to be. But I
       thought the statement of fact much calculated to embarrass the
       Government of the United States, if it were bound by that
       declaration; and it has been practically disregarded by the
       Administration ever since. But the question now is a very
       different one. You not only deny that the Filipinos are, but
       you deny that they of right ought to be free and independent;
       and you recognize Spain as entitled to sell to you the
       sovereignty of an island where she was not at the time
       occupying a foot of territory, where her soldiers were held
       captives by the government of the island, a government to
       which you had delivered over a large number of Spanish
       prisoners to be held as captives. And yet you come here to-day
       and say that they not only are not, but they of right ought
       not to be free and independent; and when you are pressed you
       answer us by talking about mountains of iron and nuggets of
       gold, and trade with China.

       "I affirm that you can not get by conquest, and you can not
       get by purchase, according to the modern law of nations,
       according to the law of nations as accepted and expounded by
       the United States, sovereignty over a people, or title to a
       territory, of which the power that undertakes to sell it or
       the power from whom you undertake to wrest it has not the
       actual possession and dominion. … You cannot buy a war. More
       than this, you cannot buy a tyrant's claim to subject again an
       oppressed people who have achieved their freedom. …

       "Gentlemen tell us that the bill of the Senator from Wisconsin
       is copied from that introduced in Jefferson's time for the
       purchase of Louisiana. Do you claim that you propose to deal
       with these people as Jefferson meant to deal with Louisiana?
       You talk of Alaska, of Florida, of California; do you mean to
       deal with the Philippines as we mean to deal with Alaska and
       dealt with Florida or California?

       "I have spoken of the Declaration of Independence as a solemn
       affirmation of public law, but it is far more than that. It is
       a solemn pledge of national faith and honor. It is a baptismal
       vow. It is the bedrock of our republican institutions. It is,
       as the Supreme Court declared, the soul and spirit of which
       the Constitution is but the body and letter. It is the light
       by which the Constitution must be read. … There is expansion
       enough in it, but it is the expansion of freedom and not of
       despotism; of life, not of death. Never was such growth in all
       human history as that from the seed Thomas Jefferson planted.
       The parable of the mustard seed, than which, as Edward Everett
       said, 'the burning pen of inspiration, ranging heaven and
       earth for a similitude, can find nothing more appropriate or
       expressive to which to liken the Kingdom of God,' is repeated
       again. 'Whereunto shall we liken it, or with what comparison
       shall we compare it? It is like a grain of mustard seed,
       which, when it is sown in the earth, is less than all the
       seeds that be in the earth. But when it is sown, it groweth
       up, and becometh greater than all herbs, and shooteth out
       great branches, so that the fowls of the air may lodge under
       the shadow of it.' This is the expansion of Thomas Jefferson.
       It has covered the continent. It is on both the seas. It has
       saved South America. It is revolutionizing Europe. It is the
       expansion of freedom. It differs from your tinsel, pinchbeck,
       pewter expansion as the growth of a healthy youth into a
       strong man differs from the expansion of an anaconda when he
       swallows his victim. Ours is the expansion of Thomas
       Jefferson. Yours is the expansion of Aaron Burr. It is
       destined to as short a life and to a like fate. …

       "There are 1,200 islands in the Philippine group. They extend
       as far as from Maine to Florida. They have a population
       variously estimated at from 8,000,000 to 12,000,000. There are
       wild tribes who never heard of Christ, and islands that never
       heard of Spain. But among them are the people of the island of
       Luzon, numbering 3,500,000, and the people of the Visayan
       Islands, numbering 2,500,000 more. They are a Christian and
       civilized people. They wrested their independence from Spain
       and established a republic. Their rights are no more to be
       affected by the few wild tribes in their own mountains or by
       the dwellers in the other islands than the rights of our old
       thirteen States were affected by the French in Canada, or the
       Six Nations of New York, or the Cherokees of Georgia, or the
       Indians west of the Mississippi. Twice our commanding
       generals, by their own confession, assured these people of
       their independence. Clearly and beyond all cavil we formed an
       alliance with them. We expressly asked them to co-operate with
       us. We handed over our prisoners to their keeping; we sought
       their help in caring for our sick and wounded. We were told by
       them again and again and again that they were fighting for
       independence. Their purpose was as well known to our generals,
       to the War Department, and to the President, as the fact that
       they were in arms. We never undeceived them until the time
       when hostilities were declared in 1899. The President declared
       again and again that we had no title and claimed no right to
       anything beyond the town of Manila. Hostilities were begun by
       us at a place where we had no right to be, and were continued
       by us in spite of Aguinaldo's disavowal and regret and offer
       to withdraw to a line we should prescribe. If we crush that
       republic, despoil that people of their freedom and
       independence, and subject them to our rule, it will be a story
       of shame and dishonor. …

       "But we are told if we oppose the policy of our imperialistic
       and expanding friends we are bound to suggest some policy of
       our own as a substitute for theirs. We are asked what we would
       do in this difficult emergency. It is a question not difficult
       to answer. I for one am ready to answer it.

       "1. I would declare now that we will not take these islands to
       govern them against their will.

       "2. I would reject a cession of sovereignty which implies that
       sovereignty may be bought and sold and delivered without the
       consent of the people. Spain had no rightful sovereignty over
       the Philippine Islands. She could not rightfully sell it to
       us. We could not rightfully buy it from her.

       "3. I would require all foreign governments to keep out of
       these islands.

       "4. I would offer to the people of the Philippines our help in
       maintaining order until they have a reasonable opportunity to
       establish a government of their own.

    {645}

       "5. I would aid them by advice, if they desire it, to set up a
       free and independent government.

       "6. I would invite all the great powers of Europe to unite in
       an agreement that that independence shall not be interfered
       with by us, by themselves, or by any one of them with the
       consent of the others. As to this I am not so sure. I should
       like quite as well to tell them it is not to be done whether
       they consent or not.

       "7. I would declare that the United States will enforce the
       same doctrine as applicable to the Philippines that we
       declared as to Mexico and Haiti and the South American
       Republics. It is true that the Monroe Doctrine, a doctrine
       based largely on our regard for our own interests, is not
       applicable either in terms or in principle to a distant
       Asiatic territory. But, undoubtedly, having driven out Spain,
       we are bound, and have the right, to secure to the people we
       have liberated an opportunity, undisturbed and in peace, to
       establish a new government for themselves.

       "8. I would then, in a not distant future, leave them to work
       out their own salvation, as every nation on earth, from the
       beginning of time, has wrought out its own salvation. Let them
       work out their own salvation, as our own ancestors slowly and
       in long centuries wrought out theirs; as Germany, as
       Switzerland, as France, in briefer periods, wrought out
       theirs; as Mexico and the South American Republics have
       accomplished theirs, all of them within a century, some of
       them within the life of a generation. To attempt to confer the
       gift of freedom from without, or to impose freedom from
       without, on any people, is to disregard all the lessons of
       history. It is to attempt

          'A gift of that which is not to be given
          By all the blended powers of earth and heaven.'

       "9. I would strike out of your legislation the oath of
       allegiance to us and substitute an oath of allegiance to their
       own country."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Act temporarily to provide revenues and a civil
       government for Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900 (APRIL).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (April).
       Appointment of Second Commission to the Philippines.
       The President's instructions.
       Steps toward the establishment of civil government and
       the principles to be observed.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (APRIL).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (May-October).
       The Twelfth Census of the Republic.

       The Twelfth Census of the United States was taken between May
       1 and November 1, 1900, with general results reported on the
       latter date by the Director, William R. Merriam, as
       follows:—The following statement … gives the population of the
       United States in detail for each State and organized Territory
       and for Alaska and Hawaii as finally revised. The figures
       purporting to give the number of "persons in the service of
       the United States stationed abroad" include an estimated
       population of 14,400 for certain military organizations and
       naval vessels stationed abroad, principally in the
       Philippines, for which the returns have not yet been received.
       The total population of the United States in 1900, as shown by
       the accompanying statement, is 76,304,799, of which 74,610,523
       persons are contained in the 45 States, representing the
       population to be used for apportionment purposes. This
       statement also shows a total of 134,158 Indians not taxed, of
       which 44,617 are found in certain of the States and which are
       to be deducted from the population of such States for the
       purpose of determining the apportionment of Representatives.
       The total population in 1890, with which the aggregate
       population at the present census should be compared, is
       63,069,756, comprising 62,622,250 persons enumerated in the
       States and organized Territories at that census, 32,052
       persons in Alaska, 180,182 Indians and other persons in the
       Indian Territory, 145,282 Indians and other persons on Indian
       reservations, etc., and 89,990 persons in Hawaii, this
       last-named figure being derived from the census of the
       Hawaiian Islands taken as of December 28, 1890. Taking this
       population for 1890 as a basis, there has been a gain in
       population of 13,235,043 during the ten years from 1890 to
       1900, representing an increase of very nearly 21 per cent. No
       provision was made by the census act for the enumeration of
       the inhabitants of Porto Rico, but a census for that island,
       taken as of October 16, 1899, under the direction of the War
       Department, showed a population of 953,243.

       STATES AND                                    Indians not
       TERRITORIES            1900         1890      taxed 1900

       The United States.  76,304,799   63,009,756     134,158

       STATES.

       Alabama              1,828,697    1,513,017
       Arkansas             1,311,564    1,128,179
       California           1,485,053    1,208,130        1549
       Colorado               539,700      412,198         597
       Connecticut            908,355      746,258
       Delaware               184,735      168,493
       Florida                528,542      391,422
       Georgia              2,216,331    1,837,353
       Idaho                  161,772       84,385       2,297
       Illinois             4,821,550    3,826,351
       Indiana              2,516,462    2,192,404
       Iowa                 2,231,853    1,911,896
       Kansas               1,470,495    1,427,096
       Kentucky             2,147,174    1,858,635
       Louisiana            l,381,625    1,118,587
       Maine                  694,466      661,086
       Maryland             1,190,050    1,042,390
       Massachusetts        2,805,346    2,238,943
       Michigan             2,420,982    2,093,889
       Minnesota            1,751,394    1,301,826       1,768
       Mississippi          1,551,270    1,289,600
       Missouri             3,106,665    2,679,184
       Montana                243,329      132,159      10,746
       Nebraska             1,068,539    1,058,910
       Nevada                  42,335       45,761       1,665
       New Hampshire          411,588      376,530
       New Jersey           1,883,669    1,444,933
       New York             7,268,012    5,991,353       4,711
       North Carolina       1,893,810    1,617,947
       North Dakota           319,146      182,719       4,692
       Ohio                 4,157,145    3,672,316
       Oregon                 413,536      313,767
       Pennsylvania         6,302,115    5,258,014
       Rhode Island           428,556      345,506
       South Carolina       1,340,316    1,151,149
       South Dakota           401,570      328,808      10,932
       Tennessee            2,020,616    1,767,518
       Texas                3,048,710    2,235,523
       Utah                   276,749      207,905       1,472
       Vermont                343,641      332,422
       Virginia             1,854,184    1,655,980
       Washington             518,103      349,390       2,531
       West Virginia          958,800      762,704
       Wisconsin            2,069,042    1,686,880       1,657
       Wyoming                 92,531       60,705

       Total for
       45 States           74,610,523   62,116,811      44,617

    {646}

       STATES AND TERRITORIES     1900        1890     Indians
                                                    not taxed 1900
       TERRITORIES

       Alaska                     63,441     32,052
       Arizona                   122,931     59,620    24,644
       District of Columbia      278,718    230,392
       Hawaii                    154,001     89,900
       Indian Territory          391,960    180,182    56,033
       New Mexico                195,310    153,593     2,937
       Oklahoma                  398,245     61,834     5,921

       Total                   1,604,606    807,663    89,541

       Persons in the service
       of the United States
       stationed abroad           89,670

       Indians, etc.,on
       Indian reservations,
       except Indian Territory              145,282

          Report of the Director of the Census,
          November 1, 1900.

       "By the twelfth census the center of population
       in 1900 was in the following position:
       Latitude 39° 9' 36"; longitude 85° 48' 54".

       In ten years the center of population has moved westward 16'
       1", or about fourteen miles, and southward 2' 20", or about
       two and one half miles. It rests now in Southern Indiana, at a
       point about six miles southeast of Columbus, the county seat
       of Bartholomew county, Indiana. The center of population is
       the center of gravity of the country, each individual being
       assumed to have the same weight. … The center of area of the
       United States, excluding Alaska and Hawaii and other recent
       accessions, is in northern Kansas, in approximate latitude 39°
       55', and approximate longitude 98° 50'. The center of
       population is therefore about three-fourths of a degree south
       and more than 13 degrees east of the center of area."

          United States, Twelfth Census,
          Bulletin Number 62.

    UNITED STATES: A. D. 1900 (May-November).
       The Presidential election.
       Party platforms and nominations.

       The issues on which the presidential election of 1900 would
       naturally and logically have turned were those growing out of
       the Spanish-American War, relative to principles and policy in
       dealing with the colonial possessions that were taken from
       Spain. But circumstances forced those most important political
       questions into the background of consideration, so far as
       concerned the opinion of a large part of the American people.
       The monetary question, which might have been supposed to be
       settled by the election of 1896 and by the Congressional
       legislation of March, 1900, was brought forward again with a
       persistency that caused uneasy feeling in the commercial and
       industrial world. The party which had fought the battle for a
       silver monetary standard in 1896, and been beaten, seemed
       willing to abandon that "lost cause," but the candidate to
       whose fortunes the party had become committed would not
       consent. His will prevailed, and the old issue came into the
       canvass again, with such confusing effects that the real
       meaning of the votes that were cast, as an expression of the
       judgment and will of the American people, can by no
       possibility be known. Men dreaded a disturbance of the
       conditions under which the business of the country was active
       and prosperous. How far their wish to preserve those
       conditions coincided, as a motive in voting, with their
       judgment on other issues, and how far it overcame dispositions
       that urged them contrariwise, are puzzling questions which the
       election of 1900 has left behind.

    UNITED STATES:
       United Christian Party Platform and Nominations.

       The first candidates to be set in the field of the
       presidential campaign were put forward by a convention held at
       Rock Island, Illinois, May 1, representing a small combination of
       voters styled the United Christian Party. It named, in the
       first instance, the Reverend S. C. Swallow, of Pennsylvania,
       for President, and John G. Woolley, of Illinois, for Vice
       President, both of whom declined the nomination. Jonah F. R.
       Leonard, of Iowa, and David H. Martin, of Pennsylvania, were
       subsequently made the candidates of the party, and received a
       few hundred votes at the ensuing election, mostly, it would
       seem, in Illinois. The "Declarations" of the United Christian
       Party were as follows:

       "We, the United Christian party, in National Convention
       assembled in the city of Rock Island, Illinois, May 1 and 2,
       1900, acknowledging Almighty God as the source of all power
       and authority, the Lord Jesus Christ as the sovereign ruler of
       nations, and the Bible as the standard by which to decide moral
       issues in our political life, do make the following
       declaration:

       "We believe the time to have arrived when the eternal
       principles of justice, mercy, and love, as exemplified in the
       life and teachings of Jesus Christ should be embodied in the
       Constitution of our nation, and applied in concrete form to
       every function of our Government.

       "We maintain that this statement is in harmony with the
       fundamental principles of our National common law; our
       Christian usages and customs; the declaration of the Supreme
       Court of the United States that 'This is a Christian nation,'
       and the accepted principle in judicial decisions that no law
       should contravene the Divine law.

       "We deprecate certain immoral laws which have grown out of the
       failure of our nation to recognize these principles, notably
       such as require the desecration of the Christian Sabbath,
       authorize unscriptural marriage and divorce, and license the
       manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors as a beverage.

       "The execution of these immoral laws above mentioned we hold
       to be neither loyalty to our country nor honoring to God;
       therefore it shall be our purpose to administer the
       Government, so far as it shall be intrusted to us by the
       suffrages of the people, in accordance with the principles
       herein set forth, and, until amended, our oath of office shall
       be to the Constitution and laws as herein explained, and to no
       other, and we will look to Him who has all power in Heaven and
       in earth to vindicate our purpose in seeking His glory and the
       welfare of our beloved land.

       "As an expression of consent or allegiance on the part of the
       governed, in harmony with the above statements, we declare for
       the adoption and use of the system of legislation known as the
       'initiative and referendum,' together with 'proportionate
       representation' and the 'imperative mandate.'

       "We hold that an men and women are created free and with equal
       rights, and declare for the establishment of such political,
       industrial, and social conditions as shall guarantee to every
       person civic equality, the full fruits of his or her honest
       toil, and opportunity for the righteous enjoyment of the same;
       and we especially condemn mob violence and outrages against
       any individual or class of individuals in our country.

    {647}

       "We declare against war, and for the arbitration of all
       National and international disputes.

       "We hold that the legalized liquor traffic is the crowning
       infamy of civilization, and we declare for the immediate
       abolition of the manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors
       as a beverage.

       "We are gratified to note the widespread agitation of the
       cigarette question, and declare ourselves in favor of the
       enactment of laws prohibiting the sale of cigarettes or
       tobacco in any form to minors.

       "We declare for the daily reading of the Bible in the public
       schools and institutions of learning under control of the
       State.

       "We declare for the Government ownership of public utilities.

       "We declare for the election of the President and
       Vice-President and United States Senators by the direct vote
       of the people.

       "We declare for such amendment of the United States
       Constitution as shall be necessary to give the principles
       herein set forth an undeniable legal basis in the fundamental
       law of our land.

       "We invite into the United Christian party every honest man
       and woman who believes in Christ and His golden rule and
       standard of righteousness. We say especially to the sons of
       toil: Jesus, the carpenter's son, is your true friend. In His
       name and through the practice of His principles you may obtain
       your rights long withheld and long outraged. You have the
       votes necessary to enthrone Him. His love and principles,
       politically applied, will lift you up and give you true civic
       liberty forever."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       People's or Populist Party Platforms and Nominations.

       The second of the political parties to appear in the field of
       the national contest was the People's, known more commonly as
       the Populist Party, the division in which, shown in 1896, had
       become separation, complete. The two wings of the party held
       distinct conventions, in different places, but on the same
       day, May 10. Those known as the Middle-of-the-Road Populists
       assembled at Cincinnati and named Wharton Barker, of
       Pennsylvania, for President, with Ignatius Donnelly, of
       Minnesota for Vice President. The convention representing
       those who wished to act in co-operation with the Democratic
       Party, and known as the Fusion wing, met at Sioux Falls, South
       Dakota, and anticipated the action of the Democracy by
       nominating William J. Bryan for President, with Charles A.
       Towne, of Minnesota, for Vice President.

          See, also, (in this volume)
          FARMERS' ALLIANCE.

       The platform declarations of the two wings were substantially
       the same on main questions; but those of the Fusionists
       covered several subjects which the Cincinnati convention
       passed by. They were as follows:

       "The People's party of the United States, in convention
       assembled, congratulating its supporters on the wide extension
       of its principles in all directions, does hereby reaffirm its
       adherence to the fundamental principles proclaimed in its two
       prior platforms and calls upon all who desire to avert the
       subversion of free institutions by corporate and imperialistic
       power to unite with it in bringing the Government back to the
       ideals of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, and Lincoln. It
       extends to its allies in the struggle for financial and
       economic freedom, assurances of its loyalty to the principles
       which animate the allied forces and the promise of honest and
       hearty cooperation in every effort for their success. To the
       people of the United States we offer the following platform as
       the expression of our unalterable convictions:

       "Resolved, That we denounce the act of March 14, 1900, as the
       culmination of a long series of conspiracies to deprive the
       people of their constitutional rights over the money of the
       nation and relegate to a gigantic money trust the control of
       the purse and hence of the people. We denounce this act,

       First, for making all money obligations, domestic and foreign,
       payable in gold coin or its equivalent, thus enormously
       increasing the burdens of the debtors and enriching the
       creditors.

       Second—For refunding 'coin bonds' not to mature for years into
       long-time gold bonds so as to make their payment improbable
       and our debt perpetual.

       Third—For taking from the Treasury over $50,000,000 in a time
       of war and presenting it, as a premium, to bondholders to
       accomplish the refunding of bonds not due.

       Fourth—For doubling the capital of bankers by returning to
       them the face value of their bonds in current money notes so
       that they may draw one interest from the Government and
       another from the people.

       Fifth—For allowing banks to expand and contract their
       circulation at pleasure, thus controlling prices of all
       products.

       Sixth—For authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to issue
       new gold bonds to an unlimited amount whenever he deems it
       necessary to replenish the gold hoard, thus enabling usurers
       to secure more bonds and more bank currency by drawing gold
       from the Treasury, thereby creating an 'endless chain' for
       perpetually adding to a perpetual debt.

       Seventh—For striking down the green back in order to force the
       people to borrow $346,000,000 more from the banks at an annual
       cost of over $20,000,000. While barring out the money of the
       Constitution this law opens the printing mints of the Treasury
       to the free coinage of bank paper money, to enrich the few and
       impoverish the many.

       "We pledge anew the People's party never to cease the
       agitation until this great financial conspiracy is blotted
       from the statute books, the Lincoln greenback restored, the
       bonds all paid, and all corporation money forever retired. We
       affirm the demand for the reopening of the mints of the United
       States for the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold
       at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, the immediate increase
       in the volume of silver coins and certificates thus created to
       be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the banknotes issued by
       private corporations under special privilege granted by law of
       March 14, 1900, and prior National banking laws, the remaining
       portion of the banknotes to be replaced with full legal-tender
       Government paper money, and its volume so controlled as to
       maintain at all times a stable money market and a stable price
       level.

       "We demand a graduated income and inheritance tax, to the end
       that aggregated wealth shall bear its just proportion of
       taxation.

       "We demand that postal savings banks be established by the
       Government for the safe deposit of the savings of the people
       and to facilitate exchange.

    {648}

       "With Thomas Jefferson we declare the land, including all
       natural sources of wealth, the inalienable heritage of the
       people. Government should so act as to secure homes for the
       people and prevent land monopoly. The original homestead
       policy should be enforced, and future settlers upon the public
       domain should be entitled to a free homestead, while all who
       have paid an acreage price to the Government under existing
       laws should have their homestead rights restored.

       "Transportation being a means of exchange and a public
       necessity, the Government should own and operate the railroads
       in the interests of the people and on a non-partisan basis, to
       the end that all may be accorded the same treatment in
       transportation, and that the extortion, tyranny, and political
       power now exercised by the great railroad corporations, which
       result in the impairment, if not the destruction, of the
       political rights and personal liberties of the citizen, may be
       destroyed. Such ownership is to be accomplished in a manner
       consistent with sound public policy.

       "Trusts, the overshadowing evil of the age, are the result and
       culmination of the private ownership and control of the three
       great instruments of commerce—money, transportation, and the
       means of transmission of information—which instruments of
       commerce are public functions, and which our forefathers
       declared in the Constitution should be controlled by the
       people through their Congress for the public welfare. The one
       remedy for the trusts is that the ownership and control be
       assumed and exercised by the people. We further demand that
       all tariffs on goods controlled by a trust shall be abolished.
       To cope with the trust evil, the people must act directly
       without the intervention of representatives who may be
       controlled or influenced. We therefore demand direct
       legislation, giving the people the lawmaking and veto power
       under the initiative and referendum. A majority of the people
       can never be corruptly influenced.

       "Applauding the valor of our army and navy in the Spanish War,
       we denounce the conduct of the Administration in changing a
       war for humanity into a war of conquest. The action of the
       Administration in the Philippines is in conflict with all the
       precedents of our National life; at war with the Declaration
       of Independence, the Constitution, and the plain precepts of
       humanity. Murder and arson have been our response to the
       appeals of the people who asked only to establish a free
       government in their own land. We demand a stoppage of this war
       of extermination by the assurance to the Philippines of
       independence and protection under a stable government of their
       own creation.

       "The Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, and the
       American flag are one and inseparable. The island of Porto
       Rico is a part of the territory of the United States, and by
       levying special and extraordinary customs duties on the
       commerce of that island the Administration has violated the
       Constitution, abandoned the fundamental principles of American
       liberty, and has striven to give the lie to the contention of
       our forefathers that there should be no taxation without
       representation.

       "Out of the imperialism which would force an undesired
       domination on the people of the Philippines springs the
       un-American cry for a large standing army. Nothing in the
       character or purposes of our people justifies us in ignoring
       the plain lesson of history and putting our liberties in
       jeopardy by assuming the burden of militarism, which is
       crushing the people of the Old World. We denounce the
       Administration for its sinister efforts to substitute a
       standing army for the citizen soldiery, which is the best
       safeguard of the Republic.

       "We extend to the brave Boers of South Africa our sympathy and
       moral support in their patriotic struggle for the right of
       self-government, and we are unalterably opposed to any
       alliance, open or covert, between the United States and any
       other nation that will tend to the destruction of liberty.

       "And a further manifestation of imperialism is to be found in
       the mining districts of Idaho. In the Cœur d'Alene soldiers
       have been used to overawe miners striving for a greater
       measure of industrial independence. And we denounce the State
       Government of Idaho and the Federal Government for employing
       the military arm of the Government to abridge the civil rights
       of the people, and to enforce an infamous permit system which
       denies to laborers their inherent liberty and compels them to
       forswear their manhood and their right before being permitted
       to seek employment.

       "The importation of Japanese and other laborers under contract
       to serve monopolistic corporations is a notorious and flagrant
       violation of the immigration laws. We demand that the Federal
       Government shall take cognizance of this menacing evil and
       repress it under existing laws. We further pledge ourselves to
       strive for the enactment of more stringent laws for the
       exclusion of Mongolian and Malayan immigration.

       "We indorse municipal ownership of public utilities, and
       declare that the advantages which have accrued to the public
       under that system would be multiplied a hundredfold by its
       extension to natural interstate monopolies.

       "We denounce the practice of issuing injunctions in the cases
       of dispute between employers and employés, making criminal
       acts by organizations which are not criminal when performed by
       individuals, and demand legislation to restrain the evil.

       "We demand that United States Senators and all other officials
       as far as practicable be elected by direct vote of the people,
       believing that the elective franchise and untrammelled ballot
       are essential to a government for and by the people.

       "The People's party condemns the wholesale system of
       disfranchisement by coercion and intimidation, adopted in some
       States, as un-republican and un-democratic. And we declare it
       to be the duty of the several State Legislatures to take such
       action as will secure a full, free, and fair ballot, and an
       honest count.

       "We favor home rule in the Territories and the District of
       Columbia, and the early admission of the Territories as
       States.

       "We denounce the expensive red-tape system, political
       favoritism, cruel and unnecessary delay and criminal evasion
       of the statutes in the management of the Pension Office, and
       demand the simple and honest execution of the law, and the
       fulfilment by the nation of its pledges of service pension to
       all its honorably discharged veterans."

    {649}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Socialist Labor Party Platform and Nominations.

       The convention of the Populists was followed next by that of
       the Socialist Labor Party, which met in New York City, on the
       2d of June, and put in nomination Joseph P. Maloney, of
       Massachusetts, and Valentine Remmel, of Pennsylvania. Its
       Platform was as follows:

       "The Socialist Labor party of the United States, in convention
       assembled, reasserts the inalienable right of all men to life,
       liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

       "With the founders of the American Republic we hold that the
       purpose of government is to secure every citizen in the
       enjoyment of this right; but in the light of our social
       conditions we hold, furthermore, that no such right can be
       exercised under a system of economic inequality, essentially
       destructive of life, of liberty, and of happiness.

       "With the founders of this Republic we hold that the true
       theory of politics is that the machinery of government must be
       owned and controlled by the whole people; but in the light of
       our industrial development we hold, furthermore, that the true
       theory of economics is that the machinery of production must
       likewise belong to the people in common.

       "To the obvious fact that our despotic system of economics is
       the direct opposite of our democratic system of politics can
       plainly be traced the existence of a privileged class, the
       corruption of government by that class, the alienation of
       public property, public franchises, and public functions to
       that class, and the abject dependence of the mightiest of
       nations upon that class.

       "Again, through the perversion of democracy to the ends of
       plutocracy, labor is robbed of the wealth which it alone
       produces, is denied the means of self-employment, and, by
       compulsory idleness in wage slavery, is even deprived of the
       necessaries of life. Human power and natural forces are thus
       wasted, that the plutocracy may rule. Ignorance and misery,
       with all their concomitant evils, are perpetuated, that the
       people may be kept in bondage. Science and invention are
       diverted from their humane purpose to the enslavement of women
       and children.

       "Against such a system the Socialist Labor party once more
       enters its protest. Once more it reiterates its fundamental
       declaration that private property in the natural sources of
       production and in the instruments of labor is the obvious
       cause of all economic servitude and political dependence.

       "The time is fast coming when, in the natural course of social
       evolution, this system, through the destructive action of its
       failures and crises on the one hand, and the constructive
       tendencies of its trusts and other capitalistic combinations
       on the other hand, shall have worked out its own downfall.

       "We, therefore, call upon the wage workers of the United
       States, and upon all other honest citizens, to organize under
       the banner of the Socialist Labor party into a class-conscious
       body, aware of its rights and determined to conquer them by
       taking possession of the public powers; so that, held together
       by an indomitable spirit of solidarity under the most trying
       conditions of the present class struggle, we may put a summary
       end to that barbarous struggle by the abolition of classes, the
       restoration of the land and of all the means of production,
       transportation, and distribution to the people as a collective
       body, and the substitution of the Cooperative Commonwealth for
       the present state of planless production, industrial war, and
       social disorder—a commonwealth in which every worker shall
       have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties,
       multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Republican Party Platform and Nominations.

       On the 19th of June the national convention of the Republican
       Party began its session at Philadelphia; adopted its platform
       on the following day, and nominated President William McKinley
       for re-election ou the 21st, naming Theodore Roosevelt, then
       Governor of New York, for Vice President, in opposition to his
       earnestly expressed wish. The adopted platform of principles
       was as follows:

       "The Republicans of the United States, through their chosen
       representatives, met in National Convention, looking back upon
       an unsurpassed record of achievement and looking forward to a
       great field of duty and opportunity, and appealing to the
       judgment of their countrymen, make these declarations:

       "The expectation in which the American people, turning from
       the Democratic party, intrusted power four years ago to a
       Republican Chief Magistrate and a Republican Congress, has
       been met and satisfied. When the people then assembled at the
       polls, after a term of Democratic legislation and
       administration, business was dead, industry paralyzed, and the
       National credit disastrously impaired. The country's capital
       was hidden away and its labor distressed and unemployed. The
       Democrats had no other plan with which to improve the ruinous
       conditions which they had themselves produced than to coin
       silver at the ratio of 16 to 1. The Republican Party,
       denouncing this plan as sure to produce conditions even worse
       than those from which relief was sought, promised to restore
       prosperity by means of two legislative measures—a protective
       tariff and a law making gold the standard of value.

       "The people, by great majorities, issued to the Republican
       party a commission to enact these laws. This commission has
       been executed, and the Republican promise is redeemed.
       Prosperity more general and more abundant than we have ever
       known has followed these enactments. There is no longer
       controversy as to the value of any government obligations.
       Every American dollar is a gold dollar, or its assured
       equivalent, and American credit stands higher than that of any
       nation. Capital is fully employed, and labor everywhere is
       profitably occupied. No single fact can more strikingly tell
       the story of what Republican government means to the country
       than this—that while during the whole period of 107 years from
       1790 to 1897 there was an excess of exports over imports of
       only $383,028,497, there has been in the short three years of
       the present Republican Administration an excess of exports
       over imports in the enormous sum of $1,483,537,094.

    {650}

       "And while the American people, sustained by this Republican
       legislation, have been achieving these splendid triumphs in
       their business and commerce, they have conducted and in
       victory concluded a war for liberty and human rights. No
       thought of National aggrandizement tarnished the high purpose
       with which American standards were unfurled. It was a war
       unsought and patiently resisted, but when it came the American
       Government was ready. Its fleets were cleared for action, its
       armies were in the field, and the quick and signal triumph of
       its forces on land and sea bore equal tribute to the courage
       of American soldiers and sailors and to the skill and
       foresight of Republican statesmanship. To ten millions of the
       human race there was given 'a new birth of freedom,' and to
       the American people a new and noble responsibility.

       "'We indorse the Administration of William McKinley. Its acts
       have been established in wisdom and in patriotism, and at home
       and abroad it has distinctly elevated and extended the
       influence of the American nation. Walking untried paths and
       facing unforeseen responsibilities, President McKinley has
       been in every situation the true American patriot and the
       upright statesman, clear in vision, strong in judgment, firm
       in action, always inspiring and deserving the confidence of
       his countrymen. In asking the American people to indorse this
       Republican record and to renew their commission to the
       Republican party, we remind them of the fact that the menace
       to their prosperity has always resided in Democratic
       principles, and no less in the general incapacity of the
       Democratic party to conduct public affairs. The prime
       essential of business prosperity is public confidence in the
       good sense of the Government, and in its ability to deal
       intelligently with each new problem of administration and
       legislation. That confidence the Democratic party has never
       earned. It is hopelessly inadequate, and the country's
       prosperity when Democratic success at the polls is announced
       halts and ceases in mere anticipation of Democratic blunders
       and failures.

       "We renew our allegiance to the principle of the gold
       standard, and declare our confidence in the wisdom of the
       legislation of the Fifty-sixth Congress by which the parity of
       all our money and the stability of our currency upon a gold
       basis has been secured.

       "We recognize that interest rates are potent factors in
       production and business activity, and for the purpose of
       further equalizing and of further lowering the rates of
       interest, we favor such monetary legislation as will enable
       the varying needs of the seasons and of all sections to be
       promptly met in order that trade may be evenly sustained,
       labor steadily employed, and commerce enlarged. The volume of
       money in circulation was never so great per capita as it is
       to-day.

       "We declare our steadfast opposition to the free and unlimited
       coinage of silver. No measure to that end could be considered
       which was without the support of the leading commercial
       countries of the world. However firmly Republican legislation
       may seem to have secured the country against the peril of base
       and discredited currency, the election of a Democratic
       President could not fail to impair the country's credit and to
       bring once more into question the intention of the American
       people to maintain upon the gold standard the parity of their
       money circulation. The Democratic party must be convinced that
       the American people will never tolerate the Chicago platform.

       "We recognize the necessity and propriety of the honest
       cooperation of capital to meet new business conditions, and
       especially to extend our rapidly increasing foreign trade, but
       we condemn all conspiracies and combinations intended to
       restrict business, to create monopolies, to limit production,
       or to control prices, and favor such legislation as will
       effectively restrain and prevent all such abuses, protect and
       promote competition, and secure the rights of producers,
       laborers, and all who are engaged in industry and commerce.

       "We renew our faith in the policy of protection to American
       labor. In that policy our industries have been established,
       diversified, and maintained. By protecting the home market
       competition has been stimulated and production cheapened.
       Opportunity to the inventive genius of our people has been
       secured and wages in every department of labor maintained at
       high rates, higher now than ever before, and always
       distinguishing our working people in their better conditions
       of life from those of any competing country. Enjoying the
       blessings of the American common school, secure in the right
       of self-government, and protected in the occupancy of their
       own markets, their constantly increasing knowledge and skill
       have enabled them finally to enter the markets of the world.

       "We favor the associated policy of reciprocity so directed as
       to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not
       ourselves produce in return for free foreign markets.

       "In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more
       effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from
       foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for
       working children, the raising of the age limit for child
       labor, the protection of free labor as against contract
       convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance.

       "Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths
       of our foreign carrying is a great loss to the industry of
       this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for
       its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would
       seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The National
       defence and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply
       a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to
       recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of
       the world.

       "The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers
       and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the
       Government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the
       widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's
       wars. The pension laws, founded in this just sentiment, should
       be liberal, and should be liberally administered, and
       preference should be given wherever practicable with respect
       to employment in the public service to soldiers and sailors
       and to their widows and orphans.

       "We commend the policy of the Republican party in maintaining
       the efficiency of the Civil Service. The Administration has
       acted wisely in its effort to secure for public service in
       Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Philippine Islands only those
       whose fitness has been determined by training and experience.
       We believe that employment in the public service in these
       territories should be confined as far as practicable to their
       inhabitants.

       "It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the
       Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or
       color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of State
       governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment
       to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and
       should be condemned.

    {651}

       "Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the
       roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial
       approval and we recommend this subject to the earnest
       consideration of the people and of the Legislatures of the
       several States. We favor the extension of the rural free
       delivery service wherever its extension may be justified.

       "In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican
       party to provide free homes on the public domain, we recommend
       adequate National legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the
       United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for
       irrigation to the respective States and Territories.

       "We favor home rule for and the early admission to Statehood
       of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.

       "The Dingley act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for
       the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it
       has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of
       $40,000,000. So ample are the Government's revenues and so
       great is the public confidence in the integrity of its
       obligations that its newly funded 2 per cent bonds sell at a
       premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it
       will be the policy of the Republican party to bring about, a
       reduction of the war taxes.

       "We favor the construction, ownership, control and protection
       of an isthmian canal by the Government of the United States.

       "New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our
       farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain
       new markets, especially in the Orient, and the Administration
       is warmly to be commended for its successful effort to commit
       all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open
       door in China.

       "In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that
       Congress create a department of commerce and industries in the
       charge of a secretary with a seat in the Cabinet. The United
       States consular system should be reorganized under the
       supervision of this new department, upon such a basis of
       appointment and tenure as will render it still more
       serviceable to the Nation's increasing trade. The American
       Government must protect the person and property of every
       citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in
       peril.

       "We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid
       record of public service in the volunteer aid association, and
       as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of
       our armies in the Eastern and Western Indies, and we
       appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of
       education and industry.

       "President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the
       United States with distinguished credit to the American
       people. In releasing us from the vexatious conditions of a
       European alliance for the government of Samoa his course is
       especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided
       control the most important island of the Samoan group and the
       best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest
       has been safeguarded. We approve the annexation of the
       Hawaiian Islands to the United States. We commend the part
       taken by our Government in the Peace Conference at The Hague.
       We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in
       the Monroe Doctrine. The provisions of The Hague Convention
       were wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his
       friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great
       Britain and the South African republics. While the American
       Government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington,
       affirmed by every succeeding President and imposed upon us by
       The Hague Treaty, of non-intervention in European
       controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way
       may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties,
       to terminate the strife between them.

       "In accepting by the Treaty of Paris the just responsibility
       of our victories in the Spanish war the President and the
       Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No
       other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignty
       throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That
       course created our responsibility before the world, and with
       the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed
       from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order,
       and for the establishment of good government and for the
       performance of international obligations. Our authority could
       not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign
       rights were extended it became the high duty of the Government
       to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection and
       to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all
       the rescued peoples. The largest measure of self-government
       consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured
       to them by law.

       "To Cuba independence and self-government were assured in the
       same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this
       pledge will be performed.

       "The Republican party upon its history, and upon this
       declaration of its principles and policies, confidently
       invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American
       people."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900
       Prohibition Party Platform and Nominations.

       In the next week after the meeting of the Republican national
       convention, that of the Prohibition Party was held at Chicago,
       opening on the 27th of June. It chose Mr. John G. Woolley, of
       Chicago (already named by the United Christian Party for Vice
       President—see above) to be its candidate for President, with
       Mr. Henry B. Metcalfe, of Rhode Island, for Vice President.
       Setting aside all political issues save those connected with
       the liquor traffic, its declarations were confined to that
       subject alone, and were as follows:

       "The National Prohibition party, in convention represented at
       Chicago, June 27 and 28, 1900, acknowledged Almighty God as
       the supreme source of all just government. Realizing that this
       Republic was founded upon Christian principles, and can endure
       only as it embodies justice and righteousness, and asserting
       that all authority should seek the best good of all the
       governed, to this end wisely prohibiting what is wrong and
       permitting only what is right, hereby records and proclaims:

    {652}

       "First.—We accept and assert the definition given by Edward
       Burke, that a party is 'a body of men joined together for the
       purpose of protecting by their joint endeavor the National
       interest upon some particular principle upon which they are
       all agreed.'

       "We declare that there is no principle now advocated, by any
       other party, which could be made a fact in government with
       such beneficent moral and material results as the principle of
       prohibition applied to the beverage liquor traffic; that the
       National interest could be promoted in no other way so surely
       and widely as by its adoption and assertion through a National
       policy and a cooperation therein by every State, forbidding
       the manufacture, sale, exportation, importation, and
       transportation of intoxicating liquors for beverage purposes;
       that we stand for this as the only principle proposed by any
       party anywhere for the settlement of a question greater and
       graver than any other before the American people, and
       involving more profoundly than any other their moral future
       and financial welfare; and that all the patriotic citizenship
       of this country agreed upon this principle, however much
       disagreement there may be as to minor considerations and
       issues, should stand together at the ballot-box from this time
       forward until prohibition is the established policy of the
       United States, with a party in power to enforce it and to
       insure its moral and material benefits.

       "We insist that such a party agreed upon this principle and
       policy, having sober leadership, without any obligation for
       success to the saloon vote and to those demoralizing political
       combinations, can successfully cope with all other and lesser
       problems of government, in legislative halls and in the
       executive chair, and that it is useless for any party to make
       declarations in its platform as to any questions concerning
       which there may be serious differences of opinion in its own
       membership and as to which, because of such differences, the
       party could legislate only on a basis of mutual concessions
       when coming into power.

       "We submit that the Democratic and Republican parties are
       alike insincere in their assumed hostility to trusts and
       monopolies. They dare not and do not attack the most dangerous
       of them all, the liquor power. So long as the saloon debauches
       the citizen and breeds the purchasable voter, money will
       continue to buy its way to power. Break down this traffic,
       elevate manhood, and a sober citizenship will find a way to
       control dangerous combinations of capital. We purpose, as a
       first step in the financial problem of the nation, to save
       more than a billion of dollars every year, now annually
       expended to support the liquor traffic and to demoralize our
       people. When that is accomplished, conditions will have so
       improved that with a clearer atmosphere the country can
       address itself to the questions as to the kind and quantity of
       currency needed.

       "Second.—We reaffirm as true indisputably the declaration of
       William Windom, when Secretary of the Treasury in the Cabinet
       of President Arthur, that 'considered socially, financially,
       politically, or morally, the licensed liquor traffic is or
       ought to be the overwhelming issue in American politics, and
       that the destruction of this iniquity stands next on the
       calendar of the world's progress.' We hold that the existence
       of our party presents this issue squarely to the American
       people, and lays upon them the responsibility of choice
       between liquor parties, dominated by distillers and brewers,
       with their policy of saloon perpetuation breeding waste,
       wickedness, woe, pauperism, taxation, corruption, and crime,
       and our one party of patriotic and moral principle, with a
       policy which defends it from domination by corrupt bosses, and
       which insures it forever against the blighting control of
       saloon politics.

       "We face with sorrow, shame, and fear the awful fact that this
       liquor traffic has a grip on our Government, municipal, State,
       and National, through the revenue system and a saloon
       sovereignty, which no other party dare to dispute; a grip
       which dominates the party now in power, from caucus to
       Congress, from policemen to President, from the rum shop to
       the White House; a grip which compels the Executive to consent
       that law shall be nullified in behalf of the brewer, that the
       canteen shall curse our army and spread intemperance across
       the seas, and that our flag shall wave as the symbol of
       partnership, at home and abroad, between this Government and
       the men who defy and defile it for their unholy gain.

       "Third.—We charge upon President McKinley, who was elected to
       his high office by appeal to Christian sentiment and
       patriotism almost unprecedented and by a combination of moral
       influences never before seen in this country, that by his
       conspicuous example as a wine-drinker at public banquets and
       as a wine-serving host in the White House, he has done more to
       encourage the liquor business, to demoralize the temperance
       habits of young men, and to bring Christian practices and
       requirements into disrepute than any other President this
       Republic has had. "We further charge upon President McKinley
       responsibility for the Army canteen, with all its dire brood
       of disease, immorality, sin and death, in this country, in
       Cuba, in Porto Rico and the Philippines; and we insist that by
       his attitude concerning the canteen, and his apparent contempt
       for the vast number of petitions and petitioners protesting
       against it, he has outraged and insulted the moral sentiment
       of this country in such a manner and to such a degree as calls
       for its righteous uprising and his indignant and effective
       rebuke. We challenge denial of the fact that our Chief
       Executive, as commander in chief of the military forces of the
       United States, at any time prior to or since March 2, 1899,
       could have closed every Army saloon, called a canteen, by
       executive order, as President Hayes in effect did before him,
       and should have closed them, for the same reason that actuated
       President Hayes; we assert that the act of Congress passed
       March 2, 1899, forbidding the sale of liquor, 'in any post
       exchange or canteen,' by any 'officer or private soldier' or
       by 'any other person on any premises used for military
       purposes in the United States,' was and is as explicit an act
       of prohibition as the English language can frame; we declare
       our solemn belief that the Attorney-General of the United
       States in his interpretation of that law, and the Secretary of
       War in his acceptance of that interpretation and his refusal
       to enforce the law, were and are guilty of treasonable
       nullification thereof, and that President McKinley, through
       his assent to and indorsement of such interpretation and
       refusal on the part of officials appointed by and responsible
       to him, shares responsibility in their guilt; and we record
       our conviction that a new and serious peril confronts our
       country, in the fact that its President, at the behest of the
       beer power, dare and does abrogate a law of Congress, through
       subordinates removable at will by him and whose acts become
       his, and thus virtually confesses that laws are to be
       administered or to be nullified in the interest of a
       law-defying business, by an Administration under mortgage to
       such business for support.

    {653}

       "Fourth.-We deplore the fact that an Administration of this
       Republic claiming the right and power to carry our flag across
       seas, and to conquer and annex new territory, should admit its
       lack of power to prohibit the American saloon on subjugated
       soil, or should openly confess itself subject to liquor
       sovereignty under that flag. We are humiliated, exasperated
       and grieved by the evidence painfully abundant that this
       Administration's policy of expansion is bearing so rapidly its
       first fruits of drunkenness, insanity and crime under the
       hothouse sun of the tropics; and when the president of the
       first Philippine Commission says 'It was unfortunate that we
       introduced and established the saloon there, to corrupt the
       natives and to exhibit the vices of our race,' we charge the
       inhumanity and un-Christianity of this act upon the
       Administration of William McKinley and upon the party which
       elected and would perpetuate the same.

       "Fifth.—We declare that the only policy which the Government
       of the United States can of right uphold as to the liquor
       traffic under the National Constitution upon any territory
       under the military or civil control of that Government is the
       policy of prohibition; that 'to establish justice, insure
       domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
       the general welfare, and insure the blessings of liberty to
       ourselves and our posterity,' as the Constitution provides,
       the liquor traffic must neither be sanctioned nor tolerated,
       and that the revenue policy, which makes our Government a
       partner with distillers and brewers and barkeepers, is a
       disgrace to our civilization, an outrage upon humanity, and a
       crime against God.

       "We condemn the present Administration at Washington because
       it has repealed the prohibitory law in Alaska, and has given
       over the partly civilized tribes there to be the prey of the
       American grogshop, and because it has entered upon a license
       policy in our new possessions by incorporating the same in the
       revenue act of Congress in the code of laws for the government
       of the Hawaiian Islands.

       "We call general attention to the fearful fact that
       exportation of liquors from the United States to the
       Philippine Islands increased from $337 in 1898 to $167,198 in
       the first ten months of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1900;
       and that while our exportations of liquor to Cuba never
       reached $30,000 a year previous to American occupation of that
       island, our exports of such liquors to Cuba during the fiscal
       year of 1899 reached the sum of $629,655.

       "Sixth.—One great religious body (the Baptist) having truly
       declared of the liquor traffic 'that it has no defensible
       right to exist, that it can never be reformed, that it stands
       condemned by its unrighteous fruits as a thing unchristian,
       un-American, and perilous utterly to every interest in life';
       another great religious body (the Methodist) having as truly
       asserted and reiterated that 'no political party has the right
       to expect, nor should it receive, the votes of Christian men
       so long as it stands committed to the license system or
       refuses to put itself on record in an attitude of open
       hostility to the saloons'; other great religious bodies having
       made similar deliverances, in language plain and unequivocal,
       as to the liquor traffic and the duty of Christian citizenship
       in opposition thereto, and the fact being plain and undeniable
       that the Democratic party stands for license, the saloon, and
       the canteen, while the Republican party, in policy and
       administration, stands for the canteen, the saloon, and
       revenue therefrom, we declare ourselves justified in expecting
       that Christian voters everywhere shall cease their complicity
       with the liquor curse by refusing to uphold a liquor party,
       and shall unite themselves with the only party which upholds
       the prohibition policy, and which for nearly thirty years has
       been the faithful defender of the church, the State, the home,
       and the school against the saloon, its expanders and
       perpetuators, their actual and persistent foes.

       "We insist that no differences of belief, as to any other
       question or concern of government, should stand in the way of
       such a union of moral and Christian citizenship as we hereby
       invite for the speedy settlement of this paramount moral,
       industrial, financial, and political issue which our party
       presents; and we refrain from declaring ourselves upon all
       minor matters as to which differences of opinion may exist
       that hereby we may offer to the American people a platform so
       broad that all can stand upon it who desire to see sober
       citizenship actually sovereign over the allied hosts of evil,
       sin, and crime in a government of the people, by the people,
       and for the people.

       "We declare that there are but two real parties to-day
       concerning the liquor traffic—Perpetuationists and
       Prohibitionists—and that patriotism, Christianity, and every
       interest of genuine republicanism and of pure democracy,
       besides the loyal demands of our common humanity, require the
       speedy union, in one solid phalanx at the ballot-box, of all
       who oppose the liquor traffic's perpetuation, and who covet
       endurance for this Republic."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

       The delegates of the Democratic Party met in national
       convention at Kansas City, on the Fourth of July. By unanimous
       vote, on the following day, they again nominated William J.
       Bryan, of Nebraska, for President, and subsequently associated
       with him ex-Vice President Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois,
       for Vice President. The platform, adopted on the same day,
       reiterating the demand of 1896 for a free and unlimited
       coinage of silver at the ratio of 16 to 1, but emphasizing the
       question of colonial expansion as the "paramount issue of the
       campaign," was as follows: "'We, the representatives of the
       Democratic party of the United States, assembled in national
       convention on the anniversary of the adoption of the
       Declaration of Independence, do reaffirm our faith in that
       immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and
       our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith
       by the fathers of the Republic. We hold with the United States
       Supreme Court that the Declaration of Independence is the spirit
       of our government, of which the constitution is the form and
       letter.
    {654}
       We declare again that all governments instituted among men
       derive their just powers from the consent of the governed;
       that any government not based upon the consent of the governed
       is a tyranny; and that to impose upon any people a government
       of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those
       of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag
       and denounce the doctrine that an executive or congress,
       deriving their existence and their powers from the
       constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in
       violation of it. We assert that no nation can long endure half
       republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that
       imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to
       despotism at home.

       "Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the
       Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the
       protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold
       and open violation of the Nation's organic law and a flagrant
       breach of National good faith. It imposes upon the people of
       Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxation
       without representation. It dishonors the American people by
       repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the
       commanding general of our Army, which the Porto Ricans
       welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their
       land. It dooms to poverty and distress a people whose
       helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and
       magnanimity. In this, the first act of its imperialistic
       programme, the Republican party seeks to commit the United
       States to a colonial policy inconsistent with republican
       institutions and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous
       decisions.

       "We demand the prompt and honest fulfilment of our pledge to
       the Cuban people and the world, that the United States has no
       disposition nor intention to exercise sovereignty,
       jurisdiction, or control over the island of Cuba, except for
       its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound
       peace reigns over all the island, and still the Administration
       keeps the government of the island from its people, while
       Republican carpetbag officials plunder its revenue and exploit
       the colonial theory to the disgrace of the American people.

       "We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present
       Administration. It has embroiled the Republic in an
       unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of its noblest
       sons, and placed the United States, previously known and
       applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in
       the false and un-American position of crushing with military
       force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and
       self-government. The Filipinos cannot be citizens without
       endangering our civilization; they cannot be subjects without
       imperilling our form of government; and as we are not willing
       to surrender our civilization, or to convert the Republic into
       an empire, we favor an immediate declaration of the Nation's
       purpose to give to the Filipinos, first, a stable form of
       government; second, independence; and third, protection from
       outside interference such as has been given for nearly a
       century to the republics of Central and South America. The
       greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of
       the Republican Administration attempts to justify it with the
       plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea
       fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of 'criminal
       aggression' against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense
       of many millions, has already cost more than any possible
       profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for
       years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended at the
       expense of liberty the price is always too high.

       "We are not opposed to territorial expansion, when it takes in
       desirable territory which can be erected into States in the
       Union, and whose people are willing and fit to become American
       citizens. We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and
       legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the
       seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed
       outside the Constitution and whose people can never become
       citizens. We are in favor of extending the Republic's
       influence among the nations, but believe that influence should
       be extended not by force and violence, but through the
       persuasive power of a high and honorable example.

       "The importance of other questions now pending before the
       American people is in nowise diminished and the Democratic
       party takes no backward step from its position on them; but
       the burning issue of imperialism, growing out of the Spanish
       war, involving the very existence of the Republic and the
       destruction of our free institutions, we regard as the
       paramount issue of the campaign.

       "The declaration of the Republican platform adopted at the
       Philadelphia Convention, held in June, 1900, that the
       Republican party 'steadfastly adheres to the policy announced
       in the Monroe Doctrine,' is manifestly insincere and
       deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed
       policy of that party, in opposition to the spirit of the
       Monroe Doctrine, to acquire and hold sovereignty over large
       areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern
       Hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe
       Doctrine in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit,
       as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on
       these continents and as essential to our supremacy in American
       affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people
       shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to
       European authority.

       "We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and
       intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm
       which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what
       millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will
       impose upon our peace loving people a large standing army, an
       unnecessary burden of taxation, and would be a constant menace
       to their liberties. A small standing army and a well
       disciplined State militia are amply sufficient in time of
       peace. This Republic has no place for a vast military
       establishment, a sure forerunner of compulsory military
       service and conscription. When the Nation is in danger the
       volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The National
       Guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the
       patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever
       an element of strength and safety. For the first time in our
       history and coeval with the Philippine conquest has there been
       a wholesale departure from our time honored and approved
       system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as
       un-American, undemocratic and unrepublican and as a subversion
       of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people.

    {655}

       "Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They
       destroy competition, control the price of raw material and of
       the finished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer.
       They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms
       and conditions thereof; and deprive individual energy and
       small capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are
       the most efficient means yet devised for appropriating the
       fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the expense of
       the many, and, unless their insatiate greed is checked, all
       wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the Republic
       destroyed. The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the
       Republican party in its State and National platforms is
       conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are
       the legitimate product of Republican policies, that they are
       fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by
       the Republican Administration in return for campaign
       subscriptions and political support. We pledge the Democratic
       party to an unceasing warfare in Nation, State and city
       against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against
       trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be
       enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of
       corporations engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all
       corporations to show, before doing business outside of the
       State of their origin, that they have no water in their stock,
       and that they have not attempted and are not attempting to
       monopolize any branch of business or the production of any
       articles of merchandise; and the whole constitutional power of
       Congress over interstate commerce, the mails and all modes of
       interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment
       of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.

       "Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of
       trusts upon the free list, to prevent monopoly under the plea
       of protection. The failure of the present Republican
       Administration, with an absolute control over all the branches
       of the National Government, to enact any legislation designed
       to prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and
       illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws
       already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the
       high sounding phrases of the Republican platform. Corporations
       should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate
       interests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations
       to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to
       control the sovereignty which creates them should be forbidden
       under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible. We
       condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust breeding measure
       skilfully devised to give to the few favors which they do not
       deserve, and to place upon the many burdens which they should
       not bear. We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the
       Interstate Commerce law as will enable the Commission to
       protect individuals and communities from discrimination and
       the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates.

       "We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the National
       Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896 and we
       reiterate the demand of that platform for an American
       financial system made by the American people for themselves,
       which shall restore and maintain a bimetallic price level, and
       as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free
       and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal
       ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of
       any other nation.

       "We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of
       Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims
       to discredit the sovereign right of the National Government to
       issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon
       National banks the power to issue and control the volume of
       paper money for their own benefit. A permanent National bank
       currency, secured by Government bonds, must have a permanent
       debt to rest upon, and, if the bank currency is to increase
       with population and business, the debt must also increase. The
       Republican currency scheme is, therefore, a scheme for
       fastening upon the taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt for
       the benefit of the banks. We are opposed to this private
       corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal
       tender qualities, and demand the retirement of National bank
       notes as fast as Government paper or silver certificates can
       be substituted for them. We favor an amendment to the Federal
       Constitution providing for the election of United States
       Senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor direct
       legislation wherever practicable. We are opposed to government
       by injunction; we denounce the blacklist, and favor
       arbitration as a means of settling disputes between
       corporations and their employés.

       "In the interest of American labor and the upbuilding of the
       workingman as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our
       country, we recommend that Congress create a Department of
       Labor, in charge of a Secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet,
       believing that the elevation of the American laborer will
       bring with it increased production and increased prosperity to
       our country at home and to our commerce abroad. We are proud
       of the courage and fidelity of the American soldiers and
       sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and
       their dependents; and we reiterate the position taken in the
       Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and
       service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease
       and disability before enlistment.

       "We favor the immediate construction, ownership and control of
       the Nicaraguan canal by the United States, and we denounce the
       insincerity of the plank in the Republican national platform
       for an Isthmian canal, in the face of the failure of the
       Republican majority to pass the bill pending in Congress.

       "We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of
       American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the
       American people.

       "We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out
       its pledges to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona,
       New Mexico and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those
       territories immediate statehood, and home rule during their
       condition as territories; and we favor home rule and a
       territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico.

       "We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of
       the West, storing the waters for the purposes of irrigation,
       and the holding of such lands for actual settlers.

    {656}

       "We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the
       Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes
       of all Asiatic races.

       "Jefferson said: 'Peace, commerce and honest friendship with
       all nations, entangling alliances with none.' We approve this
       wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the
       Republican departure which has involved us in so-called world
       politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue
       and land-grabbing in Asia, and we especially condemn the
       ill-concealed Republican alliance with England, which must
       mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which
       has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being
       strangled in Africa.

       "Believing in the principles of self-government and rejecting,
       as did our forefathers, the claims of monarchy, we view with
       indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the
       South African Republics. Speaking, as we believe, for the
       entire American nation, except its Republican officeholders,
       and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the
       heroic Burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their
       liberty and independence.

       "We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican
       congresses, which have kept taxes high and which threaten the
       perpetuation of the oppressive war levies. We oppose the
       accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such barefaced
       frauds upon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bill, which,
       under the false pretense of fostering American ship-building,
       would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite
       contributors to the Republican campaign fund.

       "We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes,
       and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict
       economy in governmental expenditures.

       "Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great
       peril, that the very existence of our constitutional Republic
       is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will
       determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those
       blessed privileges of free government which have made the
       United States great, prosperous and honored, we earnestly ask
       for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support
       of the liberty-loving American people, regardless of previous
       party affiliations."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Silver Republican Platform and Nominations.

       The Republicans who broke from their party in 1896 on the
       silver question, and supported Mr. Bryan for the presidency,
       were still in affiliation with him and his party, but
       preserving a distinct organization, assuming the name of
       Lincoln Republicans. Simultaneously with that of the Democrats
       (July 6), they held a convention at Kansas City, and named Mr.
       Bryan as their candidate for President. The nomination for
       Vice President was referred to the national committee, which
       ultimately placed Mr. Stevenson's name on the Silver
       Republican ticket. The platform adopted differed little in
       leading principles from that of the Democratic party, except
       in the greater emphasis put on the monetary doctrines that
       were common to both. It was as follows:

       "We, the Silver Republican party, in National Convention
       assembled, declare these as our principles and invite the
       cooperation of all who agree therewith:

       "We recognize that the principles set forth in the Declaration
       of Independence are fundamental and everlastingly true in
       their applications of governments among men. We believe the
       patriotic words of Washington's farewell to be the words of
       soberness and wisdom, inspired by the spirit of right and
       truth. We treasure the words of Jefferson as priceless gems of
       American statesmanship.

       "We hold in sacred remembrance the broad philanthropy and
       patriotism of Lincoln, who was the great interpreter of
       American history and the great apostle of human rights and of
       industrial freedom, and we declare, as was declared by the
       convention that nominated the great emancipator, that the
       maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration
       of Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution,
       'that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by
       their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among
       these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to
       secure these rights governments are instituted among men,
       deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed,'
       is essential to the preservation of our republican
       institutions.

       "We declare our adherence to the principle of bimetallism as
       the right basis of a monetary system under our National
       Constitution, a principle that found place repeatedly in
       Republican platforms from the demonetization of silver in 1873
       to the St. Louis Republican Convention of 1896. Since that
       convention a Republican Congress and a Republican President,
       at the dictation of the trusts and money power, have passed
       and approved a currency bill which in itself is a repudiation
       of the doctrine of bimetallism advocated theretofore by the
       President and every great leader of his party.

       "This currency law destroys the full money power of the silver
       dollar, provides for the payment of all government obligations
       and the redemption of all forms of paper money in gold alone;
       retires the time-honored and patriotic greenbacks,
       constituting one-sixth of the money in circulation, and
       surrenders to banking corporations a sovereign function of
       issuing all paper money, thus enabling these corporations to
       control the prices of labor and property by increasing or
       diminishing the volume of money in circulation, thus giving
       the banks power to create panics and bring disaster upon
       business enterprises. The provisions of this currency law
       making the bonded debt of the Republic payable in gold alone
       change the contract between the Government and the bondholders
       to the advantage of the latter, and is in direct opposition to
       the declaration of the Matthews resolution passed by Congress
       in 1878, for which resolution the present Republican
       President, then a member of Congress, voted, as did also all
       leading Republicans, both in the House and Senate. We declare
       it to be our intention to lend our efforts to the repeal of
       this currency law, which not only repudiates the ancient and
       time-honored principles of the American people before the
       Constitution was adopted, but is violative of the principles
       of the Constitution itself, and we shall not cease our efforts
       until there has been established in its place a monetary
       system based upon the free and unlimited coinage of silver and
       gold into money at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 by the
       independent action of the United States, under which system
       all paper money shall be issued by the Government and all such
       money coined or issued shall be a full legal tender in payment
       of all debts, public and private, without exception.

    {657}

       "We are in favor of a graduated tax upon incomes, and if
       necessary to accomplish this we favor an amendment to the
       Constitution.

       "We believe that United States Senators ought to be elected by
       direct vote of the people, and we favor such amendment of the
       Constitution and such legislation as may be necessary to that
       end.

       "We favor the maintenance and the extension wherever
       practicable of the merit system in the public service,
       appointments to be made according to fitness, competitively
       ascertained, and public servants to be retained in office only
       so long as shall be compatible with the efficiency of the
       service.

       "Combinations, trusts, and monopolies contrived and arranged
       for the purpose of controlling the prices and quantity of
       articles supplied to the public are unjust, unlawful, and
       oppressive. Not only do these unlawful conspiracies fix the
       prices of commodities in many cases, but they invade every
       branch of the State and National Government with their
       polluting influence and control the actions of their employés
       and dependents in private life until their influence actually
       imperils society and the liberty of the citizen. We declare
       against them. We demand the most stringent laws for their
       destruction and the most severe punishment of their promoters
       and maintainers and the energetic enforcement of such laws by
       the courts.

       "We believe the Monroe doctrine to be sound in principle and a
       wise National policy, and we demand a firm adherence thereto.
       We condemn acts inconsistent with it and that tend to make us
       parties to the interests and to involve us in the
       controversies of European nations and to recognition by
       pending treaty of the right of England to be considered in the
       construction of an interoceanic canal. We declare that such
       canal, when constructed, ought to be controlled by the United
       States in the interests of American nations.

       "We observe with anxiety and regard with disapproval the
       increasing ownership of American lands by aliens and their
       growing control over our international transportation, natural
       resources, and public utilities. We demand legislation to
       protect our public domain, our natural resources, our
       franchises, and our internal commerce and to keep them free
       and maintain their independence of all foreign monopolies,
       institutions, and influences, and we declare our opposition to
       the leasing of the public lands of the United States whereby
       corporations and syndicates will be able to secure control
       thereof and thus monopolize the public domain, the heritage of
       the people.

       "We are in favor of the principles of direct legislation. In
       view of the great sacrifice made and patriotic services
       rendered we are in favor of liberal pensions to deserving
       soldiers, their widows, orphans, and other dependents. We
       believe that enlistment and service should be accepted as
       conclusive proof that the soldier was free from disease and
       disability at the time of his enlistment. We condemn the
       present administration of the pension laws.

       "We tender to the patriotic people of the South African
       Republics our sympathy and express our admiration for them in
       their heroic attempts to preserve their political freedom and
       maintain their national independence. We declare the
       destruction of these republics and the subjugation of their
       people to be a crime against civilization. We believe this
       sympathy should have been voiced by the American Congress, as
       was done in the case of the French, the Greeks, the
       Hungarians, the Poles, the Armenians, and the Cubans, and as
       the traditions of this country would have dictated. We declare
       the Porto Rican Tariff law to be not only a serious but a
       dangerous departure from the principles of our form of
       government. We believe in a republican form of government and
       are opposed to monarchy and to the whole theory of
       imperialistic control.

       "We believe in self-government—a government by the consent of
       the governed—and are unalterably opposed to a government based
       upon force. It is clear and certain that the inhabitants of
       the Philippine Archipelago cannot be made citizens of the
       United States without endangering our civilization. We are,
       therefore, in favor of applying to the Philippine Archipelago
       the principle we are solemnly and publicly pledged to observe
       in the case of Cuba.

       "There no longer being any necessity for collecting war taxes,
       we demand the repeal of the war taxes levied to carry on the
       war with Spain.

       "We favor the immediate admission into the union of States the
       Territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma.

       "We demand that our nation's promises to Cuba shall be
       fulfilled in every particular.

       "We believe the National Government should lend every aid,
       encouragement, and assistance toward the reclamation of the
       arid lands of the United States, and to that end we are in
       favor of a comprehensive survey thereof and an immediate
       ascertainment of the water supply available for such
       reclamation, and we believe it to be the duty of the General
       Government to provide for the construction of storage
       reservoirs and irrigation works so that the water supply of
       the arid region may be utilized to the greatest possible
       extent in the interests of the people, while preserving all
       rights of the State.

       "Transportation is a public necessity and the means and
       methods of it are matters of public concern. Railway companies
       exercise a power over industries, business, and commerce which
       they ought not to do, and should be made to serve the public
       interests without making unreasonable charges or unjust
       discriminations.

       "We observe with satisfaction the growing sentiment among the
       people in favor of the public ownership and operation of
       public utilities.

       "We are in favor of expanding our commerce in the interests of
       American labor and for the benefit of all our people by every
       honest and peaceful means. Our creed and our history justify
       the nations of the earth in expecting that wherever the
       American flag is unfurled in authority human liberty and
       political liberty will be found. We protest against the
       adoption of any policy that will change in the thought of the
       world the meaning of our flag.

       "We are opposed to the importation of Asiatic laborers in
       competition with American labor, and favor a more rigid
       enforcement of the laws relating thereto.

       "The Silver Republican party of the United States, in the
       foregoing principles, seeks to perpetuate the spirit and to
       adhere to the teachings of Abraham Lincoln."

    {658}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Platform of the American League of Anti-Imperialists.

       Republicans and others opposed to a policy of conquest, and to
       the government of people, not as citizens, but as subjects of
       the Republic of the United States, and who wished to make that
       opposition distinct and emphatic in the presidential canvass,
       met in convention at Indianapolis, on the 16th of August, as
       the "Liberty Congress of the American League of
       Anti-Imperialists." One party among them thought the best
       demonstration of public opinion on this issue could be
       obtained by the nomination of a third ticket; while another
       and larger party deemed it expedient to indorse the candidacy
       of William J. Bryan, as a pronounced opponent of the imperial
       policy. The views of the latter prevailed, and the indorsement
       of Mr. Bryan was carried in the convention; but many of the
       former refused submission to the vote of the majority, and
       subsequently held a Third Party convention at New York (see
       below). The Indianapolis Declaration was as follows:

       "This Liberty Congress of Anti-Imperialists recognizes a great
       National crisis, which menaces the Republic, upon whose future
       depends in such large measure the hope of freedom throughout
       the world. For the first time in our country's history the
       President has undertaken to subjugate a foreign people and to
       rule them by despotic power. He has thrown the protection of
       the flag over slavery and polygamy in the Sulu Islands. He has
       arrogated to himself the power to impose upon the inhabitants
       of the Philippines government without their consent and
       taxation without representation. He is waging war upon them
       for asserting the very principles for the maintenance of which
       our forefathers pledged their lives, their fortunes and their
       sacred honor. He claims for himself and Congress authority to
       govern the territories of the United States without
       constitutional restraint.

       "We believe in the Declaration of Independence. Its truths,
       not less self-evident to-day than when first announced by our
       fathers, are of universal application and cannot be abandoned
       while government by the people endures.

       "We believe in the Constitution of the United States. It gives
       the President and Congress certain limited powers and secures
       to every man within the jurisdiction of our Government certain
       essential rights. We deny that either the President or
       Congress can govern any person anywhere outside the
       Constitution.

       "We are absolutely opposed to the policy of President
       McKinley, which proposes to govern millions of men without
       their consent, which in Porto Rico establishes taxation
       without representation, and government by the arbitrary will
       of a legislature unfettered by constitutional restraint, and
       in the Philippines prosecutes a war of conquest and demands
       unconditional surrender from a people who are of right free
       and independent. The struggle of men for freedom has ever been
       a struggle for constitutional liberty. There is no liberty if
       the citizen has no right which the Legislature may not invade,
       if he may be taxed by the Legislature in which he is not
       represented, or if he is not protected by fundamental law
       against the arbitrary action of executive power. The policy of
       the President offers the inhabitants of Porto Rico, Hawaii and
       the Philippines no hope of independence, no prospect of
       American citizenship, no constitutional protection, no
       representation in the Congress which taxes them. This is the
       government of men by arbitrary power without their consent.
       This is imperialism. There is no room under the free flag of
       America for subjects. The President and Congress, who derive
       all their powers from the Constitution, can govern no man
       without regard to its limitations.

       "We believe the greatest safeguard of liberty is a free press,
       and we demand that the censorship in the Philippines, which
       keeps from the American people the knowledge of what is done
       in their name, be abolished. We are entitled to know the
       truth, and we insist that the powers which the President holds
       in trust for us shall not be used to suppress it.

       "Because we thus believe, we oppose the reelection of Mr.
       McKinley. The supreme purpose of the people in this momentous
       campaign should be to stamp with their final disapproval his
       attempt to grasp imperial power. A self-governing people can
       have no more imperative duty than to drive from public life a
       Chief Magistrate who, whether in weakness or of wicked
       purpose, has used his temporary authority to subvert the
       character of their government and to destroy their National
       ideals.

       "We, therefore, in the belief that it is essential at this
       crisis for the American people again to declare their faith in
       the universal application of the Declaration of Independence
       and to reassert their will that their servants shall not have
       or exercise any powers whatever other than those conferred by
       the Constitution, earnestly make the following recommendations
       to our countrymen:

       "First, that, without regard to their views on minor questions
       of domestic policy, they withhold their votes from Mr.
       McKinley, in order to stamp with their disapproval what he has
       done.

       "Second, that they vote for those candidates for Congress in
       their respective districts who will oppose the policy of
       imperialism.

       "Third, while we welcome any other method of opposing the
       re-election of Mr. McKinley we advise direct support of Mr.
       Bryan as the most effective means of crushing imperialism. We
       are convinced of Mr. Bryan's sincerity and of his earnest
       purpose to secure to the Filipinos their independence. His
       position and the declarations contained in the platform of his
       party on the vital issue of the campaign meet our unqualified
       approval.

       "We recommend that the Executive committees of the American
       Anti-Imperialist League and its allied leagues continue and
       extend their organizations, preserving the independence of the
       movement; and that they take the most active part possible in
       the pending political campaign.

       "Until now the policy which has turned the Filipinos from warm
       friends to bitter enemies, which has slaughtered thousands of
       them and laid waste their country, has been the policy of the
       President. After the next election it becomes the policy of
       every man who votes to re-elect him and who thus becomes with
       him responsible for every drop of blood thereafter shed.

       "In declaring that the principles of the Declaration of
       Independence apply to all men, this Congress means to include
       the negro race in America as well as the Filipinos. We
       deprecate all efforts, whether in the South or in the North,
       to deprive the negro of his rights as a citizen under the
       Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United
       States."

    {659}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       The "Third Party" Anti-Imperialist Platform and Nominations.

       The Anti-Imperialists who desired a Third Party ticket in the
       field, called a convention which met in the city of New York,
       September 5, and put in nomination for President and Vice
       President Senator Donelson Caffery, of Louisiana, and
       Archibald Murray Howe, of Massachusetts. The name "National
       Party" was assumed, and its "aims and purposes" were thus
       declared:

       "We find our country threatened with alternative perils. On
       the one hand is a public opinion misled by organized forces of
       commercialism, that have perverted a war intended by the
       people to be a war of humanity into a war of conquest. On the
       other is a public opinion swayed by demagogic appeals to
       factional and class passions, the most fatal of diseases to a
       republic. We believe that either of these influences, if
       unchecked, would ultimately compass the downfall of our
       country, but we also believe that neither represents the sober
       conviction of our countrymen. Convinced that the extension of
       the jurisdiction of the United States for the purpose of
       holding foreign people as colonial dependents is an innovation
       dangerous to our liberties and repugnant to the principles
       upon which our Government is founded, we pledge our earnest
       efforts through all constitutional means:

       "First, to procure the renunciation of all imperial or
       colonial pretensions with regard to foreign countries claimed
       to have been acquired through or in consequence of military or
       naval operations of the last two years.

       "Second, we further pledge our efforts to secure a single gold
       standard and a sound banking system.

       "Third, to secure a public service based on merit only.

       "Fourth, to secure the abolition of all corrupting special
       privileges, whether under the guise of subsidies, bounties,
       undeserved pensions or trust breeding tariffs."

       Within a few weeks after the holding of this convention,
       Senator Caffery and Mr. Howe withdrew their names from the
       canvass, and it was decided to appoint electors-at-large in as
       many states as possible, to receive the votes of those
       supporting the movement.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       Social Democratic Party Platform and Nominations.

       The last distinct movement of organization for the
       presidential election was that of a "Social Democratic Party,"
       whose convention, at Chicago, September 29, placed Eugene V.
       Debs, of Illinois, in nomination for President, and Job
       Harriman, of California, for Vice President, on principles
       declared as follows:

       "The Social Democratic party of America declares that life,
       liberty, and happiness depend upon equal political and
       economic rights.

       "In our economic development an industrial revolution has
       taken place, the individual tool of former years having become
       the social tool of the present. The individual tool was owned
       by the worker, who employed himself and was master of his
       product. The social tool, the machine, is owned by the
       capitalist, and the worker is dependent upon him for
       employment. The capitalist thus becomes the master of the
       worker, and is able to appropriate to himself a large share of
       the product of his labor.

       "Capitalism, the private ownership of the means of production,
       is responsible for the insecurity of subsistence, the poverty,
       misery, and degradation of the ever-growing majority of our
       people; but the same economic forces which have produced and
       now intensify the capitalist system will necessitate the
       adoption of Socialism, the collective ownership of the means
       of production for the common good and welfare.

       "The present system of social production and private ownership
       is rapidly converting society into two antagonistic classes—i.
       e., the capitalist class and the propertyless class. The
       middle class, once the most powerful of this great nation, is
       disappearing in the mill of competition. The issue is now
       between the two classes first named. Our political liberty is
       now of little value to the masses unless used to acquire
       economic liberty. Independent political action and the
       trade-union movement are the chief emancipating factors of the
       working class, the one representing its political, the other
       its economic wing, and both must cooperate to abolish the
       capitalist system.

       "Therefore, the Social Democratic party of America declares
       its object to be:

       "First—The organization of the working class into a political
       party to conquer the public powers now controlled by
       capitalists.

       "Second—The abolition of wage-slavery by the establishment of
       a National system of cooperative industry, based upon the
       social or common ownership of the means of production and
       distribution, to be administered by society in the common
       interest of all its members, and the complete emancipation of
       the socially useful classes from the domination of capitalism.

       "The working class and all those in sympathy with their
       historic mission to realize a higher civilization should sever
       connection with all capitalist and reform parties and unite
       with the Social Democratic party of America. The control of
       political power by the Social Democratic party will be
       tantamount to the abolition of all class rule. The solidarity
       of labor connecting the millions of class-conscious
       fellow-workers throughout the civilized world will lead to
       international Socialism, the brotherhood of man.

       "As steps in that direction, we make the following demands:

       "First-Revision of our Federal Constitution, in order to
       remove the obstacles to complete control of government by the
       people irrespective of sex.

       "Second—The public ownership of all industries controlled by
       monopolies, trusts, and combines.

       "Third—The public ownership of all railroads, telegraphs, and
       telephones; all means of transportation and communication; all
       water-works, gas and electric plants, and other public
       utilities.

       "Fourth—The public ownership of all gold, silver, copper,
       lead, iron, coal, and other mines, and all oil and gas wells.

       "Fifth—The reduction of the hours of labor in proportion to
       the increasing facilities of production.

    {660}

       "Sixth—The inauguration of a system of public works and
       improvements for the employment of the unemployed, the public
       credit to be utilized for that purpose.

       "Seventh—Useful inventions to be free, the inventor to be
       remunerated by the public.

       "Eighth—Labor legislation to be National instead of local, and
       international when possible.

       "Ninth—National insurance of working people against
       accidents, lack of employment, and want in old age.

       "Tenth—Equal civil and political rights for men and women, and
       the abolition of all laws discriminating against women.

       "Eleventh—The adoption of the initiative and referendum,
       proportional representation, and the right of recall of
       representatives by the voters.

       "Twelfth—Abolition of war and the introduction of
       international arbitration."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       The Canvass and Election.

       The canvass preceding the election was much less excited than
       that of 1896. The confusion of issues greatly lessened the
       intensity with which they were discussed. Mr. Bryan again took
       the field in person, travelling widely through all parts of
       the country, making great numbers of speeches to immense
       audiences everywhere; and Governor Roosevelt did the same on
       the Republican side, to a somewhat less extent.

       The election, which occurred on the 6th of November, was
       conducted with the quiet order that is rarely broken at such
       times in America. About fourteen millions of votes were cast,
       of which, according to the returns compiled for the Tribune
       Almanac,
       President McKinley received 7,214,027,
       and Bryan, 6,342,514.
       For the Prohibition ticket, 197,112 votes were cast;
       for the Socialist Labor ticket, 32,433;
       for the Social Democratic ticket, 82,904;
       and 78,444 votes were scuttered among other candidates.
       The States carried for McKinley were:
       California, giving 9 electoral votes;
       Connecticut, 6;
       Delaware, 3;
       Illinois, 24;
       Indiana, 15;
       Iowa, 13;
       Kansas, 10;
       Maine, 6;
       Maryland, 8;
       Massachusetts, 15;
       Michigan, 14;
       Minnesota, 9;
       Nebraska, 8;
       New Hampshire, 4;
       New Jersey, 10;
       New York, 36;
       North Dakota, 3;
       Ohio, 23;
       Oregon, 4;
       Pennsylvania, 32;
       Rhode Island, 4;
       South Dakota, 4;
       Utah, 3;
       Vermont, 4;
       Washington, 4;
       West Virginia, 6;
       Wisconsin, 12;
       Wyoming, 3;

       Total, 292.

       For Bryan, the electoral votes of the following States
       were given:
       Alabama, 11;
       Arkansas, 8;
       Colorado, 4;
       Florida, 4;
       Georgia, 13;
       Idaho, 3;
       Kentucky, 13;
       Louisiana, 8;
       Mississippi, 9;
       Missouri, 17;
       Montana, 3;
       Nevada, 3;
       North Carolina, 11;
       South Carolina, 9;
       Tennessee, 12;
       Texas, 15;
       Virginia, 12;

       Total, 155.

       President McKinley was re-elected by a majority of 137 votes
       in the Electoral College, and by a majority of nearly half a
       million of the popular vote.

       " The popular vote for President shows three interesting
       things:

       "(1) Many men of each party abstained from voting, for the
       total was only 45,132 greater than in 1896, whereas the
       increase in population adds about a million to the electorate
       every four years. The total vote last year was 13,970,234. Mr.
       McKinley received only about 100,000 more than in 1896, and
       Mr. Bryan 130,000 less. Many men in each party, then, were
       dissatisfied with their candidate and platform.

       "(2) Mr. Bryan's largest gains were in New England, because of
       the anti-Imperialistic feeling, and in New York and New Jersey
       and Illinois, because of a milder fear of financial
       disturbance; and his losses were greatest in Utah, in
       Colorado, and in the Pacific States, an indication of better
       times and of less faith in free silver.

       "(3) Twelve Southern States cast a smaller vote than in 1896,
       partly because of the elimination of the Negroes, and partly
       because many Gold Democrats abstained from voting."

          The World's Work, February, 1901.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       The Democratic candidate on "Imperialism."

       The issue which ought to have been supreme in the Presidential
       election, because fundamental principles of government and
       lasting consequences of policy were bound up in it, but which
       was unhappily confused by prevailing anxieties in the
       sensitive region of commercial and industrial affairs, is more
       broadly and adequately defined in the declarations of the two
       leading candidates, on their formal acceptance of nominations
       by the Democratic and Republican parties, than it is in the
       party platforms quoted above. The first to speak was Mr.
       Bryan. Responding to the committee which notified him of his
       nomination, at Indianapolis, ou the 8th of August, he devoted
       the greater part of his remarks to the policy of colonial
       acquisition on which the government had been embarked. The
       following passages are fairly representative of the view taken
       by those who condemned what they termed "imperialism," in the
       undertaking of the government of the American Republic to
       impose its sovereignty upon the people of the Philippine
       Islands, and to hold their country as a "possession:"

       "When the president, supported by a practically unanimous vote
       of the House and Senate, entered upon a war with Spain for the
       purpose of aiding the struggling patriots of Cuba, the
       country, without regard to party, applauded. Although the
       Democrats realized that the administration would necessarily
       gain a political advantage from the conduct of a war which in
       the very nature of the case must soon end in a complete
       victory, they vied with the Republicans in the support which
       they gave to the President. When the war was over and the
       Republican leaders began to suggest the propriety of a
       colonial policy, opposition at once manifested itself.

       "When the President finally laid before the Senate a treaty
       which recognized the independence of Cuba, but provided for
       the cession of the Philippine Islands to the United States,
       the menace of imperialism became so apparent that many
       preferred to reject the treaty and risk the ills that might
       follow rather than take the chance of correcting the errors of
       the treaty by the independent action of this country. I was
       among the number of those who believed it better to ratify the
       treaty and end the war, release the volunteers, remove the
       excuse for war expenditures, and then give the Filipinos the
       independence which might be forced from Spain by a new treaty.
       … The title of Spain being extinguished we were at liberty to
       deal with the Filipinos according to American principles. The
       Bacon resolution, introduced a mouth before hostilities broke
       out at Manila, promised independence to the Filipinos on the
       same terms that it was promised to the Cubans.
    {661}
       I supported this resolution and believe that its adoption
       prior to the breaking out of hostilities would have prevented
       bloodshed, and that its adoption at any subsequent time would
       have ended hostilities. … If the Bacon resolution had been
       adopted by the Senate and carried out by the President, either
       at the time of the ratification of the treaty or at any time
       afterwards, it would have taken the question of imperialism
       out of politics and left the American people free to deal with
       their domestic problems. But the resolution was defeated by
       the vote of the Republican Vice-President, and from that time
       to this a Republican Congress has refused to take any action
       whatever in the matter.

       "When hostilities broke out at Manila, Republican speakers and
       Republican editors at once sought to lay the blame upon those
       who had delayed the ratification of the treaty, and, during
       the progress of the war, the same Republicans have accused the
       opponents of imperialism of giving encouragement to the
       Filipinos. …

       "The Filipinos do not need any encouragement from Americans
       now living. Our whole history has been an encouragement, not
       only to the Filipinos, but to all who are denied a voice in
       their own government. If the Republicans are prepared to
       censure all who have used language calculated to make the
       Filipinos hate foreign domination, let them condemn the speech
       of Patrick Henry. When he uttered that passionate appeal,
       'Give me liberty or give me death,' he expressed a sentiment
       which still echoes in the hearts of men. Let them censure
       Jefferson; of all the statesmen of history none have used
       words so offensive to those who would hold their fellows in
       political bondage. Let them censure Washington, who declared
       that the colonists must choose between liberty and slavery.
       Or, if the statute of limitations has run against the sins of
       Henry and Jefferson and Washington, let them censure Lincoln,
       whose Gettysburg speech will be quoted in defense of popular
       government when the present advocates of force and conquest
       are forgotten. … If it were possible to obliterate every word
       written or spoken in defense of the principles set forth in
       the Declaration of Independence, a war of conquest would still
       leave its legacy of perpetual hatred, for it was God himself
       who placed in every human heart the love of liberty. He never
       made a race of people so low in the scale of civilization or
       intelligence that it would welcome a foreign master.

       "Those who would have this nation enter upon a career of
       empire must, consider not only the effect of imperialism on
       the Filipinos, but they must also calculate its effects upon
       our own nation. We cannot repudiate the principle of
       self-government in the Philippines without weakening that
       principle here. …

       "Our opponents, conscious of the weakness of their cause, seek
       to confuse imperialism with expansion, and have even dared to
       claim Jefferson as a supporter of their policy. Jefferson
       spoke so freely and used language with such precision that no
       one can be ignorant of his views. On one occasion he declared:
       'If there be one principle more deeply rooted than any other
       in the mind of every American, it is that we should have
       nothing to do with conquest.' And again he said: 'Conquest is
       not in our principles; it is inconsistent with our
       government.' The forcible annexation of territory to be
       governed by arbitrary power differs as much from the
       acquisition of territory to be built up into states as a
       monarchy differs from a democracy. The Democratic party does
       not oppose expansion when expansion enlarges the area of the
       Republic and incorporates land which can be settled by
       American citizens, or adds to our population people who are
       willing to become citizens and are capable of discharging
       their duties as such. …

       "A colonial policy means that we shall send to the Philippine
       Islands a few traders, a few taskmasters and a few
       officeholders and an army large enough to support the
       authority of a small fraction of the people while they rule
       the natives. If we have an imperial policy we must have a
       great standing army as its natural and necessary complement.
       The spirit which will justify the forcible annexation of the
       Philippine Islands will justify the seizure of other islands
       and the domination of other people, and with wars of conquest
       we can expect a certain, if not rapid, growth of our military
       establishment. …

       "The Republican platform assumes that the Philippine Islands
       will be retained under American sovereignty, and we have a
       right to demand of the Republican leaders a discussion of the
       future status of the Filipino. Is he to be a citizen or a
       subject? Are we to bring into the body politic eight or ten
       million Asiatics, so different from us in race and history
       that amalgamation is impossible? Are they to share with us in
       making the laws and shaping the destiny of this nation? No
       Republican of prominence has been bold enough to advocate such
       a proposition. The McEnery resolution, adopted by the Senate
       immediately after the ratification of the treaty, expressly
       negatives this idea. The Democratic platform describes the
       situation when it says that the Filipinos cannot be citizens
       without endangering our civilization. Who will dispute it? And
       what is the alternative? If the Filipino is not to be a
       citizen, shall we make him a subject? On that question the
       Democratic platform speaks with equal emphasis. It declares
       that the Filipino cannot be a subject without endangering our
       form of government. A Republic can have no subjects. A subject
       is possible only in a government resting upon force; he is
       unknown in a government deriving its just powers from the
       consent of the governed. "The Republican platform says that
       'the largest measure of self-government consistent with their
       welfare and our duties shall be secured to them (the
       Filipinos) by law.' This is a strange doctrine for a
       government which owes its very existence to the men who
       offered their lives as a protest against government without
       consent and taxation without representation. In what respect
       does the position of the Republican party differ from the
       position taken by the English government in 1776? Did not the
       English government promise a good government to the colonists?
       What king ever promised a bad government to his people? Did
       not the English government promise that the colonists should
       have the largest measure of self-government consistent with
       their welfare and English duties? Did not the Spanish
       government promise to give to the Cubans the largest measure
       of self-government consistent with their welfare and Spanish
       duties? The whole difference between a Monarchy and a Republic
       may be summed up in one sentence. In a Monarchy the King gives
       to the people what he believes to be a good government; in a
       Republic the people secure for themselves what they believe to
       be a good government. …

    {662}

       "The Republican platform promises that some measure of
       self-government is to be given the Filipinos by law; but even
       this pledge is not fulfilled. Nearly sixteen months elapsed
       after the ratification of the treaty before the adjournment of
       Congress last June, and yet no law was passed dealing with the
       Philippine situation. The will of the President has been the
       only law in the Philippine Islands wherever the American
       authority extends. Why does the Republican party hesitate to
       legislate upon the Philippine question? Because a law would
       disclose the radical departure from history and precedent
       contemplated by those who control the Republican party. The
       storm of protest which greeted the Porto Rican bill was an
       indication of what may be expected when the American people
       are brought face to face with legislation upon this subject.
       If the Porto Ricans, who welcomed annexation, are to be denied
       the guarantees of our Constitution, what is to be the lot of
       the Filipinos, who resisted our authority? If secret
       influences could compel a disregard of our plain duty toward
       friendly people, living near our shores, what treatment will
       those same influences provide for unfriendly people 7,000
       miles away? …

       "Is the sunlight of full citizenship to be enjoyed by the
       people of the United States, and the twilight of
       semi-citizenship endured by the people of Porto Rico, while
       the thick darkness of perpetual vassalage covers the
       Philippines? The Porto Rico tariff law asserts the doctrine
       that the operation of the Constitution is confined to the
       forty-five States. The Democratic party disputes this doctrine
       and denounces it as repugnant to both the letter and spirit of
       our organic law. There is no place in our system of government
       for the deposit of arbitrary and irresponsible power. That the
       leaders of a great party should claim for any President or
       Congress the right to treat millions of people as mere
       'possessions' and deal with them unrestrained by the
       Constitution or the bill of rights, shows how far we have
       already departed from the ancient landmarks and indicates what
       may be expected if this nation deliberately enters upon a
       career of empire.

       "The territorial form of government is temporary and
       preparatory, and the chief security a citizen of a territory
       has is found in the fact that he enjoys the same
       constitutional guarantees and is subject to the same general
       laws as the citizen of a state. Take away this security and
       his rights will be violated and his interests sacrificed at
       the demand of those who have political influence. This is the
       evil of the colonial system, no matter by what nation it is
       applied. …

       "Let us consider briefly the reasons which have been given in
       support of an imperialistic policy. Some say that it is our
       duty to hold the Philippine Islands. But duty is not an
       argument; it is a conclusion. To ascertain what our duty is,
       in any emergency, we must apply well settled and generally
       accepted principles. It is our duty to avoid stealing, no
       matter whether the thing to be stolen is of great or little
       value. It is our duty to avoid killing a human being, no
       matter where the human being lives or to what race or class he
       belongs. …

       "It is said that we have assumed before the world obligations
       which make it necessary for us to permanently maintain a
       government in the Philippine Islands. I reply, first, that the
       highest obligation of this nation is to be true to itself. No
       obligation to any particular nations, or to all the nations
       combined, can require the abandonment of our theory of
       government, and the substitution of doctrines against which
       our whole national life has been a protest. And, second, that
       our obligation to the Filipinos, who inhabit the islands, is
       greater than any obligation which we can owe to foreigners who
       have a temporary residence in the Philippines or desire to
       trade there. It is argued by some that the Filipinos are
       incapable of self-government and that, therefore, we owe it to
       the world to take control of them. Admiral Dewey, in an
       official report to the Navy Department, declared the Filipinos
       more capable of self-government than the Cubans, and said that
       he based his opinion upon a knowledge of both races. …

       "Republicans ask, 'Shall we haul down the flag that floats
       over our dead in the Philippines?' The same question might
       have been asked when the American flag floated over
       Chapultepec and waved over the dead who fell there; but the
       tourist who visits the City of Mexico finds there a national
       cemetery owned by the United States and cared for by an
       American citizen. Our flag still floats over our dead, but
       when the treaty with Mexico was signed American authority
       withdrew to the Rio Grande, and I venture the opinion that
       during the last fifty years the people of Mexico have made
       more progress under the stimulus of independence and
       self-government than they would have made under a carpet-bag
       government held in place by bayonets. The United States and
       Mexico, friendly republics, are each stronger and happier than
       they would have been had the former been cursed and the latter
       crushed by an imperialistic policy disguised as 'benevolent
       assimilation.'

       "'Can we not govern colonies?', we are asked. The question is
       not what we can do, but what we ought to do. This nation can
       do whatever it desires to do, but it must accept
       responsibility for what it does. If the Constitution stands in
       the way, the people can amend the Constitution. I repeat, the
       nation can do whatever it desires to do, but it cannot avoid
       the natural and legitimate results of its own conduct. …

       "Some argue that American rule in the Philippine Islands will
       result in the better education of the Filipinos. Be not
       deceived. If we expect to maintain a colonial policy, we shall
       not find it to our advantage to educate the people. The
       educated Filipinos are now in revolt against us, and the most
       ignorant ones have made the least resistance to our
       domination. If we are to govern them without their consent and
       give them no voice in determining the taxes which they must
       pay, we dare not educate them, lest they learn to read the
       Declaration of Independence and Constitution of the United
       States and mock us for our inconsistency. The principal
       arguments, however, advanced by those who enter upon a defense
       of imperialism are:

       "First—That we must improve the present opportunity to become
       a world power and enter into international politics.

    {663}

       "Second—That our commercial interests in the Philippine
       Islands and in the Orient make it necessary for us to hold the
       islands permanently.

       "Third—That the spread of the Christian religion will be
       facilitated by a colonial policy.

       "Fourth—That there is no honorable retreat from the position
       which the nation has taken.

       "The first argument is addressed to the nation's pride and the
       second to the nation's pocket-book. The third is intended for
       the church member and the fourth for the partisan. It is
       sufficient answer to the first argument to say that for more
       than a century this nation has been a world power. For ten
       decades it has been the most potent influence in the world.
       Not only has it been a world power, but it has done more to
       affect the politics of the human race than all the other
       nations of the world combined. Because our Declaration of
       Independence was promulgated others have been promulgated.
       Because the patriots of 1776 fought for liberty, others have
       fought for it. Because our Constitution was adopted, other
       constitutions have been adopted. The growth of the principle
       of self-government, planted on American soil, has been the
       overshadowing political fact of the nineteenth century. It has
       made this nation conspicuous among the nations and given it a
       place in history such as no other nation has ever enjoyed.
       Nothing has been able to check the onward march of this idea.
       I am not willing that this nation shall cast aside the
       omnipotent weapon of truth to seize again the weapons of
       physical warfare. I would not exchange the glory of this
       Republic for the glory of all the empires that have risen and
       fallen since time began.

       "The permanent chairman of the last Republican National
       Convention presented the pecuniary argument in all its
       baldness when he said: 'We make no hypocritical pretense of
       being interested in the Philippines solely on account of
       others. While we regard the welfare of those people as a
       sacred trust, we regard the welfare of the American people
       first. We see our duty to ourselves as well as to others. We
       believe in trade expansion. By every legitimate means within
       the province of government and constitution we mean to
       stimulate the expansion of our trade and open new markets.'
       This is the commercial argument. It is based upon the theory
       that war can be rightly waged for pecuniary advantage, and
       that it is profitable to purchase trade by force and violence.
       … The Democratic party is in favor of the expansion of trade.
       It would extend our trade by every legitimate and peaceful
       means; but it is not willing to make merchandise of human
       blood. But a war of conquest is as unwise as it is
       unrighteous. A harbor and coaling station in the Philippines
       would answer every trade and military necessity, and such a
       concession could have been secured at any time without
       difficulty.

       "It is not necessary to own people in order to trade with
       them. We carry on trade to-day with every part of the world,
       and our commerce has expanded more rapidly than the commerce
       of any European empire. We do not own Japan or China, but we
       trade with their people. We have not absorbed the republics of
       Central and South America, but we trade with them. It has not
       been necessary to have any political connection with Canada or
       the nations of Europe in order to trade with them. Trade
       cannot be permanently profitable unless it is voluntary. …

       "Imperialism would be profitable to the army contractors; it
       would be profitable to the ship-owners, who would carry live
       soldiers to the Philippines and bring dead soldiers back; it
       would be profitable to those who would seize upon the
       franchises, and it would be profitable to the officials whose
       salaries would be fixed here and paid over there; but to the
       farmer, to the laboring man and to the vast majority of those
       engaged in other occupations it would bring expenditure
       without return and risk without reward.

       "The pecuniary argument, though more effective with certain
       classes, is not likely to be used so often or presented with
       so much enthusiasm as the religious argument. If what has been
       termed the 'gunpowder gospel' were urged against the Filipinos
       only, it would be a sufficient answer to say that a majority
       of the Filipinos are now members of one branch of the
       Christian church; but the principle involved is one of much
       wider application and challenges serious consideration. The
       religious argument varies in positiveness, from a passive
       belief that Providence delivered the Filipinos into our hands
       for their good and our glory, to the exultation of the
       minister who said that we ought to 'thrash the natives
       (Filipinos) until they understand who we are,' and that 'every
       bullet sent, every cannon shot and every flag waved, means
       righteousness.' … If true Christianity consists in carrying
       out in our daily lives the teachings of Christ, who will say
       that we are commanded to civilize with dynamite and proselyte
       with the sword? …

       "Love, not force, was the weapon of the Nazarene; sacrifice
       for others, not the exploitation of them, was His method of
       reaching the human heart. A missionary recently told me that
       the Stars and Stripes once saved his life because his
       assailant recognized our flag as a flag that had no blood upon
       it. Let it be known that our missionaries are seeking souls
       instead of sovereignty; let it be known that instead of being
       the advance guard of conquering armies, they are going forth
       to help and uplift, having their loins girt about with truth
       and their feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of
       peace, wearing the breastplate of righteousness and carrying
       the sword of the spirit; let it be known that they are
       citizens of a nation which respects the rights of the citizens
       of other nations as carefully as it protects the rights of its
       own citizens, and the welcome given to our missionaries will
       be more cordial than the welcome extended to the missionaries
       of any other nation.

       "The argument made by some that it was unfortunate for the
       nation that it had anything to do with the Philippine Islands,
       but that the naval victory at Manila made the permanent
       acquisition of those islands necessary, is also unsound. We
       won a naval victory at Santiago, but that did not compel us to
       hold Cuba. The shedding of American blood in the Philippine
       Islands does not make it imperative that we should retain
       possession forever. American blood was shed at San Juan Hill
       and El Caney, and yet the President has promised the Cubans
       independence. The fact that the American flag floats over
       Manila does not compel us to exercise perpetual sovereignty
       over the islands; the American flag waves over Havana to-day,
       but the President has promised to haul it down when the flag
       of the Cuban Republic is ready to rise in its place. Better a
       thousand times that our flag in the Orient give way to a flag
       representing the idea of self-government than that the flag of
       this Republic should become the flag of an empire.

    {664}

       "There is an easy, honest, honorable solution of the
       Philippine question. It is set forth in the Democratic
       platform, and it is submitted with confidence to the American
       people. This plan I unreservedly indorse. If elected, I will
       convene congress in extraordinary session as soon as
       inaugurated and recommend an immediate declaration of the
       nation's purpose, first, to establish a stable form of
       government in the Philippine Islands, just as we are now
       establishing a stable form of government in Cuba; second, to
       give independence to the Cubans; third, to protect the
       Filipinos from outside interference while they work out their
       destiny, just as we have protected the republics of Central
       and South America, and are, by the Monroe doctrine, pledged to
       protect Cuba."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900.
       The Republican candidate on the same subject.

       The answer of the party controlling the government to the
       impeachment of its policy of colonial acquisition, and
       especially of its conduct in the Philippine Islands, was given
       by Mr. McKinley, in a letter of acceptance, addressed,
       September 8, to the committee which gave him formal notice of
       his renomination by the Republican convention. After
       rehearsing at considerable length the events which preceded,
       attended and followed the capture of Manila, he continued:

       "Would not our adversaries have sent Dewey's fleet to Manila
       to capture and destroy the Spanish sea power there, or,
       dispatching it there, would they have withdrawn it after the
       destruction of the Spanish fleet; and, if the latter, whither
       would they have directed it to sail? Where could it have gone?
       What port in the Orient was opened to it? Do our adversaries
       condemn the expedition under the command of General Merritt to
       strengthen Dewey in the distant ocean and assist in our
       triumph over Spain, with which nation we were at war? Was it
       not our highest duty to strike Spain at every vulnerable
       point, that the war might be successfully concluded at the
       earliest practicable moment? And was it not our duty to
       protect the lives and property of those who came within our
       control by the fortunes of war? Could we have come away at any
       time between May 1, 1898, and the conclusion of peace without a
       stain upon our good name? Could we have come away without
       dishonor at any time after the ratification of the peace
       treaty by the Senate of the United States? There has been no
       time since the destruction of the enemy's fleet when we could
       or should have left the Philippine Archipelago. After the
       treaty of peace was ratified, no power but Congress could
       surrender our sovereignty or alienate a foot of the territory
       thus acquired. The Congress has not seen fit to do the one or
       the other, and the President had no authority to do either, if
       he had been so inclined, which he was not. So long as the
       sovereignty remains in us it is the duty of the Executive,
       whoever he may be, to uphold that sovereignty, and if it be
       attacked to suppress its assailants. Would our political
       adversaries do less?

       "It has been asserted that there would have been no fighting
       in the Philippines if Congress had declared its purpose to
       give independence to the Tagal insurgents. The insurgents did
       not wait for the action of Congress. They assumed the
       offensive; they opened fire on our Army. Those who assert our
       responsibility for the beginning of the conflict have
       forgotten that, before the treaty was ratified in the Senate,
       and while it was being debated in that body and while the
       Bacon resolution was under discussion, on February 4, 1899,
       the insurgents attacked the American Army, after being
       previously advised that the American forces were under orders
       not to fire upon them except in defense. The papers found in
       the recently captured archives of the insurgents demonstrate
       that this attack had been carefully planned for weeks before
       it occurred. This unprovoked assault upon our soldiers at a
       time when the Senate was deliberating upon the treaty shows
       that no action on our part, except surrender and abandonment,
       would have prevented the fighting, and leaves no doubt in any
       fair mind of where the responsibility rests for the shedding
       of American blood.

       "With all the exaggerated phrase-making of this electoral
       contest, we are in danger of being diverted from the real
       contention. We are in agreement with all of those who
       supported the war with Spain and also with those who counseled
       the ratification of the treaty of peace. Upon these two great
       essential steps there can be no issue and out of these came
       all of our responsibilities. If others would shirk the
       obligations imposed by the war and the treaty, we must decline
       to act further with them, and here the issue was made. It is our
       purpose to establish in the Philippines a government suitable
       to the wants and conditions of the inhabitants and to prepare
       them for self-government when they are ready for it and as
       rapidly as they are ready for it. That I am aiming to do under
       my Constitutional authority, and will continue to do until
       Congress shall determine the political status of the
       inhabitants of the archipelago.

       "Are our opponents against the treaty? If so, they must be
       reminded that it could not have been ratified in the Senate
       but for their assistance. The Senate which ratified the treaty
       and the Congress which added its sanction by a large
       approbation comprised Senators and Representatives of the
       people of all parties. Would our opponents surrender to the
       insurgents, abandon our sovereignty or cede it to them? If
       that be not their purpose, then it should be promptly
       disclaimed, for only evil can result from the hopes raised by
       our opponents in the minds of the Filipinos, that with their
       success at the polls in November there will be a withdrawal of
       our Army and of American sovereignty over the archipelago; the
       complete independence of the Tagalog people recognized and the
       powers of government over all the other people of the
       archipelago conferred upon the Tagalog leaders. The effect of
       a belief in the minds of the insurgents that this will be done
       has already prolonged the rebellion and increases the
       necessity for the continuance of a large army. It is now
       delaying full peace in the archipelago and the establishment
       of civil governments and has influenced many of the insurgents
       against accepting the liberal terms of amnesty offered by
       General MacArthur under my direction. But for these false
       hopes, a considerable reduction could have been had in our
       military establishment in the Philippines, and the realization
       of a stable government would be already at hand.

    {665}

       "The American people are asked by our opponents to yield the
       sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines to a small
       fraction of the population, a single tribe out of 80 or more
       inhabiting the archipelago, a faction which wantonly attacked
       the American troops in Manila while in rightful possession
       under the protocol with Spain, awaiting the ratification of
       the treaty of peace by the Senate, and which has since been in
       active, open rebellion against the United States. We are asked
       to transfer our sovereignty to a small minority in the
       islands, without consulting the majority, and to abandon the
       largest portion of the population, which has been loyal to us,
       to the cruelties of the guerrilla insurgent bands. More, than
       this, we are asked to protect this minority in establishing a
       government, and to this end repress all opposition of the
       majority. We are required to set up a stable government in the
       interest of those who have assailed our sovereignty and fired
       upon our soldiers, and then maintain it at any cost or
       sacrifice against its enemies within and against those having
       ambitious designs from without. This would require an army and
       navy far larger than is now maintained in the Philippines and
       still more in excess of what will be necessary with the full
       recognition of our sovereignty. A military support of
       authority not our own, as thus proposed, is the very essence
       of militarism, which our opponents in their platform oppose,
       but which by their policy would of necessity be established in
       its most offensive form.

       "The American people will not make the murderers of our
       soldiers the agents of the Republic to convey the blessings of
       liberty and order to the Philippines. They will not make them
       the builders of the new commonwealth. Such a course would be a
       betrayal of our sacred obligations to the peaceful Filipinos
       and would place at the mercy of dangerous adventurers the
       lives and property of the natives and foreigners. It would
       make possible and easy the commission of such atrocities as
       were secretly planned to be executed on the 22d of February,
       1899, in the city of Manila, when only the vigilance of our
       Army prevented the attempt to assassinate our soldiers and all
       foreigners and pillage and destroy the city and its
       surroundings. In short, the proposition of those opposed to us
       is to continue all the obligations in the Philippines which
       now rest upon the Government, only changing the relation from
       principal, which now exists, to that of surety. Our
       responsibility is to remain, but our power is to be
       diminished. Our obligation is to be no less, but our title is
       to be surrendered to another power, which is without
       experience or training or the ability to maintain a stable
       government at home and absolutely helpless to perform its
       international obligations with the rest of the world. To this
       we are opposed. We should not yield our title while our
       obligations last. In the language of our platform, 'Our
       authority should not be less than our responsibility,' and our
       present responsibility is to establish our authority in every
       part of the islands.

       "No government can so certainly preserve the peace, restore
       public order, establish law, justice and stable conditions as
       ours. Neither Congress nor the Executive can establish a
       stable government in these islands except under our right of
       sovereignty, our authority and our flag. And this we are
       doing. We could not do it as a protectorate power so
       completely or so successfully as we are doing it now. As the
       sovereign power, we can initiate action and shape means to
       ends and guide the Filipinos to self-development and
       self-government. As a protectorate power we could not initiate
       action, but would be compelled to follow and uphold a people
       with no capacity yet to go alone. In the one case we can
       protect both ourselves and the Filipinos from being involved
       in dangerous complications; in the other we could not protect
       even the Filipinos until after their trouble had come. Beside,
       if we cannot establish any government of our own without the
       consent of the governed, as our opponents contend, then we
       could not establish a stable government for them or make ours
       a protectorate without the like consent, and neither the
       majority of the people or a minority of the people have
       invited us to assume it. We could not maintain a protectorate
       even with the consent of the governed without giving
       provocation for conflicts and possibly costly wars. Our rights
       in the Philippines are now free from outside interference and
       will continue so in our present relation. They would not be
       thus free in any other relation. We will not give up our own
       to guarantee another sovereignty.

       "Our title is good. Our peace commissioners believed they were
       receiving a good title when they concluded the treaty. The
       Executive believed it was a good title when he submitted it to
       the Senate of the United States for its ratification. The Senate
       believed it was a good title when they gave it their
       Constitutional assent, and the Congress seems not to have
       doubted its completeness when they appropriated $20,000,000
       provided by the treaty. If any who favored its ratification
       believed it gave us a bad title, they were not sincere. Our
       title is practically identical with that under which we hold
       our territory acquired since the beginning of the government,
       and under which we have exercised full sovereignty and
       established government for the inhabitants. It is worthy of
       note that no one outside of the United States disputes the
       fulness and integrity of the cession. What then is the real
       issue on this subject? Whether it is paramount to any other or
       not, it is whether we shall be responsible for the government
       of the Philippines with the sovereignty and authority which
       enable us to guide them to regulated liberty, law, safety and
       progress, or whether we shall be responsible for the forcible
       and arbitrary government of a minority without sovereignty and
       authority on our part and with only the embarrassment of a
       protectorate which draws us into their troubles without the
       power of preventing them. There were those who two years ago
       were rushing us on to war with Spain who are unwilling now to
       accept its clear consequence, as there are those among us who
       advocated the ratification of the treaty of pence, but now
       protest against its obligations. Nations which go to war must
       be prepared to accept its resultant obligations, and when they
       make treaties must keep them.

    {666}

       "Those who profess to distrust the liberal and honorable
       purposes of the Administration in its treatment of the
       Philippines are not justified. Imperialism has no place in its
       creed or conduct. Freedom is a rock upon which the Republican
       party was builded and now rests. Liberty is the great
       Republican doctrine for which the people went to war and for
       which 1,000,000 lives were offered and billions of dollars
       expended to make it a lawful legacy of all without the consent
       of master or slave. There is a strain of ill-conceived
       hypocrisy in the anxiety to extend the Constitutional
       guarantees to the people of the Philippines while their
       nullification is openly advocated at home. Our opponents may
       distrust themselves, but they have no right to discredit the
       good faith and patriotism of the majority of the people, who
       are opposing them; they may fear the worst form of imperialism
       with the helpless Filipinos in their hands, but if they do, it
       is because they have parted with the spirit and faith of the
       fathers and have lost the virility of the founders of the
       party which they profess to represent.

       "The Republican party does not have to assert its devotion to
       the Declaration of Independence. That immortal instrument of
       the fathers remained unexecuted until the people under the
       lead of the Republican party in the awful clash of battle
       turned its promises into fulfillment. It wrote into the
       Constitution the amendments guaranteeing political equality to
       American citizenship and it has never broken them or counseled
       others in breaking them. It will not be guided in its conduct by
       one set of principles at home and another set in the new
       territory belonging to the United States. If our opponents
       would only practice as well as preach the doctrines of Abraham
       Lincoln there would be no fear for the safety of our
       institutions at home or their rightful influence in any
       territory over which our flag floats.

       "Empire has been expelled from Porto Rico and the Philippines
       by American freemen. The flag of the Republic now floats over
       these islands as an emblem of rightful sovereignty. Will the
       Republic stay and dispense to their inhabitants the blessings
       of liberty, education and free institutions, or steal away,
       leaving them to anarchy or imperialism? The American question
       is between duty and desertion—the American verdict will be for
       duty and against desertion, for the Republic against both
       anarchy and imperialism."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Revenues and expenditures of the government for the
       fiscal year ended June 30, 1900.

       The revenues of the Government from all sources (by
       warrants) for the fiscal year ended June 30. 1900, were:

    From internal revenue.                          $295,327,926.76
    From customs.                                    233,164,871.16
    From profits on coinage, bullion deposits, etc.    9,992,374.09
    From District of Columbia.                         4,008,722.77
    From fees-consular, letters patents, and land.     3,291.716.68
    From sales of public lands.                        2,836.882.98
    From tax on national banks.                        1.998.554.00
    From navy pension, navy hospital, clothing,
       and deposit funds.                              1,621.558.52
    From sales of Indian lands.                        1,384,663.49
    From payment of interest by Pacific railways.      1,173,466.43
    From miscellaneous.                                  997,375.68
    From sales of Government property.                   779,522.78
    From customs fees, fines, penalties, etc.            675,706.95
    From immigrant fund.                                 537,404.81
    From deposits for surveying public lands.            273,247.19
    From sales of ordnance material.                     257,265.56
    From Soldiers' Home, permanent fund.                 247,926.62
    From tax on seal skins, and rent of seal islands.    225,676.47
    From license fees, Territory of Alaska.              157,234.94
    From trust funds, Department of State.               152,794.56
    From depredations on public lands.                    76,307.58
    From Spanish indemnity.                               57,000.00
    From sales of lands and buildings                  3,842,737.68
    From part payment Central Pacific
       Railroad indebtedness.                          3,338,016.49
    From dividend received for account of
       Kansas Pacific Railway.                           821,891.70
    From Postal Service.                             102,354,579.29

    Total receipts                                   669,595,431.18

       The expenditures for the same period were:

    For the civil establishment, including foreign
    intercourse, public buildings, collecting
    the revenues, District of Columbia,
    and other miscellaneous expenses                 $98,542,411.37

    For the military establishment, including
    rivers and harbors, forts, arsenals, sea
    coast defenses, and expenses of the war
    with Spain and in the Philippines                134,174,761.18

    For the naval establishment, including
    construction of new vessels, machinery,
    armament, equipment, improvement at
    navy-yards, and expenses of the war
    with Spain and in the Philippines                 55,953,077.72

    For Indian Service.                               10,175,100.76
    For pensions.                                    140,877,316.02
    For interest on the public debt.                  40,160,333.27
    For deficiency in postal revenues.                 7,230,778.79
    For Postal Service.                              102,354,579.29

    Total expenditures.                              590,068,371.00

    Showing a surplus of                              79,527,060.18

       "As compared with the fiscal year 1899, the receipts for 1900
       increased $58,613,426.83. … There was a decrease of
       $117,358,388.14 in expenditures."

          United States Secretary of the Treasury,
          Annual Report on the State of the Finances,
          1900, pages 7-9.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Return of losses from all causes in the armies of the
       United States since May 1, 1898.

       In response to a resolution of the Senate, the following
       return (56th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Document 426) was
       made by the Secretary of War, June 1, 1900, showing the losses
       from all causes in the armies of the United States between May
       1, 1898, and June 30, 1899; casualties in the Philippines
       during the war with Spain, and after the close of the war with
       Spain down to May 20, 1900; and other interesting details:

       Statement showing losses, from all causes, in the armies of
       the United States between May 1, 1898, and June 30, 1899.

       Average strength.

       1898:
       Regular Army, 55,853:
       Volunteers, 163,103.

       1899:
       Regular Army, 63,370;
       Volunteers, 45,457.

                                       REGULAR ARMY.
       CAUSES.               Officers.    Enlisted Men.   Total.

       Deaths:
          Killed in action.     24             270          294
          By Wounds.             7             114          121
          Disease.              51           1,524        1,575
          Accident.              1              72           73
          Drowning.              2              48           50
          Suicide.               1              32           33
          Murder or homicide.                   26           26
          Total                 86           2,086        2,172

       Wounded.                109           1,586        1,695

    {667}

                                      VOLUNTEERS.
       CAUSES.
                              Officers.   Enlisted Men    Total.

       Deaths:
          Killed in action.       17           188         205
          By wounds.               3            78          81
          Disease.               114         3,820       3,934
          Accident.                5           137         142
          Drowning.                1            40          41
          Suicide.                 1            20          21
          Murder or homicide.                   26          26

          Total.                 141         4,309       4,450

          Wounded.                88         1,178       1,266

                                   GRAND TOTAL.
       CAUSES.
                              Officers.   Enlisted Men

       Deaths:
          Killed In action        38           458
          By wounds               10           192
          Disease                165         5,344
          Accident                 6           209
          Drowning                 3            88
          Suicide.                 2            52
          Murder or homicide.                   52

       Total                     224         6,395

       Wounded                   197         2,764

       Casualties in the Philippines during the war
       with Spain, June 30, 1898, to August 13, 1898.

       Average strength, 10,900.

                                   Officers.   Enlisted Men.   Total.

       Killed
          (no deaths from wounds)                   18           18

       Wounded                          10          99          109

       Total                            10         117          127

       In the Philippines, from February 4, 1899, to May 20, 1900,

       Average strength, 43,232.

                                  Officers.   Enlisted Men. Total.

       Killed or died of wounds.     43          579        622

       Deaths:
          By disease                 19        1,054      1,073
          Accident                    1           43         44
          Drowning                    2           94         96
          Suicide                     6           23         29
          Murder or homicide                      11         11

       Total                         71        1,804      1,875
       Wounded.                     132        1,897      2,029

       Grand total                  203        3,701      3,904

       Casualties in the Fifth Corps in the operations against
       Santiago, June 22 to July 17, 1898:

                                  KILLED.             WOUNDED.
       ACTIONS.
                               Officers.  Men.      Officers.  Men.

       Las Guasimas, June 24       1       15            6      43
       El Caney,     July 1        4       77           25     335
       San Juan,     July 1-3     15      127           69     945
       Aguadores,    July l-2               2                   10
       Around Santiago,
                     July 10-12    1        1            1      11

       Total.                     21      222           101  1,344

       Died of wounds received in the five battles named:
       Officers, 5; men, 70.
       Total killed and died of wounds:
       Officers, 26; men, 292.

       Statement of the number of insane soldiers admitted to the
       Government Hospital for the Insane, Washington, D. C., from
       the Philippine Islands, May 24, 1900, and the disposition made
       of them:

                                     Regulars.   Volunteers.
       Admitted                         47           15
       Discharged recovered             16            3
       Discharged unimproved             1
       On visit from hospital            1
       Remaining in hospital            29           12

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Immigration for the year ended June 30.

       "The Commissioner-General of Immigration, in the annual report
       of the operations of his Bureau for the fiscal year ended June
       30, 1900, submits tabulated statements showing the arrival in
       this country during that period of 448,572 alien immigrants,
       425,372 through ports of the United States and 23,200 through
       Canada. Of these, 304,148 were males and 144,424 females;
       54,624 were under 14 years of age, 370,382 were from 14 to 45
       years old, and 23,566 were 45 and over. As to the literacy of
       persons 14 years of age and over, there were 93,576 who could
       neither read nor write, and 2,097 who could read but were
       unable to write; 54,288 brought each $30 or over, and 271,821
       showed sums less than $30, the total amounts displayed to
       inspectors aggregating $6,657,530. There were returned to
       their own countries within one year after landing 356, and
       hospital relief was rendered during the year to 2,417. The
       total debarred, or refused a landing at the ports, were 4,246,
       as compared with 3,798 last year. Of these, 1 was excluded for
       idiocy, 32 for insanity, 2,974 as paupers or persons likely to
       become public charges, 393 on account of disease, 4 as
       convicts, 2 as assisted immigrants, 833 as contract laborers,
       and 7 women upon the ground that they had been imported for
       immoral purposes. In addition to the foregoing, there were
       excluded at the Mexican and Canadian borders a total of 1,616
       aliens.

       "It appears that the Croatian and Slovenian races sent an
       increase of 99 per cent over those of the same races who came
       last year; the Hebrew, an increase of 62 per cent; the South
       Italian (including Sicilian), 28 per cent; the Japanese, 271
       per cent; the Finnish, 106 per cent; the Magyar, 181 per cent;
       the Polish, 64 per cent; the Scandinavian, 41 per cent.; the
       Slovak, 84 per cent. These nine races, of the total of
       forty-one races represented by immigration, furnished nearly
       as many immigrants as the total arrivals for the last year, or
       310,444, and their aggregate increase represented 85 per cent of
       the total increase shown for the year.
    {668}
       The total immigration reported, 448,572, is in excess of that
       for the preceding year, 311,715, by 136,857, or 43.9 per cent.
       As to countries of origin, 424,700 came from European, 17,946
       from Asiatic, 30 from African, and 5,896 from all other
       sources. The Commissioner-General points out that in addition
       to the 448,572 immigrants there arrived 65,635 other alien
       passengers, who, he contends, should be included in conformity
       to law with those classified as immigrants."

          United States, Secretary of the Treasury,
          Annual Report, 1900, page 37.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Shipping, compared with that of other countries.

          See (in this volume)
          SHIPPING OF THE WORLD.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Alaska Act.

          See (in this volume)
          ALASKA: A. D. 1900.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June).
       Returns of Filipinos killed, wounded and captured from the
       beginning of hostilities with them.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (MAY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (June-December).
       Co-operation with the Powers in China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).
       Appeal of citizens of Manila to the
       Congress of the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (July).
       Forces sent to China under General Chaffee.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (JULY).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (August).
       Agreement with Russian proposal to withdraw troops
       from Peking.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September).
       Opposition to German proposal for dealing with China.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST-DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (September-November).
       Legislative measures of the Philippine Commission.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (SEPTEMBER-NOVEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (October).
       Military forces in the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Amendment and ratification of the Hay-Pauncefote Convention.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1900 (DECEMBER).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Celebration of the 100th anniversary of the removal of
       the capital to Washington.

          See (in this volume)
          WASHINGTON.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Exports for the calendar year exceeding those
       of any other nation.

       A Press despatch from Washington, dated February 21, 1901,
       announced the fact that the "complete figures for the calendar
       year 1900, when compared with those of other nations, show
       that American exports of domestic products are greater than
       those of any other country. The total exports of domestic
       merchandise from the United States in the calendar year 1900
       were $1,453,013,659; those from the United Kingdom, which has
       heretofore led in the race for this distinction were
       $1,418,348,000, and those from Germany $1,050,611,000.
       Additional interest is given to the first rank which the
       United States now holds as an exporting nation by the fact
       that a quarter of a century ago she stood fourth in that list.
       In 1875 the domestic exports of the United States were
       $497,263,737; those of Germany, $607,096,000; those of France,
       $747,489,000, and those of the United Kingdom, $1,087,497,000.
       To-day the United States stands at the head of the list, the
       United Kingdom second, Germany third and France fourth, with
       the figures as follows: United States, $1,453,013,659; United
       Kingdom, $1,418,348,000; Germany, $1,050,611,000; France,
       $787,060,000. All of these figures, it should be remembered,
       relate to the exports of domestic products. Thus in the
       quarter century the United States has increased her exports
       from $497,263,737 to $1,453,013,659, or 192 per cent; Germany,
       from $607,096,000 to $1,050,611,000, or 73 per cent; the
       United Kingdom, from $1,087,497,000 to $1,418,348,000, or 34
       per cent, and France, from $747,489,000 to $787,060,000, or 5
       per cent.

       "The following table, compiled from official reports, shows
       the exports of domestic merchandise from the United States,
       the United Kingdom and Germany in each calendar year from 1875
       to 1900:

       Year      United States   United Kingdom    Germany

       1875      $497,263,737    $1,087,497,000    $607,096,000
       1876       575,735,804       976,410,000     619,919,000
       1877       607,666,495       967,913,000     672,151,000
       1878       723,286,821       938,500,000     702,513,000
       1879       754,656,755       932,090,000     675,397,000
       1880       875,564,075     1,085,521,000     741,202,000
       1881       814,162,951     1,138,873,000     724,379,000
       1882       749,911,309     1,175,099,000     776,228,000
       18&1       777,523,718     1,166,982,000     796,208,000
       1884       733,768,764     1,134,016,000     779,832,000
       1885       673,593,506     1,037,124,000     695,892,000
       1886       699,519,430     1,035,226,000     726,471,000
       1887       703,319,692     1,079,944,000     762,897,000
       1888       679,597,477     1,141,365,000     780,076,000
       1889       814,154,864     1,211,442,000     770,537,000
       1890       845,999,603     1,282,474,000     809,810,000
       1891       907,333,551     1,203,169,000     772,679,000
       1892       923,237,315     1,105,747,000     718,806,000
       1893       854,729,454     1,062,162,000     753,301,000
       1894       807,312,116     1,051,193,000     720,607,000
       1895       807,742,415     1,100,452,000     807,328,000
       1896       986,830,080     1,168,671,000     857,745,000
       1897     1,079,834,296     1,139,882,000     884,486,000
       1898     1,233,564,828     1,135,642,000     894,063,000
       1899     1,203,460,000     1,287,971,039   1,001,278,000
       1900     1,453,013,659     1,418,348,000   1,050,611,000

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1900-1901.
       Questions relating to the political status of the new
       possessions of the nation submitted to the Supreme Court.

       Questions of surpassing importance, touching the political
       status of the new possessions which the nation had acquired
       from Spain, the relations of their inhabitants to the
       government and laws of the United States, the source and
       nature of the authority to be exercised over them by the
       Congress of the United States, whether exercised under the
       constitution of the United States or independently of it, were
       taken, in December and January (1900-1901), into the Supreme
       Court for authoritative decision, by appeals to that tribunal
       made in several suits which had arisen from disputed exactions
       of duty on importations from Porto Rico and the Philippine
       Islands. The questions had been burning ones in American
       politics, from the moment that the treaty of peace with Spain
       was signed, and the whole cast, character and consequence of
       the new policy of over-sea expansion on which the American
       Republic was then launched depended on the decision of the
       Court.
    {669}
       Soon after the January argument and submission of these cases
       to the Supreme Court, their extraordinary importance was
       touched upon with impressive eloquence by the Honorable W.
       Bourke Cockran, in an address upon "John Marshall," in which
       he said:

       "At this moment the [Supreme Court] is considering the gravest
       question ever submitted to a judicial tribunal in the history
       of mankind. Within a few days it must decide whether the
       government of the United States, or rather whether two of its
       departments can govern territory anywhere by the sword, or
       whether authority exercised by officers of the United States
       must be controlled and limited everywhere by the Constitution
       of the United States.

       "I do not mention this momentous question to express the
       slightest opinion upon its merits, but merely that this
       assemblage of judges and of lawyers may realize the part which
       the judiciary is now required to play in determining the
       influence which this country must exercise forevermore in the
       family of nations. The power of Congress to acquire territory
       is of course unquestioned, but the disposition to exercise
       that power will always be controlled by the conditions under
       which newly acquired territory must be held, and these
       conditions the court must now prescribe. On the one hand it
       may hold that wherever power is exercised under the
       constitution there the limitations of the constitution must be
       obeyed—that wherever the executive undertakes to administer, or
       Congress to legislate, there the judiciary must enforce upon
       both respect for the organic law to which they owe their
       existence. If this doctrine be established it is clear that no
       scheme of forcible conquest will ever be undertaken by this
       government, for the simple reason that there can be no profit
       in such an enterprise. On the other hand the Court may decide
       that Congress can hold newly annexed territories on any terms
       that it chooses—that it may govern them according to the
       constitution or independently of it—that they may be
       administered to establish justice among the governed or for
       the glory and profit of the governors. If it be held that
       government for profit can be maintained under the authority of
       the United States, conceive the extent to which it may be
       carried and the consequences which it may portend. If it be
       possible to maintain two forms of government under our
       constitution, it is possible to establish twenty in as many
       different places. Territory may be annexed to the North, to
       the South, to the East and to the West. The President of the
       United States may be vested with imperial powers in one place,
       with royal prerogatives in another and perhaps remain a
       constitutional magistrate at home. He may be made a military
       autocrat in some South American State, an anointed emperor in
       some Northern clime, a turbaned sultan in some Eastern island.
       Nay, more, Congress can move itself and the seat of government
       from Washington to some newly annexed territory governed by
       officers of its own creation, subject to its own unlimited
       power, and thus take both outside the jurisdiction of the
       Supreme Court.

       "Has the world ever before seen—could the framers of this
       constitution have conceived—a bench of judges exercising such
       a power amid the universal submission and approval of the
       whole people. And more extraordinary than all, this submission
       remains unanimous though the decision of the court may
       seriously affect its own position in the structure of our
       government. For if it be held that the constitution does not
       extend of itself over newly annexed territory, then clearly
       the authority of the court cannot extend to it except by the
       action of Congress and the executive. If the authority, that
       is to say, the existence of the court in any part of the
       territory of the United States, depends upon the other
       departments, then it is idle to contend that it is an
       independent and coordinate branch of the government. To decide
       that the executive and legislative departments have the right
       to govern territory outside the constitution the court must
       deliberately renounce the importance which it has heretofore
       enjoyed and accept for itself an inferior place in our
       political system.

       "To me this is the most sublime spectacle ever presented in
       the history of the world. Think of it! A war has been waged
       with signal success, vast territory has been exacted from a
       conquered foe; a great political campaign has been fought and
       won upon the policy of taking this territory and governing it
       at the pleasure of Congress and the executive, yet if the
       court should hold that what the executive has attempted, what
       Congress has sanctioned, and what the people appear to have
       approved at the polls is in contravention of the constitution,
       not one voice would be raised to question the judgment or to
       resist its enforcement. I have said the spectacle is sublime;
       my friends, even a few weeks ago it was inconceivable. Before
       the late election I confess I believed and said that the
       success of the present administration would be interpreted as
       a popular endorsement of its foreign policy and that the
       popular verdict would very probably be made to exercise a
       strong if not decisive influence on the court. I admit now
       that I was mistaken. It is evident that this question will be
       decided on its merits without the slightest attempt to coerce,
       intimidate or influence the judges, and I say now with all
       frankness that whatever may be the judgment it will be the
       very best outcome for the people of this country, for the
       peace of the world, for the welfare of the human race. I
       cannot tell what this outcome may be, but I know that whenever
       a crisis has arisen in the pathway of the republic, the
       statesmanship of the common people has always met it with
       justice and solved it with wisdom."

          W. Bourke Cockran,
          John Marshall: an address before the Erie County Bar
          Association, February 4, 1901, at Buffalo.

       Argument before the Supreme Court was begun on the 17th of
       December, 1900, on two cases thus stated in the brief
       submitted for the government: "On June 6, 1899, Goetze
       imported from Porto Rico into the port of New York a quantity
       of leaf or filler tobacco, upon which duty was assessed at 35
       cents per pound as filler tobacco not specially provided for,
       in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 213 of the
       tariff act of 1897, commonly known as the 'Dingley Act.' The
       importer protested, claiming that the merchandise was not
       subject to duty, because Porto Rico at the time of the
       importation was not a foreign country and because, therefore,
       the imposition of duties on goods brought from a place within
       the territory of the United States into a port of the United
       States is not lawful and valid under the Constitution.
    {670}
       The Board of General Appraisers sustained the assessment of
       duty imposed by the collector upon the merchandise in
       question, and thereupon the importer appealed to the United
       States circuit court for the southern district of New York, by
       which court the decision of the Board of General Appraisers
       was affirmed in an opinion rendered by District Judge
       Townsend. From the judgment of the circuit court this appeal
       was taken.

       "Porto Rico was partially occupied by the war forces of the
       United States during the months of July and August, 1898. By
       the protocol of August 12, 1898, between the United States and
       Spain, Spain agreed to cede Porto Rico to the United States
       and immediately evacuate. The evacuation was effected and full
       possession of the island assumed by the United States prior to
       January 1, 1899. From that date until the 1st of May, 1900,
       Porto Rico was occupied and governed by the military forces of
       the United States, under the command of the President, as
       conquered territory, under the law of belligerent right. The
       treaty of Paris, made in pursuance of the protocol, was signed
       December 10, 1898, ratified by the Senate February 6, 1899,
       and ratifications exchanged April 11, 1899. So that the
       importation in this case was subsequent to the ratification of
       the treaty, but prior to the establishment of a civil
       government in the island under act of Congress. It does not
       appear that the importers are citizens of the United States or
       of Porto Rico, nor whether or not the imported tobacco was the
       product of Porto Rico.

       "In the case of Fourteen Diamond Rings, it appears that the
       claimant, Pepke, is a citizen of the United States and served
       as a United States soldier in the Island of Luzon; that while
       there he purchased or acquired the rings in question and
       brought them into the United States without paying duty
       thereon some time in the year 1899, between July 31 and
       September 25. The rings were seized, on May 18, 1900, at
       Chicago, by a United States customs officer as merchandise
       liable to duty which should have been invoiced, and was
       fraudulently imported and brought into the United States
       contrary to law. An information for the forfeiture of the
       rings was filed on behalf of the Government, June 1, 1900, to
       which the claimant pleaded. Setting up that at the time he
       acquired said property Luzon was a part of the territory of
       the United States and that the seizure of said goods was
       contrary to the claimant's right as a citizen of the United
       States under the Constitution, and particularly under section
       2, Article IV, thereof, and he insisted that under Article I,
       section 8, Congress is required in laying and collecting taxes
       to see to it that all taxes and duties shall be uniform
       throughout the United States. To this plea the United States
       demurred, and upon hearing of the demurrer, the district court
       gave judgment of forfeiture for the Government. This judgment
       the claimant has removed into this court by a writ of error."

       The contention of the government as set forth in the same
       brief, and the main contention of the appellants in the case,
       against which the argument for the government was directed,
       were partly as follows:

       "The Tariff Act of 1897 declares that 'there shall be levied,
       collected and paid upon all articles imported from foreign
       countries and mentioned in the schedules herein contained, the
       rates of duty which are by the schedules and paragraphs
       respectively prescribed.' (30 Stat., 151.)

       "The Government contends, and the circuit court so held, that
       this act applied to merchandise imported from Porto Rico and
       the Philippine Islands after their cession to the United
       States exactly as it did before; that within the meaning of
       the act these countries are to be regarded as foreign,
       belonging to but not forming in a domestic sense a part of the
       United States.

       "That it is within the constitutional province of the
       treaty-making power to accept the cession of foreign territory
       upon such terms, conditions, and limitations as to its
       internal status as may best subserve the interests of the
       United States, and it is not necessary to invest such
       territory with the full status of an integral part of the
       Union.

       "That this is one of the ordinary and necessary sovereign
       powers of an independent nation, and nothing in the Federal
       Constitution or in the fundamental principles that underlie
       our Republic denies to the nation a right to the full exercise
       of this usual and common sovereign right.

       "That the treaty-making power—the President and the Senate—as
       evidenced by the language of the treaty of Paris, did not
       intend to make Porto Rico and the Philippine Islands integral
       parts of the United States, but intended, in several
       particulars, to reserve their final status for adjustment by
       Congress, at the same time making peculiar and special
       differential provisions for variations and exceptions in
       customs and port regulations as to Spain and Spanish goods and
       subjects, which are inconsistent with the intention that the
       ceded countries became upon the ratification of the treaty a
       part of the United States in all respects and in the fullest
       sense.

       "The Government contends that the term 'foreign countries' in
       the act of 1897 is to be regarded as having been understood by
       Congress to be subject to the rule of interpretation of the
       phrase given by the Supreme Court in the case of Fleming v.
       Page, where it was held that under our revenue laws every port
       is regarded as a foreign one until expressly established as
       domestic under the authority and control of the statutes of
       the United States.

       "That the clause of the Constitution which declares that
       duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the
       United States does not apply to nor govern these cases,
       because the term 'United States,' as there used, means only
       the territory comprised within the several States of the
       Union, and was intended only for their benefit and protection,
       and not for the benefit or protection of outside territory
       belonging to the nation; that in the latter sense duties on
       imports from these islands are uniform throughout the United
       States, because they are uniformly imposed at every port in
       the United States, so that there is no preference given to the
       ports of one State over those of another, nor is any
       inequality between the several States created.

    {671}

       "That the right to bring merchandise into the United States is
       a right entirely within the regulation of Congress; such right
       in no wise differs as to either citizens or aliens.
       Citizenship carries with it no special or peculiar privileges
       at the custom-house. The American, the Spaniard, the Porto
       Rican, are treated alike. The basis of the customs laws is not
       ownership, but (1) the geographical origin of the shipment,
       and (2) the nature of the goods. The duty is imposed against
       merchandise, not upon the importer. "The Government contends,
       therefore, that in view of the fact that tariff laws are 'in
       rem,' there is no principle of justice, much less of
       constitutional restriction, which forbids Congress from taxing
       in this way the merchandise of outlying possessions of the
       United States when brought into the ports of the Union. That
       the limitations of the Constitution as to customs, etc., were
       intended to secure equality between the States in the
       geographical sense, and not to forbid Congress from exercising
       the ordinary sovereign power of taxation as to the products of
       other sections of country not included within the geographical
       boundaries of the States; for which we rely upon the opinion
       of this court in Knowlton v. Moore as decisive and conclusive.

       "If the foregoing propositions are sound, then it is
       established (1) that the tariff act of 1897 was intended by
       Congress to classify as foreign all countries not a part of or
       belonging to the United States at the time of its passage, and
       the subsequent cession of the Spanish islands to the United
       States did not operate to admit imports from those islands
       free of duty, under that law; (2) that the tariff act so
       construed and enforced violates no constitutional rule of
       uniformity.

       "And the case of the plaintiffs in error would seem on these
       grounds to have no legal foundation.

       "The Government might well be content to rest its argument
       upon these propositions. But counsel for the plaintiffs in
       error, in the court below as well us in this court, have gone
       far beyond these limits, and have challenged and denied the
       constitutionality of certain provisions of the treaty of
       Paris, contending that the cession of Porto Rico and the
       Philippine Archipelago effected a complete incorporation of
       those countries with the United States, so that they have
       become a part of the United States in the fullest and largest
       sense, not only internationally, but organically, so
       completely, indeed, that no difference or distinction can be
       made by law between imports from those countries and imports
       from one of the States of the Union.

       "They insist that there can be no limited or qualified
       acquisition of territory by this nation; that when Porto Rico
       was ceded to the United States it came at once under the
       obligations of the Constitution and became entitled to the
       privileges of the Constitution, its inhabitants citizens of
       the United States, and its territory a part of the United
       States. They argue, therefore, that the clause of the treaty
       which says that 'the civil rights and political status of the
       inhabitants shall be determined by the Congress,' in so far as
       it is intended to defer the full enjoyment of the rights and
       privileges of citizenship under the Constitution until
       Congress shall bestow them hereafter upon the inhabitants, is
       'ultra vires' and void, or at least superfluous and
       ineffective, because the Constitution 'ex proprio vigore'
       extends at once, as an automatic operation, to all territory
       ceded to this Government, and no treaty or treaty-making power
       can hinder or even suspend it. …

       "Counsel have been at great pains to prove that the Government
       of the United States is one of delegated powers, and that its
       powers are not absolute and untrammeled, but subject to
       certain limits never and nowhere to be transcended; that the
       vague political entity known as The People stands behind the
       constituted agencies of government, holding in reserve the
       sources of supreme power, capable and ready to alter or
       destroy at its pleasure the machinery heretofore set up in its
       behalf. They call these doctrines truisms, and so they are.
       They do not help us in this case.

       "The Government of the United States has been vested not with
       all powers but only with certain particular powers. These
       particular delegated powers are in some respects limited and
       confined in scope and operation, but in other respects they
       are entirely unlimited. So that the real and practical
       question is whether there is any limitation preventing the
       particular thing here complained of.

       "It is worth while, in passing, to allude to the undeniable
       fact that 'The People' referred to are not the people of the
       Territories or of the outlying possessions of the United
       States, but the people of the several States, who ordained and
       established for themselves and their posterity the Federal
       Constitution.

       "Counsel confuse ideas when they argue that the contention of
       the Government in these cases implies the possession by
       Congress of all unlimited and despotic powers in the
       government of territory. We mean no more than this court meant
       when it said:

       "'The power of Congress over the Territories is general and
       plenary.

       "'Its sovereignty over them is complete.

       "'It has full and complete legislative authority over the
       people of the Territories and all departments of the
       Territorial governments.

       "'The people of the United States, as sovereign owners of the
       National Territories, have supreme power over them and their
       inhabitants.

       "'In legislating for the Territories Congress would doubtless
       be subject to those fundamental limitations in favor of
       personal rights which are formulated in the Constitution and
       its amendments, but these limitations would exist rather by
       inference and the general spirit of the Constitution than by
       any express and direct application of its provisions.'"

          In the Supreme Court of the United States,
          October Term, 1900, John H. Goetze, Appellant, &c.;
          Brief for the United States.

       On the 8th of January, 1901, four other causes, involving
       substantially the same questions, came before the Supreme
       Court, and, by order of the Court, were consolidated, to be
       dealt with virtually as one case. The titles of the cases were
       respectively as follows:

       Elias S. A. Dc Lima et al., plaintiffs in error,
       agt. George R. Bidwell;

       Samuel B. Downes et al., plaintiffs in error,
       agt. George R. Bidwell;

       Henry W. Dooley et al., plaintiffs in error,
       agt. the United States;

       Carlos Armstrong, appellant,
       agt. the United States, and George W. Crossmon et al.,
       appellants, agt. the United States.

    {672}

       For the plaintiffs, in the case of Henry W. Dooley et al., the
       Honorable John G. Carlisle made an oral argument, in which he
       said: "What is the Constitution? In the first place it is not
       only the supreme law of the States composing the union, but
       the supreme law of the land; supreme over every branch and
       department of the Government; supreme over every one
       exercising authority under the Government; supreme over every
       other law or order or regulation, and supreme over all the
       people, wherever they may be, within its jurisdiction, and
       what we claim is, that so long as this Constitution exists
       absolute and arbitrary power over the lives, liberties, or
       property of the people can be exercised nowhere in this
       Republic. It is now argued that it is supreme only within the
       boundaries of the several States, unless Congress extends it
       to the Territories; that it limits the powers of Congress only
       when legislating for the geographical area embraced in the
       States; that the inhabitants of the States are the only people
       who can, as a matter of right, claim the benefit of its
       guarantees and prohibitions for the protection even of those
       personal and property rights which have for ages been secured
       by the common law of England, and that all other people within
       the jurisdiction of the United States are dependent for the
       protection of their civil rights substantially upon the will
       of Congress. The question whether the Constitution should be
       declared to be the supreme law of the whole land, or only the
       supreme law of the respective States and their inhabitants or
       citizens, was presented in the Federal Convention of 1787, and
       was finally disposed of by the adoption of the clause as it
       now stands in the Constitution, which declares it to be "the
       supreme law of the land.

       "In the plan proposed by Mr. Charles Pinckney, of South
       Carolina, it was provided that 'all acts made by the
       legislature of the United States pursuant to this
       Constitution, and all treaties made under the authority of the
       United States, shall be the supreme law of the land,' etc. (1
       Elliot, page 46). Mr. Patterson's plan proposed 'that all acts
       of the United States in Congress assembled made by virtue and
       in pursuance of the powers hereby vested in them, and by the
       Articles of Confederation and all treaties made and ratified
       under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme
       law of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties
       shall relate to such States or their citizens,' etc. (pages
       71, 72). These plans and others were referred to the Committee
       of the Whole House and were reported back without any
       provision upon this subject. Afterwards the Convention
       unanimously agreed to the following resolution:

       'That the Legislative acts made by virtue and in pursuance of
       the Articles of Union and all treaties made and ratified under
       the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law
       of the respective States, so far as those acts or treaties
       shall relate to the said States or their citizens or
       inhabitants' (page 100). Thus it stood when referred to the
       committee of five, of which Mr. Rutledge was chairman, and on
       the 6th of August, 1787, that committee reported back to the
       Convention a draft of the proposed Constitution, the eighth
       article of which was the same as the resolution last quoted,
       except that in the place of the words 'Articles of Union' it
       contained the words 'this Constitution' (page 120). This
       report was considered in the Committee of the Whole, and on
       the 23d of August the eighth article was unanimously amended
       so as to read: 'This Constitution and all laws of the United
       States made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made under
       the authority of the United States shall be the supreme law of
       the several States and of their citizens and inhabitants,'
       etc. (page 151).

       "This was the form in which the article stood when the whole
       draft was referred to the committee of eleven, but when
       reported back September 12, it constituted the second clause
       of the sixth article and declared that the Constitution and
       laws and the treaties made and to be made should be 'the
       supreme law of the land,' and so it now stands as part of the
       Constitution. If the clause had been adopted in the form
       agreed to in the committee and inserted in the first draft,
       there would have been at least a certain degree of
       plausibility in the argument made here for the Government, but
       even in that case we think the powers of Congress would have
       been limited whenever and wherever it might attempt to
       exercise them. But it is argued here that the history of the
       Constitution and the language employed in the preamble, and in
       some other places, show that it was intended to establish a
       government only for such of the States then existing as might
       ratify it, and such other States as might thereafter be
       admitted into the Union, and that, therefore, while it confers
       power upon Congress to govern Territories, it does not require
       that body to govern them in accordance with the supreme law of
       the land; that is, in accordance with the instrument from
       which the power to govern is derived. Even if the premises
       were true, the conclusion would not follow; but is it true
       that the Constitution was ordained and established for the
       government of the States only? If so, how did it happen that
       the great men who framed that instrument made it confer the
       power to govern Territories as well as States? It is true that
       the Constitution was ordained and established by the people of
       the States, but it created a National Government for national
       purposes, not a mere league or compact between the States, and
       jurisdiction was conferred upon that Government over the whole
       national domain, whatever its boundaries might be. It is not
       true that the Government was established only for the States,
       their inhabitants or citizens, but if it were true, then it
       could exercise no power outside of the States, and this court
       would have to put a new construction upon that provision which
       authorizes Congress to dispose of and make all needful rules
       and regulations respecting the territory, or other property,
       belonging to the United States. The necessary construction of
       that clause would be that it conferred power only to dispose
       of land or other property, and to make necessary rules and
       regulations respecting land or other property belonging to the
       United States; that is, belonging to the several States
       composing the Union. It would confer no power whatever to
       govern the people outside of the States."

          Supreme Court of the United States,
          October Term, 1900,
          Henry W. Dooley [et al.] vs. the United States:
          Argument of J. G. Carlisle.

    {673}

       On one point the argument of Mr. Charles H. Aldrich, attorney
       for the plaintiff in the case of the "Fourteen Diamond Rings,"
       was as follows: In "the relations of the United States to other
       nations, our government is a sovereign state, and has the
       right, and as such 'free and independent State has full power,
       to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish
       commerce, and to do all other acts and things which
       independent States may of right do.' In this relation it is
       correct, as I conceive, to speak of the United States of
       America as a unit and use a singular verb. It is such unit and
       has this power because there was created a government upon
       which the people conferred these powers. If war is declared it
       must be under the constitution; if peace is concluded it is in
       the exercise of a constitutional power; if commerce is
       established it is because Congress under the constitution was
       given power to regulate commerce; if alliances are contracted
       it can only be done under the constitution. In short, the
       sovereign nation exists through the adoption of the
       constitution, and its powers are derived from that instrument
       and must be found, as this court has often declared, in the
       language thereof or by necessary implication therefrom. We are
       in the Philippines and Porto Rico and can be rightfully there
       only in the exercise of some of these enumerated powers, as in
       the language of the tenth amendment, 'the powers not delegated
       to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it
       to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to
       the people.' This amendment designates the constitution as the
       source of the power of the United States and excludes the idea
       of power free from constitutional restraint derived by
       implication from powers delegated by the constitution.

       "Nor is it true that at the time this declaration was made all
       independent states or nations claimed and exercised the right
       to acquire, hold and govern foreign dependencies, and no state
       or nation then recognized its obligation to confer on the
       people of such acquired territory the privileges and
       immunities enjoyed by the people of the home government,
       except at its own will and discretion. It is true that all
       independent states claimed and exercised the right to acquire
       territory, but if it were important in this case I think the
       arguments of Pitt, Camden and Barre could be used to establish
       the proposition that under the British Constitution as it
       then was, that nation had, from the time of King John and the
       Great Charter until King George, recognized that its subjects
       had essential rights not dependent upon the 'will and
       discretion' of the home government. It is unnecessary to
       follow that subject here. It is sufficient that the
       Declaration of Independence was brought about by the assertion
       on the part of King George and his ministers of precisely the
       present doctrine of this administration and its
       representatives in this court. If value is to be attached to
       contemporary history that fact cannot be lost sight of. The
       speeches of Grenville and Townshend in favor of unlimited
       power on the part of Parliament over the American colonists
       and their affairs have been substantially parodied in Congress
       by the advocates of unrestrained power over our 'colonies,' as
       it is now unfortunately fashionable to denominate them. The
       signers of the Declaration of Independence held that as
       subjects of the British Constitution there was no right to
       impose taxes upon them without their consent, to deprive them
       of trial by jury, to deprive them of their legislatures, and
       to declare Parliament in vested with power to legislate for
       them 'in all cases whatsoever.' These and other grievances
       were held denials of rights belonging to every British subject
       as such and to justify rebellion and war. It seems impossible
       that a people who rebelled for such reasons established a
       State invested with the very power which they had denied to
       the British government and the assertions of which made
       rebellion necessary.

       "This argument that the power to declare war and conclude
       peace carries with it, as an auxiliary, power to do whatever
       other nations are accustomed to do with the people and
       territory acquired through the exercise of these powers, has a
       remarkable likeness to the arguments put forward at the
       beginning of the century with reference to the Alien and
       Sedition Acts. The supporters of the constitutionality of
       these acts claimed that the common law had been introduced and
       become a part of the constitution of the United States, and
       therefore the powers usually exercisable under the common law
       could be exercised by the Congress of the United States in the
       respects involved in those acts. Mr. Madison's letter
       discussing this contention was answered, so far as it asserted
       the right of a state to nullify an act of Congress, but was
       never answered, so far as it denied the existence of the
       common law as a part of the constitution of the United States.
       His objections to that contention, succinctly stated, were,
       that if the common law was a part of the constitution, then
       there were no constitutional limitations. Congress, like
       Parliament, could legislate in all cases whatsoever; that the
       President would be possessed of the royal prerogatives (as is
       now claimed in this case by the Attorney-General); that the
       judiciary would have a discretion little short of legislative
       power; that these powers in the different branches of the
       government would not be alterable, because, being in the
       constitution, they could only be repealed by amendment of that
       instrument; and, lastly, that the constitution would have a
       different meaning in different States, inasmuch as the common
       law was different in such States, and that it would lack the
       certainty which a constitution should have, as the common law
       was an ever-growing or varying body of law, and, therefore,
       with reference to the proper action of the government in each
       instance, the question would be important as to what portion
       of the common law was in the constitution and what not so
       embodied.

       "Nearly every sentence of Mr. Madison's able argument with
       reference to the common law as a part of the constitution is
       applicable to the contention that sovereign powers, so-called,
       as derived from or defined by international law, became a part
       of the constitution of the United States through the
       delegation of the powers to make war, conclude peace, and make
       all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and
       other property belonging to the United States. This court has
       adopted the view of Mr. Madison. It is hoped that the child of
       the old error by which again the executive and legislative
       power is sought to be enlarged through the incorporation into
       the constitution of 'the sovereign power of other nations'
       will receive the same answer.

       "In fact, we submit that this court has already held that
       sovereign power in the sense that the words are used in the
       law of nations as prerogative rights of the King or Emperor,
       not only is not vested in the United States or in any branch
       of its government, but cannot be so vested. The sovereign
       power is with the people. In leaving it with the people our
       government marked a departure from all that had previously
       existed."

          Supreme Court of the United States,
          October Term, 1900, Number 419:
          C. H. Aldrich, Argument in reply.

    {674}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901.
       Military and naval expenditure,
       compared with that of other Powers.

          See (in this volume)
          WAR BUDGETS.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (January).
       Apportionment of Representatives under the Twelfth Census.
       The question of obedience to the Fourteenth Amendment.
       Restrictions of the elective franchise in the States.

       Section 3 of Article 1 of the Constitution requires that
       "Representatives … shall be apportioned among the several
       States which may be included within this Union according to
       their respective numbers. … The actual enumeration shall be
       made within three years after the first meeting of the
       Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent
       term of ten years. … The number of Representatives shall not
       exceed one for every 30,000; but each State shall have at
       least one." The first meeting of Congress was in 1789; the
       required first census of the United States was taken in 1790,
       and, in obedience to the constitutional requirement, the
       enumeration has been repeated within the closing year of every
       decade since, to supply the basis for a new apportionment of
       representatives among the States. The twelfth census, taken in
       1900, called for such new distribution, and action upon it was
       taken in Congress in January, 1901.

       As the section quoted above stood in the Constitution until
       1868, it contained a further clause, inserted as one of the
       original compromises made between the slaveholding and the
       free States, requiring that the determination of numbers to be
       represented in the several States should be made "by adding to
       the whole number of free persons, including those bound to
       service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
       three-fifths of all other persons." This original clause of
       the Constitution was superseded by the Fourteenth Amendment,
       adopted in 1868, which introduced this new provision, in its
       second section: "Representatives shall be apportioned among
       the several States according to their respective numbers,
       counting the whole number of persons in each State, except
       Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election
       for the choice of electors for President and Vice President of
       the United States, Representatives in Congress, the executive
       and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the
       Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants
       of such State, being twenty-one years of age, and citizens of
       the United States, or in any way abridged, except for
       participation in rebellion, or other crime, the basis of
       representation therein shall be reduced in the proportion
       which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole
       number of male citizens twenty-one years of age in such
       State." To many persons it seemed to be very clear that this
       provision of the amended Constitution required account to be
       taken of the qualifications by which a number of States have
       abridged the suffrage, especially where done for the
       understood purpose of disfranchising colored citizens and that
       Congress was left with no discretion to do otherwise.

          See, (in this volume),
          LOUISIANA, NORTH CAROLINA, SOUTH CAROLINA,
          MISSISSIPPI, and MARYLAND.

       Those holding this view in the House of Representatives gave
       support to the following resolution, introduced by Mr.
       Olmsted, of Pennsylvania:

       "Whereas the continued enjoyment of full representation in
       this House by any State which has, for reasons other than
       participation in rebellion or other crime, denied to any of
       the male inhabitants thereof, being 21 years of age and
       citizens of the United States, the right to vote for
       Representatives in Congress, Presidential electors, and other
       specified officers, is in direct violation of the fourteenth
       amendment to the Constitution of the United States, which
       declares that in such case 'the basis of representation
       therein shall be reduced in the proportion which the number of
       such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male
       citizens 21 years of age in such State,' and is an invasion of
       the rights and dignity of this House and of its members, and
       an infringement upon the rights and privileges in this House
       of other States and their representatives; and

       "Whereas the States of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
       Delaware, California, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina,
       South Carolina, Wyoming, Oregon, and other States do, by the
       provisions of the constitutions and statutes of said States,
       and for reasons other than participation in rebellion or other
       crime, deny the right to vote for members of Congress and
       Presidential electors, as well as the executive and judicial
       officers of such States and members of the legislatures
       thereof, to male inhabitants 21 years of age and over and
       citizens of the United States; and such denial in certain of
       the said States extends to more than one-half of those who
       prior to the last apportionment of representation were
       entitled to vote in such States; and

       "Whereas in order that the apportionment of membership of the
       House of Representatives may be determined in a constitutional
       manner: Therefore, be it

       "Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the Director
       of the Census is hereby directed to furnish this House, at the
       earliest possible moment, the following information;

       "First. The total number of male citizens of the United States
       over 21 years of age in each of the several States of the
       Union.

       "Second. The total number of male citizens of the United
       States over 21 years of age who, by reason of State
       constitutional limitations or State legislation, are denied
       the right of suffrage, whether such denial exists on account
       of illiteracy, on account of pauperism, on account of
       polygamy, or on account of property qualifications, or for any
       other reason.

       "Resolved further, That the Speaker of the House of
       Representatives is hereby authorized and directed to appoint a
       select committee of five members from the membership of the
       Census Committee of the House of Representatives, who shall
       investigate the question of the alleged abridgment of the
       elective franchise for any of the causes mentioned in all the
       States of the Union in which constitutional or legislative
       restrictions on the right of suffrage are claimed to exist,
       and that such committee report its findings within twenty days
       from the date of the adoption of this resolution to the said
       Census Committee, and that within one week after the said
       report shall have been received by the Census Committee the
       Census Committee shall return a bill to the House of
       Representatives providing for the apportionment of the
       membership of the House of Representatives based on the
       provisions of the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of
       the United States."

    {675}

       Republicans, hardly less than Democrats, in Congress and
       outside, were averse to raising what could not fail to be a
       burning sectional issue, and grounds for ignoring the
       constitutional mandate were sought with considerable eagerness
       on both sides. Strict obedience to the requirement of the
       Constitutional provision was claimed to be impracticable, at
       least within the time available for proceedings connected with
       the present apportionment of representatives. Said one
       speaker, opposing the resolutions in the House: "There is not
       a State in this Union that has not added to or subtracted from
       the Federal constitutional requirements—not one. … If there is
       any addition, whether as a matter of police regulation or
       otherwise, to the constitutional amendments regulating the
       franchise and the resultant representation in this House—if
       there is addition or subtraction of one iota—then those who
       desire to live up to this Constitution, no matter whether they
       ruin their neighbors, no matter whether they again kindle the
       fires of sectional strife, those who in their love for the
       Constitution are so mentally rigid that they would demand its
       enforcement though they set the Union aflame, must include
       every State in this Union."

       Said another: "How would anybody find out how many people in
       the State of Mississippi were disfranchised for the reasons
       stated in this resolution? There is there an educational
       qualification. How are you to determine how many of the men in
       the State of Mississippi who did not vote, did not vote
       because they were disfranchised under the educational
       qualification? Then there is a qualification in extension and
       not in limitation of the suffrage, saying that even those who
       can not read and write may still vote, provided they can give
       an understanding interpretation of the Constitution or any
       part of it. How are you going to determine how many are
       disqualified by that? And then there is a qualification which
       says that those can not vote who shall not by a certain time
       have paid their poll tax. Out of the number of people who did
       not vote, how are you going to determine which of them have
       not voted because of the educational qualification? Which
       because of the understanding qualification? Which because of
       the poll-tax qualification? Which because of the registration
       qualification? How many because of the pure Australian ballot
       which exists in the State of Mississippi? … There is not a
       State in the Union which has the Australian ballot which by
       the very fact and the necessity of voting according to that
       Australian ballot does not prevent the citizen who can not
       read and write from voting if he votes a split ticket of any
       sort."

       A third speaker remarked: "To live up to that amendment, 'that
       no male inhabitant shall be deprived of suffrage except for
       participation in the rebellion or other crimes,' the male
       inhabitant, I take it, is he who has acquired domicile in that
       State, and the moment that he acquires domicile, and is a
       male, he is a 'male inhabitant' of that State, and entitled
       at once to suffrage; and yet every State in the Union, I
       believe without exception, has requirements as to residence
       not only in the State, but in the city, in the county, in the
       precinct and ward and the voting place; and everyone of those
       requirements, as every gentleman on that side must admit, are
       in direct conflict with and contravention of the fourteenth
       amendment to the Constitution of the United States literally
       construed."

       But the advocates of obedience to the Constitution, supporting
       the resolutions of Mr. Olmsted, planted their argument on the
       very facts brought against it, as demonstrating the need of
       measures to check a growing tendency in the country to
       restrict the elective franchise. Said Mr. Shattuck, of Ohio:
       "We find that in 1870 there were three States that had
       abridged their electorates—California, Connecticut, and
       Massachusetts. In these three States there was a
       constitutional provision for an educational qualification,
       which disfranchised a certain percentage of the
       electorate—namely, the illiterates. But, in those States, the
       percentage of illiteracy is very light, averaging about 6 per
       cent. The basis of representation would hardly have been
       affected in those States had the fourteenth amendment been
       conformed with.

       "An examination into the election laws of the various States
       reveals an astonishing tendency at this time to abridge their
       electorates. When the Congress which adopted the existing
       apportionment discussed the matter ten years ago but three
       States had abridged their electorate by action of the State,
       and in these the percentage of disfranchised males was but 6
       per cent. But since that time similar policies have been
       adopted by other States, and to-day we face the fact that ten
       of the forty-five States of this Union have abridged their
       electorates, and that in these the percentage of males 21
       years of age and over, disfranchised, averages over 20 per
       cent. The constitutions of several other States permit such an
       abridgment. Besides, there are other States preparing to adopt
       these policies and to disfranchise thousands of men who to-day
       hold the right of franchise. In view of this remarkable
       tendency it is inconceivable that Congress can longer permit
       the fourteenth amendment to remain a dead letter, and to pass
       a bill making an apportionment based solely upon the
       population and neglecting the proviso which applies to all
       States which have abridged their electorate.

       "We will not review the past by any discussion of the question
       as to whether the provisions of the fourteenth amendment
       should have been made effective when the last apportionment
       was made ten years ago. We find to-day conditions existing
       which make its enforcement imperative. I do not propose to
       discuss at this time whether the reasons given for these
       abridgments by the people of the various States are valid or
       not. … I am simply pointing out the conditions as they exist;
       I am simply pointing out that the time has come when the
       tendency of the States to abridge their electorates has grown
       to such proportions as to demand that this Congress shall
       proceed in a constitutional manner in making the new
       apportionment. I do not say that States have not the right to
       establish educational qualifications for their electors, but I
       do maintain that when they have done so they must pay the penalty
       prescribed in the Constitution, and have their representation
       abridged proportionately.
    {676}
       I do not say that we shall punish only Louisiana;
       I do not say that we shall punish only Massachusetts;
       I do not say that we shall punish only California;
       but I do say and insist, as the representative of a State in
       which every male member 21 years of age and over is guaranteed
       the sacred right of franchise, that there is a constitutional
       remedy prescribed for their acts, and I do demand that that
       remedy be applied."

       The following interesting table, showing the restrictions of
       the electorate in the various States of the Union, was
       appended to the remarks of Mr. Shattuck:

    STATES.
       REQUIREMENTS AS TO CITIZENSHIP. [First paragraph]

       PERSONS EXCLUDED FROM SUFFRAGE. [Second paragraph]

    ALABAMA.
       Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

       Convicted of treason or other crime punishable by
       imprisonment, idiots, or insane.

    ARKANSAS.
       Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of felony until pardoned, failure
       to pay poll tax, United States soldiers on duty in State.

    CALIFORNIA.
       Citizen by nativity, naturalization, or treaty of Queretaro.

       Chinese, insane, embezzlers of public moneys, convicted
       of infamous crime, person unable to read Constitution
       in English, and to write his name.

    COLORADO.
       Citizen or alien, male or female, who has declared intention 4
       months prior to election.

       Under guardianship, insane, idiots, or imprisoned.

    CONNECTICUT.
       Citizen of United States.

       Convicted of felony or theft, unless pardoned.
       Person unable to read Constitution or statutes.

    DELAWARE.
       Citizen who has paid registration fee of $1.

       Idiots, insane, paupers, felons. Person who can not
       read the English language and write his name.

    FLORIDA.
       Citizen of United States.

       Insane, under guardianship, convicted of felony or any
       infamous crime.

    GEORGIA.
       Citizen of the United States who has paid all
       his taxes since 1877.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of crime punishable by imprisonment
       until pardoned, failure to pay taxes.

    IDAHO.
       Citizen of the United States, male or female.

       Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of felony,
       treason, or embezzlement of public funds, polygamist or
       bigamist.

    ILLINOIS.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Convicted of felony.

    INDIANA.
       Citizen of United States, or alien who has declared intention
       and resided 1 year in United States and 6 months in State.

       Convicted of crime and disfranchised by judgment of the court,
       United States soldiers, sailors, and marines.

    IOWA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of infamous crime.

    KANSAS.
       Citizen of United States, alien who has declared intention, or
       [under] treaties with Mexico.

       Felons, insane, duelists, rebels, not restored to
       citizenship, under guardianship, public embezzlers,
       offering or accepting a bribe.

    KENTUCKY.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Treason, felony, bribery at election.

    LOUISIANA.
       Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of treason, embezzlement of public
       funds, all crime punishable by imprisonment in penitentiary,
       persons unable to read and write, and not owning property in
       the State assessed at $300, or not the son or grandson of a
       citizen of the United States prior to January 1, 1867, person
       who has not paid pool tax.

    MAINE.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Paupers, persons under guardianship, Indians not taxed, and in
       1893 all new voters who can not read the Constitution or write
       their own names in English.

    MARYLAND.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Convicted of larceny or other infamous crime, unless pardoned,
       persons convicted of bribery.

    MASSACHUSETTS.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Paupers and persons under guardianship, person who can not
       read Constitution in English and write his name.

    MICHIGAN.
       Citizen or inhabitant who has declared intention under United
       States laws 6 months before election and lived in State
       2½ years.

       Indians, duelists, and accessories.

    MINNESOTA.
       Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention,
       and civilized Indians.

       Convicted of treason or felony, unless pardoned, persons
       under guardianship or insane.

    MISSISSIPPI.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Insane, idiots, Indians not taxed, felons, persons who have
       not paid taxes, persons who can not read or understand
       Constitution.

    Missouri.
       Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention
       not less than 1 year or more than 5 before offering to vote.

       United States soldiers and marines, paupers, criminals
       convicted once until pardoned, felons and violators of
       suffrage laws convicted a second time.

    MONTANA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Felons, unless pardoned, idiots, insane, United States
       soldiers, seamen, and marines, Indians.

    NEBRASKA.
       Citizen of United States or alien who has declared intention.

       Convicts.

    NEVADA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Idiots, insane, unpardoned convicts, Indians, Chinese.

    NEW HAMPSHIRE.
       Citizen of United States.

       Paupers (except honorably discharged United States soldiers
       and sailors), persons excused from paying taxes at their own
       request,

    NEW JERSEY.
       Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
       intention 30 days prior to election.

       Idiots, insane paupers, persons convicted of crimes (unless
       pardoned) which exclude them from being witnesses.

    NEW YORK.
       Citizen who shall have been a citizen for 90 days.

       Convicted of bribery or any infamous crime, Indians under
       tribal relations.

    NORTH CAROLINA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Convicted of felony or other infamous crime, idiots,
       lunatics, persons unable to read or write, unless lineal
       descendant of citizen of United States prior to January 1,
       1867, nonpayment of poll tax.

    NORTH DAKOTA.
       Citizen of the United States, alien who has declared
       intention 1 year, and civilized Indian.

       Under guardianship, persons non compos mentis, or convicted
       of felony and treason, unless restored to civil rights.

    OHIO.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Felony until pardoned, idiots, insane, United States
       soldiers and sailors.

    {677}

    OREGON.
       Citizen of Unite States or alien who
       has declared intention 1 year preceding election.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of felony, United States soldiers
       and sailors, Chinese.

    PENNSYLVANIA.
       Citizen of the United States at least 1 month, and if 22 years
       old or more, must have paid tax within 2 years.

       Convicted of some offense whereby right of suffrage is
        forfeited, non taxpayers.

    RHODE ISLAND.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Paupers, lunatics, persons non compos mentis, convicted
       of bribery or infamous crime until restored to right to
       vote under guardianship.

    SOUTH CAROLINA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Convicted of treason, murder, or other infamous crime,
       dueling, paupers, insane, idiots, person who has not
       paid poll tax, who can not read an write any section of
       the State constitution, or can show that he has paid all
       taxes on property within the State assessed at $300.

    SOUTH DAKOTA.
       Citizen of the United States or alien
       who has declared intention.

       Under guardianship, idiots, insane, convicted of treason
       or felony, unless pardoned.

    TENNESSEE.
       Citizen of the United States who has paid poll tax of
       preceding year.

       Convicted of bribery or other infamous offense.

    TEXAS.
       Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
       intention.

       Idiots, lunatics, paupers, convicted of felony, United
       States soldiers and seamen.

    UTAH.
       Citizen, male and female.

       Idiots, insane, convicted of treason or violation of
       election laws.

    VERMONT.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Those who have not obtained the approbation of the board of
       civil authority of the town in which they reside.

    VIRGINIA.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Idiots, lunatics, convicted of bribery at election,
       embezzlement of public funds, treason, felony and petty
       larceny, duelists and abettors unless pardoned by legislature.

    WASHINGTON.
       Citizen of the United States.

       Indians not taxed, idiots, insane, persons convicted of
       infamous crimes.

    WEST VIRGINIA.
       Citizen of the State.

       Paupers, idiots, lunatics, convicted of treason, felony, or
       bribery at elections.

    WISCONSIN.
       Citizen of the United States or alien who has declared
       intention.

       Insane, under guardianship, convicted of treason or felony,
       unless pardoned, Indians having tribal relations.

    WYOMING.
       Citizen of the United States, male and female.

       Idiots, insane, persons convicted of infamous crimes unless
       restored to civil rights, unable to read State constitution.

          Congressional Record, January 4-5, 1901,
          pages 618-20, and 662-5.

       The resolutions of Mr. Olmsted were not adopted. The
       reapportionment was made on the basis of the totals of the
       census returns, with no reckoning of any denials of the right
       to vote. The following is the text of the Act, as passed and
       approved January 16:

       "Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
       the United States of America in Congress assembled, That after
       the third day of March, nineteen hundred and three, the House
       of Representatives shall be composed of three hundred and
       eighty-six members [the existing number being 357] to be
       apportioned among the several States as follows:

       Alabama, nine;
       Arkansas, seven;
       California, eight;
       Colorado, three;
       Connecticut, five;
       Delaware, one;
       Florida, three;
       Georgia, eleven;
       Idaho, one;
       Illinois, twenty-five;
       Indiana, thirteen;
       Iowa, eleven;
       Kansas, eight;
       Kentucky, eleven;
       Louisiana, seven;
       Maine, four;
       Maryland, six;
       Massachusetts, fourteen;
       Michigan, twelve;
       Minnesota, nine;
       Mississippi, eight;
       Missouri, sixteen:
       Montana, one;
       Nebraska, six;
       Nevada, one;
       New Hampshire, two;
       New Jersey, ten;
       New York, thirty-seven;
       North Carolina, ten;
       North Dakota, two;
       Ohio, twenty-one:
       Oregon, two;
       Pennsylvania, thirty-two;
       Rhode Island, two;
       South Carolina, seven;
       South Dakota, two;
       Tennessee, ten:
       Texas, sixteen:
       Utah, one;
       Vermont, two;
       Virginia, ten;
       Washington, three;
       West Virginia, five;
       Wisconsin, eleven; and
       Wyoming, one.

       "SECTION 2.
       That whenever a new State is admitted to the Union the
       Representative or Representatives assigned to it shall be in
       addition to the number three hundred and eighty-six.

       "SECTION 3.
       That in each State entitled under this apportionment, the
       number to which such State may be entitled in the Fifty-eighth
       and each subsequent Congress shall be elected by districts
       composed of contiguous and compact territory and containing as
       nearly as practicable an equal number of inhabitants. The said
       districts shall be equal to the number of the Representatives
       to which such State may be entitled in Congress, no one
       district electing more than one Representative.

       "SECTION 4.
       That in case of an increase in the number of Representatives
       which may be given to any State under this apportionment such
       additional Representative or Representatives shall be elected
       by the State at large, and the other Representatives by the
       districts now prescribed by law until the legislature of such
       State in the manner herein prescribed, shall redistrict such
       State; and if there be no increase in the number of
       Representatives from a State the Representatives thereof shall
       be elected from the districts now prescribed by law until such
       State be redistricted as herein prescribed by the legislature
       of said State; and if the number hereby provided for shall in
       any State be less than it was before the change hereby made,
       then the whole number to such State hereby provided for shall
       be elected at large, unless the legislatures of said States
       have provided or shall otherwise provide before the time fixed
       by law for the next election of Representatives therein.

       "SECTION 5.
       That all Acts and parts of Acts inconsistent with this Act are
       hereby repealed."

       No existing State quota was reduced by the new apportionment,
       and the gains were as follows:
       Illinois, New York and Texas, 3;
       Minnesota, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, 2;
       Arkansas, California, Colorado, Connecticut, Florida,
       Louisiana, Massachusetts, Mississippi, Missouri, North
       Carolina, North Dakota, Washington, West Virginia and
       Wisconsin, 1.

    {678}

       That clause of the third section which requires districts to
       be "composed of contiguous and compact territory" is intended
       to be a bar to the partisan trick called "gerrymandering." The
       vote on the bill in the House (165 against 102) was singularly
       non-partisan. The minority was said to be composed of exactly
       the same number of Republicans and Democrats, 51 of each, and
       in the majority vote there were included 84 Republicans and 81
       Democrats. The vote was also non-sectional, except that New
       England voted almost solidly for the measure. East, South and
       West the State delegations were almost equally divided.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February).
       Act to increase the standing army of the nation to 100,000 men.

       In his annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1900, the
       President set forth the military needs of the country, created
       by its new policy of imperial expansion, and recommended that
       the permanent army be raised to 100,000 in number, from 45,000
       to 60,000 of which would be required in the Philippine Islands
       until their people were made submissive to the authority of
       the United States. In accord with the executive
       recommendation, Congress passed "an Act to increase the
       efficiency of the permanent military establishment of the
       United States," which became law by the President's signature
       on the 2d of February, 1901. Its first section provides that
       "from and after the approval of this Act the Army of the
       United States, including the existing organizations, shall
       consist of fifteen regiments of cavalry, a corps of artillery,
       thirty regiments of infantry, one Lieutenant-General, six
       major-generals, fifteen brigadier-generals, an
       Adjutant-General's Department, an Inspector-General's
       Department, a Judge-Advocate-General's Department, a
       Quartermaster's Department, a Subsistence Department, a
       Medical Department, a Pay Department, a Corps of Engineers, an
       Ordnance Department, a Signal Corps, the officers of the
       Record and Pension Office, the chaplains, the officers and
       enlisted men of the Army on the retired list, the professors,
       corps of cadets, the army detachments and band at the United
       States Military Academy, Indian scouts as now authorized by
       law, and such other officers and enlisted men as may
       hereinafter be provided for." A subsequent section enacts that
       the total enlisted force of the line of the army shall not exceed
       at any one time 100,000.

       Section 2 provides that "each regiment of cavalry shall
       consist of one colonel, one lieutenant-colonel, three majors,
       fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen
       second lieutenants; two veterinarians, one sergeant-major, one
       quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three
       squadron sergeants-major, two color-sergeants with rank, pay,
       and allowances of squadron sergeant-major, one band, and
       twelve troops organized into three squadrons of four troops
       each. … Each troop of cavalry shall consist of one captain,
       one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one first
       sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, six sergeants, six
       corporals, two cooks, two farriers and blacksmiths, one
       saddler, one wagoner, two trumpeters, and forty-three
       privates; the commissioned officers to be assigned from among
       those hereinbefore authorized."

       Sections 3-9, relating to the Artillery, are, in part, as
       follows:

       "That the regimental organization of the artillery arm of the
       United States Army is hereby discontinued, and that arm is
       constituted and designated as the Artillery Corps. It shall be
       organized as hereinafter specified and shall belong to the
       line of the Army. That the Artillery Corps shall comprise two
       branches—the coast artillery and the field artillery. The
       coast artillery is defined as that portion charged with the
       care and use of the fixed and movable elements of land and
       coast fortifications, including the submarine mine and torpedo
       defenses; and the field artillery as that portion accompanying
       an army in the field, and including field and light artillery
       proper, horse artillery, siege artillery, mountain artillery,
       and also machine-gun batteries: Provided, That this shall not
       be construed to limit the authority of the Secretary of War to
       order coast artillery to any duty which the public service
       demands or to prevent the use of machine or other field guns
       by any other arm of the service under the direction of the
       Secretary of War. … That the Artillery Corps shall consist of
       a Chief of Artillery, who shall be selected and detailed by
       the President from the colonels of artillery, to serve on the
       staff of the general officer commanding the Army, and whose
       duties shall be prescribed by the Secretary of War: fourteen
       colonels, one of whom shall be the Chief of Artillery;
       thirteen lieutenant-colonels, thirty-nine majors, one hundred
       and ninety-five captains, one hundred and ninety-five first
       lieutenants, one hundred and ninety-five second lieutenants;
       and the captains and lieutenants provided for in this section
       not required for duty with batteries or companies shall be
       available for duty as staff officers of the various artillery
       garrisons and such other details as may be authorized by law
       and regulations; twenty-one sergeants-major, with the rank,
       pay, and allowances of regimental sergeants-major of infantry;
       twenty-seven sergeants-major, with the rank, pay, and
       allowances of battalion sergeants-major of infantry; one
       electrician sergeant to each coast artillery post having
       electrical appliances; thirty batteries of field artillery,
       one hundred and twenty-six batteries of coast artillery, and
       ten bands organized as now authorized by law for artillery
       regiments: Provided, That the aggregate number of enlisted men
       for the artillery, as provided under this Act, shall not
       exceed eighteen thousand nine hundred and twenty, exclusive of
       electrician sergeants." Concerning the Infantry it is
       provided, in Section 10, that "each regiment of infantry shall
       consist of one colonel, one lieutenant colonel, three majors,
       fifteen captains, fifteen first lieutenants, and fifteen
       second lieutenants; one sergeant-major, one
       quartermaster-sergeant, one commissary-sergeant, three
       battalion sergeants-major, two color sergeants, with rank,
       pay, and allowances of battalion sergeants-major, one band,
       and twelve companies, organized into three battalions of four
       companies each. Of the officers herein provided, the captains
       and lieutenants not required for duty with the companies shall
       be available for detail as regimental and battalion staff
       officers and such other details as may be authorized by law or
       regulations. … Each infantry company shall consist of one
       captain, one first lieutenant, one second lieutenant, one
       first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, four sergeants,
       six corporals, two cooks, two musicians, one artificer, and
       forty-eight privates, the commissioned officers to be assigned
       from those hereinbefore authorized."

    {679}

       Section 11 provides that "the enlisted force of the Corps of
       Engineers shall consist of one band and three battalions of
       engineers. … Each battalion of engineers shall consist of one
       sergeant-major, one quartermaster-sergeant, and four
       companies. Each company of engineers shall consist of one
       first sergeant, one quartermaster-sergeant, with the rank,
       pay, and allowances of sergeant, eight sergeants, ten
       corporals, two musicians, two cooks, thirty-eight first-class
       and thirty-eight second-class privates."

       Section 12 relates to the appointment of army chaplains—one
       for each regiment of cavalry and infantry, and twelve for the
       corps of artillery—no person to be appointed who has passed
       the age of forty years. The office of post chaplain is
       abolished. Sections 13 to 27 relate mainly to the organization
       of the several Departments, of the Adjutant-General,
       Inspector-General, Judge-Advocate-General,
       Quartermaster-General, Commissary-General, Surgeon-General,
       Paymaster-General, Chief of Engineers, Chief of Ordnance, etc.

       Section 28, prescribing the rules of promotion and
       appointment, is as follows: "That vacancies in the grade of
       field officers and captain, created by this Act, in the
       cavalry, artillery, and infantry shall be filled by promotion
       according to seniority in each branch, respectively. Vacancies
       existing after the promotions have been made shall be provided
       for as follows: A sufficient number shall be reserved in the
       grade of second lieutenant for the next graduating class at
       the United States Military Academy. Persons not over forty
       years of age who shall have at any time served as volunteers
       subsequent to April twenty-first, eighteen hundred and
       ninety-eight, may be ordered before boards of officers for
       such examination as may be prescribed by the Secretary of War,
       and those who establish their fitness before these examining
       boards may be appointed to the grades of first or second
       lieutenant in the Regular Army, taking rank in the respective
       grades according to seniority as determined by length of prior
       commissioned service; but no person appointed under the
       provisions of this section shall be placed above another in
       the same grade with longer commissioned service, and nothing
       herein contained shall change the relative rank of officers
       heretofore commissioned in the Regular Army. Enlisted men of
       the Regular Army or volunteers may be appointed second
       lieutenants in the Regular Army to vacancies created by this
       Act, provided that they shall have served one year, under the
       same conditions now authorized by law for enlisted men of the
       Regular Army."

       Important provisions are embodied in Sections 35 and 36, as
       follows:

       "SECTION 35. That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby,
       authorized and directed to cause preliminary examinations and
       surveys to be made for the purpose of selecting four sites
       with a view to the establishment of permanent camp grounds for
       instruction of troops of the Regular Army and National Guard,
       with estimates of the cost of the sites and their equipment
       with all modern appliances, and for this purpose is authorized
       to detail such officers of the Army as may be necessary to
       carry on the preliminary work; and the sum of ten thousand
       dollars is hereby appropriated for the necessary expense of
       such work, to be disbursed under the direction of the
       Secretary of War: Provided, That the Secretary of War shall
       report to Congress the result of such examination and surveys,
       and no contract for said sites shall be made nor any
       obligation incurred until Congress shall approve such
       selections and appropriate the money therefor.

       "SECTION 36. That when in his opinion the conditions in the
       Philippine Islands justify such action the President is
       authorized to enlist natives of those islands for service in
       the Army, to be organized as scouts, with such officers as he
       shall deem necessary for their proper control, or as troops or
       companies, as authorized by this Act, for the Regular Army.
       The President is further authorized, in his discretion, to
       form companies, organized as are companies of the Regular
       Army, in squadron's or battalions, with officers and
       non-commissioned officers corresponding to similar
       organizations in the cavalry and infantry arms. The total
       number of enlisted men in said native organizations shall not
       exceed twelve thousand, and the total enlisted force of the
       line of the Army, together with such native force, shall not
       exceed at any one time one hundred thousand. … When, in the
       opinion of the President, natives of the Philippine Islands
       shall, by their services and character, show fitness for
       command, the President is authorized to make provisional
       appointments to the grades of second and first lieutenants
       from such natives, who, when so appointed, shall have the pay
       and allowances to be fixed by the Secretary of War, not
       exceeding those of corresponding grades of the Regular Army."

       Section 38 abolishes the so-called "Army Canteen," in
       compliance with strenuous demands from temperance
       organizations in the country, notwithstanding much testimony
       favorable to the canteen system from well-informed and
       conscientious witnesses. The language of the section is as
       follows: "The sale of or dealing in beer, wine, or any
       intoxicating liquors, by any person in any post exchange or
       canteen or army transport, or upon any premises used for
       military purposes by the United States, is hereby prohibited.
       The Secretary of War is hereby directed to carry the
       provisions of this section into full force and effect." Prompt
       obedience to this command of law was given by the War
       Department, which issued the required general order February
       4th.

       The following amendment, proposed by Senator Hoar for addition
       to the Act, was voted down: "Provided, That no further
       military force shall be used in the Philippine Islands, except
       such as may be necessary to keep order in places there now
       actually under the peaceable control of the United States and
       to protect persons or property to whom, in the judgment of the
       President, protection may be due from the United States, until
       the President shall have first proclaimed an amnesty for all
       political offenses committed against the United States in the
       Philippine Islands, and shall have, if in his power, agreed
       upon an armistice with persons now in hostility to the United
       States, and shall have invited such number, not less than 10,
       as he shall think desirable of the leaders or representatives
       of the persons now hostile to the United States there to come
       to the United States and state their wishes and the condition,
       character, and wishes of the people of the Philippine Islands
       to the Executive and Congress, and shall have offered to
       secure to them safe conduct to come, abide, and return, and
       shall have provided at the public charge for the expenses of
       their transportation both ways and their stay in this country
       for a reasonable and sufficient time for such purpose."

    {680}

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1910 (February).
       The Russian sugar question.
       United States countervailing duty and Russian retaliation.

          See (in this volume)
          SUGAR BOUNTIES.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
       Adoption of the so-called "Spooner Amendment" to
       the Army Appropriation Bill empowering the President to
       establish a civil government in the Philippines.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (February-March).
       Adoption of the "Platt Amendment," prescribing conditions on
       which the President is authorized to "leave the government and
       control of the island of Cuba to its people."

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Reinauguration of President McKinley for a second term in the
       executive office. His inaugural address.

       The reinauguration of President McKinley, for the second term
       of office to which he had been elected, was performed with the
       customary ceremonies, at the capitol, in Washington, on the
       4th of March, 1001. His inaugural address upon the occasion is
       especially interesting, for the reason that it indicates the
       understanding with which the President received his
       re-election, and the interpretation which he has put upon it
       as an expression of the national will on questions of
       extraordinary moment. He spoke as follows:

       "My Fellow Citizens: When we assembled here on March 4, 1897,
       there was great anxiety with regard to our currency and
       credit. None exists now. Then our treasury receipts were
       inadequate to meet the current obligations of the government.
       Now they are sufficient for all public needs, and we have a
       surplus instead of a deficit. Then I felt constrained to
       convene the Congress in extraordinary session to devise
       revenues to pay the ordinary expenses of the government. Now I
       have the satisfaction to announce that the Congress just
       closed has reduced taxation in the sum of $41,000,000. Then
       there was deep solicitude because of the long depression in
       our manufacturing, mining, agricultural and mercantile
       industries, and the consequent distress of our laboring
       population. Now every avenue of production is crowded with
       activity, labor is well employed and American products find
       good markets at home and abroad. Our diversified productions,
       however, are increasing in such unprecedented volume as to
       admonish us of the necessity of still further enlarging our
       foreign markets by broader commercial relations. For this
       purpose reciprocal trade arrangements with other nations
       should in liberal spirit be carefully cultivated and promoted.

       "The national verdict of 1896 has for the most part been
       executed. Whatever remains unfulfilled is a continuing
       obligation resting with undiminished force upon the Executive
       and the Congress. But fortunate as our condition is, its
       permanence can only be assured by sound business methods and
       strict economy in national administration and legislation. We
       should not permit our great prosperity to lead us to reckless
       ventures in business or profligacy in public expenditures.
       While the Congress determines the objects and the sum of
       appropriations, the officials of the executive departments are
       responsible for honest and faithful disbursement, and it
       should be their constant care to avoid waste and extravagance.
       Honesty, capacity and industry are nowhere more indispensable
       than in public employment. These should be fundamental
       requisites to original appointment and the surest guarantees
       against removal.

       "Four years ago we stood on the brink of war without the
       people knowing it and without any preparation or effort at
       preparation for the impending peril. I did all that in honor
       could be done to avert the war, but without avail. It became
       inevitable, and the Congress at its first regular session,
       without party division, provided money in anticipation of the
       crisis and in preparation to meet it. It came. The result was
       signally favorable to American arms and in the highest degree
       honorable to the government. It imposed upon us obligations
       from which we cannot escape, and from which it would be
       dishonorable to seek to escape. We are now at peace with the
       world, and it is my fervent prayer that if differences arise
       between us and other powers they may be settled by peaceful
       arbitration, and that hereafter we may be spared the horrors
       of war.

       "Intrusted by the people for a second time with the office of
       President, I enter upon its administration appreciating the
       great responsibilities which attach to this renewed honor and
       commission, promising unreserved devotion on my part to their
       faithful discharge and reverently invoking for my guidance the
       direction and favor of Almighty God. I should shrink from the
       duties this day assumed if I did not feel that in their
       performance I should have the cooperation of the wise and
       patriotic men of all parties. It encourages me for the great
       task which I now undertake to believe that those who
       voluntarily committed to me the trust imposed upon the chief
       executive of the republic will give to me generous support in
       my duties to 'preserve, protect and defend the constitution of
       the United States,' and to 'care that the laws be faithfully
       executed.' The national purpose is indicated through a
       national election. It is the constitutional method of
       ascertaining the public will. When once it is registered it is
       a law to us all, and faithful observance should follow its
       decrees.

       "Strong hearts and helpful hands are needed, and fortunately
       we have them in every part of our beloved country. We are
       reunited. Sectionalism has disappeared. Division on public
       questions can no longer be traced by the war maps of 1861.
       These old differences less and less disturb the judgment.
       Existing problems demand the thought and quicken the
       conscience of the country, and the responsibility for their
       presence as well as for their righteous settlement rests upon
       us all, no more upon me than upon you. There are some national
       questions in the solution of which patriotism should exclude
       partisanship. Magnifying their difficulties will not take them
       off our hands nor facilitate their adjustment. Distrust of the
       capacity, integrity and high purpose of the American people
       will not be an inspiring theme for future political contests.
       Dark pictures and gloomy forebodings are worse than useless.
       These only becloud, they do not help to point the way of
       safety and honor. 'Hope maketh not ashamed.'

    {681}

       "The prophets of evil were not the builders of the republic,
       nor in its crises have they saved or served it. The faith of
       the fathers was a mighty force in its creation, and the faith
       of their descendants has wrought its progress and furnished
       its defenders. They are obstructionists who despair and who
       would destroy confidence in the ability of our people to solve
       wisely and for civilization the mighty problems resting upon
       them. The American people, intrenched in freedom at home, take
       their love for it with them wherever they go, and they reject
       as mistaken and unworthy the doctrine that we lose our own
       liberties by securing the enduring foundations of liberty to
       others. Our institutions will not deteriorate by extension,
       and our sense of justice will not abate under tropic suns in
       distant seas.

       "As heretofore so hereafter will the nation demonstrate its
       fitness to administer any new estate which events devolve upon
       it, and in the fear of God will 'take occasion by the hand and
       make the bounds of freedom wider yet.' If there are those
       among us who would make our way more difficult we must not be
       disheartened, but the more earnestly dedicate ourselves to the
       task upon which we have rightly entered. The path of progress
       is seldom smooth. New things are often found hard to do. Our
       fathers found them so. We find them so. They are inconvenient.
       They cost us something. But are we not made better for the
       effort and sacrifice, and are not those we serve lifted up and
       blessed?

       "We will be consoled, too, with the fact that opposition has
       confronted every onward movement of the republic from its
       opening hour until now, but without success. The republic has
       marched on and on, and its every step has exalted freedom and
       humanity. We are undergoing the same ordeal as did our
       predecessors nearly a century ago. We are following the course
       they blazed. They triumphed. Will their successors falter and
       plead organic impotency in the nation? Surely after one
       hundred and twenty-five years of achievement for mankind we
       will not now surrender our equality with other Powers on
       matters fundamental and essential to nationality. With no such
       purpose was the nation created. In no such spirit has it
       developed its full and independent sovereignty. We adhere to
       the principle of equality among ourselves, and by no act of
       ours will we assign to ourselves a subordinate rank in the
       family of nations.

       "My fellow citizens, the public events of the last four years
       have gone into history. They are too near to justify recital.
       Some of them were unforeseen; many of them momentous and far
       reaching in their consequences to ourselves and our relations
       with the rest of the world. The part which the United States
       bore so honorably in the thrilling scenes in China, while new
       to American life, has been in harmony with its true spirit and
       best traditions, and in dealing with the results its policy
       will be that of moderation and fairness.

       "We face at this moment a most important question—that of the
       future relations of the United States and Cuba. With our near
       neighbors we must remain close friends. The declaration of the
       purposes of this government in the resolution of April 20,
       1898, must be made good. Ever since the evacuation of the
       island by the army of Spain the Executive with all practicable
       speed has been assisting its people in the successive steps
       necessary to the establishment of a free and independent
       government prepared to assume and perform the obligations of
       international law, which now rest upon the United States under
       the Treaty of Paris. The convention elected by the people to
       frame a constitution is approaching the completion of its
       labors. The transfer of American control to the new government
       is of such great importance, involving an obligation resulting
       from our intervention and the treaty of peace, that I am glad
       to be advised by the recent act of Congress of the policy
       which the legislative branch of the government deems essential
       to the best interests of Cuba and the United States. The
       principles which led to our intervention require that the
       fundamental law upon which the new government rests should be
       adapted to secure a government capable of performing the
       duties and discharging the functions of a separate nation, of
       observing its international obligations, of protecting life
       and property, insuring order, safety and liberty, and
       conforming to the established and historical policy of the
       United States in its relation to Cuba.

       "The peace which we are pledged to leave to the Cuban people
       must carry with it the guarantees of permanence. We became
       sponsors for the pacification of the island, and we remain
       accountable to the Cubans no less than to our own country and
       people for the reconstruction of Cuba as a free commonwealth,
       on abiding foundations of right, justice, liberty and assured
       order. Our enfranchisement of the people will not be completed
       until free Cuba shall 'be a reality, not a name—a perfect
       entity, not a hasty experiment, bearing within itself the
       elements of failure.'

       "While the treaty of peace with Spain was ratified on February
       6, 1899, and ratifications were exchanged nearly two years
       ago, the Congress has indicated no form of government for the
       Philippine Islands. It has, however, provided an army to
       enable the Executive to suppress insurrection, restore peace,
       give security to the inhabitants and establish the authority
       of the United States throughout the archipelago. It has
       authorized the organization of native troops as auxiliary to
       the regular force. It has been advised from time to time of
       the acts of the military and naval officers in the islands, of
       my action in appointing civil commissions, of the instructions
       with which they were charged, of their duties and powers, of
       their recommendations and of their several acts under
       Executive commission, together with the very complete general
       information they have submitted.

       "These reports fully set forth the conditions, past and
       present, in the islands, and the instructions clearly show the
       principles which will guide the Executive until the Congress
       shall, as it is required to do by the treaty, determine 'the
       civil rights and political status of the native inhabitants.'
       The Congress having added the sanction of its authority to the
       powers already possessed and exercised by the Executive under
       the constitution, thereby leaving with the Executive the
       responsibility for the government of the Philippines, I shall
       continue the efforts already begun until order shall be
       restored throughout the islands, and as fast as conditions
       permit will establish local governments, in the formation of
       which the full co-operation of the people has been already
       invited, and when established will encourage the people to
       administer them.

    {682}

       "The settled purpose, long ago proclaimed, to afford the
       inhabitants of the islands self-government as fast as they
       were ready for it will be pursued with earnestness and
       fidelity. Already something has been accomplished in this
       direction. The government's representatives, civil and
       military, are doing faithful and noble work in their mission
       of emancipation, and merit the approval and support of their
       countrymen. The most liberal terms of amnesty have already
       been communicated to the insurgents, and the way is still open
       for those who have raised their arms against the government
       for honorable submission to its authority.

       "Our countrymen should not be deceived. We are not waging war
       against the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands. A portion
       of them are making war against the United States. By far the
       greater part of the inhabitants recognize American
       sovereignty, and welcome it as n guarantee of order and
       security for life, property, liberty, freedom of conscience
       and the pursuit of happiness. To them full protection will be
       given. They shall not be abandoned. We will not leave the
       destiny of the loyal millions in the islands to the disloyal
       thousands who are in rebellion against the United States.
       Order under civil institutions will come as soon as those who
       now break the peace shall keep it. Force will not be needed or
       used when those who make war against us shall make it no more.
       May it end without further bloodshed, and there be ushered in
       the reign of peace, to be made permanent by a government of
       liberty under law."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Rejection by the British government of the Interoceanic Canal
       Treaty as amended by the Senate.

          See (in this volume)
          CANAL, INTEROCEANIC: A. D. 1901 (MARCH).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March).
       Death of Ex-President Harrison.

       Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States 1889-1893,
       died at his home in Indianapolis, on the afternoon of March
       13, 1901, after an illness of a few days.

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (March-April).
       Capture of Aguinaldo, the Filipino leader.
       His oath of allegiance to the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1901 (MARCH-APRIL).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).
       Organization of the enlarged regular army.
       Its strength, 76,000 men.

       A Press despatch from Washington, April 24, announced that the
       Secretary of War had approved recommendations of
       Lieutenant-General Miles for the organization of the army, not
       raising it to the full strength of 100,000 men authorized by
       Congress, but providing for a force of 76,787 enlisted men,
       distributed as follows:
       "Line of the army, 74,504;
       ordnance department, 700;
       signal corps, 760;
       post quartermaster sergeants, 150;
       post commissary sergeants, 200;
       electrician sergeants, 100;
       Military Academy detachment and band, 298;
       Indian scouts, 75.

       The cavalry is to be organized into fifteen regiments,
       consisting of 12 troops of 85 enlisted men, which, with the
       bands, will make a cavalry force of 15,840 men. The infantry
       is to consist of 38,520 men, divided into 30 regiments of 12
       companies each. The artillery corps will have a total of
       18,862 men, of which the coast artillery will have 13, 734,
       organized into 126 companies of 109 men each; and the field
       artillery, 4,800 men, organized into 30 batteries of 150 men
       each. The engineer battalions will consist of 12 companies
       amounting to 1,282 men. This plan makes no provision for the
       employment of Filipino natives, but this is explained by the
       fact that the 12,000 authorized for the native military force
       was made a distinctive feature of the Army bill by Congress
       and separated from the Regular Army."

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (April).
       Petition from the workingmen of Porto Rico.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1901 (APRIL).

    UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1901 (May).
       Decision of the Supreme Court in the cases involving
       questions touching the status of the new territorial
       possessions of the nation.

       The opinions of the Supreme Court in the cases before it known
       as "the insular cases," involving questions touching the
       relations of the government of the United States to the
       insular possessions lately acquired (see above: A. D.
       1900-1901), were announced on the 27th of May, as these sheets
       of the present volume were about to go to press.

       In the case of Elias S. A. De Lima et al. the opinion of the
       majority of the Court, delivered by Justice Brown, was against
       the claim of the government to duties on goods imported into
       the United States from Porto Rico after the ratification of
       the treaty of peace with Spain and before the passage of the
       Porto Rican act of April 12, 1900.

          See, (in this volume),
          PORTO RICO: A. D. 1899-1900; and 1900, APRIL).

       It was held in this decisive opinion that Porto Rico, at the
       time the duties in question were collected, was not a foreign
       country, but a territory of the United States. Said Justice
       Brown: "If an Act of Congress be necessary to convert a
       foreign country into domestic territory, the question at once
       suggests itself, What is the character of the legislation
       demanded for this purpose? Will an act appropriating money for
       its purchase be sufficient? Apparently not. Will an act
       appropriating the duties collected upon imports to and from
       such country for the benefit of its government be sufficient?
       Apparently not. Will acts making appropriations for its postal
       service, for the establishment of lighthouses, for the
       maintenance of quarantine stations, for erecting public
       buildings, have that effect? Will an act establishing a
       complete local government, but with the reservation of a right
       to collect duties upon commerce, be adequate for that purpose?
       None of these, nor all together, will be sufficient, if the
       contention of the government be sound, since acts embracing
       all these provisions have been passed in connection with Porto
       Rico, and it is insisted that it is still a foreign country
       within the meaning of the tariff laws. We are unable to
       acquiesce in this assumption that a territory may be at the
       same time both foreign and domestic. We are, therefore, of the
       opinion that at the time these duties were levied Porto Rico
       was not a foreign country within the meaning of the tariff
       laws, but a territory of the United States; that the duties
       were illegally exacted, and that the plaintiffs are entitled
       to recover them back."

       But in the case of Samuel B. Downes et al. a different set of
       circumstances was dealt with, since the duties in question
       were on goods imported from Porto Rico after the passage of
       the Act of April 12 (called "the Foraker Act"). On the
       question thus presented the majority of the Court sustained
       the contention of the government, saying, in an opinion
       delivered by Justice Brown:

    {683}

       "We are of opinion that the island of Porto Rico is a
       territory appurtenant and belonging to the United States, but
       not a part of the United States within the revenue clause of
       the Constitution; that the Foraker act is constitutional so
       far as it imposes duties upon imports from such island and
       that the plaintiff cannot recover the duties exacted in this
       case." The following general conclusions were held by Justice
       Brown to be established:

       "First—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are
       not States, within the judicial clause of the Constitution
       giving jurisdiction in cases between citizens of different
       States.

       "Second—That Territories are not States, within the meaning of
       revised statutes, section 709, permitting writs of error from
       this court in cases where the validity of a State's statute is
       drawn in question.

       "Third—That the District of Columbia and the Territories are
       States as that word is used in treaties with foreign powers,
       with respect to the ownership, disposition and inheritance of
       property.

       "Fourth—That the Territories are not within the clause of the
       Constitution providing for the creation of a Supreme Court and
       such inferior courts as Congress may see fit to establish.

       "Fifth—That the Constitution does not apply to foreign
       countries or trials therein conducted, and that Congress may
       lawfully provide for such trials before consular tribunals,
       without the intervention of a grand or petit jury.

       "Sixth—That where the Constitution has been once formally
       extended by Congress to Territories, neither Congress nor the
       Territorial Legislature can enact laws inconsistent
       therewith."

       Five of the nine justices of the Court concurred in the decree
       announced by Justice Brown; but three of them, viz., Justices
       White, Shims and McKenna, placed their concurrence on
       different and quite opposed grounds, in an opinion prepared by
       Justice White. In their view of the case before the court,
       "the sole and only issue is, had Porto Rico, at the time of
       the passage of the Act in question, been incorporated into and
       become an integral part of the United States?" and their
       conclusion is reported to have been, that "the question when
       Porto Rico was to be incorporated was a political question, to
       be determined by the American people, speaking through
       Congress, and was not for the courts to determine."

       The minority of the Court, consisting of Chief Justice Fuller,
       Justices Harlan, Brewer and Peckham dissented from the decree
       rendered by the majority, and from the varying grounds on
       which the two sections of that majority had rested it. As
       summarized in press despatches of the day, their opinion,
       delivered by the Chief Justice, "absolutely rejected the
       contention that the rule of uniformity [that is, the
       constitutional provision that 'all duties, imposts and excises
       shall be uniform throughout the United States'] was not
       applicable to Porto Rico because it had not been incorporated
       into and become an integral part of the United States; the
       word incorporation had no occult meaning, and whatever its
       situation before, the Foraker act made Porto Rico an organized
       Territory of the United States." "The concurring opinion of
       the majority," said the Chief Justice, "recognized that
       Congress, in dealing with the people of new territories or
       possessions, is bound to respect the fundamental guarantees of
       life, liberty and property, but assumes that Congress is not
       bound in those territories or possessions to follow the rules
       of taxation prescribed by the Constitution. And yet the power
       to tax involves the power to destroy and the levy of duty
       touches all our people in all places under the jurisdiction of
       the Government. The logical result is that Congress may
       prohibit commerce altogether between the States and
       Territories, and may prescribe one rule of taxation in one
       Territory, and a different rule in another. That theory
       assumes that the Constitution created a government empowered
       to acquire countries throughout the world, to be governed by
       different rules than those obtaining in the original States
       and Territories, and substitutes for the present system of
       republican government, a system of domination over distant
       provinces in the exercise of unrestricted power. In our
       judgment, so much of the Porto Rican act as authorized the
       imposition of these duties is invalid and plaintiffs were
       entitled to recover."

       Justice Harlan announced his concurrence with the dissenting
       opinion delivered by the Chief Justice. He regarded the
       Foraker act as unconstitutional in its revenue provisions, and
       believed that Porto Rico, after the ratification of the treaty
       with Spain, became a part of the United States. In conclusion,
       Justice Harlan said: "The addition of Porto Rico to the
       territory of the United States has been recognized by direct
       action upon the part of Congress. It has legislated in
       recognition of the treaty with Spain. If Porto Rico did not by
       such action become a part of the United States it did become
       such, at least, when Congress passed the Foraker act. I can
       not believe that Congress may impose any duty, impost or
       excise with respect to that territory and its people which is
       not consistent with the constitutional requirement that all
       duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the
       United States."

       No decision was rendered in the case of the Fourteen Diamond
       Rings, which involved questions relative to the status of the
       Philippine Islands in their relations to the government of the
       United States.

       ----------UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: End--------

    UNITED STATES OF CENTRAL AMERICA.
       Its formation and dissolution.

          See (in this volume)
          CENTRAL AMERICA: A. D. 1821-1898.

    UNITED STATES STEEL CORPORATION.

          See (in this volume)
          TRUSTS: UNITED STATES: THE CLIMAX, &c.

    UNIVERSITIES.

          See (in this volume)
          EDUCATION.

    UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA:
       Expeditions to explore the ruins of Nippur.

          See (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL, RESEARCH: BABYLONIA: AMERICAN EXPLORATION.

    UNYORO:
       British regulation of the kingdom.

          See (in this volume)
          UGANDA: A. D. 1897-1898.

    UR.

          See (in volume 1)
          BABYLONIA, PRIMITIVE;

          See (in volume 4)
          SEMITES;
          and (in this volume)
          ARCHÆOLOGICAL RESEARCH: BABYLONIA.

    {684}

    URUGUAY: A. D. 1896-1899.
       Revolutionary movement.
       Assassination of President Borda.
       Blancos and Colorados.
       Restoration of tranquil government by the
       Vice President, Cuestas.

       In November, 1896, a movement for the overthrow of President
       Borda was begun, with strong assistance from the neighboring
       Brazilian State of Rio Grande do Sul. Months of civil war
       followed, with varying fortunes, but the summer of 1897 found
       the President parleying with the insurgents, endeavoring to
       make terms. His original opponents had been the party called
       that of the Blancos, or Whites; the Colorados, or Reds, had
       supported him; but he seemed to be making enemies among them.
       By an assassin of his own party he was shot, on the 25th of
       August, as he came from a service in the cathedral at
       Montevideo which commemorated the anniversary of Uruguayan
       independence. Senor Juan Luis Cuestas, the President of the
       Senate and ex-officio Vice President of the Republic, assumed
       the administration of the government, made peace with the
       insurgents, and prepared to deal with a faction in the
       Chambers which is said to have made good government
       impossible. "The Representatives had made themselves hated by
       violence, corruption, and attacks on property. Senor Cuestas
       accordingly removed all officials devoted to the Chambers,
       called out a thousand National Guards, and being thus master
       of the situation, on February 10th dissolved the Chambers and
       declared himself provisional President. He then appointed a
       'Council' of eighty prominent citizens of all parties,
       invested them with the legislative power, and directed them to
       elect a new President, and to settle the method and time of
       the next elections. … According to the 'Times',
       correspondent, the citizens of Monte Video of all parties
       approved his action, not a stroke was struck for the Chambers,
       and public securities rose at once by from eight to fourteen
       points. Senor Cuestas, in fact, is trusted and competent."

          The Spectator (London),
          March 26, 1898.

       In due time, the Provisional President had to deal with a
       military revolt, which he effectually suppressed. Then, on the
       1st of March, 1899, he was constitutionally elected President,
       after resigning his dictatorial powers for a fortnight, in
       order that the election might be freely held.

    UTAH: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Prohibition of polygamous marriages.
       Proclamation of admission to the Union.

       On the 4th of January, 1896, a proclamation by the President
       of the United States, after reciting the provisions of the Act
       of Congress approved July 16, 1894, and the action taken by a
       convention of the people of Utah, held in accordance with the
       said act, in March, 1895, which convention "did, by ordinance
       irrevocable without the consent of the United States and the
       people of said State, as required by said act, provide that
       perfect toleration of religious sentiment shall be secured and
       that no inhabitant of said State shall ever be molested in person
       or property on account of his or her mode of religious
       worship, but that polygamous or plural marriages are forever
       prohibited," thereupon declared and proclaimed the creation of
       the State of Utah and its admission into the Union to be
       accomplished. The constitution of the new State has some
       radical features, providing for an eight-hours labor-day, and
       giving to women equal rights with men in suffrage and in
       eligibility to public office.

    V.

    VASSOS, Colonel, in Crete.

          See (in this volume)
          TURKEY: A. D. 1897 (FEBRUARY-MARCH).

    "VEGETARIANS," The.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1895 (AUGUST).

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895.
       Revolt suppressed.

       An attempted rising, in the interest of Dr. Rojas Paul,
       against the government of President Crespo, in the autumn of
       1895, was quickly suppressed.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (July).
       The question of the boundary of British Guiana taken up by the
       government of the United States.
       Despatch of Secretary Olney to Ambassador Bayard.

       For a number of years the government of the United States had
       been exerting itself to bring about the settlement of a long
       standing dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela
       concerning the line of boundary between the territory of
       Venezuela and that of British Guiana. In 1895 the effort
       became more resolute, as appeared in a lengthy despatch
       addressed, on the 20th of July, by the American Secretary of
       State, Mr. Olney, to the American Ambassador in London, Mr.
       Bayard. In this despatch Mr. Olney reviewed the long
       controversy which had been in progress, and recalled the
       communications on the subject which had passed between the
       governments of the United States and Great Britain since 1886.
       He then summarised "the important features of the existing
       situation" as represented in his recital, by the following
       statement:

       "1. The title to territory of indefinite but confessedly very
       large extent is in dispute between Great Britain on the one
       hand, and the South American Republic of Venezuela on the
       other.

       2. The disparity in the strength of the claimants is such that
       Venezuela can hope to establish her claim only through
       peaceful methods—through an agreement with her adversary
       either upon the subject itself or upon an arbitration.

       3. The controversy with varying claims on the part of Great
       Britain has existed for more than half-a-century, during which
       period many earnest and persistent efforts of Venezuela to
       establish a boundary by agreement have proved unsuccessful.

       4. The futility of the endeavour to obtain a conventional line
       being recognized, Venezuela, for a quarter of a century, has
       asked and striven for arbitration.

       5. Great Britain, however, has always and continuously
       refused, and still refuses, to arbitrate except upon the
       condition of a renunciation of a large part of the Venezuelan
       claim, and of a concession to herself of a large share of the
       territory in controversy.

    {685}

       6. By the frequent interposition of its good offices at the
       instance of Venezuela, by constantly urging and promoting the
       restoration of diplomatic relations between the two countries,
       by pressing for arbitration of the disputed boundary, by offering
       to act as Arbitrator, by expressing its grave concern whenever
       new alleged instances of British aggression upon Venezuelan
       territory have been brought to its notice, the Government of
       the United States has made it clear to Great Britain and to
       the world that the controversy is one in which both its honour
       and its interests are involved, and the continuance of which
       it cannot regard with indifference."

       Mr. Olney proceeds next to consider the rights, the interests
       and the duty of the United States in the matter, and to what
       extent, if any, it "may and should intervene in a controversy
       between and primarily concerning only Great Britain and
       Venezuela," and his conclusions on these points are founded on
       the doctrine set forth by President Monroe, of resistance to
       European intervention in American affairs. Quoting President
       Monroe's celebrated Message on the subject, in 1823, Mr. Olney
       remarks:

       "The Message just quoted declared that the American continents
       were fully occupied, and were not the subjects for future
       colonization by European Powers. To this spirit and this
       purpose, also, are to be attributed the passages of the same
       Message which treat any infringement of the rule against
       interference in American affairs on the part of the Powers of
       Europe as an act of unfriendliness to the United States. It
       was realized that it was futile to lay down such a rule unless
       its observance could be enforced. It was manifest that the
       United States was the only Power in this hemisphere capable of
       enforcing it. It was therefore courageously declared, not
       merely that Europe ought not to interfere in American affairs,
       but that any European Power doing so would be regarded as
       antagonizing the interests and inviting the opposition of the
       United States.

       "That America is in no part open to colonization, though the
       proposition was not universally admitted at the time of its
       first enunciation, has long been universally conceded. We are
       now concerned, therefore, only with that other practical
       application of the Monroe doctrine the disregard of which by
       an European Power is to be deemed an act of unfriendliness
       towards the United States. The precise scope and limitations
       of this rule cannot be too clearly apprehended. It does not
       establish any general Protectorate by the United States over
       other American States. It does not relieve any American State
       from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor
       prevent any European Power directly interested from enforcing
       such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the
       breach of them. It does not contemplate any interference in
       the internal affairs of any American State, or in the
       relations between it and other American States. It does not
       justify any attempt on our part to change the established form
       of Government of any American State, or to prevent the people
       of such State from altering that form according to their own
       will and pleasure. The rule in question has but a single
       purpose and object. It is that no European Power or
       combination of European Powers shall forcibly deprive an
       American State of the right and power of self-government, and
       of shaping for itself its own political fortunes and
       destinies. That the rule thus defined has been the accepted
       public law of this country ever since its promulgation cannot
       fairly be denied. …

       "It is manifest that, if a rule has been openly and uniformly
       declared and acted upon by the Executive Branch of the
       Government for more than seventy years without express
       repudiation by Congress, it must be conclusively presumed to
       have its sanction. Yet it is certainly no more than the exact
       truth to say that every Administration since President
       Monroe's has had occasion, and sometimes more occasions than
       one, to examine and consider the Monroe doctrine, and has in
       each instance given it emphatic indorsement. … A doctrine of
       American public law thus long and firmly established and
       supported could not easily be ignored in a proper case for its
       application, even were the considerations upon which it is
       founded obscure or questionable. No such objection can be
       made, however, to the Monroe doctrine understood and defined
       in the manner already stated. It rests, on the contrary, upon
       facts and principles that are both intelligible and
       incontrovertible. That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening
       ocean make any permanent political union between an European
       and an American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be
       denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the
       least of the objections to such a union. Europe, as Washington
       observed, has a set of primary interests which are peculiar to
       herself. America is not interested in them, and ought not to
       be vexed or complicated with them. …

       "If, … for the reasons stated, the forcible intrusion of
       European Powers into American politics is to be deprecated—if,
       as it is to be deprecated, it should be resisted and
       prevented—such resistance and prevention must come from the
       United States. They would come from it, of course, were it
       made the point of attack. But, if they come at all, they must
       also come from it when any other American State is attacked,
       since only the United States has the strength adequate to the
       exigency. Is it true, then, that the safety and welfare of the
       United States are so concerned with the maintenance of the
       independence of every American State as against any European
       Power as to justify and require the interposition of the
       United States whenever that independence is endangered? The
       question can be candidly answered in but one way. The States
       of America, South as well as North, by geographical proximity,
       by natural sympathy, by similarity of Governmental
       Constitutions, are friends and allies, commercially and
       politically, of the United States. To allow the subjugation of
       any of them by an European Power is, of course, to completely
       reverse that situation, and signifies the loss of all the
       advantages incident to their natural relations to us. But that
       is not all. The people of the United States have a vital
       interest in the cause of popular self-government. … To-day the
       United States is practically Sovereign on this continent, and
       its fiat is law upon the subjects to which it confines its
       interposition. Why? It is not because of the pure friendship
       or good-will felt for it. It is not simply by reason of its
       high character as a civilised State, nor because wisdom and
       justice and equity are the invariable characteristics of the
       dealings of the United States. It is because, in addition to
       all other grounds, its infinite resources, combined with its
       isolated position, render it master of the situation, and
       practically invulnerable as against any or all other Powers.
    {686}
       All the advantages of this superiority are at once imperilled
       if the principle be admitted that European Powers may convert
       American States into Colonies or provinces of their own. The
       principle would be eagerly availed of, and every Power doing
       so would immediately acquire a base of military operations
       against us. What one Power was permitted to do could not be
       denied to another, and it is not inconceivable that the
       struggle now going on for the acquisition of Africa might be
       transferred to South America. If it were, the weaker countries
       would unquestionably be soon absorbed, while the ultimate result
       might be the partition of all South America between the
       various European Powers. …

       "The people of the United States have learned in the school of
       experience to what extent the relations of States to each
       other depend not upon sentiment nor principle, but upon
       selfish interest. They will not soon forget that, in their
       hour of distress, all their anxieties and burdens were
       aggravated by the possibility of demonstrations against their
       national life on the part of Powers with whom they had long
       maintained the most harmonious relations. They have yet in
       mind that France seized upon the apparent opportunity of our
       Civil War to set up a Monarchy in the adjoining State of
       Mexico. They realize that, had France and Great Britain held
       important South American possessions to work from and to
       benefit, the temptation to destroy the predominance of the
       Great Republic in this hemisphere by furthering its
       dismemberment might have been irresistible. From that grave
       peril they have been saved in the past, and may be saved again
       in the future, through the operation of the sure but silent
       force of the doctrine proclaimed by President Monroe. …

       "There is, then, a doctrine of American public law, well
       founded in principle and abundantly sanctioned by precedent,
       which entitles and requires the United States to treat as an
       injury to itself the forcible assumption by an European Power
       of political control over an American State. The application
       of the doctrine to the boundary dispute between Great Britain
       and Venezuela remains to be made, and presents no real
       difficulty. Though the dispute relates to a boundary-line,
       yet, as it is between States, it necessarily imports political
       control to be lost by one party and gained by the other. The
       political control at stake, too, is of no mean importance, but
       concerns a domain of great extent—the British claim, it will
       be remembered, apparently expanding in two years some 33,000
       square miles—and, if it also directly involves the command of
       the mouth of the Orinoco, is of immense consequence in
       connection with the whole river navigation of the interior of
       South America. It has been intimated, indeed, that in respect
       of these South American possessions, Great Britain is herself
       an American State like any other, so that a controversy
       between her and Venezuela is to be settled between themselves
       as if it were between Venezuela and Brazil, or between
       Venezuela and Colombia, and does not call for or justify
       United States intervention. If this view be tenable at all,
       the logical sequence is plain. Great Britain as a South
       American State is to be entirely differentiated from Great
       Britain generally; and if the boundary question cannot be
       settled otherwise than by force, British Guiana with her own
       independent resources, and not those of the British Empire,
       should be left to settle the matter with Venezuela—an
       arrangement which very possibly Venezuela might not object to.
       But the proposition that an European Power with an American
       dependency is for the purposes of the Monroe doctrine to be
       classed not as an European but as an American State will not
       admit of serious discussion. If it were to be adopted, the
       Monroe doctrine would be too valueless to be worth asserting.
       …

       "The declaration of the Monroe Message—that existing Colonies
       or dependencies of an European Power would not be interfered
       with by the United States—means Colonies or dependencies then
       existing with their limits as then existing. So it has been
       invariably construed, and so it must continue to be construed,
       unless it is to be deprived of all vital force. Great Britain
       cannot be deemed a South American State within the purview of
       the Monroe doctrine, nor, if she is appropriating Venezuelan
       territory, is it material that she does so by advancing the
       frontier of an old Colony instead of by the planting of a new
       Colony. The difference is matter of form, and not of
       substance, and the doctrine if pertinent in the one case must
       be in the other also. It is not admitted, however, and
       therefore cannot be assumed, that Great Britain is in fact
       usurping dominion over Venezuelan territory. While Venezuela
       charges such usurpation Great Britain denies it, and the
       United States, until the merits are authoritatively
       ascertained, can take sides with neither. But while this is
       so—while the United States may not, under existing
       circumstances at least, take upon itself to say which of the
       two parties is right and which wrong—it is certainly within
       its right to demand that the truth shall be ascertained. …

       "It being clear, therefore, that the United States may
       legitimately insist upon the merits of the boundary question
       being determined, it is equally clear that there is but one
       feasible mode of determining them, viz., peaceful arbitration.
       The impracticability of any conventional adjustment has been
       often and thoroughly demonstrated. Even more impossible of
       consideration is an appeal to arms—a mode of settling national
       pretensions unhappily not yet wholly obsolete. If, however, it
       were not condemnable as a relic of barbarism and a crime in
       itself, so one-sided a contest could not be invited nor even
       accepted by Great Britain without distinct disparagement to
       her character as a civilized State. Great Britain, however,
       assumes no such attitude. On the contrary, she both admits
       that there is a controversy, and that arbitration should be
       resorted to for its adjustment. But, while up to that point
       her attitude leaves nothing to be desired, its practical
       effect is completely nullified by her insistence that the
       submission shall cover but a part of the controversy—that, as
       a condition of arbitrating her right to a part of the disputed
       territory, the remainder shall be turned over to her. If it
       were possible to point to a boundary which both parties had
       ever agreed or assumed to be such either expressly or tacitly,
       the demand that territory conceded by such line to British Guiana
       should be held not to be in dispute might rest upon a
       reasonable basis. But there is no such line. The territory
       which Great Britain insists shall be ceded to her as a
       condition of arbitrating her claim to other territory has
       never been admitted to belong to her.
    {687}
       It has always and consistently been claimed by Venezuela. Upon
       what principle—except her feebleness as a nation—is she to be
       denied the right of having the claim heard and passed upon by
       an impartial Tribunal? No reason or shadow of reason appears
       in all the voluminous literature of the subject. …

       "In these circumstances, the duty of the President appears to
       him unmistakable and imperative. Great Britain's assertion of
       title to the disputed territory, combined with her refusal to
       have that title investigated, being a substantial
       appropriation of the territory to her own use, not to protest
       and give warning that the transaction will be regarded as
       injurious to the interests of the people of the United States,
       as well as oppressive in itself, would be to ignore an
       established policy with which the honour and welfare of this
       country are closely identified. While the measures necessary
       or proper for the vindication of that policy are to be
       determined by another branch of the Government, it is clearly
       for the Executive to leave nothing undone which may tend to
       render such determination unnecessary. You are instructed,
       therefore, to present the foregoing views to Lord Salisbury by
       reading to him this communication (leaving with him a copy
       should he so desire), and to reinforce them by such pertinent
       considerations as will doubtless occur to you. They call for a
       definite decision upon the point whether Great Britain will
       consent or will decline to submit the Venezuelan boundary
       question in its entirety to impartial arbitration. It is the
       earnest hope of the President that the conclusion will be on
       the side of arbitration, and that Great Britain will add one
       more to the conspicuous precedents she has already furnished
       in favour of that wise and just mode of adjusting
       international disputes. If he is to be disappointed in that
       hope, however—a result not to be anticipated, and in his
       judgment calculated to greatly embarrass the future relations
       between this country and Great Britain—it is his wish to be
       made acquainted with the fact at such early date as will
       enable him to lay the whole subject before Congress in his
       next Annual Message."

          Great Britain, Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command:
          United States Number 1, 1896, pages 13-21).

    VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1895 (November).
       The British Guiana boundary question.
       Replies of Lord Salisbury to Secretary Olney.

       The reply of Lord Salisbury was not written until the 26th of
       November. It was then given in two despatches, bearing the
       same date,—one devoted entirely to a discussion of "the Monroe
       doctrine" and of the argument founded on it by Mr. Olney; the
       other to a rehearsal of the Venezuela controversy from the
       standpoint of the British government. In the communication
       first mentioned he wrote:

       "The contentions set forth by Mr. Olney in this part of his
       despatch are represented by him as being an application of the
       political maxims which are well known in American discussion
       under the name of the Monroe doctrine. As far as I am aware,
       this doctrine has never been before advanced on behalf of the
       United States in any written communication addressed to the
       Government of another nation; but it has been generally
       adopted and assumed as true by many eminent writers and
       politicians in the United States. It is said to have largely
       influenced the Government of that country in the conduct of
       its foreign affairs; though Mr. Clayton, who was Secretary of
       State under President Taylor, expressly stated that that
       Administration had in no way adopted it. But during the period
       that has elapsed since the Message of President Monroe was
       delivered in 1823, the doctrine has undergone a very notable
       development, and the aspect which it now presents in the hands
       of Mr. Olney differs widely from its character when it first
       issued from the pen of its author. The two propositions which
       in effect President Monroe laid down were, first, that America
       was no longer to be looked upon as a field for European
       colonization; and, secondly, that Europe must not attempt to
       extend its political system to America, or to control the
       political condition of any of the American communities who had
       recently declared their independence. The dangers against
       which President Monroe thought it right to guard were not as
       imaginary as they would seem at the present day. … The system
       of which he speaks, and of which he so resolutely deprecates
       the application to the American Continent, was the system then
       adopted by certain powerful States upon the Continent of
       Europe of combining to prevent by force of arms the adoption
       in other countries of political institutions which they
       disliked, and to uphold by external pressure those which they
       approved. … The dangers which were apprehended by President
       Monroe have no relation to the state of things in which we
       live at the present day. … It is intelligible that Mr. Olney
       should invoke, in defence of the views on which he is now
       insisting, an authority which enjoys so high a popularity with
       his own fellow-countrymen. But the circumstances with which
       President Monroe was dealing, and those to which the present
       American Government is addressing itself, have very few
       features in common. Great Britain is imposing no 'system' upon
       Venezuela, and is not concerning herself in any way with the
       nature of the political institutions under which the
       Venezuelans may prefer to live. But the British Empire and the
       Republic of Venezuela are neighbours, and they have differed
       for some time past, and continue to differ, as to the line by
       which their dominions are separated. It is a controversy with
       which the United States have no apparent practical concern. It
       is difficult, indeed, to see how it can materially affect any
       State or community outside those primarily interested, except
       perhaps other parts of Her Majesty's dominions, such as
       Trinidad. The disputed frontier of Venezuela has nothing to do
       with any of the questions dealt with by President Monroe. It is
       not a question of the colonization by a European Power of any
       portion of America. It is not a question of the imposition
       upon the communities of South America of any system of
       government devised in Europe. It is simply the determination
       of the frontier of a British possession which belonged to the
       Throne of England long before the Republic of Venezuela came
       into existence.

    {688}

       "But even if the interests of Venezuela were so far linked to
       those of the United States as to give to the latter a 'locus
       standi' in this controversy, their Government apparently have
       not formed, and certainly do not express, any opinion upon the
       actual merits of the dispute. The Government of the United States
       do not say that Great Britain, or that Venezuela, is in the
       right in the matters that are in issue. But they lay down that
       the doctrine of President Monroe, when he opposed the
       imposition of European systems, or the renewal of European
       colonization, confers upon them the right of demanding that
       when a European Power has a frontier difference with a South
       American community, the European Power shall consent to refer
       that controversy to arbitration; and Mr. Olney states that
       unless Her Majesty's Government accede to this demand, it will
       'greatly embarrass the future relations between Great Britain
       and the United States.' Whatever may be the authority of the
       doctrine laid down by President Monroe, there is nothing in
       his language to show that he ever thought of claiming this
       novel prerogative for the United States. … I will not now
       enter into a discussion of the merits of this method of
       terminating international differences. It has proved itself
       valuable in many cases; but it is not free from defects, which
       often operate as a serious drawback on its value. It is not
       always easy to find an Arbitrator who is competent, and who,
       at the same time, is wholly free from bias; and the task of
       insuring compliance with the Award when it is made is not
       exempt from difficulty. …

       "In the remarks which I have made, I have argued on the theory
       that the Monroe doctrine in itself is sound. I must not,
       however, be understood as expressing any acceptance of it on
       the part of Her Majesty's Government. It must always be
       mentioned with respect, on account of the distinguished
       statesman to whom it is due, and the great nation who have
       generally adopted it. But international law is founded on the
       general consent of nations; and no statesman, however eminent,
       and no nation, however powerful, are competent to insert into
       the code of international law a novel principle which was
       never recognized before, and which has not since been accepted
       by the Government of any other country. … Though the language
       of President Monroe is directed to the attainment of objects
       which most Englishmen would agree to be salutary, it is
       impossible to admit that they have been inscribed by any
       adequate authority in the code of international law; and the
       danger which such admission would involve is sufficiently
       exhibited both by the strange development which the doctrine
       has received at Mr. Olney's hands, and the arguments by which
       it is supported, in the despatch under reply. In defence of it
       he says: 'That distance and 3,000 miles of intervening ocean
       make any permanent political union between a European and an
       American State unnatural and inexpedient will hardly be
       denied. But physical and geographical considerations are the
       least of the objections to such a union. Europe has a set of
       primary interests which are peculiar to herself; America is
       not interested in them, and ought not to be vexed or
       complicated with them.' … The necessary meaning of these words
       is that the union between Great Britain and Canada; between
       Great Britain and Jamaica and Trinidad; between Great Britain
       and British Honduras or British Guiana are 'inexpedient and
       unnatural.' President Monroe disclaims any such inference from
       his doctrine; but in this, as in other respects, Mr. Olney
       develops it. He lays down that the inexpedient and unnatural
       character of the union between a European and American State
       is so obvious that it 'will hardly be denied.' Her Majesty's
       Government are prepared emphatically to deny it on behalf of
       both the British and American people who are subject to her
       Crown."

       In his second despatch, Lord Salisbury drew the conclusions of
       his government from the facts as seen on the English side, and
       announced its decision, in the following terms: "It will be
       seen … that the Government of Great Britain have from the
       first held the same view as to the extent of territory which
       they are entitled to claim as a matter of right. It comprised
       the coast-line up to the River Amacura, and the whole basin of
       the Essequibo River and its tributaries. A portion of that
       claim, however, they have always been willing to waive
       altogether; in regard to another portion, they have been and
       continue to be perfectly ready to submit the question of their
       title to arbitration. As regards the rest, that which lies
       within the so-called Schomburgk line, they do not consider
       that the rights of Great Britain are open to question. Even
       within that line they have, on various occasions, offered to
       Venezuela considerable concessions as a matter of friendship
       and conciliation, and for the purpose of securing an amicable
       settlement of the dispute. If as time has gone on the
       concessions thus offered diminished in extent, and have now
       been withdrawn, this has been the necessary consequence of the
       gradual spread over the country of British settlements, which
       Her Majesty's Government cannot in justice to the inhabitants
       offer to surrender to foreign rule, and the justice of such
       withdrawal is amply borne out by the researches in the
       national archives of Holland and Spain, which have furnished
       further and more convincing evidence in support of the British
       claims.

       "Her Majesty's Government are sincerely desirous of being in
       friendly relations with Venezuela, and certainly have no
       design to seize territory that properly belongs to her, or
       forcibly to extend sovereignty over any portion of her
       population. They have, on the contrary, repeatedly expressed
       their readiness to submit to arbitration the conflicting
       claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of
       territory which from their auriferous nature are known to be
       of almost untold value. But they cannot consent to entertain,
       or to submit to the arbitration of another Power or of foreign
       jurists, however eminent, claims based on the extravagant
       pretensions of Spanish officials in the last century, and
       involving the transfer of large numbers of British subjects,
       who have for many years enjoyed the settled rule of a British
       Colony, to a nation of different race and language, whose
       political system is subject to frequent disturbance, and whose
       institutions as yet too often afford very inadequate
       protection to life and property. No issue of this description
       has ever been involved in the questions which Great Britain
       and the United States have consented to submit to arbitration,
       and Her Majesty's Government are convinced that in similar
       circumstances the Government of the United States would be
       equally firm in declining to entertain proposals of such a
       nature."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          United States Number 1, 1896, pages 23-31.

    {689}

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895 (December).
       Message of President Cleveland to the United States Congress
       on the Guiana boundary dispute.

       As the replies given by Lord Salisbury showed no disposition
       on the part of the British government to submit its dispute
       with Venezuela to arbitration, President Cleveland took the
       subject in hand, and addressed to Congress, on the 17th of
       December, 1895, a special Message which startled the world by
       the peremptoriness of its tone.

       "In my annual message addressed to the Congress on the 3d
       instant," he said, "I called attention to the pending boundary
       controversy between Great Britain and the Republic of
       Venezuela and recited the substance of a representation made
       by this Government to Her Britannic Majesty's Government
       suggesting reasons why such dispute should be submitted to
       arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether it would be
       so submitted. The answer of the British Government, which was
       then awaited, has since been received, and, together with the
       dispatch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended. Such
       reply is embodied in two communications addressed by the
       British prime minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British
       ambassador at this capital. It will be seen that one of these
       communications is devoted exclusively to observations upon the
       Monroe doctrine, and claims that in the present instance a new
       and strange extension and development of this doctrine is
       insisted on by the United States; that the reasons justifying
       an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are
       generally inapplicable 'to the state of things in which we
       live at the present day,' and especially inapplicable to a
       controversy involving the boundary line between Great Britain
       and Venezuela.

       "Without attempting extended argument in reply to these
       positions, it may not be amiss to suggest that the doctrine
       upon which we stand is strong and sound, because its
       enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation
       and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and
       the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of
       government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our
       national life and can not become obsolete while our Republic
       endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous
       anxiety among the Governments of the Old World and a subject
       for our absolute non-interference, none the less is an
       observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our
       people and their Government. Assuming, therefore, that we may
       properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to 'the
       state of things in which we live' or any changed conditions
       here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may
       not be invoked in the present controversy. If a European power
       by an extension of its boundaries takes possession of the
       territory of one of our neighboring Republics against its will
       and in derogation of its rights, it is difficult to see why to
       that extent such European power does not thereby attempt to
       extend its system of government to that portion of this
       continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action
       which President Monroe declared to be 'dangerous to our peace
       and safety,' and it can make no difference whether the
       European system is extended by an advance of frontier or
       otherwise.

       "It is also suggested in the British reply that we should not
       seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dispute
       because it does not embody any principle of international law
       which 'is founded on the general consent of nations,' and that
       'no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however
       powerful, are competent to insert into the code of
       international law a novel principle which was never recognized
       before and which has not since been accepted by the government
       of any other country.' Practically the principle for which we
       contend has peculiar, if not exclusive, relation to the United
       States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the
       code of international law, but since in international councils
       every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the
       enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something we may justly
       claim, it has its place in the code of international law as
       certainly and as securely as if it were specifically
       mentioned; and when the United States is a suitor before the
       high tribunal that administers international law the question
       to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the
       justice of that code of law can find to be right and valid.

       "The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles
       of international law which are based upon the theory that
       every nation shall have its rights protected and its just
       claims enforced. Of course this government is entirely
       confident that under the sanction of this doctrine we have
       clear rights and undoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the
       British reply. The prime minister, while not admitting that
       the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions,
       states: 'In declaring that the United States would resist any
       such enterprise if it was contemplated, President Monroe
       adopted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the
       English Government of that date.'

       "He further declares: 'Though the language of President Monroe
       is directed to the attainment of objects which most Englishmen
       would agree to be salutary, it is impossible to admit that
       they have been inscribed by any adequate authority in the code
       of international law.'

       "Again he says: 'They [Her Majesty's Government] fully concur
       with the view which President Monroe apparently entertained,
       that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution
       in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisitions on the part of
       any European State would be a highly inexpedient change.'

       "In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was
       clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial
       considerations, and involved our safety and welfare, that it
       was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the
       state of the world's progress, and that it was directly
       related to the pending controversy, and without any conviction
       as to the final merits of the dispute, 'but anxious to learn
       in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great Britain
       sought under a claim of boundary to extend her possessions on
       this continent without right, or whether she merely sought
       possession of territory fairly included within her lines of
       ownership, this Government proposed to the Government of Great
       Britain a resort to arbitration as the proper means of
       settling the question, to the end that a vexatious boundary
       dispute between the two contestants might be determined and
       our exact standing and relation in respect to the controversy
       might be made clear.
    {690}
       It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted
       that this proposition has been declined by the British
       Government upon grounds which in the circumstances seem to me
       to be far from satisfactory. It is deeply disappointing that
       such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feelings toward
       both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of
       justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of
       the world, and touching its relations to one comparatively
       weak and small, should have produced no better results.

       "The course to be pursued by this Government in view of the
       present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt.
       Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great
       Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and
       having been now finally apprised of her refusal to do so,
       nothing remains but to accept the situation, to recognize its
       plain requirements, and deal with it accordingly. Great
       Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded
       as admissible by Venezuela, though any adjustment of the
       boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may
       enter into of her own free will can not of course be objected
       to by the United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude
       of Venezuela will remain unchanged, the dispute has reached
       such a stage as to make it now incumbent upon the United
       States to take measures to determine with sufficient certainty
       for its justification what is the true divisional line between
       the Republic of Venezuela and British Guiana. The inquiry to
       that end should of course be conducted carefully and
       judicially, and due weight should be given to all available
       evidence, records, and facts in support of the claims of both
       parties. In order that such an examination should be
       prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest
       that the Congress make an adequate appropriation for the
       expenses of a commission, to be appointed by the Executive,
       who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the
       matter with the least possible delay. When such report is made
       and accepted it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United
       States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful
       aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by
       Great Britain of any lands or the exercise of governmental
       jurisdiction over any territory which after investigation we
       have determined of right belongs to Venezuela.

       "In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the
       responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the
       consequences that May follow. I am, nevertheless, firm in my
       conviction that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate
       the two great English-speaking peoples of the world as being
       otherwise than friendly competitors in the onward march of
       civilization and strenuous and worthy rivals in all the arts
       of peace, there is no calamity which a great nation can invite
       which equals that which follows a supine submission to wrong and
       injustice and the consequent loss of national self-respect and
       honor, beneath which are shielded and defended a people's
       safety and greatness."

          United States, Message and Documents
          (Abridgment, 1895-1896).

       The recommendations of the President were acted upon with
       remarkable unanimity and promptitude in Congress, a bill
       authorizing the appointment of the proposed commission, and
       appropriating $100,000 for the necessary expenditure, being
       passed by the House on the day following the Message (December
       17), and by the Senate on the 20th.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1895 (DECEMBER).

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1895-1896 (December-January).
       Feeling in England and the United States
       over the boundary dispute.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1895-1896 (DECEMBER-JANUARY).

    VENEZUELA:  A. D. 1896-1899.
       Appointment of the United States Commission to investigate
       the boundary question.
       Reopening of negotiations between the United States
       and Great Britain.
       The solution of the main difficulty found.
       Arbitration and its result.

       The Commission authorized by the Congress of the United States
       to investigate and report on the true divisional line between
       British Guiana and Venezuela was named by the President of the
       United States, on the 1st of January, as follows:

       David J. Brewer, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court
       of the United States;
       Richard H. Alvey, Chief Justice of the Court of Appeals in
       the District of Columbia;
       Andrew D. White, ex-President of Cornell University,
       and ex-Minister to Germany and Russia;
       Daniel C. Gilman, President of Johns Hopkins University;
       Frederick H. Coudert, of New York.

       The Commission was organized on the 4th by the election of
       Justice Brewer to be its President. Mr. S. Mallet Prevost was
       subsequently appointed Secretary. One of the first proceedings
       of the Commission was to address a letter to the Secretary of
       State, suggesting a friendly intimation to the governments of
       Great Britain and Venezuela that their assistance to it, in
       procuring unpublished archives and the like evidence, would be
       highly acceptable, and that "if either should deem it
       appropriate to designate an agent or attorney, whose duty it
       would be to see that no such proofs were omitted or
       overlooked, the Commission would be grateful for such evidence
       of good will." This overture was well received in England, and
       had an excellent effect. It was responded to by Lord
       Salisbury, with an assurance that Her Majesty's government
       would readily place at the disposal of the President of the
       United States any information at their command, and would
       communicate advance copies of documents soon to be published
       on the subject of the boundary line. Before the close of
       January the Commission had organized its work, with several
       experts engaged to assist on special lines. Professor Justin
       Winsor, Librarian of Harvard University, had undertaken to
       report on the early maps of the Guiana-Venezuela country.
       Professor George L. Burr, of Cornell University, was making
       ready to examine the Dutch archives in Holland, and Professor
       J. Franklin Jameson, of Brown University, was enlisted for
       other investigations.

       Before these labors had gone far, however, the two
       governments, of Great Britain and the United States, were
       induced to reopen a discussion of the possibility of an
       arbitration of the dispute. On the 27th of February, Mr.
       Bayard, the Ambassador of the United States at London,
       conveyed to Lord Salisbury a proposal from his government
       "that Her Majesty's Ambassador at Washington should be
       empowered to discuss the question at that capital with the
       Secretary of State," and that "a clear definition of the
       'settlements' by individuals in the territory in dispute,
       which it is understood Her Majesty's Government desire should
       be excluded from the proposed submission to arbitration,
       should be propounded."
    {691}
       Lord Salisbury assented so far as to telegraph, on the same
       day, to Sir Julian Pauncefote: "I have agreed with the United
       States' Ambassador that, in principle, the matter may be
       discussed between the United States Government (acting as the
       friend of Venezuela) and your Excellency." But, a few days
       later (March 5), the British Premier and Foreign Secretary
       gave a broader range to the discussion, by recalling a
       correspondence that had taken place in the spring of 1895
       between the then American Secretary of State, Mr. Gresham, and
       the British Ambassador, in contemplation of a general system
       of international arbitration for the adjustment of disputes
       between the two governments. Reviving that project, Lord
       Salisbury submitted the heads of a general arbitration treaty
       between the United States and Great Britain, which became a
       subject of discussion for some weeks, without offering much
       promise of providing for the settlement of the Venezuela
       dispute. In May, the correspondence returned to the latter
       subject more definitely, Lord Salisbury writing (May 22):

       "From the first our objection has been to subject to the
       decision of an Arbiter, who, in the last resort, must, of
       necessity, be a foreigner, the rights of British colonists who
       have settled in territory which they had every ground for
       believing to be British, and whose careers would be broken,
       and their fortunes possibly ruined, by a decision that the
       territory on which they have settled was subject to the
       Venezuelan Republic. At the same time, we are very conscious
       that the dispute between ourselves and the Republic of
       Venezuela affects a large portion of land which is not under
       settlement, and which could be disposed of without any
       injustice to any portion of the colonial population. We are
       very willing that the territory which is comprised within this
       definition should be subjected to the results of an
       arbitration, even though some portion of it should be found to
       fall within the Schomburgk line." He proposed, accordingly,
       the creation of a commission of four persons, for the
       determination of the questions of fact involved, on whose
       report the two governments of Great Britain and Venezuela
       should endeavor to agree on a boundary line; failing which
       agreement, a tribunal of arbitration should fix the line, on
       the basis of facts reported by the Commission. "Provided
       always that in fixing such line the Tribunal shall not have
       power to include as the territory of Venezuela any territory
       which was bona fide occupied by subjects of Great Britain on
       the 1st January, 1887, or as the territory of Great Britain
       any territory bona fide occupied by Venezuelans at the same
       date."

       Objections to this proposal, especially to its final
       stipulation, were raised by the government of the United
       States, and the negotiation looked unpromising again for a
       time; but at length, on the 13th of July, Mr. Olney made a
       suggestion which happily solved the one difficulty that had
       been, from the beginning, a bar to agreement between the two
       governments. "Can it be assumed," he asked, in a letter of
       that date, "that Her Majesty's Government would submit to
       unrestricted arbitration the whole of the territory in
       dispute, provided it be a rule of the arbitration, embodied in
       the arbitral agreement, that territory which has been in the
       exclusive, notorious, and actual use and occupation of either
       party for even two generations, or say for sixty years, shall
       be held by the arbitrators to be the territory of such party?
       In other words, will Her Majesty's Government assent to
       unrestricted arbitration of all the territory in controversy,
       with the period for the acquisition of title by prescription
       fixed by agreement of the parties in advance at sixty years?"
       Lord Salisbury assented to the principle thus suggested, but
       proposed a shorter term of occupation than sixty years.
       Finally the term of fifty years was accepted on both sides,
       and from that point the arrangement of a Treaty of Arbitration
       between Great Britain and Venezuela went smoothly on. The good
       news that England and America were practically at the end of
       their dispute was proclaimed by Lord Salisbury, on the 9th of
       November, in a speech at the Lord Mayor's banquet, in London,
       when he said: "You are aware that in the discussion had with
       the United States on behalf of their friends in Venezuela, our
       question has not been whether there should be arbitration, but
       whether arbitration should have unrestricted application; and
       we have always claimed that those who, apart from historic
       right, had the right which attaches to established
       settlements, should be excluded from arbitration. Our
       difficulty for months has been to define the settled
       districts; and the solution has, I think, come from the
       suggestion of the government of the United States, that we
       should treat our colonial empire as we treat individuals; that
       the same lapse of time which protects the latter in civic life
       from having their title questioned, should similarly protect
       an English colony; but, beyond that, when a lapse could not be
       claimed, there should be an examination of title, and all the
       equity demanded in regard thereto should be granted. I do not
       believe I am using unduly sanguine words when I declare my
       belief that this has brought the controversy to an end."

       On the 10th of November, the Secretary of the United States
       Commission appointed to investigate the disputed boundary
       published the following: "The statements of Lord Salisbury, as
       reported in the morning papers, make it probable that the
       boundary dispute now pending between Great Britain and Venezuela
       will be sewed by arbitration at an early day. Under the
       circumstances the Commission, while continuing its deliberations
       in the preparation and orderly arrangement of many valuable maps,
       reports, and documents, which have been procured and used in the
       course of its labors, does not propose to formulate any decision
       for the present of the matters subject to its examination. It
       will continue its sessions from time to time, but with the hope
       and expectation that a friendly and just settlement of all
       pending differences between the nations interested will make
       any final decision on its part unnecessary." This hope was
       substantially realized a few days later, when a convention
       embodying the agreement of the United States and Great Britain
       was signed by Secretary Olney and the British Ambassador, Sir
       Julian Pauncefote. The agreement was carried to its next stage on
       the 2d of February, 1897, when a treaty between Great Britain and
       the United States of Venezuela was signed at Washington, which
       provided as follows:

    {692}

       "Article I.
       An Arbitral Tribunal shall be immediately appointed to
       determine the boundary-line between the Colony of British
       Guiana and the United States of Venezuela.

       "Article II.
       The Tribunal shall consist of five Jurists: two on the part of
       Great Britain, nominated by the Members of the Judicial
       Committee of Her Majesty's Privy Council, namely, the Right
       Honourable Baron Herschell, Knight Grand Cross of the Most
       Honourable Order of the Bath, and the Honourable Sir Richard
       Henn Collins, Knight, one of the Justices of Her Britannic
       Majesty's Supreme Court of Judicature; two on the part of
       Venezuela, nominated, one by the President of the United
       States of Venezuela, namely, the Honourable Melville Weston
       Fuller, Chief Justice of the United States of America, and one
       nominated by the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
       States of America, namely, the Honourable David Josiah Brewer,
       a Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States of
       America; and of a fifth Jurist to be selected by the four
       persons so nominated, or in the event of their failure to
       agree within three months from the date of the exchange of
       ratifications of the present Treaty, to be selected by His
       Majesty the King of Sweden and Norway. The Jurist so selected
       shall be President of the Tribunal. In case of the death,
       absence, or incapacity to serve of any of the four Arbitrators
       above named, or in the event of any such Arbitrator omitting
       or declining or ceasing to act as such, another Jurist of
       repute shall be forthwith substituted in his place. If such
       vacancy shall occur among those nominated on the part of Great
       Britain, the substitute shall be appointed by the members for
       the time being of the Judicial Committee of Her Majesty's
       Privy Council, acting by a majority, and if among those
       nominated on the part of Venezuela, he shall be appointed by
       the Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, acting
       by a majority. If such vacancy shall occur in the case of the
       fifth Arbitrator, a substitute shall be selected in the manner
       herein provided for with regard to the original appointment.

       "Article III.
       The Tribunal shall investigate and ascertain the extent of the
       territories belonging to, or that might lawfully be claimed
       by, the United Netherlands or by the Kingdom of Spain
       respectively at the time of the acquisition by Great Britain
       of the Colony of British Guiana, and shall determine the
       boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the
       United States of Venezuela.

       "Article IV.
       In deciding the matters submitted, the Arbitrators shall
       ascertain all facts which they deem necessary to a decision of
       the controversy, and shall be governed by the following Rules,
       which are agreed upon by the High Contracting Parties as Rules
       to be taken as applicable to the case, and by such principles
       of international law not inconsistent therewith as the
       Arbitrators shall determine to be applicable to the
       case:—

       Rules.
       (a.) Adverse holding or prescription during a period of fifty
       years shall make a good title. The Arbitrators may deem
       exclusive political control of a district, as well as actual
       settlement thereof, sufficient to constitute adverse holding
       or to make title by prescription.

       (b.) The Arbitrators may recognize and give effect to rights
       and claims resting on any other ground whatever valid
       according to international law, and on any principles of
       international law which the Arbitrators may deem to be
       applicable to the case, and which are not in contravention of
       the foregoing rule.

       (c.) In determining the boundary-line, if territory of one
       Party be found by the Tribunal to have been at the date of
       this Treaty in the occupation of the subjects or citizens of
       the other Party, such effect shall be given to such occupation
       as reason, justice, the principles of international law, and
       the equities of the case shall, in the opinion of the
       Tribunal, require. …

       Article XIII.
       The High Contracting Parties engage to consider the result of
       the proceedings of the Tribunal of Arbitration as a full,
       perfect, and final settlement of all the questions referred to
       the Arbitrators:"

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Treaty Series Number 5, 1897.

       Before the Arbitrators named in the treaty had entered on
       their duties, a vacancy in the tribunal was created by the
       death of Baron Herschell, and the Lord Chief Justice of
       England, Lord Russell of Killowen, was appointed in his place.
       His Excellency, Frederic de Martens, Privy Councillor and
       Permanent Member of the Council of the Ministry of Foreign
       Affairs in Russia, was selected to be the fifth Arbitrator. As
       thus constituted, the Arbitral Tribunal met in Paris on the
       15th of June, 1899. In the hearings before it, Venezuela was
       represented by Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United
       States, and other counsel; the British government by Sir
       Richard Webster, Attorney-General of Great Britain, and
       others. The decision of the Tribunal, which is said to have
       been rendered with unanimity, was announced on the 3d of
       October, 1899, as follows:

       "We the undersigned Arbitrators do hereby make and publish our
       decision, determination, and Award of, upon, and concerning
       the questions submitted to us by the said Treaty of
       Arbitration, and do hereby, conformably to the said Treaty of
       Arbitration, finally decide, award, and determine that the
       boundary-line between the Colony of British Guiana and the
       United States of Venezuela is as follows:

       Starting from the coast at Point Playa, the line of boundary
       shall run in a straight line to the River Barima at its
       junction with the River Mururuma, and thence along the
       mid-stream of the latter river to its source, and from that
       point to the junction of the River Haiowa with the Amakuru,
       and thence along the mid-stream of the Amakuru to its source
       in the Imataka Ridge, and thence in a south-westerly direction
       along the highest ridge of the spur of the Imataka Mountains
       to the highest point of the main range of such Imataka
       Mountains opposite to the source of the Barima, and thence
       along the summit of the main ridge in a south-easterly
       direction of the Imataka Mountains to the source of the
       Acarabisi, and thence along the mid-stream of the Acarabisi to
       the Cuyuni, and thence along the northern bank of the River
       Cuyuni westward to its junction with the Wenamu, and thence
       following the mid-stream of the Wenamu to its westernmost
       source, and thence in a direct line to the summit of Mount
       Roraima, and from Mount Roraima to the source of the Cotinga,
       and along the mid-stream of that river to its junction with
       the Takutu, and thence along the mid-stream of the Takutu to
       its source, thence in a straight line to the westernmost point
       of the Akarai Mountains, and thence along the ridge of the
       Akarai Mountains to the source of the Corentin called the
       Cutari River.
    {693}
       Provided always that the line of delimitation fixed by this
       Award shall be subject and without prejudice to any questions
       now existing, or which may arise, to be determined between the
       Government of her Britannic Majesty and the Republic of
       Brazil, or between the latter Republic and the United States
       of Venezuela.

       "In fixing the above delimitation the Arbitrators consider and
       decide that in times of peace the Rivers Amakuru and Barima
       shall be open to navigation by the merchant-ships of all
       nations, subject to all just regulations and to the payment of
       light or other like dues: Provided that the dues charged by
       the Republic of Venezuela and the Government of the Colony of
       British Guiana in respect of the passage of vessels along the
       portions of such rivers respectively owned by them shall be
       charged at the same rates upon the vessels of Venezuela and
       Great Britain, such rates being no higher than those charged
       to any other nation: Provided also that no customs duties
       shall be chargeable either by the Republic of Venezuela or by
       the Colony of British Guiana in respect of goods carried on
       board ships, vessels, or boats passing along the said rivers,
       but customs duties shall only be chargeable in respect of
       goods landed in the territory of Venezuela or Great Britain
       respectively."

          Great Britain, Papers by Command:
          Venezuela Number 7, 1899, pages 6-7.

    VENEZUELA: A. D. 1898-1900.
       Change in the Presidency.
       Death of ex-President Crespo.
       Revolution.
       Rebellion.

       General Joaquin Crespo retired from the presidency and was
       succeeded by General Ignacio Andrade on the 1st of March,
       1898. A revolutionary movement was soon started, with General
       Hernandez at its head, and ex-President Crespo, who led the
       forces of the government against it, was killed in a charge,
       on the 16th of April. Hernandez was surprised and captured a
       few weeks later, and the rebellion then subsided for a time.
       In the spring of 1899 Hernandez was set at liberty by Andrade,
       who, meantime, had crushed a minor revolt, undertaken by one
       General Guerra. August found the harassed President assailed
       by a fresh rising, started by General Cipriano Castro, and the
       restless revolutionist, Hernandez, was soon in league with it.
       This proved to be a revolution in earnest, and, after hard
       fighting, President Andrade fled from the capital and the
       country in October; Puerto Cabello, the last town to hold out
       for him, was bombarded and stormed the following month, and a
       new government was established, nominally under the Vice
       President, Rodriguez, but with Castro for its actual head.
       Before this had been fully accomplished, however, Hernandez
       was in arms against Castro, with his accustomed ill-success.
       Before the year closed he had fled the country; but early in
       1900 he was once more in the field, maintaining a troublesome
       war until May, when he was defeated, and again a prisoner in
       his opponents' hands.

    VICTORIA, Queen:
       The Diamond Jubilee celebration of her accession to the throne.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (JUNE).

    VICTORIA, Queen:
       Her death and funeral.
       Tributes to her character.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1901 (JANUARY).

    VICTORIA.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    VICTORIAN ORDER, The.

       A new order of knighthood, to be known as the Victorian Order,
       and to be conferred as a mark of high distinction, was
       instituted by Queen Victoria on the 21st of April, 1896.

    VIENNA: A. D. 1895-1896.
       Anti-Semitic agitation.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1895-1896.

    VIENNA: A. D. 1897.
       Scenes in the Reichsrath.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRIA-HUNGARY: A. D. 1897 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER).

    VIENNA: A. D. 1900.
       Census.

       According to a report from the United States Consul at Vienna,
       the census taken December 31, 1900, shows a population of
       1,635,647, or nearly 63,000 less than that of Chicago, when
       the recent census of that city was taken. These figures show
       Vienna to rank next after London, Paris and Berlin among the
       European capitals, while in this country only New York and
       Chicago are larger. In the last ten years Vienna has increased
       21.9 per cent, or slightly faster than the average for the
       whole United States. Of the two American cities larger than
       Vienna New York increased in ten years 37.8 per cent. and
       Chicago 54.4 per cent.

    VIEQUEZ.

          See (in this volume)
          PORTO RICO: AREA AND POPULATION.

    VILLIERS, Sir J. H. de:
       Advice to President Kruger.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1899 (MAY-AUGUST).

    VIRDEN, Conflict with striking miners at.

          See (in this volume)
          INDUSTRIAL DISTURBANCES: A. D. 1898.

    VIRGINIUS AFFAIR, The.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1868-1885.

    VISAYAN ISLANDS, American occupation of the.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    VISAYANS, The.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: THE NATIVE INHABITANTS.

    VOLKSRAAD, South African.

          See (in this volume)
          CONSTITUTION (GRONDWET) OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC.

    VOLUNTARY SCHOOLS, English.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1896-1897.

    VOLUNTEERS OF AMERICA, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SALVATION ARMY.

    VOTING, Plural or Cumulative, and Compulsory.

          See (in this volume)
          BELGIUM: A. D. 1894-1895.

    {694}

    WADAI.

          See (in this volume)
          NIGERIA, A. D. 1882-1899.

    WALDECK-ROUSSEAU, M.:
       The Ministry of.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1899 (FEBRUARY-JUNE), and after.

    WALES, The Prince or.

       It has been announced that Prince George, Duke of Cornwall and
       York, the only living son of King Edward VII., of England, and
       heir to the British throne, will be created Prince of Wales,
       by royal patent, after his return from Australia.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA: A. D. 1901 (MAY).

    WANA:
       Inclusion in a new British Indian province.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1901 (FEBRUARY).

    WAR:
       Measures to prevent its occurrence and to mitigate its
       barbarities.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    WAR BUDGETS:
       Military and naval expenditures of the great Powers.

       The following compilation of statistics of the military and
       naval expenditure of the leading Powers (Great Britain
       excepted) was submitted to the House of Representatives at
       Washington by the Honorable George B. McClellan of New York,
       in a speech, February 12, 1901, on the bill then pending in
       Congress, to make appropriations for the support of the Army
       of the United States. The tabulated statements were introduced
       with explanations and comments as follows:

       "For purposes of comparison, I have taken the armies and
       navies of Austria-Hungary, France, the German Empire, Italy,
       and Russia. I have not included Great Britain, for its
       conditions have been abnormal for nearly two years. I have
       based my estimates on the enlisted strength of the armies
       referred to, excluding commissioned officers. The figures are
       the most recent obtainable without direct communication with
       foreign authorities and are for the most part for the last
       fiscal year of the several countries, although in some cases
       they are for 1898-99. The German naval budget does not include
       the extraordinary expenditures for the new navy authorized by
       the recent enactment of the Reichstag. This does not begin to
       be effective until the next fiscal year. In estimating the
       equivalent in dollars of the Italian budget I have allowed 6
       per cent for the depreciation of the present paper currency—a
       very moderate estimate. The Russian budget will appear
       abnormally low, for I have recently seen it stated at
       $159,000,000. This is because the ruble has been assumed to be
       the gold ruble, worth 52 cents, but the budget is expressed in
       paper rubles, and is now, under a recent order of M. Witte,
       uniformly reckoned at two-thirds of the gold ruble. I have
       therefore called it 34.6 cents."

       As to the military expenditure of the United States, "the
       House has during the present session appropriated, or is about
       to appropriate, for the support of what may be called the
       active Army, $152,068,100.84. The appropriations growing out
       of past wars amount to a total of $154,694,292. I have charged
       to this account every item that could by any possible
       construction be assumed to refer to past wars and not to the
       maintenance of the present Army. The pension appropriation
       bill carried $145,245,230. The cost of administering the
       Pension Bureau will amount to $3,352,790. The Record and
       Pension Office costs $585,170. I have further included
       appropriations for National and State Homes, back pay, etc.,
       cemeteries, and $712,580 for extra clerks due to the Spanish
       war. Adding the appropriations due to past wars to the
       appropriation for the active Army, we find a total of
       $306,762,392.84, which represents the total of our Army
       budget. Taking the total cost of our active Army, and assuming
       the enlisted strength of the Army to be 100,000, we find the
       cost per annum of each enlisted man to be $l,520. Taking the
       total Army budget, including appropriations arising from past
       wars, we find the cost per annum of each enlisted man $3,067.

       "Without including appropriations arising from past wars, we
       find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be
       $1.99. Including appropriations arising from past wars, we
       find the cost of the Army per capita of population to be
       $4.02. The army budget of Austria-Hungary is $67,564,446, the
       cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man for one year being $183.86,
       and the cost of the army per capita of population $1.50. The
       army budget of France is $128,959,064, the cost of maintaining
       1 enlisted man is $218.74, and the cost per capita of
       population is $3.34. The army budget of the German Empire is
       $156,127,743, the cost per annum of 1 enlisted man is $277.85,
       the cost per capita of population is $2.98. The army budget of
       Italy is $43,920,132, the cost of maintaining 1 enlisted man
       per annum is $202.65, the cost per capita of population is
       $1.39. The army budget of Russia is $99,927,997, the cost of
       maintaining 1 enlisted man is $119.65, the cost per capita of
       population is 77 cents.

       "The appropriations for the support of the naval establishment
       are by no means so widely distributed as are those for the
       Army. The naval bill carries $77,016,635.60. In the
       legislative, executive, and judicial bill there are carried
       appropriations directly chargeable to the support of the Navy,
       including pay of the clerical force in the Auditor's office,
       the office of the Secretary, the office of the heads of the
       bureaus, maintenance of building, and contingent expenses,
       amounting to $399,150. In the sundry civil bill there are
       carried, for printing and binding, appropriations amounting to
       $127,000. Up to the present time the Secretary of the Treasury
       has submitted to the House a statement of deficiencies for the
       support of the naval establishment amounting to $2,491,549.64,
       making a total of $80,034,335.24 that the House has
       appropriated or is about to appropriate during the present
       session for the support of the naval establishment. In
       addition to this the legislative, executive, and judicial bill
       carries an appropriation of $21,800 for the payment of extra
       clerks whose employment is necessitated by the Spanish war,
       making a total naval budget of $80,056,135.24.

       "The naval budget of Austria-Hungary is $7,028,167, a cost per
       capita of population of 15 cents. The naval budget of France
       is $61,238,478, a cost per capita of population of $1.58. The
       naval budget of the German Empire is $32,419,602, a cost per
       capita of population of 62 cents. The naval budget of Italy is
       $18,455,111, a cost per capita of population of 58 cents. The
       naval budget of Russia is $48,132,220, a cost per capita of
       population of 37 cents.

    {695}

       "The combined appropriations for the Army and Navy represent
       the total war budget, or, as some European countries prefer to
       call it, the 'defense budget.' The total war budget of the
       United States, excluding appropriations due to past wars,
       amounts to $233,102,435, or a cost per capita of population of
       $3.03. Our total war budget, including appropriations due to
       past wars, amounts to $386,818,527, a cost per capita of
       population of $5.06. The total war budget of Austria-Hungary
       is $74,592,613, a cost per capita of population of $1.66. The
       total war budget of France is $190,197,542, a cost per capita
       of population of $4.92. The total war budget of the German
       Empire is $188,547,345, a cost per capita of population of
       $3.60. The total war budget of Italy is $62,375,243, a cost
       per capita of population of $1.97. The total war budget of
       Russia is $148,060,017, a cost per capita of population of
       $1.14. The combined total war budgets of France and of the
       German Empire amount to $378,744,887, or $8,073,640 less than
       that of the United States.

       "The criticism has been made that there can be no comparison
       between the cost of maintaining our Army and the cost of
       maintaining those of Europe, for the reason that the European
       private receives 'no pay' and ours receives $156 a year. As a
       matter of fact, while service is compulsory on the Continent,
       the continental private is paid a small sum, amounting on the
       average to about $56 a year. In other words, our private
       receives about $100 more than his comrade of Europe. This
       criticism does not affect comparisons, as will be seen on the
       consideration of a few figures. The war budget of the German
       Empire is the largest in Europe. Were the Prussian private to
       receive the same pay as our private the Prussian army budget
       would be swelled to $212,354,343. Were the Russian private to
       receive the same pay as our private the Russian budget would
       be swelled to about $190,000,000 per annum. The difference in
       pay does not account for the proportionate difference in the
       size of the budgets, for were our Army to be increased to the
       size of that of the German Empire our budget would be
       increased by $702,644,320, making a total of $854,712,420,
       without including expenses due to past wars, or, including
       such expenses, making an Army budget of $1,009,406,712. Were
       our Army to be increased to the size of Russia's, our budget
       would be increased by $1,132,120,220, making a total Army
       budget, without including appropriations due to past wars, of
       81,284,188,320, or, including appropriations due to past wars,
       making a total budget of $1,438,882,612.

       "I submit these figures to the consideration of the House
       without any comment whatsoever. Comment is unnecessary.

       "TABLE A.
       Analysis of the war budget of the United States as agreed to,
       or about to be agreed to, by the House of Representatives,
       first session Fifty-sixth Congress.

    1. ARMY.

    Appropriations for the active Army.

       Army bill                                     $117,994,649.10
       Military Academy bill                              700,151.88
       Fortification bill                               7,227,461.00

    Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:

       Office of the Secretary of War                       $104,150
       Office of the Auditor for the War Department          318,300
       Offices of heads of so-called "staff" departments     653,826
       Maintenance of three-eighths of Department building    45,990
       Rent                                                   13,500
       Stationery                                             32,500
       Postage                                                 1,000
       Contingent expenses                                    58,000
       Total                                            1,227,266.00

    Sundry civil bill:
       Arsenals and armories                                 281,550
       Military posts                                      1,008,960
       Bringing home dead                                    150,000
       Maps, etc.                                              5,100
       Printing and binding                                  241,000
       Repairs, three-eighths Department building             31,500
       Total                                            1,721,110.00

    Deficiencies submitted:
       December 11, 1900                               12,062,223.36
       January  21, 1901                                5,835,239.50
       January  26, 1001                                5,300,000.00
       Total                                           23,197,462.36

       Total, active Army                             152,068,100.84

    Appropriations growing out of past wars.

       Pensions                                      $145,245,230.00
       Salaries, Pension Bureau, etc.                   3,352,700.00
       Record and Pension Office                          585,170.00
       National Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers   3,074,142.00
       State Homes for Disabled Volunteer Soldiers        950,000.00
       Back pay and bounty (civil war)                    325,000.00
       Arrears of pay (Spanish war)                       200,000.00
       National cemeteries                                191,880.00
       Artificial limbs and appliances                     27,000.00
       Headstones and burials                              28,000.00
       Apache prisoners                                     2,500.00
       Secretary of War, extra clerks (Spanish war)       600,000.00
       Auditor for War Department,
          extra clerks(Spanish war)                       112,580.00

          Total.                                      154,694,292.00

       Appropriations for the active Army             152,068,100.84

          Total Army budget.                          300,762,392.81

    2. NAVY.

    Naval bill                                        $77,016,635.60
       Legislative, executive, and judicial bill:
          Office of the Secretary of the Navy             $47,900.00
          Office of the Auditor for the Navy Department    68,080.00
          Offices of heads of bureaus, etc.               224,430.00
          Maintenance of three-eighths
             of Department building                        45,990.00
             Contingent expenses                           12,750.00
       Total                                             $399,150.00

       Sundry civil bill:
          Printing and binding                            127,000.00

       Deficiencies submitted:
          December 11, 1900                                74,481.09
          December 17, 1900                                20,000.00
          January 21, 1901                              2,267,068.55
          January 25, 1901                                130,000.00
       Total                                            2,491,549.64

       Total, active Navy                              80,034,335.24
       Auditor for Navy Department,
          extra clerks (Spanish war)                       21,800.00

    Total Navy budget                                  80,056,135.24

    3. RECAPITULATION.

       Active Army                                   $152,068,100.84
       Active Navy                                     80,034,335.24
          Total                                      $232,102,436.08

       Army (past wars)                               154,694,292.00
       Navy (past wars)                                    21,800.00
          Total War Budget                            154,716,092.00

    Total war budget                                  386,818,528.08

    {696}

    TABLE B. Analysis of war budgets of various armies.

    Country           Population  Latest       Total      Cost of       Cost of     Latest      Cost of      Total war
                      by last     Obtainable   enlisted   maintaining   army per    obtainable  navy per     budget      Cost of army and
                      census      Army Budget  strength,  one enlisted  capita of   naval       capita of                combined
                                               peace      man for       population  budget      population               per capita of
                                               footing    one year.                                                      population.

    Austria-Hungary  44,901,036  $67,564,446   368,002    $183.86         $1.50     $7,028,167    $0.15     $74,502,613   $1.66
    France           38,517,975  128,959,064   589,541     218.74          3.34     61,238,478     1.58     190,197,542    4.92
    German Empire    52,246,589  156,127,743   562,266     277.85          2.98     32,419,602      .62     188,547,345    3.60
    Italy            31,479,217   43,020,132   216,720     202.65          1.39     18,455,111      .58      62,375,243    1.97
    Russia          129,211,113   99,927,797   835,143     119.85           .77     48,132,220      .37     148,060,017    1.14
    United States,
    not including
    cost of past
    wars             76,295,220  152,068,100   100,000   1,520.00          1.99     80,034,335     1.04     233,102,435    3.03
    United States,
    including cost
    of past wars     76,295,220  306,762,392   100,000   3,067.00          4.02     80,056,135     1.04     380,818,527    5.06

          Congressional Record,
          February 15, 1901, pages 2707-2709.

       The following is an abstract of the British Army estimates for
       1901-1902, submitted to Parliament in March, 1901, compared
       with those of the previous year. They cover, of course, the
       extraordinary expenditure incident to the South African war:

                                             NET ESTIMATES.

                                        1901-1002.    1900-1901.

    I. NUMBERS.
                                           Total       Total
                                          Numbers.    Numbers.
    Number of men on the Home
    and Colonial Establishments
    of the Army, exclusive of
    those serving 111 India.               450,000   430,000

    II.  EFFECTIVE SERVICES.                £          £

    Pay, &c., of Army (General
    Staff, Regiments, Reserve, and
    Departments).                      21,657,500  18,450,000
    Medical Establishment: Pay,&c.      1,083,600     908,000
    Militia: Pay, Bounty, &c.           2,662,000   2,288,000
    Yeomanry Cavalry: Pay and
    Allowances.                           375,000     141,000
    Volunteer Corps: Pay and
    Allowances.                         1,230,000   1,730,000
    Transport and Remounts.            15,977,000  19,800,000
    Provisions, Forage and other
    Supplies.                          18,782,000  18,200,000
    Clothing Establishments and
    Services.                           4,825,000   5,530,000
    Warlike and other Stores:
    Supply and Repair.                 13,450,000  13,200,000
    Works, Buildings, and Repairs:
    Engineer Services.                  3,281,000   4,730,700
    Establishments for Military
    Education.                            119,200     113,800
    Miscellaneous Effective Services      218,200     200,900
    War Office: Salaries and
    Miscellaneous Charges.                305,000     275,000

    Total Effective Services.          83,970,500  85,573,400

    III. NON-EFFECTIVE SERVICES.

    Non-Effective Charges for
    Officers, &c.                       2,271,000   1,861,000
    Non-Effective Charges for Men, &c.  1,485,000   l,379,000
    Superannuation, Compensation,
    and Compassionate Allowances.         188,500     186,000

    Total Non-Effective Services.       3,944,500   3,426,000

    Total Effective and
    Non-Effective Services.            87,915,000  88,999,400

    NOTE. The provision for Ordinary and War
    Services is as follows:

                               1901-02.    1900-01.

                                  £           £
    For War Services:
    South Africa              56,070,000  61,286,700
    China                      2,160,000   3,450,000

    Total                     58,230,000  64,736,700

    For Ordinary Services     29,685,000  24,262,700

    Total                     87,915,000  88,999,400

       The British navy estimates for 1901-1902 amount to a net total
       of £30,875,500, being an increase of £2,083,600 beyond the
       amount of £28,791,900 voted for the year 1900-1901. The total
       number of Officers, Seamen and Boys, Coastguard, and Royal
       Marines, proposed for the year 1901-1902 is 118,635, being an
       increase of 3,745.

       The following statistics of the numerical strength and ratio
       to population of the armies of twenty-two nations, compiled in
       the War Department of the United States, were cited in the
       debate in the United States Senate on the bill to increase the
       strength of the United States Army, January 15, 1901. They
       differ in some particulars, but not greatly, from the
       corresponding figures given by Mr. McClellan:

       "War Department, Adjutant-General's office, Washington, August
       28, 1900. According to the latest available sources, which are
       considered fairly reliable, the peace and war strength of the
       armies of the nations mentioned below is stated to be as
       follows:

    NATION.                  PEACE STRENGTH.      WAR STRENGTH.
                             Officers.  Men.

    Austria-Hungary, 1899.    26,454   335,239     1,872,178
    Belgium, 1899              3,472    48,030       163,000
    Brazil, 1897               2,300    25,860
    China                              300,000     1,000,000 (a)
    France, 1900               29,740  586,735     2,500,000 (b)

    (a) Estimated.
    (b) Available men liable to military service.

    {697}

    NATION.                 PEACE STRENGTH.     WAR STRENGTH.
                            Officers.  Men.

    Germany, 1899            23,230   562,266     3,000,000 (c)
    Great Britain, 1900      11,904   241,237 (d)   503,484
    Italy, 1898              14,084   310,602     1,304,854
    Japan, 1898               6,356   115,673       407,963
    Mexico, 1898              2,068    30,075       151,500
    Persia                             24,500       105,500
    Portugal, 1899            1,804    30,000       157,126 (e)
    Roumania                  3,280    60,000       171,948
    Russia, 1900             36,000   860,000     3,500,000 (f)
    Servia, 1897                      160,751       353,366
    Spain, 1899                        98,140       183,972
    Sweden, 1899              2,513    37,639       327,000
    Switzerland, 1899 (g)                           509,707
    Turkey, 1898                      700,620      900,000
    United States, 1900.      2,587    65,000      100,000

    (c) Estimated on present organization to have over 3,000,000
    trained men. War strength not given.

    (d) Of this number 74,288 are Indian troops.

    (e) In addition there are maintained in the colonies 9,478
    officers and men.

    (f) Approximately.

    (g) No standing army.

       "War Department, Adjutant General's office, Washington,
       December 8, 1900. Peace strength of the armies, population, and
       percentage of former to latter of the principal countries of the
       world. This table is not strictly accurate at the present
       time, because the dates of censuses vary. In preparing this
       table the latest published census has been taken for
       population, and the countries are arranged in order of their
       percentages:

    NATION.           Peace Strength.  Population.  Percentage.

    France               616,475        38,517,975     1.6
    Norway                30,900         2,000,917     1.54
    Germany              585,896        52,279,901     1.1
    Roumania              63,280         5,800,000     1.1
    Italy                324,686        31,856,675     1
    Greece                25,338         2,433,806     1
    Servia                22,448         2,312,484      .97
    Austria-Hungary      361,693        41,351,184     0.87
    Sweden                40,152         5,062,918      .79
    Belgium               51,502         6,669,732      .77
    Russia.              896,000       128,932,113      .69
    Great Britain
    and Ireland.         259,141        38,104,975      .68
    Turkey.              244,000        38,791,000      .63
    Portugal              31,804         5,049,729      .62
    Spain                 98,140        17,565,632      .56
    Netherlands           21,696         5,074,632      .54
    Denmark                9,769         2,185,335      .45
    Japan                122,029        43,745,353      .30
    Mexico                32,143        12,630,863      .25
    Brazil                28,160        14,338,915      .19
    United States         67,587        76,295,220      .089
    Switzerland (h)                      3,119,635

       (h) Switzerland has no standing army, but every citizen has to
       bear arms. The first Class (élite), composed of men between
       the ages of 20 and 32, has from forty to eighty days' training
       the first year, and every second year thereafter sixteen days.
       About 18,000 men join the elite annually.

       In December, 1900, the British Board of Trade issued a return,
       for the year 1899 (except as stated otherwise), of the "Naval
       expenditure and Mercantile Marine" of leading nations, from
       which the following table is taken:

    COUNTRIES.              Aggregate     Aggregate     Aggregate
                            Naval         Revenue       Tonnage of
                            Expenditure                 Mercantile
                            on Seagoing                 Marine.
                            Force.

                                 £             £            Tons.

    Great Britain
    (United Kingdom)        26,145,599    119,839,905      9,164,342
                            (1898-99)    (Year ended
                                         31st March, 1900)

    Russian Empire          8,306,500      165,905,000       554,141

    Germany                 6,672,788       76,309,000     1,639,552
                           (1899-1900)                      (1898)

    Netherlands             1,133,664       10,416,000       302,224
                           (1899-1900)                      (1898)

    France                 13,796,033      142,021,000       957,756

    Portugal                 749,226        11,474,000       129,522
                           (Year ended                       (1898)
                          30th June, 1900)

    Spain                  1,133,664        34,633,000       637,924
                           (Year ended      (1898-99)       (1897)
                         30th June, 1900)

    Italy.                 4,617,034        70,181,000       815,162
                         (Year ended       (Year ended       (1898)
                          30th June, 1900) 30th June, 1899)

    Austria-Hungary        1,403,441

    Austria.                                66,171,000     164,506
                                              (1898)       (1898)

    Hungary.                                42,903,000      66,072

    United States
    (year ended
    30th June)             9,840,912       127,288,000      848,246 (b).
                            (1900)

    Japan                  5,076,294        22,017,000 (a)  648,324
                           (1899-1900)                       (1898)

    NOTE.
       (a) Includes the Chinese indemnity.

       (b) Registered for foreign trade only.

    WAR DEPARTMENT, The United States:
       Investigation of its conduct in the war with Spain.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA: A. D. 1898-1899.

    WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1897.
       Completion of the building for the Library of Congress.

          See (in this volume)
          LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.

    {698}

    WASHINGTON, D. C.: A. D. 1900 (December).
       Celebration of the Centennial Anniversary.

       The 100th anniversary of the removal of the national capital
       from Philadelphia to Washington was fittingly celebrated on
       the 12th of December, 1900, by an imposing military parade and
       by a notable assemblage in the House of Representatives, where
       addresses were delivered and the principal exercises took
       place. The President and the Vice President elect, members of
       all branches of the public service, the Governors and
       delegates from all the States and Territories, and various
       other dignitaries, were present. The day of celebration was
       not precisely that of the anniversary, but one chosen for
       convenience to represent it. Under the law in 1800 the two
       houses of Congress began their regular winter session about
       two weeks earlier than they do now, and November 17 was set as
       the date on which the VIth Congress should reassemble at the
       new seat of Federal power. As neither house could have taken
       part this year in anniversary ceremonies held on November 17,
       a day was naturally chosen which should allow the legislative
       branch its proper share in the centennial celebration. The
       Executive Departments had, in fact, been partially installed
       in the new District some time before the members of the VIth
       Congress found their way to the unfinished Capitol. President
       Adams, leaving Philadelphia on May 27, and travelling by a
       circuitous route through Lancaster and Frederick, reached
       Georgetown on June 3, 1800. He inspected the single wing of
       the original Capitol, then far from finished, visited
       Alexandria, at the southern extreme of the District, and after
       a ten days stay in Georgetown departed for Massachusetts. The
       President and Mrs. Adams returned to occupy the White House
       early in November of the same year.

    WAZIRIS, British-Indian wars with the.

          See (in this volume)
          INDIA: A. D. 1894, and 1897-1898.

    WEI-HAI-WEI, Lease of the harbor of, by Great Britain.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (MARCH-JULY).

    WELLMAN, Walter:
       Second Arctic Expedition.

          See (in this volume)
          POLAR EXPLORATION, 1898-1899.

    WELSH CHURCH:
       Failure of Disestablishment Bill.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1894-1895.

    WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1895.
       Appointment of a Governor-General of the French possessions.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (FRENCH WEST AFRICA).

    WEST AFRICA: A. D. 1899.
       Definition of British and German boundaries.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    WEST INDIES, The British: A. D. 1897.
       Report of a Royal Commission on the condition and prospects
       of the sugar-growing colonies.

       A state of increasing distress in most of the British West
       India colonies, caused by the depression of the sugar-growing
       industry, led to the appointment, in December, 1896, of a
       Royal Commission "to make an inquiry into the condition and
       prospects of the colonies of Jamaica, British Guiana, Trinidad
       and Tobago, Barbados, Grenada, St. Vincent, St. Lucia, and the
       Leeward Islands, and to suggest such measures as appeared
       calculated to restore and maintain the prosperity of these
       colonies and their inhabitants." In the August following the
       Commission made its report, with the following summary of
       conclusions:

       "a. The sugar industry in the West Indies is in danger of
       great reduction, which in some colonies may be equivalent or
       almost equivalent to extinction.

       "b. The depression of the industry is due to the competition
       of other sugar-producing countries and in a special degree to
       the competition of beet sugar produced under a system of
       bounties. It is also affected by high protective tariffs, and
       by the competition of cane sugar, the production of which is
       specially encouraged by the Governments concerned. The causes
       of the depression may be described as permanent, inasmuch as
       they are largely due to the policy of foreign countries, and
       there is no indication that that policy is likely to be
       abandoned in the immediate future.

       "c. It is not due in any considerable degree to extravagance
       in management, to imperfection in the process of manufacture,
       or to inadequate supervision consequent on absentee
       ownership, and the removal of these causes, wherever they
       exist, would not enable it, generally, to be profitably
       carried on under present conditions of competition. …

       "d. The depression in the industry is causing sugar estates to
       be abandoned, and will cause more estates to be abandoned, and
       such abandonment is causing and will cause distress among the
       labouring population, including a large number of East Indian
       immigrants, and will seriously affect, for a considerable
       time, the general prosperity of the sugar-producing Colonies,
       and will render it impossible for some, and perhaps the
       greater number of them, to provide, without external aid, for
       their own government and administration.

       "e. If the production of sugar is discontinued or very largely
       reduced, there is no industry or industries that could
       completely replace it in such islands as Barbados, Antigua,
       and St. Kitts, and be profitably carried on and supply
       employment for the labouring population. In Jamaica, in
       Trinidad, in British Guiana, in St. Lucia, in St. Vincent, and
       to some extent in Montserrat and Nevis, the sugar industry may
       in time be replaced by other industries, but only after the
       lapse of a considerable period and at the cost of much
       displacement of labour and consequent suffering. In Dominica
       the sugar industry is not at the present day of great
       importance. We think it right to add that in all Colonies
       where sugar can be completely, or very largely, replaced by
       other industries, the Colonies in question will be in a much
       sounder position, both politically and economically, when they
       have ceased to depend wholly, or to a very great extent, upon
       the continued prosperity of a single industry.

       "f. The total or partial extinction of the sugar industry
       would, in most places, very seriously affect the condition of
       the labouring classes for the worse, and would largely reduce
       the revenue of the Colonies. In some places the loss of
       revenue could be met to a limited extent by economies, but
       this could not be done universally nor in a material degree in
       most of the Colonies. Some of the Colonies could not provide
       the necessary cost of administration, including the relief of
       distressed and necessitous persons, or of the support and
       repatriation (when necessary) of the East Indian immigrants,
       without subventions from the mother country. Jamaica,
       Trinidad, and Grenada may be expected to meet from their own
       resources the whole of the expenditure that is likely to fall
       on them.

    {699}

       "g. The best immediate remedy for the state of things which we
       have shown to exist would be the abandonment of the bounty
       system by continental nations. This change would in all
       probability enable a large portion of the sugar-cane
       cultivation to be carried on successfully, and would certainly
       reduce the rate at which it will diminish. Looking, however,
       to what appears to be the policy of the United States of
       America, to the great cheapening of the cost of production of
       beet sugar, and the fact that many countries appear to have
       singled out the sugar industry as one which ought to be
       artificially stimulated in various ways, it is not clear that,
       even if the bounties were abolished, another crisis of a similar
       character might not arise in the West Indies at a future day.

       "11. A remedy which was strongly supported by witnesses
       interested in the West Indian sugar estates was the imposition
       of countervailing duties on bounty-fed sugar when imported
       into the United Kingdom. …

       "i. The special remedies or measures of relief which we
       unanimously recommend are—

          (1.) The settlement of the labouring population on small
          plots of land as peasant proprietors.

          (2.) The establishment of minor agricultural industries,
          and the improvement of the system of cultivation,
          especially in the case of small proprietors.

          (3.) The improvement of the means of communication between
          the different islands.

          (4.) The encouragement of a trade in fruit with New York,
          and, possibly, at a future time, with London.

          (5.) The grant of a loan from the Imperial Exchequer for
          the establishment of Central Factories in Barbados.

       The subject of emigration from the distressed tracts also
       requires the careful attention of the various Governments,
       though we do not find ourselves at the present time in a
       position to make recommendations in detail.

       "j. We estimate the cost of the special remedies recommended
       in (2) (3) and (4) of i, at £27,000 a year for ten years, the
       expenditure to be borne by the mother country. We estimate the
       amount of the loan to Barbados for the erection of central
       factories at £120,000. This measure no doubt involves the risk
       of loss. Grants will be required in Dominica and St. Vincent
       for roads, and to enable the settlement of the labouring
       population on the land to be carried out, and their amount may
       be taken at £30,000. A further grant of about £60,000 is
       required to clear off the floating debt in some of the smaller
       islands. In addition, the smaller islands should receive grants
       to enable them to meet their ordinary expenditure of an
       obligatory nature. The amount may be placed at £20,000 a year
       for five years, and possibly a reduced amount for a further
       period of five years. The expenditure which we are able to
       estimate may be summarized as follows:—

          (1.) A grant of £27,000 a year for ten years.

          (2.) A grant of £20,000 a year for five years.

          (3.) Immediate grants of £60,000 and £30,000, or £90,000 in
          all.

          (4.) A loan of £120,000 to Barbados for the establishment
          of central factories."

       On a proposal for the federation of the West India colonies
       the Commission reported unfavorably, for the reason that the
       colonies are too widely scattered and differ too greatly in
       conditions for an efficient or economical common government.
       "Nor does it seem to us," says the report, "that the very
       important Island of Jamaica, which is separated by many
       hundreds of miles of sea from all the other West Indian
       Colonies, could dispense with a separate Governor, even if
       there should be a Governor-General; whilst the circumstances
       of British Guiana and Trinidad almost equally demand the
       constant presence and attention of an Administrator of
       Governor's rank. It might be possible, without disadvantage,
       to make some reduction in the number of higher officials in
       the smaller islands, and we are disposed to think that it
       would be conducive to efficiency and economy if the islands of
       the Windward Group, that is, Grenada and the Grenadines, St.
       Vincent and St. Lucia, were again placed under the Governor of
       Barbados, as they were for many years previous to 1885. We are
       also disposed to think that the Island of Dominica, which is
       not much further than Grenada from Barbados, and which, in its
       physical, social and industrial conditions partakes more of
       the character of the Windward Islands than of that of the
       other Leeward Islands, might be placed under this Government
       instead of being considered one of the Leeward Group. It
       might, indeed, be found possible to bring the whole of the
       Leeward Islands under the same Government as Barbados and the
       Windward Islands, and thus effect a further economy."

          Great Britain,
          Parliamentary Publications
          (Papers by Command;
          C.-8655, 1897, pages 69-70, and 23).

       With the sanction of Parliament, most of the recommendations
       of the Commission were promptly carried out. Provision was
       made for the construction of roads in the islands; for
       subsidising steamer lines between the several islands and
       between Jamaica, Canada and London; for developing the
       cultivation of fruits and other crops by a botanical
       department; for establishing model factories for the better
       and cheaper working of sugar cane; and for wiping off certain
       debts which were a cause of distress to some of the poorer
       islands. In these measures the imperial government undertook
       obligations which might, it was said, involve the payment of
       £200,000.

    WEST INDIES: A. D. 1899-1901.
       Reciprocity arrangement with the United States.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1899-1901.

    WESTERN AUSTRALIA.

          See (in this volume)
          AUSTRALIA; and CONSTITUTION OF AUSTRALIA.

    WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
       At Barcelona.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1895-1896.

    WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
       Administration in Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1896-1897.

    WEYLER y NICOLAU, General:
       Appointed Captain-General of Madrid.

          See (in this volume)
          SPAIN: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER-NOVEMBER).

    WHEATON, General:
       Military operations in the Philippine Islands.

          See (in this volume)
          PHILIPPINE ISLANDS: A. D. 1899 (JANUARY-NOVEMBER).

    WHITE, Andrew D.:
       American Commissioner to the Peace Conference at The Hague.

          See (in this volume)
          PEACE CONFERENCE.

    WILDMAN, Rounseville:
       Report of proposals from Philippine insurgents in 1897.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER).

    {700}

    WILHELMINA, Queen of the Netherlands:
       Enthronement and marriage.

          See (in this volume)
          NETHERLANDS: A. D. 1808, and 1901.

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       Some of his autocratic speeches against the Social Democrats.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1894-1895.

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       His claim to kingship by Divine Right.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D.1894-1899.

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       His message to President Kruger relative to the Jameson Raid.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1896 (JANUARY).

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       His speech to his brother, Prince Henry, at Kiel.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       His speech to soldiers departing to China.
       Punishment of its critics.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (OCTOBER 9).

    WILLIAM II., German Emperor.
       His system of personal government.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1900 (NOVEMBER-DECEMBER).

    WILMINGTON, NORTH CAROLINA:
       Race war.

          See (in this volume)
          NORTH CAROLINA: A. D. 1898.

    WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: ELECTRICAL.

    WITU. The State of.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

    WITWATERSRAND, The.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (THE TRANSVAAL): A. D. 1885-1890.

    WOLCOTT, Senator Edward O.:
       Bimetallic mission to Europe.

          See (in this volume)
          MONETARY QUESTIONS: A. D. 1897 (APRIL-OCTOBER).

    WOMAN SUFFRAGE.

       Four States have given to women unlimited political freedom,
       these States being Colorado, Utah, Wyoming, and Idaho. The
       women of all these States, except Idaho, had the privilege of
       voting in the Presidential election of 1896. The women of
       Idaho voted in the State election of 1898, but their first
       chance to vote for a Presidential ticket was in 1900. To some
       extent, in the election of school boards and officers, or on
       questions of taxation, woman suffrage exists in a limited way
       in Arizona, Connecticut, Delaware, Illinois, Iowa, Kentucky,
       Massachusetts, Michigan, Minnesota, Montana, Nebraska, New
       Hampshire, New York, North Dakota, Ohio, Oklahoma, Oregon,
       South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, Washington and Wisconsin.

    WOMAN'S CENTURY, The.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY. THE WOMAN'S CENTURY.

    WOOD, Leonard, Colonel
       of the Regiment of Rough Riders.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:  A. D. 1898 (APRIL-MAY).

    WOOD, Leonard, Colonel
       Commanding at Santiago.
       Report.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1898-1899 (DECEMBER-OCTOBER)

    WOOD, Leonard, Colonel.
       Military Governor of Cuba.

          See (in this volume)
          CUBA: A. D. 1809 (DECEMBER).

    WORKINGMEN'S INSURANCE, Compulsory, in Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          GERMANY: A. D. 1897-1900.

    WORKMEN'S COMPENSATION ACT, English.

          See (in this volume)
          ENGLAND: A. D. 1897 (MAY-JULY).

    WORLD POWERS, The four great.

          See (in this volume)
          NINETEENTH CENTURY: EXPANSION.

    X.

    X RAYS. The discovery of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, REGENT: CHEMISTRY AND PHYSICS.

    Y.

    YAMAGATA, Marquis: Ministry.

          See (in this volume)
          JAPAN: A. D. 1898-1899.

    YANG-TSUN, Battle of.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1900 (AUGUST 4-16).

    YANG-TSZE REGION, Chinese agreement not to alienate.

          See (in this volume)
          CHINA: A. D. 1898 (FEBRUARY).

    YAQUIS, Revolts of the.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICO: A. D. 1896-1899.

    YAUCO, Engagement at.

          See (in this volume)
          UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:
          A. D. 1898 (JULY-AUGUST: PORTO RICO).

    YELLOW FEVER, Detection of the mosquito as a carrier of.

          See (in this volume)
          SCIENCE, RECENT: MEDICAL AND SURGICAL.

    YERKES OBSERVATORY, The.

       The Yerkes Observatory, built and equipped for the University
       of Chicago, by Mr. Charles T. Yerkes, of Chicago, at the
       village of Williams Bay, near Lake Geneva, Wisconsin, was
       opened and dedicated on the 21st of October, 1897. A
       remarkable gathering of eminent astronomers gave distinction
       to the occasion. The Observatory was pronounced to be the most
       perfectly equipped in the world. The lens of its great
       telescope—40 inch objective—the last great work of the late
       Alvan G. Clark, of Cambridge, Massachusetts was then the
       largest ever made. Its cost was $66,000; the cost of the
       equatorial mounting was $55,000.

    YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR.

          See (in this volume)
          CHRISTIAN ENDEAVOR, YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIETY OF.

    YUKON, The district of.

          See (in this volume)
          CANADA: A. D. 1895.

    {701}

    Z.

    ZAMBESIA, Northern.

          See (in this volume)
          SOUTH AFRICA (BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY):
          A. D. 1894-1895.

    ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1895.
       Mainland divisions of the Sultanate included
       in British East Africa Protectorate.

          See (in this volume)
          BRITISH EAST AFRICA PROTECTORATE: A. D. 1895-1897.

    ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1896.
       British suppression of an usurper.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1896 (ZANZIBAR).

    ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1897.
       Abolition of the legal status of slavery.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZANZIBAR).

    ZANZIBAR: A. D. 1899.
       Renunciation of rights of extra-territoriality by Germany.

          See (in this volume)
          SAMOAN ISLANDS.

    ZIONIST MOVEMENT, The.

          See (in this volume)
          JEWS: A. D. 1897-1901.

    ZULULAND:
       Extension of boundary.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1895 (ZULULAND).

    ZULULAND:
       Annexation to Natal Colony.

          See (in this volume)
          AFRICA: A. D. 1897 (ZULULAND).

    ZOLA, Emile, and the Dreyfus case.

          See (in this volume)
          FRANCE: A. D. 1897-1899, and 1900 (DECEMBER).

    ZONA LIBRE.

          See (in this volume)
          MEXICAN FREE ZONE.

    {702}

    CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.
    1895-1901.

    1895.

    January 1, 1895.
       Murder of the reigning prince of Chitral,
       on the northwestern Indian border.

    January 7, 1895.
       Independence of Korea proclaimed at Seoul.

    January 13, 1895.
       Death of Sir John Seeley (Professor John Robert Seeley).

    January 17, 1895.
       Election of M. Felix Faure President of the French Republic.

    January 21, 1895.
       Agreement between Great Britain and France defining the
       boundaries of the hinterland of Sierra Leone.

    January 22-23, 1895.
       Resignation of President Saenz Peña of the Argentine
       Republic, and election of President Uriburu.

    January 24, 1895.
       Death of Lord Randolph Churchill.

    January 26, 1895.
       Death of Arthur Cayley, English mathematician.
       Death of Nikolai Karlovich de Giers, Russian statesman.

    January 28, 1895.
       Death of François Canrobert, Marshal of France.

    February 7, 1895.
       Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of
       the measure asked for by President Cleveland for the relief
       of the national treasury.

    February 8, 1895.
       Contract by the United States Secretary of the Treasury with
       New York and London banking houses for supply of gold to
       the treasury.
       Death of Reginald Stuart Poole, English archæologist.

    February 12, 1895.
       Death of Charles Etienne Gayarré, historian of Louisiana.

    February 16, 1895.
       Death of Lady Stanley of Alderley.

    February 18, 1895.
       Death of Archduke Albrecht of Austria.

    February 20, 1895.
       Death of Frederick Douglass, the most eminent colored man
       of his day.

    February 24, 1895.
       Renewal of insurrection in Cuba against Spanish rule.

    March 1, 1895.
       Beginning of the siege of a small force of British-Indian
       troops in the fort at Chitral by surrounding tribes.

    March 2, 1895.
       Death of the Grand Duke Alexis,
       brother of the Tzar Alexander III.
       Death of Professor John Stuart Blackie.
       Death of Ismail Pasha, ex-Khedive of Egypt.

    March 5, 1895.
       Death of Sir Henry Rawlinson, English archæologist.

    March 9, 1895.
       Death of Leopold von Sacher-Masoch, German novelist.

    March 11, 1895.
       Agreement between Great Britain and Russia for fixing the
       northern frontier of Afghanistan from Zulfikar on the
       Heri-Rud to the Pamirs.

    March 17, 1895.
       Bloody battle in the streets of Lima, Peru, ending in the
       overthrow of the usurping government of Caceres.

    March 18, 1895.
       Death of Captain Adam Badeau, military
       biographer of General Grant.

    March 31, 1895.
       Death of Sir George Chesney, military writer.

    April 20, 1895.
       Relief of the beleaguered British garrison at Chitral.

    April 30, 1895.
       Death of Gustav Freytag, German novelist.

    May 1, 1895.
       Proclamation by the British South Africa Company giving
       the name "Rhodesia" to its territories.

    May 4, 1895.
       Death of Roundell Pulmer, 1st Earl of Selborne.

    May 5, 1895.
       Death of Karl Vogt, German biologist.

    May 6, 1895.
       Re-hearing granted by the Supreme Court of the United States
       on cases testing constitutionality of the income tax.

    May 10, 1895.
       Relinquishment by Japan of the Fêng-tien peninsula in China.
       Census of the Argentine Republic.

    May 20, 1895.
       Final decision of the Supreme Court of the United States
       against the constitutionality of the income tax.

    May 23, 1895.
       Consolidation of the Astor and Lenox libraries with the
       "Tilden Trust," to form the New York Public Library.

    May 24, 1895.
       Death of Hugh McCulloch, American statesman and financier.

    May 28, 1895.
       Death of Walter Quinton Gresham,
       United States Secretary of State.

    May 30, 1895.
       Death of Frederick Locker-Lampson, English poet.

    May 31, 1895.
       Death of Emily Faithfull, philanthropist and author.

    June 14, 1895.
       Census of the German Empire.

    June 17, 1895.
       Celebration of the opening of the Kaiser Wilhelm Ship Canal
       between the Baltic and North seas.

    June 21-22, 1895.
       Defeat in the British Parliament and resignation of the
       Ministry of Lord Rosebery;
       Lord Salisbury called to form a new government.

    June 29, 1895.
       Death of Professor Thomas Henry Huxley,
       English biologist and scientific man of letters.

    {703}

    July 1, 1895.
       Final transfer of the territories of the British East Africa
       Company to the British government;
       completed organization of the East Africa Protectorate.

    July 8, 1895.
       Opening of the railway from Delagoa Bay to Pretoria,
       in the Transvaal.

    July 13, 1895.
       Parliamentary elections begun in Great Britain, resulting in a
       large majority for the Conservatives and Liberal Unionists.

    July 15, 1895.
       Assassination of Mr. Stambouloff, late chief Minister in the
       Bulgarian government, who died of his wounds on the 19th.

    July 20, 1895.
       Pressing despatch of Mr. Olney, United States Secretary of
       State, to the American Ambassador to Great Britain, on the
       question of the Venezuela boundary, asserting the Monroe
       Doctrine.

    July 21, 1895.
       Death of Professor Rudolph von Gneist, German jurist and
       historian.

    July 24, 1895.
       Defeat of Protectionist policy in the Parliamentary election,
       New South Wales.

    July 31, 1895.
       Death of Heinrich von Sybel, historian, and Director of the
       Prussian State Archives.
       Death of Richard M. Hunt, American architect.

    August 1, 1895.
       Massacre of English and American missionaries at Hua Sang
       in China.

    August 2, 1895.
       Death of Joseph Thomson, African explorer.

    August 12, 1895.
       Opening of the first session of the new Parliament in
       Great Britain.

    August 13, 1895.
       Death of Christian Bernhard Tauchnitz, Leipzig publisher.

    September 2, 1895.
       Government of a young native prince, under British tutelage
       and protection established at Chitral.

    September 16-18, 1895.
       Adoption of a constitution and organization of a republican
       government by the Cuban insurgents.

    September 18, 1895.
       Opening of the Cotton States and International Exposition
       at Atlanta.

    September 20, 1895.
       Executive order by President Cleveland for the improvement
       of the consular service of the United States.

    September 28, 1895.
       Death of Louis Pasteur, the father of bacteriology.

    September 30, 1895.
       Attack by Turkish police in Constantinople on Armenians who
       had gathered to present their grievances to the Sultan.

    October 3, 1895.
       Death of Professor Hjalmar Hjorth Boyesen, Norwegian-American
       novelist and poet.

    October 7, 1895.
       Death of William Wetmore Story, American sculptor and author.

    October 8-9, 1895.
       Massacre of Armenians at Trebizond by a Turkish mob.

    October 17, 1895.
       Turkish imperial irade directing reforms in Armenia which
       were not carried out.

    October 21, 1895.
       Death of Henry Reeve, English author and editor.

    November 4, 1895.
       Revolutionary installation of Aloy Alfaro as executive chief
       of the Republic of Ecuador.
       Death of Eugene Field, American poet and journalist.

    November 8, 1895.
       Discovery of the X rays by Professor Rontgen.

    November 9, 1895.
       Death of Colonel Benjamin Wait, a leader of the Canadian
       rebellion of 1837.

    November 20, 1895.
       Death of Chimelli de Marini, known as Rustem Pasha.

    November 25, 1895.
       More rigorous anti-slavery law instituted in Egypt.
       Death of Jules Barthélemy Saint-Hilaire, French statesman
       and orientalist.

    November 26, 1895.
       Reply of Lord Salisbury, for the British government,
       to the despatch of Mr. Olney, on the Venezuela question.
       Death of Henry Seebohm, English naturalist.

    November 27, 1895.
       Death of Alexandre Dumas, the younger.

    November 29, 1895.
       Death of Count Edward Taaffe, Austrian statesman.

    December 8, 1895.
       Death of George Augustus Sala, English journalist.

    December 12, 1895.
       Death of Allen G. Thurman,
       American political leader and statesman.

    December 17, 1895.
       Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of the
       United States on the boundary dispute between
       Great Britain and Venezuela.
       Death of Antonio Gallenga (Luigi Mariotti),
       Italian revolutionist, journalist, and author.

    December 18-20, 1895.
       Passage by the two branches of the Congress of the United
       States of an act authorizing the President to appoint a
       commission to ascertain the true boundary of Venezuela.

    December 20, 1895.
       Special Message of President Cleveland to the Congress of
       the United States on the financial situation of the country.

    December 23, 1895.
       Death of "Stepniak," Russian revolutionist and author.
       Death of John Russell Hind, English astronomer.

    December 27-28, 1895.
        Passage of temporary tariff bill and bill to maintain the
        coin redemption fund, by the United States House of
        Representatives.

    December 29, 1895.
       Raid by Dr. Jameson, Administrator of the British South Africa
       Company, into the Transvaal, with an armed force of 500 men.

    1896.

    January 1, 1896.
       Appointment of an United States Commission to investigate the
       divisional line between Venezuela and British Guiana.
       Surrender of Dr. Jameson and his raiders to the Boers.
       New constitution for South Carolina brought into effect.

    January 3, 1896.
       Congratulatory telegram from the German Emperor, William II.,
       to President Kruger, of the South African Republic,
       on the defeat of the Jameson Raid.

    January 8, 1896.
       Destructive earthquake shock in Persia.
       Death of Paul Verlaine, French poet.

    January 10, 1896.
       Proclamation of President Kruger to the inhabitants of
       Johannesburg, promising them a municipal government.

    January 11, 1896.
       Death of João de Deus, Portuguese poet.

    {704}

    January 15, 1896.
       Declaration of agreement between Great Britain and France
       concerning Siam.

    January 17, 1896.
       Occupation of Kumassi, the capital of Ashanti, by British
       forces, and submission of King Prempeh.

    January 18, 1896.
       Submission by the Queen of Madagascar to a
       French protectorate of the island.

    January 20, 1896.
       Death of Prince Henry of Battenberg.

    January 24, 1896.
       Death of Lord Leighton, English painter.

    January 29, 1896.
       Death of the Right Honourable Hugh Culling Eardley Childcrs,
       ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, Great Britain.

    February 1, 1896.
       Substitution, by the United States Senate, of a free silver
       coinage bill for the House bill to maintain the coin
       redemption fund.

    February 6, 1896.
       Death of Jean Auguste Barre, French sculptor.

    February 8, 1896.
       Signing of treaty between United States and Great Britain for
       the arbitration of British claims for seizure of sealing vessels.

    February 10, 1896.
       Arrival of General Weyler at Havana as Governor and
       Captain-General of Cuba.

    February 11, 1896.
       Notification by the French government to the Powers that it
       had taken final possession of Madagascar.

    February 14, 1896.
       Rejection by the United States House of Representatives of
       the Senate substitute for its bill to maintain the coin
       redemption fund.

    February 16, 1896.
       Promulgation of Weyler's concentration order in Cuba.

    February 25, 1896.
       Defeat of the House tariff bill in the United States Senate.

    February 26, 1896.
       Death of Arsène Houssaye, French author.

    February 27, 1896.
       Reopening of a discussion of the Venezuela boundary question
       between the governments of the united States and Great Britain.

    March 1, 1896.
       Defeat of the Italians by the Abyssinians at Adowa.

    March 5, 1896.
       Suggestion by Lord Salisbury of a general treaty of
       arbitration between the United States and Great Britain.

    March 10-12, 1896.
       Passage of the Raines Liquor Law by the two branches of the
       New York Legislature.

    March 21, 1896.
       Beginning of the Anglo-Egyptian movement for the recovery of
       the Sudan from the Dervishes.

    March 22, 1896.
       Death of Thomas Hughes, author of "Tom Brown's School Days."

    March 24, 1896.
       Death of President Hippolyte of the Haytien Republic.

    March 28, 1896.
       Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Charles, English author.

    March 30, 1896.
       Resumption of the authority of the Pope over the Coptic Church,
       and re-establishment of the Catholic patriarchate of
       Alexandria.

    March 31, 1896.
       Reopening of the military and naval service of the United
       States to persons who had held commissions in the Confederate
       army or navy during the civil war.

    April 6, 1896.
       Revival of Olympic games at Athens.

    April 8.
       Highest latitude reached by Dr. Nansen, within 261 statute
       miles of the north pole.

    April 11, 1896.
       Death of Charilaos Trikoupis, Greek statesman.

    April 21, 1896.
       Death of Jean Baptiste Léon Say, French statesman.
       Death of Baron Hirsch, financier
       and millionaire-philanthropist.

    April 24, 1896.
       Promulgation of amendments to the constitution of the
       Republic of Mexico.

    April 26, 1896.
       Death of Sir Henry Parkes, Australian statesman.

    May 1, 1896.
       Opening of German industrial exposition at Berlin.
       Assassination of the Shah of Persia.
       Promulgation of additional amendments to the Mexican
       constitution.

    May 2, 1896.
       Opening of the great national exposition and festival at
       Buda-Pesth to celebrate the millennium of the
       kingdom of Hungary.

    May 3, 1896.
       Death of Alfred William Hunt, English artist.

    May 4, 1896.
       Opening of the National Electrical Exposition in New York.

    May 6, 1896.
       Promulgation of civil service rules by President Cleveland,
       adding 29,000 places to the classified service under the
       government of the United States.

    May 11, 1896.
       The bill to consolidate New York, Brooklyn, and neighboring
       cities, in the "Greater New York," made law by the
       Governor's signature.

    May 19, 1896.
       Promulgation of the law of public education in Mexico,
       establishing a national system.
       Publication in England of the manifesto of a New Radical Party,
       led by Sir Charles Dilke and Mr. Labouchere.
       Death of the Archduke Karl Ludwig of Austria.

    May 20, 1896.
       Death of Madame Clara Schumann, pianist.

    May 24, 1896.
       Outbreak of Turks against the Christians in Canea, Crete.
       Death of Edward Armitage, English artist.

    May 26, 1896.
       Coronation of the Russian Tzar, Nicholas II.;
       suffocation of nearly 3,000 people at the feasting.

    May 27, 1896.
       The city of St. Louis struck by a cyclone.

    May 27-28, 1896.
       Meeting of the national convention of the Prohibition Party,
       at Pittsburgh, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    June 2, 1896.
       Death of Friedrich Gerhard Rohlfs, African explorer.

    June 4, 1896.
       Death of Ernesto Rossi, Italian actor and author.

    June 7, 1896.
       Battle of the British and Egyptian army with the Dervishes
       at Ferket.

    June 8, 1896.
       Death of Jules Simon, French statesmen and philosopher.

    June 9, 1896.
       Appointment of Commission to draft the "Greater New York"
       charter.

    June 16-18, 1896.
       Meeting, at St. Louis, of the Republican national convention,
       and nomination of William McKinley and Garret A. Hobart for
       President and Vice President of the United States.

    {705}

    June 23, 1896.
       Parliamentary elections in Canada, and substantial victory
       of the Liberal Party.
       Death of Sir Joseph Prestwich, English geologist.

    June 26, 1896.
       Resignation of Cecil J. Rhodes from the board of directors
       of the British South Africa Company.

    June 28, 1896.
       Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a fifth term.

    July 1, 1896.
       Abolition of inter-state taxes in Mexico.
       Death of Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe.

    July 4-10, 1896.
       Meeting, in New York, of the national convention of the
       Socialist Labor Party, to nominate candidates for President
       and Vice President of the United States.

    July 7-11, 1896.
       Meeting, at Chicago, of the Democratic national convention,
       and nomination of William J. Bryan and Arthur Sewall for
       President and Vice President of the United States.

    July 8, 1896.
       Retirement of Sir Charles Tupper from and succession of Sir
       Wilfrid Laurier to the Prime Ministry of the Canadian government.

    July 11, 1896.
       Death of Right Honourable Sir Augustus Berkeley Paget,
       diplomatist.

    July 12, 1896.
       Death of Professor Ernst Curtius, German historian.

    July 14, 1896.
       First international conference in London to plan co-operative
       work in the preparation of a catalogue of scientific
       literature.

    July 16, 1896.
       Death of Edmond Huot Goncourt, French novelist.

    July 17, 1896.
       Report of an investigating committee of the Cape Colony House
       of Assembly declaring Mr. Rhodes to be responsible for the
       Jameson Raid.

    July 20, 1896.
       Opening of the trial, in England, of Dr. Jameson and other
       leaders of the raid into the Transvaal.
       Death of Charles Dickens, eldest son of the novelist.

    July 22, 1896.
       Meeting of the convention of the National Silver Party,
       at St. Louis, to endorse the nominations of Bryan and Sewall,
       for President and Vice President of the United States.

    July 22-25, 1896.
       Meeting of the People's, or Populist Party in national
       convention at St. Louis;
       nomination of William J. Bryan and Thomas E. Watson for
       President and Vice President of the United States.

    July 23, 1896.
       Death of Mary Dickens, eldest daughter of Charles Dickens.

    July 26, 1896.
       Tidal wave on the coast of Kiangsu, China, destroying
       several thousand people.

    July 28, 1896.
       Conviction of Dr. Jameson and four of his subordinates.

    July 30, 1896.
       Resolution of the British House of Commons to investigate
       the administration of the British South Africa Company.

    August, 1896.
       Discovery of the Klondike gold fields.

    August 1, 1896.
       Death of Right Honourable Sir William R. Grove,
       jurist and man of science.

    August 19, 1896.
       Death of Professor Josiah Dwight Whitney, American geologist.

    August 25, 1896.
       Revolution in the sultanate of Zanzibar suppressed by British
       forces.
       Arrangement of Turkey with the Powers for reforms in Crete.

    August 26-28, 1896.
       Attack of Armenians on the Ottoman Bank at Constantinople;
       horrible massacre of Armenians by the Turks.

    August 27, 1896.
       Appointment of Monsignor Martinelli to succeed Cardinal
       Satolli as Papal Delegate to the United States.

    August 30, 1896.
       Death of Prince Alexis Borisovich Lobanof-Rostofski,
       Russian statesman and diplomatist.

    August 31, 1896.
       Proclamation establishing a British protectorate over the
       hinterland of Sierra Leone.

    September 2-3, 1896.
       Meeting of a convention of the National Democratic Party at
       Indianapolis;
       nomination of General John M. Palmer and General Simon B.
       Buckner for President and Vice President of the United States.

    September 15, 1896.
       Publication in the Paris "Eclair" of the fact that Captain
       Alfred Dreyfus (degraded and imprisoned in 1894 for alleged
       betrayal of military secrets to a foreign power) was
       convicted on the evidence of a document shown secretly to
       the court martial, and unknown to the prisoner and his counsel.

    September 23, 1896.
       The Dervishes driven from Dongola by the Anglo-Egyptian army.

    September 27, 1896.
       Abolition of slavery in Madagascar by decree of the
       French Resident-General.

    September 29, 1896.
       Official announcement of bubonic plague at Bombay.

    October 3, 1896.
       Death of William Morris, English poet.

    October 8, 1896.
       Death of George Du Maurier, English artist and novelist.

    October 11, 1896.
       Death of Edward White Benson, Archbishop of Canterbury.

    October 20-22, 1896.
       Celebration of the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary of
       the founding of The College of New Jersey, which then
       formally assumed the name of Princeton University.

    October 26, 1896.
       Peace made between the government of Italy and King Menelek,
       of Abyssinia.
       Death of Paul Amand Challemel Lacour, French publicist.

    November 3, 1896.
       Presidential election in the United States.

    November 9, 1896.
       Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the settlement of the
       Venezuela question between Great Britain and the United States.

    November 11, 1896.
       Death of Mrs. Mary Frances Scott-Siddons, actress.

    November 16, 1896.
       First transmission of electric power from Niagara Falls to
       Buffalo.

    November 21, 1896.
       Death of Sir Benjamin Ward Richardson, physician,
       scientific investigator, and author.

    November 26, 1896.
       Death of Coventry Patmore, English poet.
       Death of Mathilde Blind, author.
       Death of Benjamin Apthorp Gould, American astronomer.

    December 1, 1896.
       Death of Heinrich Gätke, painter and naturalist.

    December 7, 1896.
       Death of Antonio Maceo, leader of Cuban insurgents,
       killed in a skirmish with the Spaniards.

    December 10, 1896.
       Death of Alfred Noble, Swedish engineer and founder of a
       great fund for annually rewarding benefactors of humanity.

    {706}

    December 11, 1896.
       Political suffrage extended to women in Idaho by an amendment
       of the constitution.

    December 15, 1896.
       Death of Emile François Chatrousse, French sculptor.

    1897.

    January 3, 1897
       Death of Vivien St. Martin, French geographer.

    January 3-4, 1897.
       Outbreak of conflict between Christians
       and Moslems at Canea in Crete.

    January 5, 1897.
       Death of George Whiting Flagg, American painter.

    January 11, 1897.
       Signing, at Washington, of a general treaty between the
       United States and Great Britain for the arbitration of all
       matters of difference.

    January 12, 1897.
       Meeting, at Indianapolis, of a national convention of
       delegates from commercial organizations to take measures
       for promoting monetary reform in the United States.

    January 15, 1897.
       Death of Sir Travers Twiss, English jurist.

    January 16, 1897.
       Death of Joel Tyler Headley, American man of letters.

    January 27, 1897.
       Overthrow of the slave-raiding Emir of Nupé by forces of
       the Royal Niger Company.

    February 2, 1897.
       Signing, at Washington, of the treaty of arbitration
       between Great Britain and Venezuela.

    February 7, 1897.
       Union of Crete with Greece proclaimed by insurgent Christians
       at Halepa.

    February 9, 1897.
       The taking of the first general census of the Russian Empire.
       Death of Eliza Greatorex, American painter.

    February 11, 1897.
       Announcement by the government of Greece to the Powers that
       it had determined to intervene by force in behalf of the
       Christians of Crete.

    February 12, 1897.
       Death of Homer Dodge Martin, American artist.

    February 14, 1897.
       Landing of a Greek expedition of 2,000 men in Crete,
       under Colonel Vassos.

    February 15, 1897.
       Landing of a mixed force at Canea, Crete, by the Powers of
       the "European Concert," to protect the town;
       proclamation by the Greek commander, Colonel Vassos, that he
       had occupied the island in the name of the King of the Greeks.

    February 16, 1897.
       Beginning of the British parliamentary investigation of the
       Jameson Raid.
       Presentation by the South African Republic of its claim for
       indemnity on account of the Jameson Raid.

    February 17, 1897.
       Attack by the Greeks on the Turkish forces at Canea.

    February 18, 1897.
       Capture of Benin by British forces.

    February 22, 1897.
       Death of Jean François Gravelet Blondin, French acrobat.

    March 2, 1897.
       Veto of Immigration Bill by President Cleveland.
       Joint note by the powers of the "Concert" to Greece and
       Turkey, declaring that Crete cannot be annexed to Greece, but
       that the island will be endowed by the Powers with an
       autonomous administration.

    March 4, 1897.
       Inauguration of William McKinley in the office of President
       of the United States.

    March 6, 1897.
       Death of Reverend Ebenezer Cobham Brewer, English author.

    March 11, 1897.
       Death of Professor Henry Drummond, Scottish religious writer.

    March 15, 1897.
       Meeting of Congress in extra session called by the President.

    March 21, 1897.
       "Pacific blockade" of the coast of Crete established by the
       Powers of the European Concert.

    March 25, 1897.
       Passage of the Elementary Education Act by the British
       House of Commons.

    March 27, 1897.
       Death of William Taylor Adams (Oliver Optic), American writer
       of fiction for young readers.

    March 30, 1897.
       Opening of debate in the British Parliament on the report of
       a Royal Commission on the financial relations between
       Great Britain and Ireland.

    March 31, 1897.
       Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States
       House of Representatives.

    April.
       Unprecedented floods along the Mississippi river.

    April 3, 1897.
       Death of Johannes Brahms, German composer.

    April 5, 1897.
       Publication in Austria of the language decrees for Bohemia.

    April 6, 1897.
       Edict of the Sultan of Zanzibar terminating the legal
       status of slavery.

    April 9, 1897.
       Incursion of irregular Greek troops into Turkish territory.

    April 10, 1897.
       Death of Daniel Wolsey Voorhees, United States Senator.

    April 12, 1897.
       Appointment of commissioners from the United States to
       negotiate in Europe for an international bi-metallic agreement.
       Formal delivery to the Governor of Massachusetts of the
       manuscript of Bradford's History of Plymouth Colony
       (called "the Log of the Mayflower ") as a gift from England.
       Death of Edward Drinker Cope, American naturalist.

    April 17, 1897.
       Turkish declaration of a state of war with Greece; beginning
       of hostilities between regular troops, at Milouna Pass.

    April 22-24, 1897.
       Retreat of the Greek army in panic rout from Tyrnavo.

    April 27, 1897.
       Resignation of the Greek Ministry of M. Delyannis.

    April 30, 1897.
       Repulse by the Greeks of a Turkish attack on positions
       near Velestino.
       Formation of a new Ministry in Greece, under Demetrius Ralli.

    May 1, 1897.
       Opening of the Centennial Exposition at Nashville, Tennessee.

    May 2-7, 1897.
       Continued attacks by the Turks on the line held by the Greeks
       between Pharsala and Volo; withdrawal of the Greeks to Domoko.

    May 14, 1897.
       Fire in a charity bazaar at Paris which was horribly
       destructive of life.
       The "Greater New York" charter becomes law.

    May 15, 1897.
       Rejection by the United States Senate of the arbitration
       treaty negotiated between the United States and Great Britain.

    May 16, 1897.
       Death of Henri Eugene Philippe Louis, Duc d' Aumale, French
       prince of the Bourbon-Orleans family, soldier and author.
       Death of James Theodore Bent, English traveler and writer.

    {707}

    May 8, 1897.
       Announcement by the Greek government to the Powers that
       Colonel Vassos and his forces would be withdrawn from Crete.

    May 11, 1897.
       Proffer by the Powers of the European Concert of mediation
       between Turkey and Greece.

    May 17, 1897.
       Defeat of the Greeks by the Turks at Domoko.

    May 20, 1897.
       Arrangement of an armistice between the Turks and the Greeks.

    May 23, 1897.
       Withdrawal of the last of the Greek troops from Crete.

    June 1, 1897.
       Census taken in Egypt.

    June 2, 1897.
       Opening of the Commercial Museum in Philadelphia.

    June 3, 1897.
       Opening of negotiations for peace between
       Turkey and Greece at Constantinople.

    June 10, 1897.
       Effect given to a new constitution for the State of Delaware,
       establishing an educational qualification of the suffrage.
       Rising of tribes on the Afghan frontier of India against the
       British.

    June 14, 1897.
       Convention between France and Great Britain, establishing the
       boundaries of their respective claims in the Niger region of
       West Africa.

    June 16, 1897.
       Transmission to Congress of a new treaty for the annexation
       of the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.

    June 20-22, 1897.
       Celebration in London of the sixtieth anniversary—the
       "Diamond Jubilee"—of the accession of Queen Victoria to the
       throne of the United Kingdom.

    June 24, 1897.
       Conference at London of the Premiers of British colonies with
       the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

    June 25, 1897.
       Death of Mrs. Margaret Oliphant (Wilson) Oliphant, Scottish
       novelist and writer in many fields.

    July 2, 1897.
       Death of Adjutant-General Francis Amasa Walker,
       American economist.

    July 7, 1897.
       Passage of the Dingley tariff bill by the United States
       Senate, with many amendments.

    July 8, 1897.
       Death of Isham Green Harris, United States Senator.

    July 10, 1897.
       Death of Daniel Greenleaf Thompson, American author.

    July 11, 1897.
       Adoption of constitutional amendments in Switzerland by
       popular vote.
       The starting of Andrée from Spitzbergen on his attempted
       balloon voyage to the north pole.

    July 12-15, 1897.
       Conference of American commissioners with Lord Salisbury and
       other British ministers, on the subject of an international
       bi-metallic agreement.

    July 13, 1897.
       Report of the British parliamentary committee which
       investigated the Jameson Raid.
       Death of Alfred Marshall Mayer, American physicist.

    July 14, 1897.
       Death of Anthony John Mundella, English statesman.

    July 15, 1897.
       Death of Brigadier-General Philippe Regis de Trobriand,
       French officer in the American civil war, and writer.

    July 20, 1897.
       Death of Sir John Skelton, Scottish historian.
       Death of Sir John Charles Bucknill, English alienist.

    July 24, 1897.
       Final passage of the Dingley tariff bill by both branches
       of the United States Congress.

    July 26, 1897.
       Attack on British garrisons in the Swat Valley
       (Afghan frontier of India), excited by "the mad mullah."

    July 30, 1897.
       Death of Étienne Vacherot, French philosopher.

    August 2, 1897.
       Death of Adam Asnyk, Polish poet.

    August 5, 1897.
       Death of James Hammond Trumbull. American philologist.

    August 8, 1897.
       Assassination of Señor Canovas del Castillo,
       Prime Minister of Spain.

    August 25, 1897.
       Assassination of President Borda, of Uruguay.

    August 29-31, 1897.
       Meeting of the first congress of the Zionists at Basle.

    August 31, 1897.
       Speech by the German Emperor at Coblenz, asserting
       "kingship by the grace of God," with "responsibility to the
       Creator alone."
       Death of Mrs. Louisa Lane Drew, actress.

    September 10, 1897.
       Death of Theodore Lyman, American naturalist.

    September 11, 1897.
       Death of Reverend Abel Stevens,
       American historian of the Methodist church.

    September 12, 1897.
       Ending of a great strike of coal miners in the United States,
       which began in July.

    September 16, 1897.
       Death of Edward Austin Sheldon, American educator.

    September 17, 1897.
       Death of Henry Williams Sage, American philanthropist.

    September 18, 1897.
       Signing of a preliminary treaty of peace
       between Turkey and Greece.

    September 20, 1897.
       Death of Wilhelm Wattenbach, German historian.

    September 22, 1897.
       Meeting at Washington of a commission on monetary reform,
       appointed by the Indianapolis Convention of January 12.
       Death of Charles Denis Sauter Bourbaki, French general.

    September 28, 1897.
       Vote on proposed constitutional amendments in New Jersey.

    October 1, 1897.
       Introduction of the gold monetary standard in Japan.

    October 2, 1897.
       Death of Neal Dow, American temperance reformer.

    October 4, 1897.
       Death of Professor Francis William Newman,
       English scholar and philosopher.

    October 6, 1897.
       The Philippine Islands swept by a typhoon,
       destroying over 6,000 lives.
       Death of Sir John Gilbert, English artist.

    October 18, 1897.
       Death of Rear-Admiral John Lorimer Worden, U. S. N.

    October 19, 1897.
       Death of George Mortimer Pullman, American inventor.

    October 21, 1897.
       Opening and dedication of the Yerkes Observatory,
       at Williams Bay, Wisconsin.

    October 22, 1897.
       Death of Justin Winsor, American historian and bibliographer.

    October 24, 1897.
       Death of Francis Turner Palgrave, English poet.

    October 25, 1897.
       Death of John Sartain, American artist.
       Death of John Stoughton, English church historian.

    October 27, 1897.
       Death of Mary, Duchess of Teck.
       Death of Alexander Milton Ross, Canadian naturalist.

    {708}

    October 28, 1897.
       Stormy session of the Austrian Reichsrath; twelve-hours'
       speech of Dr. Lecher.
       Death of Hercules George Robinson, Baron Rosmead,
       British colonial administrator.

    October 29, 1897.
       Death of Henry George, American economist.

    November 2, 1897.
       Election of the first Mayor of "Greater New York."
       Death of Sir Rutherford Alcock, British diplomatist.

    November 4, 1897.
       Seizure by Germany of the port of Kiao-chau on the
       northeastern coast of China.

    November 6, 1897.
       Signing of treaty between Russia, Japan and the United States,
       providing for a suspension of pelagic sealing.

    November 10, 1897.
       Adoption of plans for a building for the
       New York Public Library.

    November 14, 1897.
       Death of Thomas Williams Evans, American dentist in Paris,
       founder of the Red Cross Society in the Franco-Prussian war.

    November 15, 1897.
       Commandant Esterhazy denounced to the French Minister of War,
       by M. Matthieu Dreyfus, as the author of the "bordereau" on
       which Captain Alfred Dreyfus was secretly convicted.

    November 16, 1897.
       The Dreyfus case brought into the French Chamber of Deputies
       by a question to the Minister of War.

    November 19, 1897.
       Great fire in London, beginning in Aldersgate and spreading
       over six acres, destroying property estimated at £2,000,000
       in value.
       Death of Henry Calderwood, Scottish philosopher.

    November 21, 1897.
       Death of Sir Charles Edward Pollock, English jurist.

    November 23, 1897.
       Death of A. Bardoux, French statesman.

    November 25, 1897.
       Promulgation by royal decree at Madrid of a constitution
       establishing self-government in Cuba and Porto Rico.

    November 29, 1897.
       Death of James Legge, Scotch oriental scholar.

    December, 1897.
       Annexation of Zululand to Natal Colony.

    December 5, 1897.
       Death of Mrs. Alice Wellington Rollins, American author.

    December 14.
       Signing of the treaty of Biac-na-bato, between the Spaniards
       and the insurgent Filipinos.

    December 29, 1897.
       Approval of Act of Congress forbidding the killing of seals
       by citizens of the United States, in the Pacific Ocean north
       of 35° North latitude.
       Death of William James Linton, American artist and author.

    December 31, 1897.
       Imperial proclamation, closing the sittings of the Austrian
       Reichsrath, and continuing the Austro-Hungarian "Ausgleich"
       provisionally for six months.

    1898.

    January 2, 1898.
       Death of Sir Edward Augustus Bond, formerly principal
       librarian of the British museum.

    January 12, 1898.
       Acquittal of Commandant Esterhazy, after a farcical pretense
       of trial by a military tribunal, on the charge of being the
       author of the "bordereau" ascribed to Dreyfus.

    January 13, 1898.
       Publication in Paris of a letter by M. Zola, denouncing the
       conduct of the courts martial in the cases of Dreyfus and
       Esterhazy.
       Death of Mrs. Mary Victoria Cowden Clarke.

    January 16, 1898.
       Death of Charles Pelham Villiers, English statesman.

    January 18, 1898.
       Death of Henry George Liddell, English historian and
       classical scholar.

    January 20, 1898.
       Second meeting of monetary convention at Indianapolis, to
       consider the report of its commission.

    January 24, 1898.
       Declaration by Count von Bülow, in the German Reichstag, that
       no relations or connections of any kind had ever existed
       between Captain Dreyfus and any German agents.

    January 25, 1898.
       Friendly visit of the United States battle ship "Maine" to
       Havana, Cuba.

    January 28, 1898.
       End of a great strike and lockout in the British engineering
       trades, which began in the previous July.

    January 31, 1898.
       Disastrous blizzard in New England.

    February 4, 1898.
       Re-election (by voting which began January 3) of
       President Kruger for a fourth term of five years,
       in the South African Republic.

    February 7-15, 1898.
       Prosecution of M. Zola for defamation of certain military
       officers; his scandalous trial and conviction.

    February 14, 1898.
       Destruction of the United States battle ship "Maine,"
       by an explosion, in the harbor of Havana, Cuba.

    February 16, 1898.
       Removal of Chief-Justice Kotze, of the High Court of the
       South African Republic, by President Kruger.

    February 18.
       Death of Frances Elizabeth Willard, American social reformer.

    February 19, 1898.
       Death of Dr. Edward Constant Seguin, neurologist, New York.

    February 26, 1898.
       Death of Frederick Tennyson, English poet.
       Death of Michael Gregorovich Tchernaieff, Russian soldier
       and popular hero of the Panslavists.

    February 27, 1898.
       Death of Major-General William Booth Taliaferro,
       Confederate army.

    March 1, 1898.
       Retirement of General Crespo from the Presidency of Venezuela;
       succession of General Andrade to the office.

    March 6, 1898.
       Death of Felice Cavalotti, Italian statesman and dramatist.

    March 11, 1898.
       Death of Major-General William Starke Rosecrans.

    March 15, 1898.
       Death of Sir Henry Bessemer, English inventor.

    March 16, 1898.
       Death of Aubrey Beardsley, English artist.

    March 17, 1898.
       Speech of Senator Proctor, of Vermont, in the United States
       Senate, describing the condition of the reconcentrados in Cuba,
       as he saw them during a recent visit to the island.
       Death of Blanche K. Bruce, register of the United States
       Treasury, born a slave.

    March 21, 1898.
       Report of the United States naval court of inquiry on the
       destruction of the battle ship "Maine."
       Death of Brigadier-General George Washington Rains,
       Confederate army.

    {709}

    March 22, 1898.
       Report of Spanish naval board of inquiry on the destruction
       of the United States battle ship "Maine."

    March 23, 1898.
       Primary election law in New York signed by the Governor.

    March 25, 1898.
       Death of James Payn, English novelist.

    March 27, 1898.
       Proposal by the government of the United States to that of
       Spain of an armistice and negotiation of peace with the
       insurgents in Cuba.
       Cession by China to Russia of Port Arthur and Talienwan.

    March 28, 1898.
       Message of the President of the United States to Congress on
       the destruction of the battle ship "Maine."
       Death of Anton Seidl, composer and musical conductor.

    March 31, 1898.
       Reply of the Spanish government to the proposals of the
       United States, for an armistice and negotiation with the
       Cuban insurgents.
       Death of Edward Noyes Westcott, American novelist.

    April 2, 1898.
       Quashing of the sentence pronounced on M. Zola, upon his
       appeal to the Court of Cassation.
       Lease by China to Great Britain of the port of Wei-hai Wei
       with adjacent territory.

    April 7, 1898.
       Death of Margaret Mather, American actress.

    April 8, 1898.
       Great victory of the Anglo-Egyptian army, under the Sirdar,
       General Kitchener, over the Dervishes, on the Atbara.

    April 10, 1898.
       Passage of bill through the German Reichstag to greatly
       increase the German navy.

    April 11, 1898.
       Special Message of the President of the United States to
       Congress on the relations of the country to Spain, consequent
       on affairs in Cuba.
       Lease by China to France of Kwang-chow Wan
       on the southern coast.

    April 13, 1898.
       Adoption by the United States House of Representatives of a
       joint resolution authorizing and directing the President to
       "intervene at once to stop the war in Cuba."

    April 16, 1898.
       Adoption by the United States Senate of a joint resolution
       not only directing intervention to stop the war in Cuba,
       but recognizing the insurgent government of "the Republic of
       Cuba."
       Death of ex-President Crespo, of Venezuela, killed in battle.

    April 17, 1898.
       Death of Jules Marcou, French geologist.

    April 18, 1898.
       Arrangement of the disagreement between the two branches of
       the United States Congress respecting the recognition of
       "the Republic of Cuba," and passage of a joint resolution
       to intervene for the stopping of the war in the island.

    April 19, 1898.
       Death of George Parsons Lathrop, American author.
       Death of Gustave Moreau, French painter.

    April 20, 1898.
       Passports asked for and received by the
       Spanish Minister at Washington.

    April 21, 1898.
       Appointment of Rear-Admiral Sampson to the command of the
       United States naval force on the Atlantic station.

    April 22, 1898.
       Proclamation by the President of the United States declaring
       a blockade of certain Cuban ports.

    April 23, 1898.
       Proclamation by the President of the United States calling
       for 125,000 volunteers.

    April 24, 1898.
       Commodore Dewey, commanding the Asiatic squadron of the
       United States, ordered to proceed from Hong Kong to the
       Philippine Islands, to destroy or capture the Spanish fleet
       in those waters.
       Interview, at Singapore, between the leader of the Philippine
       insurgents, Aguinaldo, and the United States Consul-General,
       Mr. Spencer Pratt;
       communication from Mr. Pratt to Commodore Dewey, at Hong Kong;
       request from Commodore Dewey that Aguinaldo come to Hong Kong.

    April 25, 1898.
       Formal declaration of war with Spain by the Congress of the
       United States, with authority given to the President to call
       out the land and naval forces of the nation.
       Removal of the American squadron under Commodore Dewey from
       Hong Kong to Mirs Bay, China.
       Signing of protocol between Russia and Japan relative to Korea.

    April 27, 1898.
       Sailing of the American squadron from Mirs Bay to Manila.

    April 29, 1898.
       Proclamation of neutrality by the Portuguese government,
       which required the Spanish fleet under Admiral Cervera to
       depart from the Cape Verde islands.

    May 1, 1898.
       Destruction of the Spanish squadron in Manila Bay by the
       American squadron under Commodore Dewey.

    May 2, 1898.
       Arrival of Aguinaldo at Hong Kong.

    May 3, 1898.
       Occupation of Cavite arsenal by American naval forces.

    May 8, 1898.
       General elections for a new Chamber of Deputies in France;
       first balloting.

    May 9, 1898.
       Serious fighting in Milan, ending bread riots in that city
       and elsewhere in northern Italy.

    May 12, 1898.
       Attack on the Spanish forts at San Juan, Porto Rico, by
       Admiral Sampson, then searching for Cervera's fleet.

    May 13, 1898.
       Death of Reverend William Stevens Perry,
       American church historian.

    May 16, 1898.
       Major-General Wesley Merritt, U. S. A., assigned to the
       command of the Department of the Pacific.
       Conveyance of Aguinaldo from Hong Kong to Cavite by the
       United States ship "McCulloch."

    May 19, 1898.
       Death of Mr. Gladstone.
       Death of Maria Louise Pool, American novelist.

    May 22, 1898.
       Second balloting in French elections, where the first had
       resulted in no choice.
       Death of Spencer Walpole, English historian.
       Death of Edward Bellamy, American novelist and social theorist.

    May 25, 1898.
       Proclamation by the President of the United States calling
       for 75,000 additional volunteers.
       Departure from San Francisco of the first military expedition
       from the United States to the Philippine Islands, under
       General T. M. Anderson.

    May 28, 1898.
       Public funeral of Mr. Gladstone;
       burial in Westminster Abbey.
       Death of Mrs. Madeleine Vinton Dahlgren, American author.

    {710}

    May 29, 1898.
       Blockade of the Spanish squadron under Rear-Admiral Cervera,
       in the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, by the American flying
       squadron under Commodore Schley.

    May 30, 1898.
       Agreement between Great Britain, Canada and the United States,
       creating a Joint High Commission for the adjustment of all
       existing subjects of controversy between the United States
       and Canada.

    June 1, 1898.
       Arrival of Admiral Sampson and his fleet off the entrance to
       the harbor of Santiago de Cuba, to perfect the blockade of
       the Spanish squadron.
       Opening of the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha, Nebraska.
       Enactment of law to provide for the arbitration of disputes
       between employés and companies engaged in interstate commerce
       in the United States.

    June 2, 1898.
       Death of George Eric Mackay, English poet.

    June 3, 1898.
       Sinking of the collier "Merrimac" in the channel of the
       harbor-entrance at Santiago de Cuba, by Assistant Naval
       Constructor Hobson. U. S. N.

    June 6, 1898.
       Bombardment of Spanish forts at Santiago de Cuba by the
       American blockading fleet.

    June 7-10, 1898.
       Possession of the lower bay at Guantanamo, near Santiago de
       Cuba, taken by vessels of the American navy, and a marine
       battalion landed.

    June 11, 1898.
       Reform edict issued by the young Emperor of China.

    June 14, 1898.
       Sailing, from Tampa, Florida, of the military expedition
       under General Shafter for the capture of Santiago de Cuba.

    June 15, 1898.
       Sailing, from San Francisco, of the second American military
       expedition to the Philippines.
       Adoption by the House of Representatives of a joint resolution
       to provide for annexing the Hawaiian Islands to the
       United States.

    June 16, 1898.
       Second bombardment of forts at Santiago de Cuba by the
       American blockading fleet.

    June 16-24, 1898.
       Elections to the Reichstag of the German Empire.

    June 17, 1898.
       Resignation of the Ministry of Signor Rudini in Italy.
       Death of Sir Edward Burne-Jones, English painter.

    June 20, 1898.
       Arrival, off Guantanamo, of the expedition under
       General Shafter.

    June 21, 1898.
       Capture and occupation of the island of Guam by the U. S. S.
       "Charleston."

    June 22-24, 1898.
       Landing of General Shafter's army at Daiquiri and Siboney.

    June 24, 1898.
       First engagement between American and Spanish troops in Cuba,
       at La Guasima.

    June 28, 1898.
       Proclamation by Aguinaldo, assuming the administration of a
       provisional government of the Philippine Islands.
       Approval by the President of the United States of the "Curtis
       Act," relating to the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians.
       Formation of a new Italian Ministry by General Pelloux.

    July, 1898.
       Discussion and passage by the British Parliament of a
       Local Government Act for Ireland.

    July 1, 1898.
       Assault by the American forces, at San Juan Hill and El Caney,
       on the Spanish lines defending Santiago.

    July 2-3, 1898.
       Continued fighting on the lines around Santiago de Cuba.

    July 3, 1898.
       Demand of General Shafter for the surrender of Santiago, under
       the threat of bombardment; truce arranged by foreign consuls and
       negotiations for surrender opened.
       Destruction of the Spanish fleet of Admiral Cervera on its
       attempting to escape from the blockaded port of Santiago de
       Cuba.

    July 4, 1898.
       Opening of communications between General Anderson, commanding
       the first expedition of the United States forces landed near
       Manila, and General Aguinaldo, "commanding the Philippine
       forces."

    July 6, 1898.
       Destruction of the Spanish cruiser" Alphonso XII.," when
       attempting to escape from the harbor of Havana.
       Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the joint resolution to
       provide for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands.
       Exchange of Lieutenant Hobson and his fellow captives for
       prisoners taken from the Spanish forces.

    July 7, 1898.
       Declaration of M. Cavaignac, Minister of War, in the Chamber
       of Deputies, of his absolute certainty of the guilt of Captain
       Dreyfus.
       Death of Francisco Javier Cisneros, Cuban patriot.
       Death of M. Buffet, French statesman.

    July 10, 1898.
       Termination of truce at Santiago;
       resumption of hostilities;
       bombardment of the city by the navy.

    July 11, 1898.
       Death of Rear-Admiral Daniel Ammen, U. S. N.

    July 12, 1898.
       Outbreak of yellow fever in the military hospital at Siboney.
       Arrival of General Miles at Santiago with reinforcements for
       General Shafter.

    July 13, 1898.
       Interview of General Miles and General Shafter with General
       Toral, the Spanish commander at Santiago.

    July 14, 1898.
       Agreement by General Toral to surrender the city of Santiago
       and the entire district of eastern Cuba with 24,000 Spanish
       troops.
       Death of Mrs. Elizabeth Lynn Linton, English author.

    July 16, 1898.
       Signing of the terms of the Spanish surrender at Santiago.

    July 17, 1898.
       Death of Parker Pillsbury, American abolitionist.
       Death of Karl Gehrt, German artist.

    July 18, 1898.
       Opening of second trial of M. Zola, at Versailles.

    July 25, 1898.
       Landing, at Guanica, of the expedition of United States
       troops, under General Miles, for the conquest of Porto Rico.

    July 26, 1898.
       Overtures for peace addressed by the Spanish government to
       that of the United States through the French Minister at
       Washington.

    July 27, 1898.
       Occupation of Ponce, in Porto Rico, by the American forces
       under General Miles.

    July 28, 1898.
       Death of Dr. William Pepper, of Philadelphia, physician, and
       extraordinary leader in public enterprise.

    {711}

    July 30, 1898.
       Terms of peace proposed to Spain by the United States.
       Death of Reverend John Caird, Scottish divine and educator.

    July 31, 1898.
       Death of Prince Otto von Bismarck, at the age of 83.

    August 3, 1898.
       Urgent message from General Shafter to the United States War
       Department, asking for the instant withdrawal of his forces
       from Santiago, on account of the deadly ravages of yellow
       fever, typhoid and dysentery.

    August 4, 1898.
       Orders given for the removal of the American army from
       Santiago de Cuba to Montauk Point, Long Island.

    August 7, 1898.
       Acceptance by Spain of the terms of peace offered by the
       United States.
       Demand of Admiral Dewey and General Merritt for the
       surrender of Manila.
       Death of James Hall, American geologist.

    August 8, 1898.
       Death of Adolph Heinrich Joseph Sutro,
       American mining engineer.
       Death of Georg Moritz Ebers, German novelist and Egyptologist.

    August 12, 1898.
       Ceremony, at Honolulu, of the transfer of sovereignty over
       the Hawaiian Islands to the United States.
       Order by General Merritt forbidding the Filipino forces under
       Aguinaldo to enter Manila when the city should be taken.
       Signing of the protocol of terms for the negotiation of peace
       between the United States and Spain;
       proclamation by the President of the United States
       suspending hostilities.

    August 13, 1898.
       Attack by American forces on the Spanish lines at Manila
       and capture of the city.

    August 21, 1898.
       Friendly letter of Spanish soldiers at Santiago, Cuba,
       before departing for Spain, to their late enemies, the
       American soldiers.

    August 22, 1898.
       Death of Laupepa Malietoa, King of Samoa.

    August 24, 1898.
       Proposal by the Tzar of Russia of a conference of governments
       to discuss the means of stopping the progressive increase of
       military and naval armaments and promote the peace of the world.

    August 25, 1898.
       Transfer of command at Santiago from General Shafter
       to General Lawton.

    August 28, 1898.
       General Merritt ordered to Paris for consultation with the
       American Peace Commissioners;
       command at Manila transferred to General Otis.

    August 31, 1898.
       Termination of the minority of Queen Wilhelmina, of the
       Kingdom of the Netherlands, and of the regency of her mother,
       Queen Emma.
       Suicide of Colonel Henry, of the Intelligence Department of
       the French Army, after confessing that he had forged one of
       the documents on which M. Cavaignac based his certainty of
       the guilt of Captain Dreyfus.

    September 2, 1898.
       Battle of Omdurman;
       defeat of the Dervishes and occupation of the Khalifa's capital.

    September 3, 1898.
       Death of Wilford Woodruff, president of the Mormon Church.

    September 4, 1898.
       Resignation of M. Cavaignac from the French cabinet, because
       of his opposition to a revision of the Dreyfus case.

    September 6, 1898.
       Enthronement of Queen Wilhelmina, at Amsterdam.
       Turkish outbreak at Candia, Crete, against authority
       exercised by the British admiral in the name of the
       concerted Powers.

    September 10, 1898.
       Assassination of Elizabeth, Empress of Austria
       and Queen of Hungary.

    September 12, 1898.
       Death of Thomas McIntyre Cooley, American jurist.

    September 14, 1898.
       Death of Samuel Eliot, American historian.

    September 19, 1898.
       Death of Sir George Grey, British administrator.

    September 21, 1898.
       Overthrow of the Chinese reformers at Peking;
       submission of the Emperor to the Empress-Dowager.
       Death of Theodor Fontane, German poet.

    September 23, 1898.
       Death of Richard Malcolm Johnston, American author.

    September 26, 1898.
       Decision of the French cabinet to submit the question of a
       revision of the trial of Captain Dreyfus to the Court of
       Cassation.

    September 28, 1898.
       Execution of six of the Chinese reformers at Peking.
       Death of Thomas Francis Bayard, American statesman
       and diplomatist.

    September 29, 1898.
       Government of a Philippine Republic organized at Malolos;
       a national congress convened, and Aguinaldo declared President.
       Popular vote in Canada on the question of Prohibition.
       Death of Queen Louise of Denmark.

    September 30, 1898.
       Mob attack on foreigners near Peking.

    October, 1898.
       Discovery of the Cape Nome mining region in Alaska.
       Outbreak of Indians of the Leech Lake Reservation in
       Northern Minnesota.

    October 1, 1898.
       Call by foreign representatives at Peking for guards of
       marines to protect their legations.
       Meeting of Spanish and American commissioners at Paris to
       negotiate a Treaty of Peace.

    October 5, 1898.
       Demand of the Powers for the withdrawal of Turkish garrisons
       from Crete.

    October 6, 1898.
       Decree by the Empress-Dowager of China commanding protection
       to Christian missionaries and converts.

    October 7, 1898.
       Death of Blanche Willis Howard, Baroness von Teuffel,
       American novelist.
       Death of Abraham Oakey Hall, American lawyer and politician.

    October 12.
       Inauguration of General Julio Roca President of the
       Argentine Republic.
       Serious conflict at Virden, Illinois, growing out of a
       strike of coal miners;
       14 persons killed and 25 wounded.
       Death of Reverend Calvin Fairbank, anti-slavery worker and
       helper of the freedmen.

    October 19, 1898.
       Death of Harold Frederic, American journalist and novelist.

    October 25, 1898.
       Decision of the Court of Cassation requiring a supplementary
       investigation of the case of Captain Dreyfus.
       Death of Pierre Puvis de Chavannes, French painter.

    October 29, 1898.
       Death of Colonel George Edwin Waring,
       American sanitary engineer.

    October 31, 1898.
       Death of Helena Faucit, Lady Martin, English actress.

    {712}

    November 1, 1898.
       Establishment of the Constitution of the United States of
       Central America.

    November 2, 1898.
       Announcement by Lord Salisbury of the amicable settlement,
       between France and Great Britain, of "the Fashoda incident."

    November 5, 1898.
       Death of David Ames Wells, American economist and publicist.

    November 12, 1898.
       Death of Clara Fisher (Mrs. Clara Fisher Maeder), actress.

    November 15, 1898.
       Inauguration of Dr. M. F. de Campos Salles, President of
       United States of Brazil.
       Order by the Court of Cassation that Dreyfus be notified by
       telegraph of the pending revision of his trial.

    November 19, 1898.
       Death of Brigadier-General Don Carlos Buell.

    November 20, 1898.
       Death of Sir George S. Baden-Powell, economist.

    November 25, 1898.
       Dissolution of the United States of Central America by
       the secession of Salvador.

    November 26, 1898.
       Appointment of Prince George, of Greece, to be High
       Commissioner of the Powers in Crete.

    November 27, 1898.
       Death of Charles Walter Couldock, actor.

    November 28, 1898.
       Death of Mrs. Mary Eliza (Joy) Haweis,
       English author and artist.

    December 5, 1898.
       Final raising of the "pacific blockade" of Crete by the Powers.

    December 6, 1898.
       General Guy V. Henry appointed Military Governor of Porto Rico.

    December 10, 1898.
       Signing, at Paris, of the Treaty of Peace between the
       United States and Spain.
       Death of William Black, English novelist.

    December 11, 1898.
       Death of General Calixto Garcia, Cuban military leader.

    December 13, 1898.
       Appointment of General Brooke as commander and military
       governor of Cuba, by direction of the President of the
       United States.
       Reception by the Empress-Dowager to the wives of foreign
       representatives at Peking.

    December 17, 1898.
       Death of Baron Ferdinand James de Rothschild.

    December 21, 1898.
       Arrival of Prince George of Greece in Crete, to undertake
       the administration of government as High Commissioner for
       the Powers.
       Instructions of the President of the United States to
       General Otis, relative to the military government of the
       Philippine Islands.

    December 22, 1898.
       Death of Sebastian Bach Mills, composer and pianist.

    December 23, 1898.
       Decision by the French government to comply with the demand
       of the Court of Cassation for the secret papers
       (the "dossier") in the Dreyfus case.

    December 25, 1898.
       Penny postage to all places in the British Empire except the
       Australasian colonies and Cape Colony brought into operation.

    December 28, 1898.
       Death of Justin Smith Morrill, United States Senator.

    December 30, 1898.
       Death of Don Matias Romero,
       Mexican ambassador to the United States.

    1899.

    January 1, 1899.
       Formal relinquishment of the sovereignty of Spain over the
       island of Cuba, by ceremonies performed at Havana.

    January 4, 1899.
       The Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain sent
       to the United States Senate by the President.
       Proclamation of General Otis to the people of the Philippine
       Islands, amending the instructions of the President.

    January 5, 1899.
       Proclamation of Aguinaldo to the people of the Philippine
       Islands, counter to that of General Otis.

    January 8, 1899.
       Sensational resignation of the President of the civil section
       of the French Court of Cassation.

    January 11, 1899.
       Second communication of the Tzar of Russia to other
       governments on the subject of an International Conference
       for the promotion of peace.

    January 13, 1899.
       Death of Representative Nelson Dingley, of Maine.

    January 17, 1899.
       Death of John Russell Young, librarian of Congress.

    January 19, 1899.
       Signing of an agreement between the government of Great
       Britain and that of the Khedive of Egypt, establishing a
       condominium or joint administration of government over the
       Sudan.

    January 20, 1899.
       Appointment of the First Philippine Commission by the
       President of the United States.

    January 22, 1899.
       Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. condemning certain
       opinions called Americanism.

    January 29, 1899.
       Death of Dr. R. Fruin, Dutch historian.

    February 4, 1899.
       First outbreak of hostilities between the American and
       Filipino forces at Manila.

    February 6, 1899.
       Ratification by the United States Senate of the Treaty of
       Peace with Spain.
       Death of General Count Georg Leo von Caprivi, formerly
       chancellor of the German empire.
       Death of Irving Browne, American legal writer.

    February 10, 1899.
       Coup d'état of Señor Cuestas, declaring himself Provisional
       President of Uruguay.

    February 11, 1899.
       Occupation of the City of Iloilo, in the Philippine Islands,
       by the American forces.

    February 12, 1899.
       Sale of the Caroline and the Marianne or Ladrone Islands
       (excepting Guam) by Spain to Germany.

    February 15, 1899.
       Promulgation of a Russian imperial ukase which seriously
       impairs the constitutional independence of Finland.
       Death of Henry Jones ("Cavendish").

    February 16, 1899.
       Sudden death of François Felix Faure,
       President of the French Republic.

    February 18, 1899.
       Election of Emile Loubet to the
       presidency of the French Republic.

    February 20, 1899.
       Adjournment of the Joint High Commission appointed to settle
       questions in dispute between the United States and Canada.

    February 23, 1899.
       Funeral of the late President Faure, at Paris;
       attempted revolutionary rising by the
       "League of Patriots," and others.

    February 24, 1899.
       Death of Émile Welti, formerly President
       of the Swiss Confederation.

    February 25, 1899.
       Death of Paul Julius de Reuter, Baron, founder of a telegraph
       company and news agency.

    {713}

    February 28, 1899.
       Defeat and resignation of the Spanish Ministry of Señor
       Sagasta, on the question of the signing of the treaty of
       Peace with the United States;
       formation of the Ministry of Señor Silvela.
       Death of Mrs. Emma Waller, English actress.

    March, 1899.
       Withdrawal of foreign legation guards from Peking.

    March 1, 1899.
       Formation of the Visayan Military District in the Philippines
       under General Marcus P. Miller.
       Death of Lord Herschell, English jurist.

    March 3, 1899.
       Creation of commission to examine and report on all possible
       routes for an inter-oceanic canal, under the control and
       ownership of the United States.

    March 6, 1899.
       Death of Princess Kaiulani, of Hawaii.

    March 10, 1899.
       Death of Sir Douglas Galton, British sanitary scientist.

    March 11, 1899.
       The signing of the treaty of peace with the United States
       by the Queen of Spain, on her own responsibility.

    March 13, 1899.
       Death of Mr Julius Vogel,
       British colonial statesman and author.

    March 14, 1899.
       Death of Emile Erckmann, French novelist.

    March 18, 1899.
       Modification of the plan of the Bureau of the American
       Republics, at a conference of the representatives of
       the American nations.

    March 21, 1899.
       Completed settlement of boundaries between English and
       French claims in West Africa and the Western Sudan.

    April 2, 1899.
       Death of Baroness Hirsch.

    April 11, 1899.
       Death of Sir Monier Monier-Williams,
       English philologist and Oriental scholar.

    April 15, 1899.
       Death of Ely Thayer, active organizer of "the Kansas crusade."

    April 28, 1899.
       Agreement between Great Britain and Russia concerning their
       railway interests in China.

    May 1, 1899.
       Death of Professor Karl Christian Ludwig Büchner,
       German physiologist and philosopher.

    May 8, 1899.
       General George W. Davis appointed Military
       Governor of Porto Rico.

    May 11, 1899.
       Papal proclamation of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900."

    May 13, 1899.
       Advice from the Netherlands government to President Kruger,
       of the South African Republic, that he pursue a conciliatory
       course towards Great Britain.

    May 15, 1899.
       Death of Francisque Sarcey, French essayist.

    May 18, 1899.
       Meeting and organization of the International Peace Conference
       at The Hague.
       Order by the Tzar of Russia looking to the abolition of
       transportation to Siberia.

    May 19, 1899.
       Spanish garrison at Jolo, in the Sulu Archipelago,
       replaced by American troops.

    May 25, 1899.
       Death of Emilio Castelar, Spanish orator and statesman.
       Death of Rosa Bonheur, French artist.

    May 27, 1899.
       Death of Dr. Alphonse Charpentier, French physician.

    May 29, 1899.
       Order by President McKinley seriously modifying the
       civil service rules.

    May 31, 1899.
       Conference at Bloemfontein between President Kruger of the
       South African Republic and the British High Commissioner,
       Sir Alfred Milner.

    June, 1899.
       International Convention respecting the liquor traffic in
       Africa concluded at Brussels.

    June 2, 1899.
       Confession of Commandant Esterhazy, a refugee in England,
       that he wrote the "bordereau" ascribed to Captain Dreyfus.

    June 3, 1899.
       Decision of the Court of Cassation, quashing and annulling,
       in certain particulars, the judgment of condemnation
       pronounced against Captain Dreyfus in 1894 and ordering a new
       trial by court martial, to be held at Rennes.
       Death of Johann Strauss, Austrian composer.

    June 4, 1899.
       Ruffianly demonstration of young French royalists against
       President Loubet, at the Auteuil races; the President struck.

    June 7, 1899.
       Death of Augustin Daly, American theatrical manager.

    June 10, 1899.
       Death of John J. Lalor, American writer on
       political and economic subjects.

    June 12, 1899.
       Resignation of the Ministry of M. Dupuy, in France;
       formation of a "Government of Republican defense,"
       under M. Waldeck-Rousseau.

    June 15, 1899.
       Meeting at Paris of the tribunal for the arbitration of the
       Venezuela boundary.
       Death of Representative Richard Parks Bland, of Missouri.

    June 24, 1899.
       Death of the Dowager Queen Kapiolani,
       widow of King Kalakaua of Hawaii.

    June 28-30, 1899.
       Political rioting and threatened revolution at Brussels.

    June 30, 1899.
       Death of Mrs. E. D. E. N. Southworth, American novelist.

    July 1, 1899.
       Death of Charles Victor Cherbuliez, French novelist and critic.

    July 6, 1899.
       Death of Robert Bonner, American publisher.

    July 7, 1899.
       Death of George W. Julian, American anti-slavery leader.

    July 10, 1899.
       Death of the Grand Duke George, brother of the Tzar of Russia.

    July 17, 1899.
       Release of Japan from her old treaties with the Western Powers;
       abolition of foreign consular courts.

    July 18, 1899.
       Death of Horatio Alger, American writer of stories for boys.

    July 21, 1899.
       Death of Colonel Robert G. Ingersoll,
       American apostle of atheism.

    July 22, 1899.
       Organization of a half military, half autonomous government
       in the Philippine island of Negros.

    July 25, 1899.
       Election to fill municipal offices in Porto Rico, under
       orders from the Military Governor.

    July 26, 1899.
       Amendment of its franchise law by the South African Republic.
       Assassination of General Heureaux, President of the
       Dominican Republic.

    July 29, 1899.
       Adoption and signing of the "Final Act" of the Peace
       Conference at The Hague, submitting three proposed
       Conventions, three Declarations, and several other
       recommendations, to the governments represented in it.

    July 31, 1899.
       Death of Dr. Daniel Garrison Brinton, American ethnologist.

    {714}

    August 1, 1899.
       Proposal of the British government to that of the South
       African Republic, that a joint inquiry be made as to the
       effect, in practical working, of the new franchise law.

    August 4, 1899.
       Renewed counsel of moderation to President Kruger, from the
       Netherlands government.

    August 7, 1899.
       Destructive cyclone in Porto Rico.
       Opening of the new trial of Captain Dreyfus by court martial
       at Rennes.
       A terrific hurricane in the West Indies;
       loss of life estimated at 5,000.

    August 9, 1899.
       Passage of Act creating a national Board of Education for
       England and Wales.

    August 11, 1899.
       Death of Dr. Charles Janeway Stillé,
       American author and educator.

    August 12, 1899.
       Arrest of Déronlède and other pestilential Frenchmen for
       revolutionary conspiracy.

    August 13, 1899.
       Russian imperial order declaring Talienwan a free port.

    August 14, 1899.
       Attempt, at Rennes, to assassinate M. Labori, one of the
       counsel for Captain Dreyfus.

    August 16, 1899.
       Death of Professor Robert Wilhelm Eberhard Bunsen,
       German chemist.

    August 19, 1899.
       Counter proposals from the government of the South African
       Republic to that of Great Britain.

    August 20, 1899.
       Rioting in Paris; barricading of M. Guérin and other members
       of the "Anti-Semitic League" in their headquarters,
       to defy arrest.

    September 4, 1899.
       Death of Jean Ristics, Servian statesman.

    September 6, 1899.
       Proposal by the government of the United States of an
       "open-door" commercial policy in China.

    September 8, 1899.
       Authorized publication at Berlin of a repeated declaration
       that the German government had never maintained, either
       directly or indirectly, any relations with Captain Dreyfus.

    September 9, 1899.
       Verdict of "guilty" pronounced against Dreyfus by five of
       the seven members of the Rennes court martial.

    September 11, 1899.
       Death of Cornelius Vanderbilt, millionaire.

    September 12, 1899.
       Impassioned protest by M. Zola against the Rennes verdict.

    September 18, 1899.
       Beginning of the trial, at Paris, of Déroulède and his
       fellow conspirators against the Republic.

    September 19, 1899.
       Pardon of Captain Dreyfus by President Loubet.

    September 22, 1899.
       Ending of the discussion of the Uitlander franchise question
       between the British and Boer governments.
       Death of Major George Edward Pond, military author.

    September 25, 1899.
       Death of Consul Willshire Butterfield,
       American historical writer.

    September 27, 1899.
       The Orange Free State makes common cause with the Transvaal
       against the British.
       Death of General Henry Heth, Confederate officer and historian.

    October, 1899.
       International Commercial Congress and National Export
       Exposition at Philadelphia.

    October 3, 1899.
       Announcement of the decision of the tribunal of arbitration
       upon the question of the boundary between Venezuela and
       British Guiana.
       Fall of eleven columns of the great temple at Karnak, Egypt.

    October 9, 1899.
       Ultimatum of the South African Republic to Great Britain.

    October 10, 1899.
       Reply of the British government to the Boer ultimatum.
       Contract of the Maritime Canal Company of Nicaragua declared
       forfeited by the Nicaraguan government.

    October 12, 1899.
       First act in the British-Boer war, in South Africa;
       Boer invasion of Natal and of Cape Colony.

    October 13, 1899.
       Death of Vice-Admiral Philip Howard Colomb, of the British navy.

    October 14, 1899.
       Death of Charlotte Heine, sister of Heinrich.

    October 15, 1899.
       Death of Lawrence Gronlund, socialist author.

    October 16, 1899.
       Census of Cuba and Porto Rico, taken under the direction
       of the War Department of the United States.
       Death of Professor Edward Orton, American geologist.

    October 20, 1899.
       Battle at Talana Hill, Natal, between British and Boer forces;
       mortal wounding of General Sir W. Penn Symons.
       Agreement between Great Britain and the United States upon a
       "modus vivendi" pending the settlement of the Alaska boundary.

    October 21, 1899.
       Battle at Elandslaagte, in Natal.

    October 25, 1899.
       Death of Grant Allen, author and naturalist.

    October 27, 1899.
       Death of Brigadier General Guy V. Henry, late military
       governor of Porto Rico.
       Death of Florence Marryat (Mrs. Francis Lean), English novelist.

    October 28, 1899.
       Death of John Codman Ropes, American military historian.
       Death of Ottmar Mergenthaler, inventor of the linotype
       printing process.

    October 29, 1899.
       Beginning of the siege of Ladysmith, in Natal.

    November 2, 1899.
       Earthquake and tidal wave in the island of Ceram, one of
       the Moluccas, overwhelming many towns.

    November 3, 1899.
       Death of Colonel Henry Inman,
       American writer on frontier history.

    November 14, 1899.
       Signing of treaties between Great Britain, Germany, and
       the United States, relative to the Samoan Islands.
       Inauguration of Juan Isidro Jiminez, President of the
       Dominican Republic.

    November 16, 1899.
       Death of Moritz Busch, biographer of Bismarck.

    November 19, 1899.
       Death of Sir John William Dawson, Canadian geologist.

    November 21, 1899.
       Death of Garret A. Hobart,
       Vice President of the United States.

    November 23, 1899.
       Battle of Belmont, in the South African war.

    November 24, 1899.
       Death of Reverend Samuel May, American abolitionist.

    November 25, 1899.
       Battle at Enslin, or Graspan, in the South African war.

    November 28, 1899.
       Battle at Modder River, in the South African war.

    November 30, 1899.
       Report of Isthmian Canal Commission in favor of
       the Nicaragua route.

    December 6, 1899.
       Appointment of General Leonard Wood to the military
       command and governorship of Cuba.

    {715}

    December 10, 1899.
       Repulse of the British by the Boers at Stormberg.

    December 11, 1899.
       Battle at Majesfontein, in the South African war.

    December 12, 1899.
       Inauguration of William S. Taylor, Republican, Governor of
       Kentucky, his election being disputed by Democratic opponents.

    December 15, 1899.
       First repulse of General Buller in attempting to pass the
       Tugela River, South Africa.

    December 18, 1899.
       Death of Major-General Henry W. Lawton, U. S. V.
       Death of Bernard Quaritch, London book dealer.

    December 20, 1899.
       Li Hung-chang appointed Acting Viceroy at Canton.

    December 22, 1899.
       Death of Dwight Lyman Moody, evangelist.

    December 23, 1899.
       Death of Dorman B. Eaton,
       leader in American civil-service reform.

    December 25, 1899.
       Beginning of the "Jubilee of the Holy Year 1900," proclaimed
       by Pope Leo XIII.
       Death of Elliott Coues, American naturalist.

    December 30, 1899.
       Death of Sir James Paget, British surgeon.

    December 31, 1899.
       Murder of Mr. Brooks, an English missionary,
       by Chinese "Boxers" in northern Shantung.

    1900.

    January 1, 1900.
       Abolition of Roman Law and introduction of the Civil Code
       throughout Germany.
       Re-election of President Diaz, of Mexico, for a sixth term.

    January 5, 1900.
       Death of William A. Hammond, American physician.

    January 10, 1900.
       Landing of Field-Marshal Lord Roberts at the Cape, to take
       the British command in South Africa.

    January 12, 1900.
       Death of Reverend Dr. James Martineau, English divine.

    January 15, 1900.
       Letting of contract for building the Rapid Transit Tunnel in
       New York.
       Death of George W. Steevens, English war correspondent.

    January 17, 1900.
       Beginning of the second movement of General Buller across
       the Tugela River.

    January 20, 1900.
       Death of John Ruskin.

    January 21, 1900.
       Death of Richard Doddridge Blackmore, English novelist.
       Death of the Duke of Teck.

    January 23, 1900.
       Futile storming of the Boer fortifications on Spion Kop
       by the British troops under General Buller.

    January 24, 1900.
       Decree by the Chinese emperor relating to the succession
       to the throne.

    January 27, 1900.
       "Identic note" by foreign Ministers at Peking to the
       Tsung-li Yamen demanding action against the "Boxers"
       in Shantung and Chihli.

    January 28, 1900.
       Elections to the French Senate;
       substantial success of the moderate Republicans.

    January 29, 1900.
       Withdrawal of General Buller from beyond the Tugela.

    January 30, 1900.
       Assassination of Senator William Goebel,
       Democratic claimant of the governorship of Kentucky.

    January 31, 1900.
       Report of First Philippine Commission.

    February 5, 1900.
       Third advance of General Buller across the Tugela River.
       Signing at Washington of the Hay-Pauncefote Treaty between
       the United States and Great Britain, to facilitate the
       construction of an inter-oceanic canal.
       Death of William Henry Gilder, arctic explorer.

    February 9, 1900.
       Third retirement of General Buller from the north bank
       of the Tugela.

    February 11, 1900.
       Beginning of the advance movement of Lord Roberts from the
       Modder River.

    February 15, 1900.
       The Boer siege of Kimberley raised by General French.

    February 20, 1900.
       Death of William H. Beard, American animal painter.

    February 21, 1900.
       Agreement of Republican and Democratic leaders in Kentucky
       for a settlement of the gubernatorial question in the courts.
       Death of Henry Duff Traill, English man of letters.
       Death of Dr. Charles Piazzi Smyth, British astronomer.
       Death of Mr. Leslie E. Keeley, originator of the "gold cure"
       for the liquor habit.

    February 24, 1900.
       Death of Richard Hovey, American poet.

    February 25, 1900.
       Opening of the new ship canal from the sea to Bruges.

    February 27, 1900.
       Surrender of General Cronje and his army to the British,
       after nine days of battle, near Paardeberg.

    February 27-28, 1900.
       Final passage of the Tugela by General Buller, and relief
       of Ladysmith.

    March 1, 1900.
       Preliminary report of the United States Industrial Commission,
       on "trusts and industrial combinations."

    March 5, 1900.
       Overtures of peace to Lord Salisbury by Presidents Kruger
       and Steyn, of the South African republics.

    March 9, 1900.
       Death of Edward John Phelps, American diplomatist.

    March 10, 1900.
       Battle of Driefontein, in the Orange Free State.
       Death of Johann Feder E. Hartmann, Danish composer.

    March 11, 1900.
       Reply of Lord Salisbury to the Boer Presidents, declining
       to assent to the independence of either of the two republics.

    March 12, 1900.
       Occupation of Bloemfontein, capital of the Orange Free State,
       by the British forces.

    March 13, 1900.
       Death of Père Henri Didon, French Dominican
       author and preacher.

    March 14, 1900.
       Approval of the Financial Bill, for reforming the monetary
       system of the United States.

    March 18, 1900.
       Death of General Sir William Stephen Alexander Lockhart,
       British military commander.

    March 23, 1900.
       Death of Sherman S. Rogers, American lawyer,
       prominent in civil service reform.

    March 25, 1900.
       Rising of Ashantis and attack on the British in Kumassi.

    March 26, 1900.
       Death of Rabbi M. Wise, American Jewish divine.

    March 27, 1900.
       Death of General Pietrus Jacobus Joubert, Commandant-General
       and Vice-President of the South African Republic.

    March 29, 1900.
       Order promulgated by the Military Governor of the Philippine
       Islands providing for the election and institution of
       municipal governments.
       Death of Archibald Forbes, British war correspondent.

    {716}

    April, 1900.
       Visit of Queen Victoria to Ireland.

    April 1, 1900.
       Death of Professor St. George Milvart,
       English naturalist and scientific writer.

    April 4, 1900.
       Death of Ghazi Osman Nubar Pasha, Turkish general.

    April 6, 1900.
       Decision of the Kentucky Court of Appeals adverse to the
       right of William S. Taylor to the Governor's office.

    April 7, 1900.
       The Philippine Islands constituted, by order of the United
       States Secretary of War, a military division, consisting
       of four departments.
       Appointment of the Second Philippine Commission by the
       President of the United States.
       Death of Frederick E. Church, American landscape painter.

    April 10, 1900.
       Death of Frank H. Cushing, American ethnologist.

    April 12, 1900.
       Act of Congress of the United States to provide revenues
       and a civil government for Porto Rico.

    April 14, 1900.
       Opening of the Paris Exposition, with unfinished preparations.

    April 17, 1900.
       Cession to the United States by Samoan chiefs of the islands
       in that group lying east of the 171st degree of west longitude.

    April 19, 1900.
       Death of Robert Alan Mowbray Stevenson, British artist.

    April 21, 1900.
       Meeting of the third Ecumenical Conference on Protestant
       Foreign Missions, at New York.
       Death of Alphonse M. Edwards, French naturalist.

    April 23, 1900.
       Death of George Douglas Campbell,
       Duke of Argyll, Scottish author.

    April 26, 1900.
       Great fire in the city of Ottawa, Canada,
       and the town of Hull, on the opposite shore of the river.

    April 30, 1900.
       Approval of an Act of the Congress of the United States
       "to provide a government for the Territory of Hawaii."

    May 1, 1900.
       Meeting, at Rock Island, Illinois, of the national convention
       of the United Christian Party, to nominate candidates for
       President and Vice President of the United States.
       Inauguration of civil government in Porto Rico;
       induction into office of Governor Charles H. Allen.
       Death of Mihaly (Michael) Munkacsy, Hungarian painter.

    May 10, 1900.
       Meeting of the national conventions of the two wings of the
       People's Party, at Cincinnati and at Sioux Falls, to nominate
       candidates for President and Vice President of the United
       States.

    May 16, 1900.
       Dissolution of the Italian Parliament by the King.

    May 18, 1900.
       Relief of Mafeking, after a siege of seven months by the Boers.

    May 21, 1900.
       Decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that it
       had no jurisdiction in the matter of the disputed governorship
       of Kentucky.

    May 23, 1900.
       Passage of the Meat Inspection Bill in the German Reichstag.
       Death of Jonas Gilman Clark, founder of Clark University.

    May 24, 1900.
       Proclamation by Lord Roberts of the annexation of the Orange
       Free State to the dominions of the British Queen.

    May 28, 1900.
       Partial destruction of railway near Peking by "Boxers."
       Death of Sir George Grove, English musician.

    May 30, 1900.
       Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders to protest against the
       annexation of the Boer republics.

    May 31, 1900.
       Occupation of Johannesburg by the British forces.
       Arrival at Peking of British, American, French, Italian,
       Russian and Japanese guards for the legations.

    June 1-3, 1900.
       Fruitless peace parley between British and
       Boer military commanders.

    June 2, 1900.
       Meeting of the national convention of the Socialist Labor
       Party, at New York, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.
       Death of Clarence Cook, American art critic and writer.

    June 3, 1900.
       Election of a new Italian Parliament;
       resignation of the Pelloux Ministry;
       formation of a new cabinet under Saracco.

    June 5, 1900.
       Occupation of Pretoria, the capital of the South African
       Republic by the British forces.
       Death of Reverend Richard Salter Storrs, American divine.
       Death of Stephen Crane, author and journalist.
       Death of Miss Mary H. Kingsley, African explorer.

    June 6, 1900.
       Approval by the President of the United States of an act
       providing for the civil government of Alaska.

    June 10, 1900.
       International force of marines from foreign fleets at Taku
       started for Peking under Vice-Admiral Sir Edward H. Seymour.

    June 11, 1900.
       Murder at Peking of Mr. Sugiyama, the Chancellor of the
       Japanese Legation.
       Counter proclamation of President Steyn, declaring the
       annexation of the Orange Free State to be null and void.

    June 12, 1900.
       Death of Lucretia Peabody Rale, American author.

    June 12-15, 1900.
       Second fruitless discussion of terms of peace between the
       British and Boer military leaders.

    June 13, 1900.
       Massacre of native Christians and burning of foreign buildings
       by "Boxers" in Peking.

    June 16, 1900.
       Opening of the Elbe and Trave Canal.
       Election of municipal officers throughout the island of Cuba,
       under an election law promulgated by the military governor in
       the previous April.
       Death of the Prince de Joinville,
       son of King Louis Philippe of France.

    June 17, 1900.
       Bombardment and capture of Taku forts by the allied fleets.

    June 19, 1900.
       Meeting, at Philadelphia, of the national convention of the
       Republican Party, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    {717}

    June 20, 1900.
       Beginning of the siege of the foreign legations and the
       Pei-tang Cathedral at Peking.
       Murder at Peking of the German Minister, Baron von Ketteler.
       Death of Henry Brougham Loch, Baron,
       British colonial administrator.

    June 21, 1900.
       Imperial Chinese decree proclaiming war upon foreigners and
       praising the "Boxers" as patriotic soldiers.
       Proclamation of amnesty by the Military Governor of the
       Philippine Islands.
       Death of Count Muravieff, Russian statesman.

    June 22, 1900.
       Burning, by the Chinese, of the Hanlin Imperial Academy,
       at Peking.

    June 25, 1900.
       Death of ex-Judge Mellen Chamberlain,
       American historical writer.

    June 26, 1900.
       Retreat of Admiral Seymour's expedition to Tientsin, driven
       back by the Chinese.
       Appointment of General Chaffee to command American forces
       sent to China.

    June 27, 1900.
       Meeting at Chicago, of the national convention of the
       Prohibition Party, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    June 30, 1900.
       Great fire at Hoboken, New Jersey, destroying the pier system,
       with three large steamers, of the North German Lloyd steamship
       line, and with a loss of life estimated at three hundred
       persons.

    July 4, 1900.
       Meeting at Kansas City, of the national convention of the
       Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    July 5, 1900.
       Death of Dr. Henry Barnard, American educator.

    July 6, 1900.
       Meeting of the national convention of Silver Republicans,
       at Kansas City, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    July 7, 1900.
       Passage by the British Parliament of the Act to constitute
       the Commonwealth of Australia.

    July 13, 1900.
       Capture of Tientsin by the allied forces.

    July 14, 1900.
       Opening of Chinese attacks on the Russians in Manchuria.

    July 15, 1900.
       Appeal to Congress by inhabitants of Manila.
       Relief of the besieged British in Kumassi.

    July 20, 1900.
       First news from the beleaguered foreigners in Peking received
       at Washington, in a cipher despatch from the American Minister,
       Mr. Conger, sent through the Chinese Minister, Mr. Wu Ting Fang.

    July 23, 1900.
       Death of Baron von Manteuffel, German statesman.

    July 27, 1900.
       Speech of the German Emperor to troops departing for China,
       enjoining them to give no quarter and make no prisoners, but
       imitate the example of Attila and the Huns.

    July 29, 1900.
       Assassination of King Humbert, of Italy.

    July 31, 1900.
       Death of the Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and Duke of Edinburgh,
       second son of Queen Victoria.
       Death of John Clark Ridpath, American historian.

    August 4, 1900.
       Movement of allied forces from Tientsin, nearly 19,000 strong,
       for the rescue of foreigners in Peking.
       Death of Major-General Jacob D. Cox,
       American military historian.

    August 6, 1900.
       Capture of Yang-tsun by the allied forces.
       Death of Wilhelm Liebknecht, German Socialist leader.

    August 8, 1900.
       Speech of William J. Bryan, at Indianapolis, accepting his
       nomination for President of the United States.
       Death of Cyrus Hamlin, founder of Robert College, Constantinople.

    August 10, 1900.
       Death of Baron Russell of Killowen,
       Lord Chief Justice of England.

    August 13, 1900.
       International congress of Zionists at London.
       Death of Collis P. Huntington, American railway magnate.

    August 14, 1900.
       Rescue of the besieged Legations at Peking;
       entrance of the allied forces into the city.

    August 15, 1900.
       Forcing of the gates of the "Forbidden City," at Peking,
       and expulsion of Chinese troops, by the American forces,
       under General Chaffee.

    August 16, 1900.
       Meeting, at Indianapolis, of the American League of
       Anti-Imperialists, to take action with reference to the
       pending presidential election in the United States.

    August 21, 1900.
       Annexation of Austral Islands to France.

    August 22, 1900.
       Death of Carl Rohl Smith, American sculptor.

    August 25, 1900.
       Death of Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche,
       German philosopher (so-called).

    August 28, 1900.
       March of the allied army through the "Forbidden City,"
       at Peking.

    August 29, 1900.
       Expressions from Russia and the United States in favor of
       an early withdrawal of troops from Peking.
       Death of Professor Henry Sidgwick, English economist.

    September 1, 1900.
       Transfer of all legislative authority from the Military
       Governor of the Philippine Islands to the Second Philippine
       Commission.

    September 2, 1900.
       Proclamation by Lord Roberts directing the burning of farms
       in punishment of guerrilla warfare.

    September 5, 1900.
       Meeting of Anti-Imperialists, at New York, to nominate
       candidates for President and Vice President of the
       United States.
       Decrees establishing compulsory military service in Chile.

    September 8, 1900.
       Letter of President McKinley, accepting his renomination for
       a second term as President of the United States.

    September 9, 1900.
       The city of Galveston, Texas, overwhelmed by
       hurricane and flood.

    September 10, 1900.
       Leave of absence given to President Kruger for
       departure to Europe.

    September 12, 1900.
       Appropriation of $2,000,000 by the Philippine Commission
       for improvement of highways and bridges.

    September 15, 1900.
       General election in Cuba of delegates to a convention for
       framing a constitution.

    September 17, 1900.
       Dissolution of the British Parliament by royal proclamation,
       and order given for new elections in October.
       Proclamation of the Australian Commonwealth by Queen Victoria.
       Beginning of a strike of 112,000 anthracite coal miners in
       Pennsylvania.

    September 19, 1900.
       Adoption by the Philippine Commission of an Act for the
       establishment and maintenance of an honest and efficient
       civil service in the islands.

    {718}

    September 22, 1900.
       Gigantic banquet in Paris to 23,000 representatives of the
       municipalities of France, in celebration of the centenary of
       the proclamation of the first French republic.

    September 29, 1900.
       Meeting, at Chicago, of the national convention of the Social
       Democratic Party, to nominate candidates for President and
       Vice President of the United States.

    October 4, 1900.
       Points submitted by the government of France as the suggested
       basis for negotiations with the government of China, accepted
       subsequently by all the Powers.

    October 10, 1900.
       Annexation of the Cook Islands to New Zealand.

    October 16, 1900.
       Agreement between Great Britain and Germany upon principles
       to be observed "in regard to their mutual policy in China."

    October 17, 1900.
       Ending of the strike of anthracite coal miners in Pennsylvania.

    October 18, 1900.
       Resignation of Prince Hohenlohe-Schillingsfürst, Chancellor
       of the German Empire, and appointment of Count von Bülow
       to succeed him.

    October 20, 1900.
       Death of Charles Dudley Warner, American author.

    October 21, 1900.
       Fall of the Cabinet of Senor Silvela, in Spain;
       formation of that of General Azcarraga.

    October 22, 1900.
       Death of John Sherman, American statesman.

    October 24, 1900.
       Conclusion of Parliamentary elections in Great Britain;
       return of an increased majority for the Conservative and
       Liberal Unionist government of Lord Salisbury.

    October 25, 1900.
       Annexation of the South African Republic to the dominions of
       the Queen proclaimed by Lord Roberts.

    October 28, 1900.
       Speech of the French premier, M. Waldeck-Rousseau,
       at Toulouse, foreshadowing a measure against the religious
       orders in France—the Bill on Associations.
       Census of Mexico.
       Death of Professor Friedrich Max Müller,
       Orientalist and philologist.

    October 29, 1900.
       Death of Prince Christian Victor, grandson of Queen Victoria.

    October 31, 1900.
       Union of the Free and the United Presbyterian churches
       in Scotland.

    November 4, 1900.
       Rejection by popular vote in Switzerland of proposals for
       proportional representation.

    November 5, 1900.
       Meeting of Cuban constitutional convention at Havana.

    November 6, 1900.
       Presidential election in the United States.
       First election in Porto Rico under the Act establishing civil
       government in the island.

    November 7, 1900.
       Parliamentary elections in Canada, sustaining the Liberal
       ministry in power.

    November 11, 1900.
       Signing of Russo-Chinese agreement concerning the Manchurian
       province of Fêng-tien.

    November 12, 1900.
       Closing of the Paris Exposition.

    November 18, 1900.
       Proclamation of Lord Roberts defining the intention of his
       order concerning farm-burning.
       Death of Martin Irons, American labor leader.

    November 22, 1900.
       Death of Sir Arthur Sullivan, British composer.

    November 29, 1900.
       The British command in South Africa delivered to Lord
       Kitchener by Lord Roberts, lately appointed Commander-in-Chief
       of the British Army.
       Death of Professor Burke A. Hinsdale,
       American historian and educator.

    November 30, 1900.
       Report of Second Philippine Commission.
       Death of Oscar Wilde.

    December 3, 1900.
       Meeting and organization of the first Legislative Assembly
       in Porto Rico.
       Death of Ludwig Jacobowski, German poet and novelist.

    December 5, 1900.
       Death of Mrs. Abby Sage Richardson, dramatist, author, actress.

    December 6, 1900.
       Congress of Cape Colony Afrikanders at Worcester, to appeal
       for peace and the independence of the defeated republics.
       Meeting of the newly elected Parliament in Great Britain.

    December 12, 1900.
       Celebration of the centennial anniversary of the removal of
       the capital of the United States from Philadelphia to Washington.
       Fourth international conference in London on the cataloguing
       of scientific literature, and final arrangement for beginning
       the work.

    December 13, 1900.
       Death of Michael G. Mulhall, British statistician.

    December 15, 1900.
       Landing at Sydney of Lord Hopetoun, the first Governor-General
       of the new Commonwealth of Australia.

    December 17, 1900.
       Opening of the first argument before the Supreme Court of the
       United States in cases involving questions concerning the
       status of new colonial possessions.

    December 19, 1900.
       Assumption of the title of Royal Highness by the
       Prince of Montenegro.

    December 20, 1900.
       A joint note from the plenipotentiaries of the Powers at
       Peking, setting forth the conditions of settlement with China,
       formulated, after long discussion, and signed and delivered
       to the Chinese plenipotentiaries.
       Ratification (with amendments) of the Hay-Pauncefote
       Treaty by the United States Senate.

    December 12, 1900.
       Death of Roger Wolcott, ex-governor of Massachusetts.
       Death of Representative Richard A. Wise, of Virginia.

    December 27, 1900.
       Death of Sir William George Armstrong, first Baron Armstrong,
       English inventor and gun manufacturer.

    December 28, 1900.
       Death of Professor Moses Coit Tyler, historian of American
       literature.
       Death of Major Serpa Pinto, Portuguese explorer of Africa.

    December 30, 1900.
       Death of Hiram Hitchcock, American archæologist.

    December 31, 1900.
       Fall of two stones at Stonehenge.

    1901.

    January 1, 1901.
       The beginning of the Twentieth Century.
       Organization of the Permanent Court of International
       Arbitration at The Hague.
       Inauguration of the Federal Government of the Commonwealth
       of Australia.

    January 2, 1901.
       Death of Ignatius Donnelly, Shakespeare-Bacon theorist.

    {719}

    January 4, 1901.
       Transfer of Sir Alfred Milner from the governorship of Cape
       Colony to that of the Transvaal, continuing to be British
       High Commissioner for South Africa at large.

    January 8, 1901.
       Opening of the second argument before the Supreme Court of
       the United States in cases involving questions concerning
       the status of new possessions.

    January 12, 1901.
       Submission of the Chinese government to the requirements of
       the Powers.

    January 14, 1901.
       Defiant proclamation issued by President Steyn and
       General De Wet.
       Death of Right Reverend Mandell Creighton, English historian.
       Death of Charles Hermite, French mathematician.

    January 16, 1901.
       Approval of the Act apportioning Representatives in the
       Congress of the United States, under the census of 1900.

    January 17, 1901.
       Proclamation of martial law throughout most of Cape Colony.

    January 18, 1901.
       Celebration of the bicentenary of the coronation of the
       first King of Prussia.
       Encyclical letter of Pope Leo XIII. concerning Social
       and Christian Democracy.
       Death of Arnold Boecklin, German painter.

    January 19, 1901.
       Death of the Duc de Broglie, French statesman.

    January 21, 1901.
       Death of Professor Elisha Gray, one of the inventors of the
       telephone.
       Death of Colonel Frank Frederick Hilder,
       geographer and ethnologist.

    January 22, 1901.
       Death of Queen Victoria.

    January 24, 1901.
       Formal proclamation of the accession of King Edward VII. to
       the throne of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

    January 25, 1901.
       Death of Baron Wilhelm von Rothschild, financier.

    January 27, 1901.
       Death of Giuseppe Verdi, Italian composer.

    January 28, 1901.
       Death of Count Joseph V. Gurko, Russian general.

    January 29, 1901.
       Death of Reverend Hugh Reginald Haweis,
       English clergyman and author.
       Death of Vicomte Henri de Bornier, French poet and dramatist.

    February 1, 1901.
       Death of Dr. Fitzedward Hall, entomologist.

    February 1-4, 1901.
       Ceremonies of the funeral of Queen Victoria.

    February 2, 1901.
       Act to increase the regular army of the United States to
       100,000 men approved by the President.

    February 5, 1901.
       Chinese Imperial decree, commanding new undertakings of reform.

    February 6, 1901.
       Fall of the Saracco Ministry in Italy;
       formation of a new government under Signor Zanardelli.

    February 7, 1901.
       Marriage of Queen Wilhelmina, of the Kingdom of the
       Netherlands, to Duke Henry of Mecklenburg.

    February 11, 1901.
       Death of ex-King Milan of Servia.

    February 12, 1901.
       Order by the United States Treasury Department levying a
       countervailing duty on Russian sugar, as being "bounty-fed."
       Death of Don Ramon de Campoamor, Spanish poet, philosopher
       and statesman.

    February 14, 1901.
       Marriage of the Princess of the Asturias, sister of the young
       King of Spain, to Prince Charles, of the Neapolitan Bourbon
       family.
       Opening of the British Parliament in state by King Edward VII.

    February 15, 1901.
       Death of Maurice Thompson, American author.

    February 16, 1901.
       Retaliatory order by the Russian Minister of Finance,
       levying additional duties on American manufactures of
       iron and steel.

    February 19, 1901.
       Death of Paul Armand Silvestre, French poet and critic.

    February 26, 1901.
       Execution of two high Chinese officials, at Peking, in
       compliance with the demands of the Powers.
       Adoption by the United States Senate of the so-called
       "Spooner amendment" to the Army Appropriation Bill,
       authorizing the President to establish civil government
       in the Philippines.

    February 27, 1901.
       Adoption by the U. S. Senate of the Platt Amendment to the
       Army Appropriation Bill, defining the conditions under which
       the President may "leave the government and control of the
       island of Cuba to its people."
       Assassination of the Russian Minister of Public Instruction.

    February 28, 1901.
       Unsuccessful peace parley opened between Lord Kitchener and
       Commandant Botha.
       Death of William Maxwell Evarts, American lawyer and statesman.

    March 1, 1901.
       Concurrence of the United States House of Representatives in
       the "Spooner Amendment" and the Platt Amendment of the Senate
       to the Army Appropriation Bill.

    March 1-14, 1901.
       Census of the Indian Empire, completed in 14 days.

    March 2, 1901.
       Official announcement of the terms of the formation of the
       United States Steel Corporation.

    March 4, 1901.
       Inauguration of William McKinley for a second term as
       President of the United States.

    March 6, 1901.
       Death of Canon William Bright, Oxford theologian.

    March 11, 1901.
       Rejection by the British government of the Hay-Pauncefote
       Treaty, as amended by the United States Senate.

    March 12, 1901.
       Offer, by Mr. Andrew Carnegie, of $5,200,000, for the
       establishing of branches of the New York Public Library.

    March 13, 1901.
       Death of Benjamin Harrison, ex-President of the United States.

    March 15, 1901,
       Order for withdrawal of American troops from China,
       excepting a Legation guard.

    March 17, 1901.
       Death of Reverend Elijah Kellogg,
       American writer of books for boys.

    March 20, 1901.
       Passage of a new election law by the Legislature of Maryland,
       to exclude the illiterate from the suffrage.

    March 21, 1901.
       Death of Reverend Dr. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, American divine.

    March 22, 1901.
       Attempted assassination of M. Pobiedonostzeff,
       Procurator of the Holy Synod, in Russia.

    March 23, 1901.
       Capture of the Philippine leader, Aguinaldo, by stratagem.

    March 24, 1901.
       Death of Charlotte Mary Yonge,
       English novelist and historical writer.

    {720}

    March 28, 1901.
       Debate in the British Parliament on the peace negotiations
       between Lord Kitchener and Commandant Botha.

    March 29, 1901.
       Passage of the Bill on Associations by the French
       Chamber of Deputies.
       Death of James Stephens, Irish Fenian leader.

    April 1, 1901.
       Re-election of Mr. Samuel M. Jones for a third term as Mayor
       of Toledo, Ohio, independently of political parties.
       Death of Sir John Stainer, British organist and composer.

    April 2, 1901.
       An oath of allegiance to the government of the United States
       taken by Aguinaldo.

    April 10, 1901.
       Death of Dr. William Jay Youmans, American scientist.

    April 18, 1901.
       Speech of Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
       in the British House of Commons, introducing the Budget of
       the year.

    April 19, 1901.
       Address to his countrymen issued by Aguinaldo, counselling
       submission to the sovereignty of the United States.
       Promulgation of a new constitution for the kingdom of Servia.

    April 22, 1901.
       Death of Right Reverend William Stubbs, Bishop of Oxford,
       English constitutional historian.

    May 27, 1901.
       Opinions delivered by the Supreme Court of the United States
       in the so-called "insular cases."

    --------Volume 6: End-------------

    ----------Word List: Start--------

    a
    Aana
    Aaron
    abacists
    Abadiyeh
    abandon
    abandoned
    abandoning
    Abandonment
    Abarzuza
    abate
    abatement
    abating
    Abbey
    Abbott
    Abby
    Abbé
    abdicated
    abdomen
    abdominal
    Abdul
    Abdullah
    Abdullahi
    Abel
    Abercorn
    Abercrombie
    Aberdare
    abet
    abetting
    abettors
    abeyance
    Abgeordneten
    abhorred
    abhorrent
    abide
    abiding
    abilities
    ability
    abject
    able
    ablest
    ably
    abnegation
    abnormal
    abnormally
    aboard
    abode
    abolish
    Abolished
    abolishes
    abolishing
    abolition
    abolitionist
    abominable
    abominate
    abominations
    aboriginal
    ABORIGINES
    abortive
    abounded
    about
    above
    Abraham
    abrasive
    abreast
    abridge
    abridged
    Abridgement
    abridging
    Abridgment
    abridgments
    abroad
    abrogate
    abrogated
    abrogation
    abrupt
    abruptly
    Abruzzi
    absence
    absent
    absentee
    absenteeism
    absentees
    absenting
    absolue
    absolute
    absolutely
    absolutism
    absolved
    absorb
    absorbed
    absorbing
    absorption
    abstain
    abstained
    abstaining
    abstention
    abstentions
    abstinence
    abstract
    abstracting
    absurd
    absurdity
    absurdly
    Abu
    Abud
    abul
    abundance
    Abundant
    abundantly
    abuse
    abused
    abuses
    abusing
    abusive
    abuts
    Abydos
    Abyssinia
    Abyssinian
    Abyssinians
    academic
    academical
    Academy
    Acarabisi
    accede
    acceded
    acceding
    accelerated
    acceleration
    accept
    acceptable
    acceptance
    acceptation
    accepted
    accepting
    accepts
    access
    accessible
    accession
    accessions
    accessories
    accessory
    accident
    accidental
    Accidentally
    accidents
    acclamation
    acclamations
    acclimatised
    acclimatization
    acclimatized
    accommodate
    accommodating
    accommodation
    accommodations
    Accompanied
    accompanies
    accompaniment
    accompany
    accompanying
    accompli
    accomplice
    accomplices
    accomplish
    accomplished
    accomplishing
    accomplishment
    accomplishments
    accord
    accordance
    accordant
    accorded
    according
    Accordingly
    accords
    account
    accountability
    accountable
    accountant
    accounted
    accounting
    accounts
    accredited
    accrue
    accrued
    accruing
    accumulate
    accumulated
    accumulating
    accumulation
    accuracy
    accurate
    accurately
    accusation
    accusations
    accuse
    accused
    accuses
    accusing
    accustomed
    accustoming
    ace
    Acerraderos
    Acetylene
    achieve
    achieved
    achievement
    ACHIEVEMENTS
    achieving
    Achæan
    Achæmenian
    acids
    acknowledge
    acknowledged
    acknowledges
    acknowledging
    Acknowledgment
    acknowledgments
    acquaint
    acquaintance
    acquainted
    acquainting
    acquiesce
    acquiesced
    acquiescence
    acquire
    acquired
    acquires
    acquiring
    acquisition
    acquisitions
    acquit
    Acquittal
    acquitted
    acquitter
    acquitting
    acre
    acreage
    acres
    acrobat
    Acropole
    acropoli
    acropolis
    across
    ACT
    acted
    acting
    ACTION
    actions
    active
    actively
    activities
    activity
    actor
    actors
    actress
    acts
    actual
    actually
    actuated
    acute
    acuteness
    ad
    Adalbert
    Adam
    Adams
    Adana
    Adanan
    adapt
    adaptation
    adaptations
    adapted
    adapting
    Adare
    add
    added
    adding
    addition
    Additional
    additions
    Addosio
    address
    addressed
    addresses
    addressing
    adds
    adduced
    Adee
    Adelaide
    Aden
    adequacy
    adequate
    adequately
    adhere
    adhered
    adherence
    adherents
    adheres
    adhering
    adhesion
    adhesions
    adhesive
    adjacent
    Adjoining
    adjourn
    adjourned
    adjournment
    adjudged
    adjudicate
    adjudicated
    adjudication
    Adjuntas
    adjust
    adjustability
    adjusted
    adjusting
    Adjustment
    adjustments
    Adjutant
    Adlai
    Adler
    administer
    administered
    administering
    administers
    administration
    administrations
    administrative
    administrator
    administrators
    admirable
    admirably
    admiral
    admirals
    Admiralty
    admiration
    admire
    admired
    admirer
    admirers
    admires
    admiring
    admiringly
    admissible
    Admission
    admissions
    admit
    admits
    admittance
    admitted
    admittedly
    admitting
    admixture
    admonish
    admonished
    admonishing
    admonition
    admonitions
    Adna
    Adolph
    adopt
    adopted
    adopting
    adoption
    adopts
    adoration
    adorned
    adorning
    Adowa
    Adowah
    adresse
    Adrian
    Adrien
    adrift
    adult
    adulteration
    Adultery
    adults
    advance
    advanced
    advancement
    advances
    advancing
    advantage
    advantageous
    advantageously
    advantages
    advent
    adventure
    Adventurers
    adventurous
    adversaries
    adversary
    adverse
    adversely
    adverted
    advertised
    advertisement
    advice
    advices
    advisability
    advisable
    advise
    advised
    advisedly
    adviser
    advisers
    advises
    advising
    advisor
    advisory
    advocate
    advocated
    advocates
    advocating
    Aegean
    afar
    Aff
    affability
    affable
    affair
    Affaire
    Affaires
    affairs
    affect
    affectation
    affected
    affecting
    affection
    affectionate
    affects
    Affej
    affidavits
    affiliated
    affiliation
    affiliations
    affinities
    affirm
    affirmation
    affirmations
    affirmative
    affirmatively
    affirmed
    affirming
    affix
    affixed
    afflict
    afflicted
    afflicting
    afflictions
    afflicts
    affluent
    affluents
    afford
    afforded
    affording
    affords
    affront
    affronted
    Afghan
    AFGHANISTAN
    Afghans
    Afion
    aflame
    afloat
    afoot
    aforementioned
    aforesaid
    afraid
    afresh
    AFRICA
    African
    Africander
    Africanders
    Africans
    Afridi
    Afridis
    Afrikander
    Afrikanders
    Afrique
    aft
    AFTER
    afternoon
    afterthoughts
    afterward
    afterwards
    afterwords
    Afzul
    again
    AGAINST
    Agamemnon
    Agana
    agape
    agate
    Agaña
    AGE
    aged
    agencies
    agency
    Agent
    agents
    ages
    agglomeration
    aggrandised
    aggrandisement
    aggrandizement
    aggravated
    aggravating
    Aggregate
    aggregated
    aggregating
    aggregation
    aggression
    aggressive
    aggressiveness
    aggressor
    aghast
    Aghia
    agitated
    agitates
    agitating
    agitation
    agitations
    agitator
    agitators
    ago
    Agoncilla
    agonies
    agonize
    agony
    Agram
    Agramonte
    agrarian
    agrarianism
    Agrarians
    agree
    agreeable
    agreeably
    agreed
    agreeing
    Agreement
    Agreements
    agrees
    AGRICULTURAL
    Agriculturalists
    agriculture
    agriculturist
    agriculturists
    aground
    agt
    Aguada
    Aguadores
    Aguas
    AGUINALDO
    Agutaya
    Ahab
    Ahaz
    ahead
    ai
    Aid
    aide
    aided
    Aidin
    aiding
    aids
    ailing
    ailments
    aim
    aimed
    aiming
    aimless
    aimlessly
    aims
    Ain
    Aintab
    air
    Aird
    Airdrie
    Aires
    airs
    aisle
    Aiyun
    Akarai
    Akasheh
    Akhissar
    akin
    AKKAD
    Akkael
    Aksakal
    al
    Alabama
    alabaster
    Alabat
    alacrity
    Alan
    alarm
    alarmed
    alarming
    alarmingly
    alarms
    alas
    Alaska
    Alaskan
    Alawi
    Albania
    Albanian
    Albanians
    Albay
    Albemarle
    Albert
    Albrecht
    Albuquerque
    alcabalas
    alcalde
    alcaldes
    Alcock
    alcohol
    alcoholic
    Alderley
    aldermen
    Aldersgate
    Aldingen
    Aldrich
    ale
    Alene
    Aleph
    Aleppo
    alert
    Alexander
    Alexandra
    Alexandre
    Alexandretta
    ALEXANDRIA
    Alexandrian
    Alexandrie
    Alexandrovich
    Alexandrovsky
    Alexeieff
    Alexis
    Alfaro
    Alfonso
    Alford
    Alfred
    Alger
    Algeria
    Algerian
    Algerians
    Algerine
    Algiers
    algæ
    Alhambra
    Ali
    Aliaga
    Alicante
    Alice
    alien
    alienate
    alienated
    alienation
    alienist
    Aliens
    alight
    alighting
    alike
    alive
    Aliwal
    alkaline
    All
    Allahabad
    Allan
    allay
    allayed
    allegation
    allegations
    allege
    Alleged
    Allegheny
    allegiance
    alleging
    Allen
    alleviate
    alleviation
    alleys
    Allgemeine
    ALLIANCE
    alliances
    allied
    allies
    allotment
    allotments
    allotted
    allow
    allowable
    allowance
    allowances
    allowed
    allowing
    allows
    allude
    alluded
    alludes
    alluding
    allured
    allusion
    allusions
    alluvial
    ally
    Almanac
    Almighty
    Almirante
    Almodovar
    almond
    Almost
    Almyro
    Alois
    ALOISI
    alone
    Along
    Alongside
    Alonzo
    aloof
    aloud
    Aloy
    Alphabet
    alphabetic
    alphabetical
    Alphonse
    Alphonso
    Alpine
    Alps
    Already
    Alsace
    Alsatian
    also
    altar
    altars
    alter
    alterable
    alteration
    alterations
    altered
    altering
    alternate
    alternately
    alternating
    alternative
    alternatives
    alters
    Altgeld
    although
    altitude
    altitudes
    altogether
    aluminium
    aluminum
    Alva
    Alvan
    Alvey
    always
    am
    Amacura
    Amadeus
    Amakuru
    amalgamate
    Amalgamated
    amalgamating
    amalgamation
    amalgamations
    Aman
    Amand
    Amapala
    Amarna
    Amasa
    Amasia
    AMATONGALAND
    amazement
    amazing
    Amazon
    Amazonian
    Ambassador
    ambassadorial
    ambassadors
    ambiguity
    ambiguous
    Ambil
    ambit
    ambition
    ambitions
    ambitious
    Amboyna
    Ambrogiana
    Ambrose
    Ambulance
    ambulances
    ambuscade
    ambuscaded
    ambush
    Amdrup
    Ameer
    Ameers
    Amelineau
    ameliorate
    amelioration
    AMEN
    amenable
    amend
    amendatory
    amended
    amending
    AMENDMENT
    amendments
    amenity
    Amenophis
    Ament
    America
    AMERICAN
    Americana
    AMERICANISM
    Americans
    AMERICAS
    Amery
    Ames
    Amharic
    amiable
    amicable
    amicably
    Amid
    amidships
    amidst
    Amigos
    Amir
    amiss
    amity
    Ammen
    ammunition
    ammunitions
    amnesty
    among
    amongst
    amount
    amounted
    amounting
    amounts
    Amoy
    amphitheater
    Amphitrite
    ample
    amplification
    amplified
    amply
    amputating
    Amsterdam
    Amur
    amusement
    amusing
    amœbæ
    an
    Ana
    anaconda
    analogies
    analogous
    analogy
    analyses
    analysis
    analyze
    analyzed
    anarchical
    anarchism
    anarchist
    anarchistic
    Anarchists
    anarchy
    Anatolian
    anatomy
    ancestor
    ancestors
    ancestral
    anchor
    anchorage
    anchored
    anchoring
    anchors
    Ancient
    ancients
    ancillary
    Ancon
    AND
    Andean
    Anderson
    Ando
    Andrade
    Andres
    ANDREW
    Andrews
    ANDRÉE
    Andrée
    aneurysms
    anew
    ang
    angareb
    Angel
    Angeles
    Angelo
    anger
    angered
    Angiolillo
    angle
    angles
    Anglican
    Anglicans
    Anglo
    Angmagsalik
    Angola
    Angoni
    Angoniland
    Angora
    angry
    anguish
    Anhui
    animal
    animals
    animate
    animated
    animosities
    animosity
    animus
    Anio
    Ankaratoa
    Ankauf
    Anna
    Annals
    Annam
    Annapolis
    Anne
    annex
    annexation
    annexationists
    annexations
    Annexed
    annexing
    annihilate
    annihilated
    annihilation
    Anniversary
    anno
    announce
    announced
    Announcement
    announcements
    announces
    announcing
    annoyance
    annoyed
    annoying
    Annschütz
    annual
    annually
    annuities
    annul
    annull
    annulled
    annulling
    annulment
    annuls
    annum
    anointed
    anomalous
    Anopheles
    another
    answer
    answerable
    answered
    Answering
    answers
    antagonism
    antagonist
    antagonistic
    antagonists
    antagonize
    antagonized
    antagonizing
    Antananarivo
    ANTARCTIC
    ante
    antecedents
    Antemnae
    ANTEMNÆ
    Antemnæ
    Anthem
    Anthoine
    Anthony
    Anthoüard
    Anthracite
    anthrax
    Anthropological
    Anthropology
    Anti
    anticipate
    anticipated
    anticipates
    Anticipating
    anticipation
    anticipations
    ANTIGUA
    Antilles
    antipathy
    antipodes
    antiquarian
    antiquaries
    antiquary
    antiquated
    antique
    Antiquities
    Antiquity
    Antisemitic
    antisepsis
    Antiseptic
    antithesis
    antitoxin
    Antitoxine
    Anton
    Antonio
    ants
    Antwerp
    Anvers
    Anvil
    anxieties
    anxiety
    anxious
    anxiously
    any
    anybody
    Anyone
    anything
    anywhere
    anywise
    Anzeiger
    Anæsthetics
    ao
    Aoki
    aorta
    apace
    Apache
    Aparicio
    apart
    apartments
    apathy
    apex
    aphasia
    aphasic
    Aphthonios
    Apia
    apiece
    Apokorona
    apologetic
    apologia
    apologies
    apologising
    apology
    Apostle
    Apostles
    Apostolic
    apostolical
    Apostolici
    Apostolicæ
    appalling
    apparatus
    Apparent
    apparently
    appeal
    appealed
    appealing
    Appeals
    appear
    appearance
    appearances
    appeared
    appearing
    appears
    appease
    appeased
    appeasing
    appellant
    appellants
    appellate
    appellation
    appellations
    appendage
    appended
    appendicitis
    Appendix
    appertain
    appertaining
    appetite
    applaud
    applauded
    Applauding
    applause
    apples
    Appleton
    appliances
    applicable
    applicant
    applicants
    application
    applications
    applied
    applies
    apply
    Applying
    appoint
    appointed
    appointee
    appointees
    Appointing
    appointive
    appointment
    Appointments
    appoints
    Apponyi
    apportion
    apportioned
    apportioning
    Apportionment
    apportionments
    appraised
    appraisement
    Appraisers
    appreciable
    appreciate
    appreciated
    appreciates
    appreciating
    appreciation
    apprehend
    apprehended
    apprehending
    apprehension
    apprehensions
    apprehensive
    Apprentices
    apprenticeship
    apprise
    apprised
    approach
    approached
    approaches
    approaching
    approbation
    appropriate
    appropriated
    appropriately
    appropriateness
    appropriates
    appropriating
    Appropriation
    appropriations
    Approval
    approve
    approved
    approves
    approving
    approximate
    approximated
    approximately
    approximates
    approximating
    approximation
    appurtenance
    appurtenances
    appurtenant
    Apra
    April
    apt
    Apthorp
    aptitude
    aptly
    aqueduct
    AQUILA
    aquiline
    Arab
    Arabe
    Arabia
    Arabian
    Arabic
    arable
    Arabs
    Araneto
    Arayat
    Arbiter
    Arbitral
    arbitrament
    arbitrarily
    arbitrariness
    arbitrary
    arbitrate
    arbitrated
    arbitrating
    ARBITRATION
    Arbitrator
    arbitrators
    arbitrium
    ARC
    arcading
    arch
    archaeological
    archaeology
    Archangel
    Archbishop
    Archbishops
    archduchies
    Archduke
    archeological
    archeology
    Archibald
    ARCHIPELAGO
    archipelagoes
    Architect
    architects
    architectural
    architecture
    architraves
    archive
    archives
    Archivist
    ARCHÆOLOGICAL
    archæological
    archæologist
    Archæology
    Archœology
    Arctic
    Arcy
    Ardagh
    ardent
    ardently
    ardor
    arduous
    are
    area
    areas
    Arecibo
    Arellano
    arena
    Areopagus
    Argentina
    Argentine
    Argentines
    argon
    argue
    argued
    arguing
    Argument
    argumentatively
    arguments
    Argun
    Argyle
    Argyll
    Arian
    Arica
    arid
    Arikis
    Ariokh
    arise
    arisen
    arises
    arising
    aristocracy
    aristocratic
    arithmetic
    arithmetical
    Arithmetically
    Arizona
    Ark
    ARKANSAS
    Arku
    arm
    armament
    armaments
    Armand
    armchairs
    armed
    Armenia
    Armenian
    Armenians
    armes
    Armies
    arming
    armistice
    Armistices
    Armitage
    Armitt
    Armored
    armories
    armory
    Armour
    Armoury
    arms
    Armstrong
    ARMY
    armée
    Arnawai
    Arnold
    arose
    Around
    arouse
    aroused
    arousing
    Arpad
    arraign
    arraigned
    arraigning
    arraignments
    arrange
    arranged
    Arrangement
    arrangements
    arranges
    arranging
    array
    arrayed
    arrears
    Arrest
    arrested
    arresting
    arrests
    Arretez
    arrival
    arrivals
    arrive
    Arrived
    arrives
    arriving
    arrivé
    arrogance
    arrogant
    arrogate
    arrogated
    arrows
    Arrêté
    arsenal
    arsenals
    Arsenio
    arson
    Arsène
    ART
    Artacho
    arterial
    arteries
    artery
    ARTHUR
    Article
    articles
    artifice
    artificer
    Artificial
    artificiality
    artificially
    ARTILLERY
    artillerymen
    artisans
    artist
    artistic
    artistically
    artists
    artizans
    arts
    As
    ASA
    ascend
    ascendancy
    ascendant
    ascended
    ascendency
    ascending
    ascends
    Ascension
    ascent
    ascertain
    ascertained
    ascertaining
    ascertainment
    Asch
    ascribe
    ascribed
    ascribes
    ascribing
    Asehkenazim
    aseptic
    Aserraderos
    Ash
    ashamed
    Ashanti
    Ashantis
    Ashbel
    ashes
    Ashmolean
    ashore
    ASIA
    Asian
    Asiatic
    Asiatics
    aside
    Asingan
    ask
    Askalon
    Asked
    asking
    asks
    Asmar
    Asnyk
    Asoka
    aspect
    aspects
    aspersed
    asphalt
    asphyxiating
    aspirant
    aspirants
    aspiration
    aspirations
    aspire
    aspired
    aspiring
    assail
    assailant
    assailants
    assailed
    assailing
    Assam
    assassin
    assassinate
    assassinated
    assassination
    ASSASSINATIONS
    assassins
    Assault
    assaulted
    assaults
    assemblage
    assemble
    assembled
    assembles
    assemblies
    assembling
    assembly
    assemblymen
    assent
    assented
    assents
    Asser
    assert
    asserted
    asserting
    assertion
    assertions
    asserts
    assess
    assessed
    assessing
    assessment
    assessments
    asset
    assets
    assign
    assigned
    assigning
    assignment
    assigns
    assimilate
    assimilated
    assimilation
    Assiout
    Assisi
    assist
    assistance
    Assistant
    assistants
    assisted
    assisting
    assists
    Assiut
    Assizes
    Associate
    Associated
    associates
    associating
    Association
    ASSOCIATIONS
    Assouan
    Assuan
    assume
    assumed
    assumes
    assuming
    Assumption
    Assumptionist
    assumptions
    assurance
    Assurances
    assure
    Assured
    assuredly
    assures
    assuring
    Assyria
    Assyrian
    Assyriologist
    Assyriologists
    Assyriology
    astonished
    astonishes
    astonishing
    astonishment
    Astor
    astounded
    astounding
    astronomer
    astronomers
    Astronomical
    Astronomy
    Asturias
    astute
    asunder
    Asylum
    Asylums
    At
    Atacama
    Atago
    ATBARA
    ate
    Ateneo
    Athabasca
    atheism
    atheistic
    Athenian
    ATHENS
    athirst
    athletes
    athletic
    athletics
    Atkins
    Atkinson
    Atlanta
    Atlantic
    atlas
    atlases
    Atlin
    atmosphere
    atmospheres
    atmospheric
    Atoka
    atoms
    atonement
    atrocious
    atrocities
    attach
    attache
    attached
    attaches
    attaching
    attachment
    attaché
    attack
    attacked
    attacking
    attacks
    attain
    attainable
    attainder
    attained
    attaining
    attainment
    attainments
    attains
    attainted
    Attel
    Attempt
    attempted
    attempting
    attempts
    attend
    attendance
    attendant
    attendants
    Attended
    attending
    attendsavant
    attention
    attentions
    attentive
    attentively
    attenuated
    attest
    attestation
    attesting
    attests
    Attila
    attired
    Attitude
    attitudes
    Attorney
    attorneys
    attract
    attracted
    attracting
    attraction
    attractive
    attributable
    attribute
    attributed
    attributes
    attributing
    attuning
    Atua
    Atuans
    Au
    Aubrey
    Auckland
    auction
    audacious
    audacity
    Audencia
    audible
    audience
    audiences
    audiencia
    audit
    audited
    auditor
    audrocratic
    AUDUBON
    Aug
    augmented
    augmenting
    augury
    AuGUST
    Augusta
    Auguste
    Augustin
    Augustine
    Augustinian
    Augustinians
    Augustus
    Aumale
    auriferous
    Aurora
    Ausgleich
    auspices
    Austin
    Austral
    Australasia
    Australasian
    AUSTRALIA
    Australian
    Australians
    Austria
    Austrian
    Austrians
    Austro
    Auteuil
    authentic
    authentically
    authenticated
    authenticity
    author
    authorise
    authorised
    authoritative
    authoritatively
    authorities
    Authority
    Authorization
    authorize
    authorized
    authorizes
    authorizing
    authors
    authorship
    autocrat
    autocratic
    autographs
    automatic
    automatically
    autonomist
    Autonomistic
    autonomists
    autonomous
    autonomy
    autorité
    autre
    autumn
    aux
    auxiliaries
    auxiliary
    avail
    Available
    availed
    availing
    avais
    avalanche
    avalanches
    Avaradrano
    avec
    avenge
    avenged
    avenging
    Avenue
    avenues
    average
    averaged
    averages
    averaging
    averment
    Averoff
    averse
    aversion
    aversions
    avert
    averted
    averting
    avez
    avidity
    avocations
    avoid
    avoidable
    avoidance
    avoided
    avoiding
    avoids
    avoir
    Avondale
    avons
    avowed
    avowedly
    await
    awaited
    awaiting
    awaits
    awake
    awaken
    awakened
    awakening
    awaking
    Award
    awarded
    awards
    aware
    away
    awful
    awkward
    awkwardly
    awoke
    Axe
    axes
    axiom
    ayes
    Aygun
    Ayon
    Ayr
    AYRES
    ayuntamiento
    Ayuntamientos
    Ayutla
    Azcarraga
    Azim
    Aztec
    Aztecs
    b
    babblings
    Babel
    babes
    Babi
    Babnyanes
    Babuyan
    Babylon
    BABYLONIA
    Babylonian
    Babylonians
    Baca
    Bacatete
    Bach
    Bachi
    bacilli
    bacillus
    Back
    backbone
    backed
    background
    backing
    backs
    backsheesh
    backward
    backwards
    Bacolod
    Bacon
    Bacoor
    Bacteria
    BACTERIAL
    bacteriologist
    bacteriologists
    bacteriology
    bacterium
    bad
    Bade
    Badeau
    Baden
    BADENI
    badges
    badly
    baffle
    baffled
    bag
    Bagata
    BAGDAD
    baggage
    Baggara
    Baggaras
    bagging
    baggy
    Baghdad
    Baghirmi
    bags
    Bahadur
    Bahia
    Bahr
    Bai
    Baikal
    bail
    Bailiff
    Bairam
    Bait
    BAJAUR
    baked
    Baker
    bakers
    Bakor
    Baksheesh
    Balabae
    Balance
    balanced
    balances
    balconies
    bald
    Baldissera
    baldness
    Baldwin
    Balearic
    baled
    Baler
    bales
    Balfour
    Balinian
    Balinians
    Balkan
    Balkans
    balked
    ball
    ballads
    Ballington
    balloon
    balloons
    ballot
    balloting
    ballots
    Balmaceda
    Balmoral
    BALTIC
    Baltimore
    Baluchistan
    Balupiri
    Balæna
    Bamban
    bamboo
    Bancroft
    band
    bandage
    bandages
    Bandajuma
    banded
    bandit
    bandits
    banditti
    bando
    Bandora
    Bands
    baneful
    Banffy
    Bang
    Bangkok
    banish
    banished
    banishment
    BANK
    banker
    bankers
    Banking
    banknotes
    bankrupt
    bankruptcy
    bankrupts
    Banks
    banner
    Bannerman
    bannermen
    banners
    Bannu
    banquet
    banquets
    Bantayan
    Banton
    baptised
    baptismal
    baptisms
    Baptist
    Baptiste
    Baptists
    baptized
    Bar
    Baranera
    barangay
    Baratieri
    Barbadoes
    BARBADOS
    barbarian
    barbarians
    barbaric
    barbarism
    barbarities
    Barbarity
    barbarous
    barbed
    Barberton
    Barbour
    Barcelona
    bard
    Bardoux
    bare
    bared
    barefaced
    barely
    Barents
    barest
    Barfleur
    bargain
    bargained
    bargaining
    bargains
    barge
    barges
    Barima
    barium
    barkeepers
    Barker
    Barkly
    barley
    Barlow
    Barnard
    barnyard
    Baroda
    Barometer
    baron
    Baroness
    Barotsiland
    barracks
    barrage
    Barrages
    Barranca
    Barrawa
    Barre
    barred
    barrel
    barrelled
    barren
    barrenness
    Barrett
    barricade
    barricaded
    barricades
    barricading
    barrier
    barring
    barrio
    Barrios
    Barrow
    Barry
    bars
    barter
    Barth
    Bartholomew
    Barthélemy
    Bartlett
    Bartolome
    BARTON
    bas
    base
    based
    Basel
    baseless
    basely
    basement
    bases
    BASHEE
    Bashgal
    Bashi
    Basilan
    Basilica
    basilicas
    basin
    basing
    basins
    basis
    basket
    baskets
    Basle
    Basques
    Basra
    Bassorah
    bastards
    bastinado
    bastion
    Basutoland
    Bataan
    Batag
    Batan
    Batangas
    batch
    batches
    bated
    Bates
    Batetela
    Batetelas
    Bath
    bathed
    baths
    bato
    battalion
    battalions
    Battenberg
    battered
    batteries
    battering
    Battery
    Battle
    battlefield
    battlefields
    battles
    battleship
    battleships
    Bauendahl
    Bautista
    Bavaria
    Bavarian
    Bax
    BAY
    Bayard
    bayonet
    bayoneted
    bayonets
    bays
    Bazaar
    bazaars
    Bazouks
    bc
    Be
    Beach
    beached
    beaching
    beacons
    Beaconsfield
    beam
    beams
    bean
    Bear
    beard
    bearded
    beardless
    beards
    Beardsley
    bearer
    bearers
    Bearing
    bearings
    bears
    Beast
    beastliness
    beasts
    beaten
    Beatification
    beating
    beats
    Beaulieu
    Beaurepaire
    beauties
    beautiful
    beautifully
    beauty
    Beaver
    became
    Because
    Bechuana
    BECHUANALAND
    Beckham
    becloud
    become
    Becomes
    becometh
    becoming
    Bed
    bedding
    bedeviled
    Bedouin
    bedrock
    bedrooms
    Beds
    BEECHER
    BEEF
    been
    beer
    Beerenbrouck
    Beernaert
    BEERS
    bees
    beet
    Beethoven
    beets
    befallen
    befalling
    befell
    befit
    befitting
    before
    beforehand
    befriend
    beg
    began
    beget
    beggar
    beggars
    begged
    begin
    beginning
    beginnings
    begins
    begotten
    begrudge
    begs
    beguiled
    begun
    behalf
    behaved
    behaving
    behavior
    behaviour
    beheaded
    beheading
    beheld
    behest
    Behind
    behindhand
    Behnesa
    behold
    behooves
    BEHRING
    Being
    beings
    Beira
    Beirut
    Beit
    Bel
    Bela
    belabor
    beleaguered
    Belfast
    BELGIAN
    Belgians
    Belgica
    Belgium
    Belgrade
    belief
    beliefs
    believable
    believe
    believed
    believer
    believes
    believing
    belittle
    Bell
    Bellaire
    Bellamy
    Bellevue
    belligerence
    belligerency
    belligerent
    Belligerents
    Bellinghausen
    bells
    bellum
    Belly
    BELMONT
    belong
    belonged
    belonging
    belongings
    belongs
    beloved
    below
    belt
    Bench
    benches
    bend
    Bendigo
    bending
    beneath
    Benedictines
    benediction
    benefactions
    benefactor
    benefactors
    beneficent
    beneficial
    benefit
    benefiting
    benefits
    benevolence
    benevolent
    Bengal
    Benguela
    Benguet
    Bengula
    benignity
    benignly
    BENIN
    BENJAMIN
    Bennet
    Bennett
    Benson
    Bent
    Bentley
    Bentwich
    Benué
    bequeath
    bequeathed
    bequests
    Berar
    Berber
    Berda
    Berdrow
    Beresford
    BERGENDAL
    BERING
    Berkeley
    BERLIN
    Bermuda
    Bermudez
    Bernadottes
    Bernadou
    Bernard
    Bernhard
    Bernier
    Berovitch
    Berry
    Berthelot
    berths
    beryls
    Besançon
    beseech
    beseeching
    beset
    Beside
    Besides
    besieged
    besiegers
    bespattered
    Bessemer
    best
    bestirred
    bestow
    bestowal
    bestowed
    bestrode
    Beth
    Bethlehem
    Bethulie
    betide
    betrayal
    betrayed
    betraying
    Betsimisaraka
    better
    betterment
    between
    Beust
    Beuthen
    beverage
    beverages
    bewildering
    bewilderment
    Bey
    beyond
    Bhiwandi
    Bi
    BIAC
    bias
    Bible
    biblical
    bibliographer
    Bicentenary
    Bichat
    Bicol
    BICOLS
    bicycle
    bid
    BIDA
    bidders
    bidding
    Bids
    Bidwell
    Bielusha
    Bienfaisance
    biennial
    biennially
    Bienvenido
    bier
    big
    bigamist
    bigger
    biggest
    bigoted
    bigotedly
    bilateral
    Biliotti
    Biliran
    Bill
    billets
    billiard
    Billings
    billion
    billions
    Billot
    Billow
    Bills
    Biloa
    bimetallic
    bimetallism
    bin
    bind
    binding
    binds
    Bingham
    Bingner
    Binondo
    biographer
    BIOGRAPHERS
    biography
    biological
    biologist
    biology
    Bird
    birds
    Birjud
    Birmingham
    Birs
    Birth
    birthday
    birthplace
    birthrate
    birthright
    births
    Biscoe
    Biscuit
    Bishara
    Bishop
    Bishops
    Bishopsgate
    Bismarck
    Bisukei
    bit
    bite
    biter
    bites
    Bitlis
    bits
    bitten
    bitter
    bitterest
    bitterly
    bitterness
    bivouac
    bivouacked
    Biñang
    black
    blackboards
    Blackburn
    blackened
    blacker
    Blackie
    blacklist
    blackmail
    Blackmore
    blacks
    blacksmithing
    blacksmiths
    Blackwood
    blade
    Blagovestchensk
    Blaine
    Blake
    blame
    blamed
    Blanche
    Blanco
    BLANCOS
    Bland
    blandly
    blanket
    blankets
    blanks
    blasphemer
    blasphemy
    blast
    blasted
    blasts
    blaze
    blazed
    blazing
    bleeding
    blended
    blending
    bless
    Blessed
    blesses
    blessing
    blessings
    bleu
    blew
    blighted
    blighting
    blind
    blindly
    blindness
    Bliss
    blistered
    blizzard
    block
    Blockade
    blockaded
    blockading
    blocked
    Blockhouse
    blockhouses
    blocks
    Bloemfontein
    Blondin
    blood
    blooded
    bloodless
    bloods
    bloodshed
    bloodthirsty
    Bloody
    blotted
    blouse
    blouses
    blow
    blowing
    blown
    blows
    Blue
    Bluebook
    BLUEFIELDS
    Bluemantle
    Blumentritt
    blunder
    blunders
    blush
    board
    boarded
    boarding
    boards
    boast
    boasted
    boastfully
    boasting
    boasts
    boat
    boats
    Bobrikoff
    Boca
    Boden
    bodes
    bodied
    bodies
    bodily
    Bodley
    Body
    bodyguard
    Boecklin
    Boer
    BOERS
    Boeschoten
    Bogdanovich
    Bogoliepoff
    Bohemia
    Bohemian
    Bohemians
    Bohol
    boiled
    boiler
    boilers
    boiling
    Boisdeffre
    boisterous
    Bokhara
    bold
    bolder
    bolding
    boldly
    boldness
    Bolinao
    Bolivar
    Bolivia
    Bolivian
    bolo
    bolos
    bolt
    bolts
    Boma
    bomb
    Bombala
    bombard
    bombarded
    bombarding
    bombardment
    Bombardments
    Bombay
    bombs
    bona
    Bonaparte
    Bonapartist
    bond
    bondage
    bonded
    bondholders
    Bondieu
    bonding
    Bondmen
    bonds
    Bondsmen
    Bondstate
    bone
    bones
    Bongao
    Bonheur
    Boniface
    Bonilla
    Bonner
    Bonsai
    Bonsal
    bonum
    bonus
    bonuses
    bony
    Book
    books
    booksellers
    boom
    booming
    boon
    boot
    Booth
    booths
    boots
    booty
    Borchardt
    Borchgrevinck
    BORDA
    Bordeaux
    border
    bordereau
    bordering
    borders
    bore
    Borel
    borings
    Boris
    Borisovich
    Borissoff
    born
    borne
    Borneo
    Bornier
    Borough
    Boroughs
    Borrerro
    borrow
    borrowed
    borrowing
    Borsippa
    Bosch
    Bosnia
    Bosnian
    bosom
    bosoms
    Bosphorus
    Boss
    bosses
    Boston
    botanical
    Botany
    Both
    Botha
    Botti
    bottle
    bottles
    bottom
    Bougainville
    bought
    Boukhara
    Boulancy
    Boulanger
    Boulangism
    Boulangist
    Boulger
    Boulogne
    bound
    Boundaries
    BOUNDARY
    bounded
    bounding
    boundless
    bounds
    bounties
    bountifully
    bounty
    Bourassa
    Bourbaki
    Bourbon
    Bourbons
    Bourchier
    Bourgeois
    Bouri
    Bourke
    Bourne
    Bourse
    bout
    Boutros
    bow
    bowed
    Bowell
    bowels
    BOWER
    bowl
    Bowling
    bowls
    bows
    box
    Boxer
    Boxers
    boxes
    boxing
    boy
    boycotted
    Boyesen
    boyish
    Boyle
    Boylston
    boys
    bracing
    bracketed
    brackets
    Braddock
    Braddon
    BRADFORD
    Bradley
    bragging
    Brahmins
    Brahms
    brain
    brained
    brainless
    brains
    Branch
    branches
    Brand
    branded
    Brandes
    branding
    brands
    Brandwater
    brandy
    Branly
    brass
    Braunersreuther
    brave
    bravely
    braver
    bravery
    braves
    bravest
    brawls
    Bray
    Braye
    BRAZIL
    Brazilian
    Brazos
    Brazzaville
    breach
    breaches
    breaching
    bread
    breadth
    break
    breakdown
    breaker
    breakers
    breaking
    breakout
    breaks
    breastplate
    breasts
    breastwork
    breath
    breathe
    breathed
    bred
    Breech
    breed
    breeder
    breeding
    breeds
    breezes
    Bremen
    Bremerhaven
    Bresci
    Brethren
    Brett
    brewer
    breweries
    brewers
    brewing
    bribe
    bribed
    bribery
    brick
    bricks
    brickwork
    bride
    bridegroom
    BRIDGE
    bridged
    bridges
    bridlepaths
    Brief
    briefer
    briefest
    briefly
    Briefs
    Brieger
    Brien
    brigade
    brigaded
    brigades
    Brigadier
    brigandage
    brigands
    Bright
    brighter
    brightest
    brightness
    brilliance
    brilliancy
    brilliant
    brilliantly
    brilliants
    brimful
    brine
    bring
    Bringing
    brings
    brink
    Brinkerhoff
    Brinton
    brisk
    Brisson
    bristled
    Britain
    Britannia
    Britannic
    Britannica
    British
    Brito
    Briton
    Britons
    broached
    broad
    broadcast
    broaden
    broadened
    broader
    broadest
    broadly
    Broadway
    Brodie
    Brodrick
    Broglie
    broke
    broken
    broker
    brokerage
    Bronx
    bronze
    bronzes
    brood
    brooded
    brook
    BROOKE
    BROOKLYN
    Brooks
    Brophy
    Brothels
    brother
    brotherhood
    brotherly
    brothers
    Brougham
    Brought
    brow
    brown
    Browne
    brows
    Bruce
    BRUGES
    Brumbaugh
    Brumby
    Brunsbüttel
    BRUNSWICK
    brunt
    Brusati
    brush
    brushed
    brushes
    brusque
    Brussels
    brutal
    brutalities
    brutality
    brutally
    brute
    BRYAN
    Bryant
    Bryce
    brûle
    Brünn
    Buad
    bubble
    bubbles
    bubo
    buboes
    bubonic
    Bucas
    Buchanan
    Buck
    buckets
    Buckingham
    Buckner
    Bucknill
    buckwheat
    bud
    Buda
    Budapest
    Buddha
    Buddhism
    Buddhist
    Buddhists
    budget
    BUDGETS
    Buell
    Buencomeno
    Bueno
    Buenos
    Buergerliche
    buff
    BUFFALO
    buffaloes
    Buffet
    buffeting
    Bugahiaobeire
    bugle
    bugler
    bugles
    Bugoma
    build
    builded
    builder
    builders
    Building
    buildings
    builds
    Built
    Buka
    Bukharest
    Bulacan
    Bulawayo
    bulb
    Bulgaria
    Bulgarian
    Bulgarians
    bulged
    bulges
    bulk
    Bull
    BULLER
    bullet
    Bulletin
    bulletins
    Bullets
    bullion
    bullock
    bulls
    bullying
    Buluwayo
    bulwark
    bulwarks
    Bulwer
    bump
    Buna
    BUND
    bundle
    Buner
    bunker
    bunkers
    Bunsen
    buoy
    buoyed
    buoying
    buoys
    burden
    burdened
    burdening
    burdens
    Burdett
    Bureau
    bureaucracy
    bureaucratic
    bureaus
    Bureh
    Buren
    BURGER
    burgher
    burghers
    Burghersdorp
    Burglary
    burgomaster
    burgomastership
    burial
    burials
    Burias
    buried
    Burke
    Burleigh
    Burlington
    burly
    Burma
    BURMAH
    Burmese
    burn
    Burne
    burned
    Burnham
    burning
    burnings
    burns
    burnt
    Burr
    Burriel
    burst
    bursting
    Burt
    burthensome
    bury
    Busch
    bush
    Bushby
    bushes
    Bushire
    busied
    busiest
    busily
    Busindi
    business
    busts
    Busuanga
    busy
    busybodies
    But
    butchers
    butchery
    Butler
    butter
    Butterfield
    buttons
    Buxton
    buy
    buyers
    buying
    buys
    by
    Byrn
    Byron
    BÊL
    Bêl
    Büchner
    Bülow
    c
    ca
    Cabanatuan
    Cabell
    Cabello
    cabeza
    Cabiao
    cabin
    cabinet
    Cabinets
    cabins
    cable
    cabled
    cablegram
    cablegrams
    cables
    Cabrera
    Caceres
    Cacraray
    cactus
    Cadet
    cadets
    Cadiz
    Cadogan
    cafe
    Caffery
    Cagayan
    CAGAYANS
    cage
    Cagni
    Caicos
    Caird
    Cairo
    Caisse
    Calabar
    Calaguas
    Calais
    Calamian
    Calamianes
    calamities
    calamitous
    calamity
    Calayan
    calcification
    calcium
    calculate
    calculated
    calculation
    calculations
    calculi
    Calculus
    Calcutta
    Calderwood
    Caleb
    Caledonia
    calendar
    calibre
    calibres
    Calientes
    California
    Californias
    Calixto
    call
    Calle
    called
    Calleja
    callers
    calling
    callous
    callousness
    calls
    calm
    calmed
    calmer
    Calmette
    calmly
    calmness
    Calneh
    calumnies
    calumny
    Calvin
    Calvo
    calzadas
    Calzecchi
    Camargo
    camarilla
    Camarines
    CAMBON
    Cambria
    Cambridge
    Camden
    came
    camel
    camels
    Camera
    CAMEROONS
    Camiguin
    Camotes
    camp
    campaign
    campaigning
    campaigns
    Campbell
    Campeche
    camped
    camping
    Campoamor
    Campos
    camps
    Can
    Canaan
    Canacao
    Canada
    Canadian
    Canadians
    canaille
    canal
    canalization
    canals
    Canary
    cancel
    canceling
    cancellation
    cancelled
    cancelling
    Cancer
    cancerous
    Candia
    candid
    candidacy
    candidate
    candidates
    candidly
    candle
    candor
    cane
    CANEA
    canes
    Caney
    canned
    cannibalism
    cannibals
    cannon
    cannot
    canoes
    Canon
    canonized
    canons
    Canossa
    Canovas
    Canrobert
    cans
    CANTEEN
    Canterbury
    cantering
    Canton
    cantonal
    Cantonese
    cantonments
    cantons
    canvas
    Canvass
    canvassed
    Cap
    capabilities
    capability
    capable
    capably
    capacities
    capacity
    Capas
    CAPE
    capita
    Capital
    Capitalism
    capitalist
    capitalistic
    capitalists
    capitalization
    capitalized
    capitals
    Capitol
    capitulation
    Capitulations
    Capiz
    Capodistria
    Cappadocia
    capped
    caprice
    capriciously
    Caprivi
    Capron
    capstone
    capstones
    Capt
    Captain
    Captains
    captives
    captivity
    captor
    captors
    capture
    captured
    Captures
    capturing
    Capuchins
    car
    caravan
    carbide
    carbines
    carbon
    carbonates
    carbons
    carborundum
    card
    cardboard
    Cardenas
    Cardinal
    cardinals
    cards
    care
    cared
    career
    careers
    careful
    carefully
    careless
    carelessly
    carelessness
    cares
    careth
    Carew
    cargo
    Caribbean
    caricatures
    caring
    Carinthia
    Carl
    Carlisle
    Carlist
    Carlos
    Carmel
    Carmich
    carnage
    CARNEGIE
    carnival
    Carnot
    Caro
    Carolina
    Carolinas
    Caroline
    Carolines
    Carolinian
    carotid
    carpenter
    carpet
    carpetbag
    carpets
    carriage
    carriages
    Carrie
    Carried
    carrier
    carriers
    carries
    Carrington
    CARROLL
    Carron
    carry
    carrying
    Carrère
    cars
    cart
    carte
    Carter
    Carthage
    cartridges
    carts
    Cartwright
    carved
    carving
    carvings
    cascos
    case
    Casella
    Caserta
    cases
    Casey
    cash
    cashiered
    cashiering
    cashiers
    Casimir
    Casino
    casks
    Caspe
    Caspian
    CASSATION
    Cassatt
    Cassel
    cast
    caste
    Castelar
    Castelin
    castes
    Castillia
    Castillo
    Casting
    castings
    Castle
    Castro
    casts
    casual
    casualties
    casualty
    cataclysm
    Catacombs
    catalog
    cataloged
    CATALOGUE
    cataloguing
    CATALONIA
    Catalonians
    catamaran
    Catanduanes
    Catandunanes
    cataract
    cataracts
    catastrophe
    CATASTROPHES
    catch
    catching
    categorical
    category
    cathedra
    Cathedral
    cathedrals
    cathode
    Catholic
    Catholica
    CATHOLICS
    Catholicus
    Catholiques
    Catt
    Cattle
    Caucasian
    Caucasus
    caucus
    caught
    Cause
    caused
    causes
    causeway
    causing
    caustic
    caution
    cautionary
    cautious
    cautiously
    Cavaignac
    cavalcade
    Cavalieri
    Cavalotti
    CAVALRY
    cavalryman
    cavalrymen
    Cave
    Cavendish
    cavernous
    cavil
    Cavite
    cavity
    Cavité
    Cay
    Cayetano
    Cayley
    Cañas
    Cd
    ce
    cease
    ceased
    ceaseless
    ceases
    ceasing
    Cebreco
    Cebu
    Cecil
    cede
    ceded
    cedes
    ceding
    cedula
    ceiled
    ceilings
    celebrate
    celebrated
    celebrates
    Celebrating
    Celebration
    celestial
    Cell
    cellar
    cellars
    celle
    Celli
    cells
    cellulose
    cement
    cemented
    cemeteries
    Cemetery
    Censo
    Censor
    censors
    censorship
    censure
    censured
    censuring
    census
    censuses
    cent
    centavos
    centenary
    centennial
    Center
    centered
    centering
    centers
    centigrade
    CENTRAL
    centralised
    centralization
    centralized
    Centre
    centred
    centres
    Centrum
    cents
    centum
    centurial
    centuries
    century
    cependant
    Ceram
    cereals
    cerebral
    cerebro
    ceremonial
    ceremonies
    Ceremonious
    ceremoniously
    Ceremony
    Cerero
    Certain
    certainly
    certainty
    certificate
    certificates
    certified
    certifies
    certify
    certifying
    certitude
    Cervantes
    CERVERA
    Cespedes
    cess
    cessation
    cession
    cessions
    Cet
    cette
    Cettigne
    Ceylon
    cf
    Ch
    Chad
    Chadwick
    CHAFFEE
    CHAI
    chain
    chains
    chaio
    Chair
    Chairman
    chairmanship
    chairmen
    chairs
    CHAKDARRA
    Chakosi
    CHALDEA
    Chaldees
    Chaldæa
    Challemel
    challenge
    challenged
    Challenger
    challenges
    challenging
    Chaltin
    chamber
    Chamberlain
    CHAMBERS
    Chamot
    Champ
    champion
    championed
    champions
    Champs
    Chan
    Chanak
    chance
    chanced
    Chancellor
    Chancellorship
    Chancery
    chances
    Chang
    change
    changed
    changer
    changers
    changes
    changing
    channel
    channels
    CHANNING
    Chantabûn
    chao
    chaos
    chapel
    chapels
    chaplain
    chaplains
    Chaplin
    Chapman
    chapter
    chapters
    Chapultepec
    character
    characterised
    characteristic
    Characteristically
    Characteristics
    characterize
    characterized
    characterizes
    characters
    charge
    chargeable
    charged
    charges
    charging
    chargé
    Charilaos
    chariot
    chariots
    charitable
    charities
    Charity
    Charlemagne
    Charles
    Charleston
    Charlestown
    Charlotte
    charm
    charming
    charms
    Charpentier
    charred
    chart
    charted
    charter
    Chartered
    chartering
    charters
    charts
    chase
    chased
    chasse
    chastisement
    chastisements
    chastising
    chastity
    chastizes
    Chatrousse
    Chattanooga
    chatter
    chattered
    chattering
    chau
    Chaudie
    Chaudiere
    Chauvinism
    Chavannes
    Chaylard
    che
    cheap
    cheapen
    cheapened
    cheapening
    cheaper
    cheapest
    cheapness
    Cheapside
    Chebar
    check
    checked
    checking
    checkmated
    checks
    cheek
    cheered
    cheerful
    cheerfully
    cheering
    cheerless
    cheers
    Chefoo
    Chekiang
    Cheliabinsk
    Chemawa
    chemical
    chemicals
    chemist
    CHEMISTRY
    Chemnitz
    Chen
    Cheng
    Cheops
    Cherbuliez
    Cherche
    Cherif
    Cherihon
    cherish
    cherished
    cherishing
    Chermside
    Cherokee
    CHEROKEES
    Cheshire
    Chesney
    chest
    Chester
    chests
    Cheth
    Chevalier
    Cheyenne
    Chi
    chia
    Chiang
    Chiangsi
    chiao
    Chiaochou
    Chicago
    Chichester
    Chickamauga
    Chickasaw
    CHICKASAWS
    chicken
    chief
    chiefly
    chiefs
    chieftain
    chieftains
    Chieftainship
    Chien
    chih
    Chihli
    Chihuahua
    Chikusi
    Chilcat
    Chilcoot
    child
    Childcrs
    Childers
    childhood
    childish
    childless
    children
    Chile
    Chilean
    Chileans
    CHILI
    Chilian
    Chilkat
    chill
    chills
    chilly
    Chilocco
    chimed
    Chimelli
    chimera
    Chin
    China
    Chinaman
    Chinamen
    chinaware
    Chinchou
    Chine
    Chinee
    CHINESE
    CHING
    Chingkiang
    Chinkiang
    Chippewas
    Chita
    Chitral
    Chitralis
    chloroformed
    Cho
    Choate
    Choctaw
    CHOCTAWS
    choice
    choked
    cholera
    Cholmondeley
    choose
    chooses
    choosing
    chose
    chosen
    Choshu
    chou
    Chovevi
    Chow
    Chozen
    Chris
    Christ
    Christendom
    CHRISTIAN
    Christiani
    Christiania
    Christianity
    Christianized
    CHRISTIANS
    CHRISTINA
    Christlich
    Christmas
    Christopher
    chromosphere
    chronic
    Chronicle
    chronicled
    chronicler
    chroniclers
    chronological
    chronologically
    chronology
    Chu
    Chua
    Chuang
    Chugoku
    chun
    CHUNG
    Chungking
    church
    churches
    Churchill
    churchwardens
    churchyard
    chwang
    Chéng
    Chêkiang
    Chêng
    Chêngtu
    Chün
    cider
    Cienfuegos
    cigarette
    cigarettes
    Cincinnati
    Cindad
    cipher
    Cipriano
    circa
    Circle
    circles
    circuit
    circuitous
    circuits
    circular
    circulars
    circulate
    circulated
    circulating
    circulation
    Circum
    circumference
    circumnavigated
    circumspect
    circumspection
    circumstance
    circumstances
    circumstantial
    Cisleithania
    Cisleithanian
    Cisneros
    cistern
    citadel
    cited
    cites
    Cities
    Citizen
    citizens
    citizenship
    city
    civic
    civil
    civilian
    civilians
    Civilis
    civilisation
    civilised
    civilising
    Civilization
    civilizations
    civilize
    CIVILIZED
    civilly
    clad
    claim
    claimant
    claimants
    Claimed
    claiming
    claims
    clair
    Clam
    clamor
    clamored
    clamoring
    clamorous
    clamoured
    clan
    Clancy
    clandestinely
    clans
    clansmen
    clap
    Clara
    Clarence
    clarion
    Clark
    Clarke
    Clary
    clash
    clashed
    clashing
    clasp
    Class
    classed
    classes
    classical
    classically
    classics
    classification
    classified
    classify
    Classifying
    Claude
    Clause
    clauses
    clawed
    CLAY
    claypits
    Clayton
    clean
    cleaned
    cleaners
    cleaning
    cleanliness
    cleanse
    cleansing
    clear
    clearance
    cleared
    clearer
    clearest
    clearing
    Clearly
    clearness
    cleavage
    cleave
    clemency
    Clemens
    clement
    Clements
    clergy
    clergyman
    clergymen
    Clerical
    Clericalism
    clericals
    clerk
    clerks
    Clery
    cleveite
    CLEVELAND
    clever
    client
    climate
    climatic
    Climatically
    climax
    climb
    climbed
    clime
    Clinch
    cling
    clinging
    clique
    cliques
    clock
    clog
    clos
    close
    Closed
    closely
    closer
    closes
    closest
    closet
    closing
    clot
    cloth
    clothe
    clothed
    clothes
    Clothing
    clouded
    clouds
    cloven
    Club
    Clubs
    clue
    clumsy
    clung
    clustered
    clusters
    Cnossos
    Co
    coach
    coadjutor
    Coahnila
    COAL
    coalfield
    coalfields
    coaling
    coalition
    coals
    COAMO
    coarse
    Coast
    Coastguard
    coasting
    Coasts
    coastwise
    coat
    coated
    coats
    Cobham
    Coblenz
    Cobra
    Coburg
    coccidium
    Cockburn
    cocked
    cockpit
    Cockran
    cocoa
    cocoanuts
    cod
    Code
    codes
    codfish
    codification
    Codlin
    Codman
    coeducational
    coerce
    coerced
    coercion
    coercive
    coeval
    coffee
    coffer
    coffers
    coffin
    coffins
    cognisance
    cognisant
    cognizable
    cognizance
    coherence
    coherent
    coherer
    cohesion
    coil
    coils
    Coin
    coinage
    coincided
    coincident
    Coincidentally
    coinciding
    coined
    coins
    Coit
    Coke
    cold
    coldly
    Coleman
    COLENSO
    Coler
    Colesberg
    Colima
    collapse
    collapsed
    collar
    collars
    collate
    collateral
    colleague
    colleagues
    collect
    collected
    collecting
    collection
    Collections
    collective
    collectively
    collectivist
    collector
    collectors
    collects
    COLLEGE
    COLLEGES
    collegiate
    collier
    colliers
    Collins
    Collis
    collision
    collisions
    Colloquially
    Cologan
    Colomb
    Colombari
    COLOMBIA
    Colombian
    Colombo
    Colon
    Colonel
    colonelcy
    colonels
    colonial
    colonials
    Colonies
    colonisation
    colonists
    colonization
    colonize
    colonizing
    colonnade
    Colony
    color
    COLORADO
    Colorados
    colored
    colors
    colossal
    colossi
    Colossus
    colour
    coloured
    colourless
    colours
    cols
    Colt
    Columbia
    Columbian
    COLUMBUS
    column
    columns
    Colón
    Com
    Comanches
    combat
    combatant
    combatants
    combated
    combating
    combative
    combats
    combed
    combination
    combinations
    Combine
    combined
    combines
    combing
    combining
    combustible
    combustion
    Come
    comer
    comers
    comes
    comfort
    comfortable
    comfortably
    comforting
    comforts
    coming
    comity
    Command
    commandant
    Commandants
    commanded
    commandeer
    commandeered
    Commandeering
    Commander
    commanders
    Commanding
    COMMANDO
    commandos
    commands
    comme
    commemorate
    commemorated
    commemorates
    commence
    commenced
    commencement
    commences
    Commencing
    commend
    commendable
    commendation
    commended
    commending
    commensurate
    comment
    commented
    Commenting
    comments
    COMMERCE
    Commercial
    Commerciale
    commercialism
    Commercially
    Commerford
    commettant
    comminuted
    commissariat
    commissaries
    Commissary
    Commission
    COMMISSIONED
    commissioner
    commissioners
    Commissions
    commit
    committal
    committed
    committee
    committees
    committing
    commodities
    commodity
    Commodore
    Common
    Commoners
    commonly
    Commons
    commonwealth
    commonwealths
    commotion
    communal
    communes
    communicate
    communicated
    communicates
    communicating
    communication
    Communications
    communicative
    communion
    communions
    communique
    communities
    community
    commutation
    commuted
    comp
    compact
    compacted
    compactly
    Compagnie
    companies
    companion
    companions
    company
    comparable
    comparative
    comparatively
    Compare
    Compared
    compares
    comparing
    Comparison
    comparisons
    compartments
    compass
    compassed
    Compassionate
    compatible
    compatriots
    compel
    Compelled
    compelling
    compels
    compendium
    compensate
    compensates
    compensating
    COMPENSATION
    compensations
    Compensatory
    compete
    competed
    competence
    competency
    competent
    competing
    Competition
    competitive
    competitively
    competitor
    competitors
    compilation
    compile
    compiled
    compilers
    complacency
    complacent
    complain
    complainant
    complained
    complaining
    complaint
    Complaints
    complement
    COMPLETE
    completed
    completely
    completeness
    completes
    completing
    completion
    complex
    complexities
    complexity
    compliance
    complicate
    complicated
    complication
    complications
    complicity
    complied
    complies
    complimenting
    Compliments
    comply
    complying
    component
    comport
    comports
    compos
    compose
    composed
    composer
    composing
    composite
    composition
    compound
    compounded
    compounds
    comprehend
    comprehended
    comprehending
    comprehension
    comprehensive
    compressed
    compression
    compressor
    comprise
    comprised
    comprises
    comprising
    Compromis
    compromise
    compromised
    compromises
    compromising
    Comptroller
    compulsion
    COMPULSORY
    compunction
    computation
    computed
    comrade
    comrades
    Comte
    Comus
    Concas
    conceal
    concealed
    concealing
    concealment
    conceals
    concede
    conceded
    concedes
    conceding
    conceit
    conceivable
    conceivably
    conceive
    conceived
    Conceiving
    concentrate
    concentrated
    concentrating
    concentration
    concentrations
    concentric
    Concepcion
    conception
    Conceptions
    concern
    concerned
    Concerning
    concerns
    Concert
    concerted
    concerts
    Concession
    concessionaire
    concessionary
    concessions
    conciliate
    conciliated
    conciliating
    Conciliation
    conciliators
    conciliatory
    concisely
    conclude
    concluded
    concludes
    concluding
    Conclusion
    conclusions
    conclusive
    conclusively
    concocted
    concomitant
    Concord
    Concordat
    concourse
    concrete
    concubine
    concupiscence
    concur
    concurred
    concurrence
    concurrent
    concurrently
    concurring
    concurs
    condamnant
    condemn
    condemnable
    condemnation
    condemnatory
    condemned
    condemning
    condemns
    condensation
    condenser
    condensers
    condescension
    condign
    condition
    conditional
    conditionally
    conditioned
    conditions
    CONDOMINIUM
    conduce
    conduces
    conducive
    conduct
    conducted
    conducting
    conductive
    conductivity
    conductor
    conductors
    conducts
    conduits
    Condé
    confederacies
    CONFEDERATE
    Confederated
    Confederation
    confer
    Conference
    conferences
    conferred
    conferring
    confers
    confess
    confessed
    confessedly
    confesses
    confessing
    Confession
    confessions
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    Count
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    Crystallography
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    Declaration
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    Degree
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    Deutsch
    Deutsche
    devastated
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    develop
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    Development
    developments
    develops
    deviating
    deviations
    device
    Devices
    devient
    devil
    devilish
    devils
    devise
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    Devoe
    devoid
    devolution
    devolve
    devolved
    devolves
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    Devonshire
    devote
    devoted
    devotedly
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    devotion
    devour
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    devout
    devoutly
    Dewar
    Dewetsdorp
    DEWEY
    dews
    Dexter
    Deák
    Dhanis
    di
    Diable
    diabolical
    diagnosis
    diagram
    dial
    dialect
    diameter
    diametrically
    Diamond
    diamonds
    Diana
    diaphragm
    Diarbekir
    Diario
    diary
    DIAZ
    Dibbs
    Dicey
    Dick
    Dickens
    Dickson
    dicta
    Dictaean
    dictate
    dictated
    dictates
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    dictation
    dictator
    dictatorial
    Dictatorship
    dictionaries
    dictum
    Did
    didactic
    didn
    Didon
    die
    Died
    Diego
    diem
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    Diet
    Diets
    Dieulafoy
    differ
    differed
    Difference
    differences
    different
    differential
    differentiate
    differentiated
    differently
    differing
    differs
    difficult
    difficulties
    difficulty
    diffuse
    diffused
    diffuses
    diffusion
    dig
    digested
    Digger
    diggers
    diggings
    Digna
    dignified
    dignify
    dignitaries
    dignitary
    dignities
    dignity
    dikes
    dilapidated
    dilate
    dilatory
    dilemma
    diligence
    diligent
    diligently
    Dilke
    Dillingham
    Dillon
    Dillonites
    dimensions
    diminish
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    diminution
    diminutive
    dimmed
    Din
    Dinagat
    Dinair
    dine
    Dingley
    Dinizulu
    dinned
    dinner
    dinners
    dint
    diocese
    dioceses
    Diodorus
    diorite
    Diphtheria
    diplomacy
    diplomas
    diplomat
    diplomatic
    diplomatically
    Diplomatique
    diplomatist
    diplomats
    dipped
    diputacion
    DIR
    dirai
    dire
    Direct
    directed
    directing
    direction
    directions
    directly
    directness
    director
    directors
    directorship
    directorships
    directs
    dirge
    Dirk
    dirt
    disabilities
    disability
    disable
    Disabled
    disabling
    disabused
    disadvantage
    disadvantageous
    disadvantages
    disaffected
    disaffection
    disagreeable
    disagreed
    Disagreeing
    disagreement
    disagreements
    disallow
    disallowance
    disallowed
    disappear
    disappearance
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    disappears
    disappoint
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    disappointingly
    disappointment
    disappointments
    disapproval
    disapproved
    disarm
    disarmament
    disarmed
    disarming
    disaster
    disasters
    disastrous
    disastrously
    disavow
    disavowal
    disavowals
    disavowed
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    disband
    Disbanded
    disbandment
    disbelief
    disbursed
    disbursement
    disbursements
    discernable
    discerned
    discerning
    discharge
    Discharged
    discharges
    discharging
    disciples
    disciplinary
    Discipline
    disciplined
    disclaim
    disclaimed
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    disclaims
    disclose
    disclosed
    disclosure
    disclosures
    discolored
    discomfiture
    discomfort
    discomforts
    disconcerting
    discontent
    discontented
    discontents
    discontinuance
    discontinue
    discontinued
    Discontinuing
    discontinuities
    discord
    discordant
    discount
    discountenanced
    discourage
    discouraged
    discouragement
    discouraging
    discouragingly
    discourse
    discover
    discovered
    discoverer
    discoverers
    discoveries
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    discovery
    discredit
    discredited
    discrepancies
    discrepancy
    discrepant
    discretion
    discriminate
    discriminated
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    discrimination
    discriminations
    discuss
    discussed
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    discussion
    discussions
    disdain
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    disease
    diseased
    diseases
    disembark
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    disenfranchisement
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    Disestablishment
    disfavour
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    Disfranchisement
    disfranchises
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    disinclined
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    Disinfection
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    disintegration
    disinterestedness
    disinterred
    Disko
    dislike
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    Disorderly
    disorders
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    disparity
    dispassionately
    dispatch
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    dispatches
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    dispelled
    dispence
    Dispensary
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    dispensatory
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    dispensers
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    dispirited
    displaced
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    display
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    displays
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    disputants
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    Disputes
    disqualified
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    Disraeli
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    Disregarding
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    dissatisfaction
    dissatisfied
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    dissension
    dissensions
    dissent
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    dissimulate
    dissipating
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    dissociated
    dissolution
    dissolutions
    dissolve
    dissolved
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    dissuade
    distance
    distances
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    distasteful
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    distillers
    Distilling
    distinct
    distinction
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    District
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    Distrust
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    DISTURBANCES
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    disuse
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    dit
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    ditches
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    divergence
    divergencies
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    Diversity
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    DIVINE
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    Divinity
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    Divorce
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    Dixie
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    Doc
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    Doctor
    doctors
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    Doctrine
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    Documents
    Dodd
    Doddridge
    Dodge
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    Doerpfeld
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    Does
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    Dole
    Doles
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    Dolores
    Domain
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    Dominance
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    Domingo
    Domini
    Dominic
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    Dominican
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    Dominion
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    Domoko
    Don
    Dona
    Donald
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    Done
    Donelson
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    Donnelly
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    Dooley
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    DOOR
    Doorkeeper
    Doornkop
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    Dorian
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    Dorward
    Dos
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    Doubleday
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    doubts
    Douglas
    Douglass
    dour
    Dow
    DOWAGER
    down
    Downes
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    Downing
    downpours
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    doyen
    Doyle
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    Dr
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    drafted
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    drafts
    draftsmen
    drag
    Draga
    dragged
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    Dragon
    Drah
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    Drainage
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    drains
    Drakenberg
    drama
    dramas
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    Draper
    drastic
    draught
    draughtmen
    draw
    drawback
    drawbacks
    Drawing
    DRAWINGS
    drawn
    draws
    dread
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    dream
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    dreams
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    dreary
    dredged
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    Dreher
    Dreibund
    drenching
    dress
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    dressers
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    drew
    DREYFUS
    dried
    Driefontein
    drift
    drifted
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    Drifts
    driftwood
    drill
    drilled
    drilling
    drink
    Drinker
    drinking
    drinks
    drive
    driven
    Driver
    drives
    driving
    droit
    drop
    dropped
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    drops
    drought
    droughts
    drouth
    drove
    drown
    DROWNED
    drowning
    Drs
    drug
    Drum
    drummer
    Drummond
    drunk
    drunkards
    drunken
    drunkenness
    dry
    Drygalski
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    Du
    Duaba
    dual
    Duaro
    Dublin
    Dubuque
    Duc
    ducal
    Duchesne
    Duchess
    Duchy
    duct
    dude
    Dudgeon
    Dudley
    due
    duel
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    duelists
    dues
    Duff
    Dufferin
    dug
    Dui
    Duke
    dull
    dullest
    Duluth
    duly
    dum
    Dumaran
    Dumas
    dumb
    Dumfries
    Duncan
    Dundee
    Dunfermline
    dung
    dungeons
    duped
    duplicate
    duplicated
    duplicates
    Dupuy
    durability
    Durand
    duration
    Durban
    duress
    during
    duro
    dusk
    dusky
    Dusseldorf
    dust
    Dutch
    Dutcher
    Dutchmen
    dutiable
    Duties
    dutiful
    duty
    duumvirate
    dwell
    dwellers
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    dwellings
    dwelt
    Dwight
    dwindle
    dwindled
    dye
    Dyea
    dying
    dykes
    dynamical
    dynamics
    Dynamite
    dynamo
    dynamos
    dynastic
    dynasties
    Dynasty
    dysentery
    dyspepsia
    dyspeptic
    DÉROULÈDE
    débats
    débris
    découvert
    déjeuner
    déliberé
    député
    Déronlède
    Déroulède
    désirez
    détaillée
    E
    EACH
    Eagan
    eager
    Eagerly
    eagerness
    Eagle
    ear
    Eardley
    Earl
    earldom
    Earlier
    earliest
    early
    earn
    earned
    earners
    earnest
    earnestly
    earnestness
    earning
    earnings
    ears
    Earth
    earthen
    earthly
    Earthquake
    earthquakes
    earthwork
    earthworks
    ease
    easier
    easily
    east
    Eastchester
    Easter
    easterly
    Eastern
    eastward
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    easy
    eat
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    Eaton
    Ebenezer
    Eberhard
    Ebers
    ecclesiastic
    Ecclesiastical
    ecclesiasticism
    ecclesiastics
    echoes
    Ecija
    Eclair
    eclipse
    economic
    economical
    economically
    economics
    economies
    Economist
    economists
    economized
    economizing
    economy
    ECUADOR
    Ecuadorian
    ECUMENICAL
    ed
    Eddy
    edge
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    Edhem
    Edict
    Edicts
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    edifices
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    Edinburgh
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    EDITION
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    editorial
    editors
    Edmond
    Edmund
    Edmunds
    Edouard
    Edson
    Eduardo
    educate
    educated
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    EDUCATION
    educational
    educator
    educators
    Edward
    EDWARDS
    Edwin
    Eerste
    effaced
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    effect
    effected
    effecting
    EFFECTIVE
    effectively
    effectiveness
    effectives
    effects
    effectual
    effectually
    Effendina
    effete
    efficacious
    efficacy
    efficiency
    efficient
    efficiently
    effluxion
    effort
    Efforts
    effusion
    Eger
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    eggs
    egoism
    egotistical
    egress
    Egypt
    Egyptian
    Egyptianising
    Egyptians
    Egyptologist
    Eider
    eight
    eighteen
    eighteenth
    eighth
    Eighthly
    eighths
    eighties
    eighty
    eines
    Either
    ejected
    ejection
    Ekaterinburg
    eked
    Ekk
    Ekroll
    EL
    elaborate
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    elaborateness
    elaboration
    Elam
    Elamite
    Elamites
    Elamitic
    Elands
    ELANDSLAAGTE
    elapse
    elapsed
    Elassona
    elastic
    elasticity
    Elba
    Elbe
    elbow
    elbows
    elder
    elders
    eldest
    elect
    Elected
    electing
    ELECTION
    electioneering
    Elections
    elective
    elector
    electoral
    electorate
    electorates
    electors
    Electric
    electrical
    electrician
    Electricity
    electrified
    Electro
    electrodes
    electrolyzed
    electrolyzing
    eleemosynary
    elegance
    elegant
    element
    elemental
    Elementary
    elements
    elephant
    elevate
    elevated
    elevating
    elevation
    elevator
    elevators
    eleven
    Eleventh
    Elgin
    ELI
    Elias
    elicited
    eligibility
    eligible
    Elihu
    Elijah
    eliminable
    eliminated
    elimination
    Eliot
    Elisha
    elite
    Eliza
    ELIZABETH
    elle
    ELLERY
    Ellesmere
    Ellinwood
    Elliot
    Elliott
    Ellis
    elongated
    eloquence
    eloquent
    eloquently
    else
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    elucidating
    Elwell
    Ely
    Elysées
    emaciated
    emanate
    emanated
    emanates
    emanating
    emanations
    emancipate
    emancipated
    emancipating
    Emancipation
    emancipator
    emasculated
    embalmed
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    embankment
    embankments
    embargo
    embark
    Embarkation
    embarked
    embarks
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    embarrassment
    embarrassments
    embassies
    Embassy
    embedded
    embellishment
    embezzlement
    embezzlers
    embittered
    emblem
    emblems
    embodied
    embodies
    embodiment
    embody
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    emboldened
    embouchure
    embrace
    Embraced
    embraces
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    embroideries
    embroidery
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    embroiling
    Embryology
    embryonic
    emendation
    emerge
    emerged
    emergencies
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    Emerson
    Emery
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    emigrants
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    Emile
    Emilio
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    eminence
    eminent
    eminently
    Emir
    emissaries
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    emit
    Emma
    Emmanuel
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    emoluments
    Emory
    emotion
    emotions
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    Emperor
    emphasis
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    emphasizes
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    emphatic
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    Empire
    empires
    emplacement
    emplacements
    Employ
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    Employer
    Employers
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    Empress
    Empresses
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    Ems
    En
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    Enactment
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    enchanted
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    enclave
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    Encouraged
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    ENDEAVOR
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    endeavours
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    Enderby
    Endicott
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    Enforcement
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    Enfranchisement
    Eng
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    ENGAGEMENT
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    Engel
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    Engineering
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    ENGLAND
    ENGLISH
    Englishman
    Englishmen
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    Enigmas
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    Enjoying
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    Enl
    enlarge
    ENLARGED
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    enlightenment
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    enlist
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    Enno
    enormity
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    Enough
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    Enrique
    enrol
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    Enrollment
    Ensign
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    ENSLIN
    ensue
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    ensues
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    entails
    entanglements
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    entendu
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    enterprises
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    enters
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    entertains
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    enthrone
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    Enthronement
    enthusiasm
    enthusiast
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    enthusiastically
    enticed
    entire
    entirely
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    entities
    entitle
    entitled
    entitles
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    entity
    entomologist
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    entrance
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    entreaties
    Entrecasteaux
    entrenched
    entrenchments
    entries
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    entry
    enumerate
    enumerated
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    enumeration
    enumerations
    enunciated
    enunciation
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    envious
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    environs
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    envoys
    envy
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    Ephraim
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    epidemics
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    Epirus
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    Episcopalian
    episcopate
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    episodes
    epithets
    epitome
    epizootic
    epoch
    epochs
    EPWORTH
    equal
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    equality
    equalization
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    equally
    equals
    equanimity
    equator
    Equatoria
    Equatorial
    Equatoriale
    equidistant
    equilateral
    equilibrium
    equip
    equipage
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    equipments
    equipped
    equipping
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    FEBRUARY
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    Final
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    Forearmed
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    Formaldehyde
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    FORTS
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    Forzinetti
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    Fraenkel
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    FRANCHISES
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    FRANCISCO
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    FRANZ
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    Frear
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    G
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    GALABAT
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    GALVESTON
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    GAMES
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    GARCIA
    Garden
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    Garrison
    garrisoned
    garrisoning
    garrisons
    Garstein
    Garter
    Gary
    GAS
    Gaselee
    gaseous
    Gases
    Gatacre
    gate
    gates
    Gateway
    gateways
    gather
    gathered
    gathereth
    gathering
    gatherings
    gathers
    Gatling
    Gatty
    gauche
    gauge
    Gaul
    Gautama
    Gautsch
    gave
    Gayarré
    Gazaland
    gaze
    gazed
    gazette
    gear
    Gedil
    Gedrosia
    Gee
    Gehrt
    Geistlichkeit
    gems
    Gen
    gendarme
    gendarmerie
    gendarmes
    genealogies
    genealogy
    genera
    General
    Generalcy
    Generalissimo
    generalities
    generally
    generals
    generate
    generated
    generating
    generation
    generations
    generators
    generosity
    generous
    generously
    genesis
    GENEVA
    genius
    Gennesareth
    Genoa
    Gentile
    gentle
    gentleman
    Gentlemen
    gentleness
    gentry
    genuine
    genuinely
    genuineness
    genus
    Geo
    Geodetic
    Geoffray
    geog
    geographer
    Geographical
    geographically
    Geographisch
    Geography
    geologic
    geological
    geologist
    geology
    Geometric
    Geometry
    Georg
    George
    Georges
    Georgetown
    Georgia
    Gerald
    Gerhard
    Gerlache
    Germ
    Germain
    German
    Germanic
    Germans
    Germany
    germinal
    germs
    Gerona
    Geronimo
    Gerritz
    GERRYMANDERING
    Gesenius
    Gesetzbuch
    gesso
    gesturing
    get
    gets
    getting
    Gettysburg
    Ghali
    gharry
    ghastly
    Ghazal
    Ghazel
    Ghazi
    Ghent
    Ghezireh
    Ghoorkas
    ghoulish
    giant
    Gibbons
    Gibraltar
    Gibson
    Giers
    Giffen
    gift
    gifted
    gifts
    Gigantic
    GILBERT
    gilded
    Gilder
    Gilgit
    Gillespie
    Gilman
    Gilroy
    gin
    girders
    girl
    Girls
    girt
    Giuseppe
    give
    given
    giver
    gives
    giving
    Glacial
    glaciated
    Glacier
    glaciers
    glacis
    glad
    gladly
    Gladstone
    glamour
    glance
    glancing
    gland
    glanders
    GLASGOW
    glass
    glasses
    glassware
    glassworkers
    gleamed
    Gleason
    glebes
    Glen
    Glencoe
    glided
    glides
    glimmering
    glitter
    gloat
    gloating
    globe
    gloom
    gloomy
    glories
    glorification
    Glorious
    glory
    glossy
    Gloucester
    glow
    glowing
    glucose
    gluey
    glut
    glycerine
    gnarled
    gnats
    gneiss
    Gneist
    go
    goad
    goal
    goat
    goats
    gobbled
    gobernadorcillo
    Gobi
    God
    goddess
    Godfrey
    Godkin
    godowns
    gods
    godsend
    Goebel
    goes
    Goethe
    Goetze
    going
    Golchika
    Gold
    golden
    Goldfields
    Goldsmid
    Goldwin
    Golfito
    Golgi
    Golo
    Golofnin
    Gomanikwenda
    Gomez
    Goncourt
    gone
    gonorrhœa
    Gonse
    Gonzales
    Gonzalez
    Good
    goodness
    Goodnow
    goods
    goodwill
    Goold
    Goorkhas
    goose
    Gordon
    gore
    gorge
    gorges
    Gorst
    Goschen
    Gosha
    gospel
    gospels
    GOSPODAR
    Gosse
    got
    Gotha
    Gothard
    GOTHENBURG
    Gothic
    gotten
    gouged
    Goujon
    Gould
    Goulâs
    Gouverneur
    govern
    governance
    governed
    governing
    government
    governmental
    governments
    governor
    Governors
    governorship
    governs
    gown
    Graaf
    Graaff
    grab
    grabbed
    grabber
    grabbing
    grace
    graced
    graceful
    graces
    Gracious
    graciously
    gradation
    grade
    graded
    grades
    grading
    gradual
    Gradually
    graduate
    graduated
    graduates
    graduating
    graduation
    Graf
    graft
    grafting
    Graham
    grain
    grained
    grains
    Gram
    grammar
    Granada
    grand
    grandchild
    grandchildren
    Grande
    Grandee
    grander
    grandest
    grandeur
    grandfather
    grandparent
    grandson
    grandsons
    granite
    grant
    granted
    granting
    Grants
    grapes
    graphic
    graphically
    graphite
    grasp
    GRASPAN
    grasped
    grass
    grasses
    grateful
    gratefully
    gratefulness
    gratification
    gratified
    gratify
    gratifying
    gratis
    gratitude
    gratuitous
    gratuity
    Grave
    gravel
    Gravelet
    gravels
    gravely
    graver
    graves
    gravest
    Gravitation
    gravity
    Gray
    Grayson
    grazing
    GREAT
    greater
    greatest
    greatly
    greatness
    Greatorex
    Greece
    greed
    greediness
    greedy
    Greek
    Greeks
    Greeley
    green
    greenback
    GREENBACKS
    Greene
    Greenfield
    GREENLAND
    Greenleaf
    greensward
    Greenwich
    greet
    greeted
    greeting
    greetings
    Gregorio
    Gregorovich
    Gregory
    Grenada
    Grenadines
    Grenfell
    Grenville
    Gresham
    Gresovala
    grew
    grewsome
    Grey
    greybeards
    GREYTOWN
    Griblin
    grief
    grievance
    grievances
    grieved
    grieveth
    grievous
    grievously
    Griffin
    Griffith
    Griffiths
    Griggs
    Griggsby
    grim
    Grimes
    grin
    grinding
    grinning
    grip
    Griqualand
    grisly
    gristle
    groaning
    groans
    Grobler
    grogshop
    Grondwet
    Gronlund
    Groote
    grooving
    groping
    gropings
    gross
    grossest
    Grossgrundbesitz
    grossly
    Grosvenor
    grotesque
    Ground
    grounds
    Group
    grouped
    groupings
    Groups
    Grove
    GROVER
    groves
    grow
    growers
    groweth
    growing
    grown
    grows
    Growth
    growths
    grudge
    grumbling
    grâce
    Græco
    Guam
    Guanajuato
    Guanica
    guano
    Guantanamo
    Guantánamo
    guarantee
    guaranteed
    guaranteeing
    guarantees
    guaranties
    guaranty
    guard
    guarded
    guardian
    guardians
    guardianship
    guarding
    Guards
    Guarnaschelli
    GUASIMA
    Guasimas
    Guaso
    Guatemala
    GUAYAMA
    gubernatorial
    guerilla
    Guerra
    Guerre
    Guerrero
    guerrilla
    guerrillas
    guess
    guessed
    guessing
    guest
    guests
    Guglielmo
    Guiana
    guidance
    guide
    guided
    guides
    guiding
    guidons
    Guild
    Guildhall
    guilds
    guileless
    Guillermo
    guilt
    guiltiness
    guiltless
    guilty
    Guimaras
    guinea
    Guineas
    Guintinua
    guise
    Gujarat
    gulches
    Gulf
    gulleys
    gum
    gun
    gunboat
    gunboats
    GUNGUNHANA
    gunnery
    gunpowder
    guns
    gunshot
    gurgling
    Gurko
    Gurob
    Gustav
    Gustave
    Gutierrez
    gutta
    gutted
    gutters
    Guy
    GUÉRIN
    Guérin
    Gwelo
    Gwynn
    gymnasium
    gymnasiums
    gymnastics
    gypsum
    Gätke
    Géographie
    Göttingen
    H
    ha
    Haas
    Habana
    Habarovsk
    habeas
    Habert
    habit
    habitable
    habitation
    habitations
    habited
    habits
    habitual
    habitually
    Habsburg
    haciendas
    hacked
    hacking
    had
    Haderslev
    Hadjin
    HAFFKINE
    HAGUE
    hai
    Haicheng
    Haida
    Haidarabad
    Haifa
    haikwan
    hail
    hailed
    Hainan
    Hains
    Haiowa
    hair
    haired
    hairy
    Haiti
    Haitian
    Haji
    Halbherr
    Hale
    HALEPA
    Half
    Halfa
    halfpenny
    Halifax
    HALL
    Halle
    Halliday
    halls
    halt
    halted
    halting
    halts
    halves
    hamals
    Hamar
    Hamburg
    Hamed
    Hamid
    Hamilton
    Hamipo
    hamlet
    hamlets
    Hamlin
    Hammer
    hammered
    Hammond
    hamper
    hampered
    hampering
    Hampshire
    Hampson
    Hamud
    Hamza
    Han
    Hancock
    hand
    Handbook
    handed
    handful
    handicraftsman
    handing
    handiwork
    handkerchief
    handle
    handled
    handling
    hands
    handsome
    handwriting
    Hangchow
    hanged
    hangers
    Hanging
    hankering
    HANKOW
    Hanlin
    Hanotaux
    Hanover
    Hansa
    Hansard
    Hansen
    haphazard
    happen
    happened
    happening
    happens
    happier
    happily
    happiness
    happy
    har
    Hara
    Harald
    harassed
    harassing
    Harbor
    harborage
    harbored
    Harbors
    harbour
    harbours
    Harcourt
    hard
    Harden
    hardened
    harder
    hardest
    hardihood
    Hardinge
    hardly
    hardship
    hardships
    hardware
    hardy
    Hare
    harem
    harems
    Harkness
    Harlan
    Harlem
    Harley
    harlotry
    harm
    harmless
    harmlessness
    harmonious
    harmoniously
    harmonize
    harmonized
    harmonizing
    Harmony
    HARMSWORTH
    harness
    harnessed
    harnessing
    Harold
    Harper
    harpies
    Harpoot
    harried
    Harriet
    Harriman
    Harris
    Harrison
    harrowing
    Harry
    harsh
    harshly
    harshness
    HART
    Hartmann
    HARVARD
    harvest
    harvesting
    harvests
    Has
    Haskell
    haste
    hasten
    hastened
    hastening
    hastily
    Hastings
    hasty
    hat
    Hata
    Hatch
    hatched
    hatching
    hate
    hated
    hateful
    hath
    hating
    hatred
    hats
    Hatteras
    Hattie
    Hatzfeldt
    haughty
    haul
    hauled
    haunting
    Haupt
    Hausa
    Hausas
    Haussas
    Havana
    Have
    Havel
    Havelock
    Havemeyer
    haven
    Haverfield
    having
    havoc
    Havre
    HAWAII
    Hawaiian
    Hawaiians
    Haweis
    Hawick
    Hawkins
    Hawksley
    hawser
    HAWTHORNE
    Hay
    Hayes
    Haynes
    Hays
    Hayti
    Haytien
    hazardous
    hazards
    haze
    Hazzard
    Haïnan
    he
    Head
    headed
    heading
    headings
    headless
    Headley
    headlong
    headman
    headmen
    headpiece
    headquarters
    heads
    headship
    Headstones
    headway
    heal
    healed
    healing
    health
    healthiest
    healthy
    Healy
    Healyites
    heap
    heaps
    hear
    hearably
    heard
    hearers
    Hearing
    hearings
    hearsay
    hearse
    heart
    hearted
    heartfelt
    hearth
    heartily
    heartlessness
    heartrending
    hearts
    hearty
    heat
    heated
    heathen
    heating
    heave
    heaven
    heavens
    heavier
    heaviest
    heavily
    heavy
    Hebrew
    HEBREWS
    Hebrides
    Hecker
    hectolitre
    heed
    heel
    heeled
    heels
    Hei
    height
    heights
    Heilungchiang
    Heine
    heinous
    Heinrich
    Heinze
    Heir
    heiress
    heirs
    held
    Helena
    Helene
    helicoidal
    heliograph
    heliographic
    helium
    hell
    Hellenes
    Hellenic
    Hellenism
    helm
    Helmholtz
    helots
    Help
    helped
    helper
    helpers
    helpful
    helping
    helpless
    helplessly
    helplessness
    helps
    Helsingfors
    helter
    Helu
    Hely
    hemisphere
    hemispheres
    hemmed
    hemming
    hemp
    Hempstead
    hen
    Hence
    Henceforth
    henceforward
    Henderson
    Heng
    Henkel
    Henn
    Henri
    Henrietta
    HENRY
    Henschel
    her
    herald
    heraldic
    heralding
    Heralds
    Herat
    Herbert
    herbs
    herculean
    Hercules
    herd
    herded
    herdless
    herds
    here
    hereafter
    hereby
    hereditary
    herein
    hereinafter
    hereinbefore
    hereof
    heresies
    heresy
    heretical
    hereto
    heretofore
    hereunder
    hereunto
    herewith
    Herholdt
    Heri
    heritage
    Hermite
    Hermon
    Hernandez
    hero
    Herodotus
    heroes
    heroic
    heroism
    Herr
    Herrera
    herrings
    hers
    Herschel
    Herschell
    Herself
    Hertz
    HERVEY
    Herzl
    hesitancy
    hesitate
    hesitated
    hesitating
    hesitation
    hesitations
    Hetairia
    heterogeneous
    Heth
    Heureaux
    Hewett
    hewing
    hewn
    Hezekiah
    Hibbert
    hibernated
    Hicks
    hid
    hidden
    hide
    hideous
    hideously
    hides
    hiding
    hien
    hierarchic
    hierarchy
    hieratic
    hieroglyph
    hieroglyphic
    hieroglyphics
    hieroglyphs
    Higginson
    high
    higher
    Highest
    Highland
    Highlanders
    HIGHLANDS
    highly
    Highness
    Highnesses
    highway
    highways
    Hilaire
    Hilder
    HILL
    Hillah
    Hillebrand
    Hillegas
    Hillier
    hills
    hilltop
    hilly
    Hilo
    Hilprecht
    Hiltebrandt
    him
    Himalayas
    Himself
    Hind
    Hinde
    hinder
    hindered
    hindering
    Hindoo
    hindrance
    hindrances
    Hindu
    Hindus
    Hingan
    hinges
    Hinsdale
    hint
    Hintchak
    hinted
    hinterland
    Hinterlands
    Hintonburg
    hints
    Hippolyte
    Hiram
    Hiraoka
    hire
    hired
    hireling
    Hirsch
    his
    Hispano
    Hissarlik
    hissed
    Hist
    historian
    HISTORIANS
    historic
    historical
    historically
    history
    hit
    Hitchcock
    hitherto
    Hitt
    Hittite
    Hizen
    Hjalmar
    Hjort
    Hjorth
    Hjärne
    ho
    Hoa
    hoar
    hoard
    hoarding
    Hobart
    Hoboken
    Hobson
    Hodgson
    hoe
    Hofmeyr
    Hogarth
    Hohenlohe
    Hohenstein
    hoist
    hoisted
    hoisting
    Hokuriku
    hol
    hold
    holder
    holders
    Holding
    holdings
    holds
    hole
    holes
    Holguin
    Holguín
    holiday
    holidays
    Holiness
    HOLLAND
    Hollander
    Hollanders
    hollow
    hollows
    HOLLS
    Holm
    Holman
    Holstein
    Holt
    Holtenau
    HOLY
    homage
    hombre
    home
    homeless
    homemade
    Homer
    Homeric
    homes
    Homesickness
    homestead
    homesteads
    homeward
    homicidal
    homicide
    Hommel
    homogeneous
    Homonkon
    Hon
    Honan
    Honda
    HONDURAS
    honest
    honestly
    honesty
    honey
    HONG
    Hongkong
    Honolulu
    honor
    honorable
    honorably
    honorarium
    honorary
    honored
    honoring
    honors
    honour
    honourable
    honourably
    honoured
    honouring
    Honours
    hood
    Hoods
    hoof
    hooks
    Hoop
    hope
    hoped
    Hopeful
    hopefully
    hopefulness
    hopeless
    hopelessly
    hopelessness
    hopes
    Hopetoun
    hoping
    Hopkins
    HORACE
    Horatio
    hordes
    horizon
    horizontal
    horizontally
    HORMIGUEROS
    horn
    Horns
    horrible
    horribly
    horrid
    horrified
    horror
    horrors
    hors
    Horse
    horseback
    horsemanship
    horsemen
    horsepower
    horses
    horseshoe
    Horsley
    horticultural
    Hoshi
    hospitable
    hospital
    hospitality
    hospitals
    host
    hostages
    hostess
    Hostile
    hostilities
    hostility
    hosts
    hot
    hotbed
    hotel
    hotels
    Hotep
    hothouse
    hotly
    Hottentot
    hottest
    Houghton
    hounded
    hour
    hours
    HOUSE
    housed
    Household
    householder
    householders
    households
    housekeeper
    housekeepers
    houseless
    HOUSES
    Houssaye
    Houston
    Houx
    Hova
    hovels
    hover
    Hovey
    How
    Howard
    Howe
    Howell
    However
    howl
    howsoever
    Hoyle
    Hs
    Hsiang
    Hsien
    Hsiku
    Hsin
    Hsiu
    Hsu
    Hsuan
    Hsueh
    Hsü
    Hu
    HUA
    huai
    Huaichaca
    huan
    Huang
    Hubbard
    hucksters
    huddled
    HUDSON
    hue
    huei
    hug
    huge
    Hugh
    Hughes
    Hugo
    Huguenots
    HUI
    Huis
    Hull
    Humac
    Humacao
    human
    humane
    humanely
    humanitarian
    Humanity
    HUMBERT
    humble
    humbled
    humbler
    humbles
    humbly
    humiliated
    humiliating
    humiliation
    humiliations
    humility
    Humingan
    humming
    humouring
    Hun
    Hunan
    Hunch
    HUNDRED
    hundredfold
    Hundreds
    hung
    Hungarian
    Hungarians
    HUNGARY
    hunger
    hungry
    Huns
    Hunt
    hunted
    Hunter
    hunters
    hunting
    Huntington
    huntsman
    Huntsville
    Hunyady
    Huok
    Huot
    Hupeh
    Hupei
    hurled
    hurrah
    hurricane
    Hurried
    hurriedly
    hurry
    hurrying
    hurt
    husband
    HUSBANDISTS
    husbandry
    husbands
    Huse
    Hushed
    Huskisson
    hustled
    hut
    Hutchinson
    Hutchison
    Hutin
    huts
    Huxley
    Hwei
    Hy
    Hyacinth
    Hyde
    hydraulic
    hydrogen
    hydrographic
    hydrographical
    Hydrological
    hygiene
    hygienic
    Hyndman
    Hyperborean
    hypnotized
    hypocrisy
    hypocritical
    hypotheses
    hypothesis
    hysterical
    Hæmamœbidæ
    hésitez
    hêng
    Hübner
    I
    Ian
    iao
    Ibayat
    Ibero
    Ibi
    Ibrahimieh
    ice
    ICELAND
    icequake
    Ichang
    IDAHO
    Ide
    idea
    ideal
    ideals
    ideas
    Identic
    identical
    identification
    identified
    identify
    identifying
    identity
    idiocy
    idiots
    idle
    idleness
    idol
    idolatrous
    idolatry
    idols
    if
    Ignacio
    Ignatius
    ignited
    ignorance
    ignorant
    ignore
    ignored
    ignoring
    II
    iii
    Il
    Iles
    Ilios
    ill
    illegal
    illegality
    illegalité
    illegally
    illiberal
    illicit
    illimitable
    Illinois
    illiteracy
    illiterate
    illiterates
    illness
    Illocos
    illogical
    ills
    illuminant
    illuminate
    illuminating
    illumination
    illumined
    illusion
    illusory
    illustrate
    Illustrated
    Illustrating
    illustration
    illustrations
    illustrative
    illustrious
    Illustrirte
    Ilocanos
    Ilocos
    Iloilo
    Ilorin
    im
    Image
    imaginable
    imaginary
    imagination
    imagine
    imagined
    Imarovatana
    Imataka
    imbued
    Imerina
    Imgur
    imitate
    imitated
    imitating
    imitation
    immaterial
    immeasurable
    immeasurably
    Immediate
    Immediately
    immemorial
    immense
    immensity
    immigrant
    immigrants
    immigrated
    immigration
    imminence
    imminent
    immoral
    immorality
    immortal
    Immortalité
    immovable
    immune
    immunities
    immunity
    immunized
    impact
    impair
    impaired
    impairing
    impairment
    impairs
    impart
    imparted
    impartial
    impartiality
    impartially
    impassable
    Impassioned
    impatience
    impatient
    impatiently
    impeached
    impeachment
    impede
    impeded
    impediment
    impediments
    impending
    imperative
    imperatively
    imperfect
    imperfection
    imperfections
    imperfectly
    imperfectness
    IMPERIAL
    imperialism
    Imperialist
    Imperialistic
    imperialists
    imperil
    imperilled
    imperilling
    imperils
    imperious
    imperishable
    impermeable
    impersonation
    impertinent
    impervious
    impetus
    impinge
    impinges
    impiously
    implacable
    implants
    implements
    implicate
    implicated
    implication
    implicitly
    implied
    implies
    implore
    implored
    imploring
    imply
    implying
    impolicy
    impolitic
    import
    importance
    Important
    importantly
    importation
    importations
    imported
    importer
    importers
    importing
    imports
    importunate
    importunately
    importuned
    impose
    imposed
    imposes
    imposing
    imposition
    impossibility
    impossible
    impost
    imposts
    impotence
    impotency
    impoverish
    impoverished
    impoverishment
    impracticability
    impracticable
    impregnable
    impregnated
    impress
    impressed
    impressing
    impression
    impressionable
    impressions
    impressive
    impressively
    impressiveness
    imprison
    imprisoned
    imprisonment
    improbable
    improper
    improperly
    impropriety
    improve
    improved
    Improvement
    Improvements
    improvidence
    improving
    imprudence
    impudence
    impudent
    impulse
    impulses
    impulsive
    impunity
    imputation
    imputed
    Imus
    in
    inability
    inaccessible
    inaccuracy
    inaccurate
    inaction
    inactive
    inactivity
    inadequacy
    inadequate
    inadequately
    inadmissible
    inadvisability
    inadvisable
    inalienable
    inapplicable
    inarticulate
    inasmuch
    Inaugural
    inaugurate
    inaugurated
    inaugurating
    inauguration
    Inayat
    incalculable
    incalculably
    incandescent
    incantations
    incapable
    incapacitated
    incapacity
    incarcerated
    incarceration
    Incarnation
    incarnations
    Incas
    incendiarism
    incense
    incensed
    incentive
    inception
    incessant
    incessantly
    inch
    inches
    incidence
    INCIDENT
    Incidental
    incidentally
    incidents
    incipient
    incisions
    incisive
    incite
    incited
    inciting
    inclination
    inclinations
    inclined
    inclose
    inclosed
    incloses
    inclosure
    inclosures
    include
    Included
    includes
    Including
    Inclusion
    inclusions
    inclusive
    incognito
    incoherent
    INCOME
    incomers
    incomes
    incoming
    incomparable
    incompatibility
    incompatible
    incompetent
    incomplete
    incomprehensible
    inconceivable
    inconclusive
    incongruous
    inconsiderable
    inconsistency
    inconsistent
    incontestable
    incontinently
    incontrovertible
    inconvenience
    inconveniences
    inconvenient
    inconveniently
    incorporate
    incorporated
    incorporates
    incorporating
    incorporation
    incorrect
    incorrectly
    increase
    increased
    Increases
    increasing
    increasingly
    incredible
    incredibly
    incredulity
    increment
    incriminated
    incubation
    inculcated
    incumbency
    incumbent
    incumbered
    incur
    incurable
    incurably
    incurred
    incurs
    incursion
    incursions
    Indang
    indebted
    indebtedness
    indecision
    indecisive
    indeed
    indefensible
    indefinite
    indefinitely
    indelible
    indemnified
    indemnify
    Indemnities
    indemnity
    indenture
    Independence
    Independent
    independently
    Independents
    indescribable
    indeterminate
    index
    indexes
    indexing
    INDIA
    Indian
    INDIANA
    Indianapolis
    Indians
    indicate
    indicated
    indicates
    indicating
    indication
    indications
    indicted
    indictment
    indictments
    Indies
    indifference
    indifferent
    indifferently
    indigenous
    indigestible
    indigestion
    indignant
    indignantly
    indignation
    indignity
    indigo
    Indios
    indiquant
    indirect
    indirectly
    indiscretion
    indiscriminate
    indispensable
    indispensably
    indisputable
    indisputably
    indissoluble
    individual
    individuality
    individually
    individuals
    indomitable
    INDONESIAN
    Indonesians
    indoor
    indorse
    indorsed
    indorsement
    indubitable
    induce
    induced
    inducement
    induces
    inducing
    inductance
    inducted
    induction
    indulge
    indulged
    indulgence
    indulgences
    indulgent
    indulges
    indulging
    indunas
    Indus
    industrial
    industrialism
    Industries
    industrious
    industry
    ineffaceably
    ineffective
    Ineffectual
    inefficiency
    inefficient
    inelastic
    inequality
    inequitable
    ineradicable
    inertia
    inestimable
    inevitable
    inevitably
    inexhaustible
    inexpediency
    inexpedient
    inexpensive
    inexplicable
    inexplicit
    inexpressible
    inextricably
    infallible
    infallibly
    infamous
    infamy
    infancy
    infant
    Infanta
    Infanticide
    INFANTRY
    infants
    infect
    infected
    infecting
    infection
    infectious
    infer
    inference
    Inferior
    inferiority
    infernally
    inferred
    inferring
    infested
    infidelium
    infinite
    infinitely
    infirm
    infirmaries
    inflamed
    inflammable
    inflammation
    inflammatory
    inflexible
    inflict
    inflicted
    inflicting
    Influence
    influenced
    influences
    influential
    influenza
    influx
    inform
    informal
    informally
    informant
    informants
    information
    informed
    informing
    informs
    infraction
    infractions
    infrequency
    infrequently
    infringe
    infringement
    infringing
    infused
    ING
    ingenious
    ingeniously
    ingenuity
    Ingersoll
    ingested
    Ingolf
    ingots
    inhabit
    inhabitant
    inhabitants
    inhabited
    inhabiting
    inhabits
    inhaled
    inharmonious
    inherent
    inherit
    inheritance
    inheritances
    inherited
    inheritor
    inherits
    inhibition
    inhuman
    inhumanity
    iniquities
    iniquitous
    iniquity
    initial
    initiate
    initiated
    initiation
    initiative
    Initiator
    injected
    injecting
    injection
    injudicious
    injunction
    injunctions
    injure
    injured
    injuries
    injuring
    injurious
    injuriously
    injury
    injustice
    Inland
    inlet
    inlets
    Inman
    inmates
    inn
    Inner
    Innes
    innings
    innocence
    innocent
    innocently
    innocuous
    innovation
    innovations
    innumerable
    inoculated
    Inoculation
    inoculations
    inoffensive
    inoperative
    inopportune
    Inouye
    inquire
    inquired
    inquirer
    inquires
    inquiries
    inquiring
    inquiry
    inquisitive
    inroad
    inroads
    insane
    insanity
    insatiable
    insatiate
    inscribe
    inscribed
    inscription
    Inscriptions
    insect
    insecticide
    insects
    insecure
    insecurity
    inseparable
    insert
    inserted
    insertion
    inshore
    inside
    insight
    insignia
    insignificance
    insignificant
    insincere
    insincerity
    insinuation
    insinuations
    insist
    insisted
    insistence
    insistent
    insisting
    insists
    insolence
    insolent
    insolvency
    insolvent
    insolvents
    insomnia
    insomuch
    inspect
    inspected
    inspecting
    INSPECTION
    inspections
    Inspector
    Inspectorate
    inspectors
    inspiration
    inspire
    inspired
    inspiring
    inst
    installation
    installations
    installed
    installment
    installments
    instalment
    instalments
    instance
    instances
    instant
    instantaneous
    instantaneously
    instanter
    instantly
    Instead
    instigated
    instigates
    instigating
    instigation
    instigator
    instigators
    instill
    instinct
    instinctive
    instinctively
    instincts
    Institut
    Institute
    instituted
    institutes
    institution
    institutional
    institutions
    instruct
    instructed
    instructing
    Instruction
    Instructions
    instructive
    instructors
    instrument
    instrumental
    instrumentality
    instruments
    insubordination
    insufficiency
    insufficient
    insufficiently
    insular
    insulating
    insulation
    insult
    insulted
    insulting
    insultingly
    insults
    insuperable
    insurance
    insure
    insured
    insures
    insurgent
    insurgents
    insuring
    Insurrection
    insurrectionary
    insurrections
    insusceptible
    intact
    intake
    integral
    integrity
    intellectual
    Intelligence
    intelligent
    intelligently
    intelligible
    intemperance
    intend
    Intendants
    intended
    intending
    intends
    intense
    intensely
    intensify
    intensity
    intent
    intention
    intentional
    intentionally
    intentioned
    intentions
    intently
    intents
    INTER
    interaction
    interceded
    intercept
    intercepted
    intercepting
    interchange
    interchanged
    Intercolonial
    Intercontinental
    intercourse
    interdict
    interdicted
    interdiction
    Interest
    interested
    interesting
    interestingly
    interests
    interfere
    interfered
    Interference
    interfering
    interim
    interior
    interlopers
    intermarriage
    intermarry
    intermediaries
    intermediary
    intermediate
    intermediation
    interments
    interminable
    intermission
    intermittent
    Intermix
    intermixed
    intern
    internal
    International
    internationalisation
    internationally
    internecine
    interned
    internment
    internments
    Interoceanic
    interparliamentary
    Interpellation
    interpeller
    interposed
    interposition
    interpret
    interpretation
    interpretative
    interpreted
    interpreter
    interpreting
    interprets
    interred
    interregnum
    interrogated
    interrupt
    interrupted
    interrupters
    interrupting
    interruption
    interruptions
    intersected
    intersection
    interspersed
    interstate
    interval
    intervals
    intervene
    intervened
    intervenes
    intervening
    intervention
    interview
    Interviews
    interwoven
    intestine
    intimate
    intimated
    intimately
    intimating
    intimation
    intimations
    intimidate
    intimidated
    intimidation
    intituled
    into
    intolerable
    intolerance
    intoxicants
    intoxicating
    intra
    intractable
    intrench
    intrenched
    intrenching
    intrenchments
    intrepid
    intrepidity
    intrepidly
    intricate
    intrigue
    intriguers
    intrigues
    intrinsic
    introduce
    introduced
    introduces
    introducing
    Introduction
    introductory
    intruders
    intruding
    intrusion
    intrust
    intrusted
    intuition
    intuitions
    intéressants
    inundated
    inundation
    inundations
    invade
    invaded
    invaders
    invading
    Invalid
    invalidate
    invalided
    Invalides
    invalidity
    invalids
    invaluable
    invariable
    invariably
    invasion
    invasions
    inveighing
    invent
    invented
    inventing
    invention
    INVENTIONS
    inventive
    inventor
    inventors
    inventory
    Inverness
    invest
    invested
    investigate
    investigated
    investigating
    INVESTIGATION
    investigations
    investigator
    investigators
    investing
    investment
    investments
    investors
    invests
    inveterately
    inviolability
    inviolable
    inviolably
    inviolate
    invisible
    invitation
    invitations
    invite
    invited
    invites
    inviting
    invocation
    invoice
    invoiced
    invoices
    invoke
    invoked
    invokes
    invoking
    involuntary
    involve
    involved
    involves
    involving
    invulnerability
    invulnerable
    inward
    inwardly
    iota
    Iowa
    irade
    Iraq
    IRELAND
    Irish
    irksome
    Irkutch
    Irkutsk
    Iron
    ironclad
    Irons
    Ironside
    Iroquois
    irrational
    irreconcilable
    irreconcilables
    irregular
    irregularities
    irregularity
    irregularly
    irregulars
    irrelevant
    irremediable
    Irreparable
    irrepressible
    irresistible
    irrespective
    irresponsible
    irrevocable
    irrevocably
    irrigate
    irrigated
    irrigates
    irrigation
    irritable
    irritated
    irritating
    irritation
    irritations
    Irving
    is
    Isaac
    Isabela
    Isham
    Ishpeming
    Isidro
    Iskanderoun
    Isla
    Islam
    island
    islanders
    islands
    Isle
    Ismail
    Ismid
    isolate
    isolated
    isolating
    isolation
    Ispahan
    Isparhecher
    ISRAEL
    Israelite
    Israelites
    Israélite
    issuance
    Issue
    Issued
    issues
    Issuing
    isthmian
    isthmus
    Istria
    it
    ITAGAKI
    Italian
    Italians
    Italy
    item
    items
    Ito
    Its
    itself
    IV
    ivory
    IVth
    ivy
    IX
    J
    Jacinto
    Jack
    jackals
    jacket
    jacketed
    jackets
    jacks
    Jackson
    Jacob
    Jacobinism
    Jacobowski
    Jacobus
    Jacquemyns
    jade
    Jaffa
    jailors
    Jalhay
    Jalisco
    Jallon
    JAMAICA
    jamais
    James
    Jameson
    jams
    Jan
    Janeiro
    Janeway
    JANUARY
    Japan
    Japanese
    jar
    Jardine
    Jarlin
    jarring
    jars
    Jasen
    Javier
    Jay
    je
    jealous
    jealousies
    jealously
    jealousy
    Jean
    Jedburgh
    jeering
    JEFFERSON
    Jeffersonian
    Jehovah
    Jehu
    Jena
    Jenner
    jeopardize
    jeopardized
    jeopards
    jeopardy
    Jerid
    Jerome
    Jersey
    Jerusalem
    Jesse
    Jesuit
    Jesuits
    Jesus
    jet
    jetties
    Jew
    jewel
    jewels
    Jewish
    Jews
    Jiji
    Jiminez
    jingo
    Jingoism
    Joan
    Joannes
    Joaquin
    Job
    jobbers
    jobbery
    jobs
    Joel
    Johann
    Johannes
    JOHANNESBURG
    Johannesburgers
    Johansen
    John
    Johns
    Johnson
    Johnston
    Johnstown
    join
    joined
    Joining
    joins
    joint
    jointly
    joints
    Joinville
    Joliet
    Jolo
    Jomalig
    Jonah
    Jonas
    JONATHAN
    Jones
    Jonkheer
    Joppa
    Joralemon
    Jordan
    Jorge
    Jorgensen
    Jose
    JOSEF
    Joseph
    Josephine
    Joshua
    Josiah
    Joss
    Josshouse
    José
    Joubert
    jour
    Journal
    journalism
    journalist
    journalistic
    journalists
    journals
    journey
    journeyed
    journeying
    journeys
    Joy
    joyful
    joyfully
    joys
    João
    Jr
    Ju
    Juan
    Juanillo
    Juarez
    Juba
    Jubaland
    JUBILEE
    Judah
    Judean
    Judge
    judged
    Judges
    judging
    judgment
    Judgments
    judicature
    judicial
    judicially
    Judiciary
    judicious
    judiciously
    Judson
    Judæa
    Judæan
    jugement
    juger
    Juggernaut
    jugular
    jugée
    Jui
    Juif
    Jules
    Julian
    Julio
    Julius
    JULY
    jumble
    jumped
    jumps
    junction
    JUNE
    Jung
    jungle
    jungles
    Junior
    Junius
    Junker
    Junkerthum
    junks
    junta
    Jura
    jurally
    juridiquc
    juries
    Juris
    jurisdiction
    jurisdictional
    jurisdictions
    jurisprudence
    Jurist
    Jurists
    Juror
    jurors
    Jury
    Just
    justement
    juster
    Justice
    justices
    justifiable
    justification
    justified
    justifies
    justify
    justifying
    Justin
    justly
    Jutland
    Jutlanders
    juvenile
    juxtaposition
    Jêho
    k
    Kabagambe
    Kabarega
    Kabayama
    Kabayma
    Kabul
    Kabyle
    Kabyles
    Kaffir
    Kaffirs
    Kafiristan
    Kafirs
    Kafukwe
    Kagayan
    Kagoshima
    Kahoolawe
    Kahului
    kai
    Kaidalovo
    kaids
    Kaimakam
    Kaiphing
    Kaiping
    Kairwan
    Kaiser
    Kaishin
    Kaishinto
    Kaiulani
    Kakushinto
    Kalabaka
    Kalakaua
    Kalamines
    Kalgoorlie
    Kalindero
    Kalnoky
    Kamchatka
    Kamerun
    KAMERUNS
    Kandahar
    Kanem
    KANG
    Kanitz
    Kann
    Kansas
    Kansu
    Kao
    Kaph
    KAPILAVASTU
    Kapiolani
    Kara
    Karachi
    Karahissar
    Karatheodory
    Karene
    Karina
    Karl
    Karlovich
    KARNAK
    Karnatik
    Karukala
    Kasar
    Kashgar
    Kashmir
    Kasr
    Kassaba
    KASSALA
    Kasson
    Katholische
    Katikiro
    KATIPUNAN
    Kauai
    Kazan
    Kazungu
    KEARSARGE
    Kedleston
    Kedong
    keel
    Keeley
    keen
    Keene
    keener
    keenest
    keenly
    keep
    keeper
    keepers
    Keeping
    keeps
    Keewatin
    Keifer
    Kekewich
    Kelat
    Kellogg
    Kelly
    Kelvin
    Kempff
    Kengi
    Kensei
    Kent
    Kentucky
    Kepler
    kept
    Keramia
    Kerens
    kerosene
    Kestner
    Ketteler
    kew
    key
    keys
    Keystone
    KHAIBAR
    Khalid
    Khalifa
    khalifas
    Khan
    khans
    Khaorbin
    Kharran
    Khartoum
    Khartum
    Khedival
    Khedive
    Khedivial
    Khel
    Khiva
    Khodynskoye
    Khotan
    Khufu
    Khulan
    Khyber
    Ki
    KIANG
    Kiango
    Kiangsi
    Kiangsu
    KIAO
    Kiaochau
    Kiaochou
    Kiaochow
    Kibero
    kicking
    kidnapped
    kidnapping
    kidney
    kidneys
    Kieff
    Kiel
    Kien
    Kienning
    Kiffi
    Kiggins
    Kikuyu
    kill
    killed
    KILLING
    Killowen
    kilograms
    kilometers
    kilometre
    kilometres
    kilomètres
    Kimberley
    kin
    kind
    kindle
    kindled
    kindlier
    kindliest
    kindly
    kindness
    kindred
    kinds
    king
    kingcraft
    kingdom
    Kingdoms
    kingly
    kings
    Kingsbridge
    kingship
    Kingsley
    Kingston
    Kingstown
    kinsfolk
    kinsmen
    Kioja
    Kipini
    Kirin
    Kirksville
    Kirtomado
    Kis
    Kishm
    Kismayu
    kiss
    Kissamo
    Kitasato
    kitchen
    Kitchener
    Kittleson
    Kitts
    Kiukiang
    Klaheela
    Klehini
    KLONDIKE
    Klondyke
    Klukwan
    knee
    knees
    knell
    knew
    Knife
    Knight
    knighthood
    Knipovich
    knit
    knives
    knocked
    knoll
    Knossos
    knot
    knots
    Know
    Knowing
    knowingly
    knowledge
    Knowlton
    known
    knows
    Knox
    ko
    Kobbé
    Kobe
    Kock
    Kohat
    Kohlen
    Kohlensyndikat
    Koinadugu
    Kokang
    Koku
    Koldewey
    Kollar
    Koloman
    Kolonial
    Kolthoff
    Komati
    Komura
    KONG
    Kongo
    Koniah
    Konieh
    Konrad
    Konversations
    Koordish
    Koords
    Kooznesk
    KOP
    kopjes
    Koptos
    Kordofan
    KOREA
    Korean
    Koreans
    Korsakovsky
    Kossuth
    Kotlass
    Kotze
    Kotzebue
    Kou
    Koutzo
    Kow
    Kowlon
    Kowloon
    Kozar
    kraal
    Krag
    Kristensen
    Kroonstad
    Kropotkin
    KRUGER
    Krugerism
    Krugerite
    Krugersdorp
    Krupp
    Ku
    Kuan
    KUANG
    Kuka
    Kumasai
    Kumassi
    Kumassis
    KUN
    Kung
    Kuping
    Kurabu
    Kuram
    Kurbash
    Kurds
    Kurigalzu
    Kurihama
    Kurile
    Kurla
    Kuropatkin
    KURRAM
    Kuruman
    Kurun
    Kush
    Kusumoto
    kwa
    kwan
    Kwang
    KWANGCHOW
    Kwangsi
    Kwangtung
    Kwanti
    Kwanto
    Kwei
    Kweichow
    kweitze
    Kwungtung
    Kwyhoo
    Kydonia
    Kyle
    Kyushu
    Kálman
    Kämpfe
    Königreiche
    Königsberg
    Köppen
    Körber
    l
    La
    laagers
    LABOR
    laboratories
    Laboratory
    labored
    laborer
    Laborers
    Labori
    laboring
    laborious
    laboriously
    labors
    Labouchere
    Laboulaye
    Labour
    laboured
    labourers
    labouring
    labours
    LABRADOR
    labrys
    LABYRINTH
    lace
    laces
    lack
    lacked
    lacking
    Lacour
    ladders
    laden
    ladies
    Lado
    LADRONE
    ladrones
    Lady
    LADYSMITH
    Lafargue
    Lagarde
    Lagas
    Lagofsky
    LAGOS
    Laguan
    Laguna
    Lahovari
    Lai
    laid
    Laing
    laissez
    laity
    Lajas
    lake
    Lakes
    lakh
    lakhs
    Lakkiotes
    Lakkos
    Lalor
    Lama
    Lamb
    Lambermont
    lamentable
    lamentations
    lamented
    lamenting
    laments
    Lamia
    Lammasch
    lamp
    lamps
    Lampson
    Lamsdorff
    Lamu
    Lan
    Lanai
    Lancashire
    Lancaster
    lance
    Lancet
    LAND
    Landdrost
    Landdrosts
    landed
    landholders
    landholding
    landing
    landlord
    landlordism
    landlords
    landmark
    landmarks
    landowner
    landowners
    Landrost
    Landrosts
    Lands
    landscape
    Landsthing
    Landtag
    landwards
    Lane
    lanes
    Lang
    Langfang
    Langford
    Langson
    language
    languages
    Lankester
    Lansdowne
    Lanyon
    Laotze
    lapis
    Lappa
    lapse
    lapsed
    larceny
    Laredo
    large
    largely
    larger
    largest
    Larissa
    LARNED
    Laroche
    Larsen
    larvæ
    Las
    lashed
    last
    lasted
    lasting
    lastly
    lasts
    Latané
    late
    lately
    latent
    later
    lateral
    laterally
    Lateran
    latest
    Lathrop
    Latin
    latitude
    latitudinal
    latter
    latterly
    Lattimer
    laudable
    Lauenburg
    laughed
    laughing
    Laughlin
    launch
    launched
    launches
    launching
    laundry
    Laupepa
    Laura
    Laureate
    laurel
    laurels
    Laurence
    LAURIER
    Lauth
    lava
    Laval
    Laveran
    lavish
    lavished
    Lavoro
    law
    lawbreakers
    lawful
    lawfully
    lawgivers
    Lawless
    lawlessness
    lawmaking
    Lawrence
    laws
    Lawson
    lawsuit
    lawsuits
    LAWTON
    lawyer
    Lawyers
    laxity
    lay
    Layard
    layer
    layers
    laying
    layman
    lays
    Lazaro
    Lazear
    Lazes
    lazuli
    lazy
    lb
    le
    lead
    leader
    leaders
    leadership
    leading
    leadingstrings
    leads
    leaf
    leafy
    LEAGUE
    leagued
    leagues
    leaked
    Lean
    Leander
    leaned
    leaning
    leanings
    Leao
    leap
    leaped
    leaps
    learn
    learned
    Learning
    learns
    learnt
    lease
    leased
    leasehold
    leases
    leash
    leasing
    Least
    leathern
    leave
    leavened
    leaves
    leaving
    Lebanon
    Lebel
    Leblois
    Lebrun
    Lebœuf
    LECHER
    lecherous
    lecture
    lectured
    lecturers
    Lectures
    lecturing
    Led
    ledges
    Lee
    Leech
    Leeds
    Lees
    Leeward
    left
    leg
    legacy
    legal
    legality
    legalized
    legally
    Legaria
    Legaspi
    legation
    legations
    legend
    legendary
    legends
    Legge
    legion
    legions
    legislate
    legislated
    legislating
    LEGISLATION
    Legislative
    legislators
    Legislature
    Legislatures
    Legitimate
    legitimately
    legs
    Lehigh
    Lei
    LEICHAU
    Leighton
    Leipsic
    Leipzig
    leisure
    leisurely
    Leite
    Leland
    Lemercier
    Lena
    Lenard
    lend
    lenders
    lending
    length
    lengthened
    lengthening
    lengths
    lengthy
    leniency
    lenient
    leniently
    Lenox
    lens
    lent
    Lentilhon
    Leo
    Leon
    Leonard
    LEONE
    Leonora
    Leopold
    leper
    Lerner
    Leroy
    les
    Leslie
    less
    lessees
    lessen
    lessened
    lessening
    Lesseps
    Lesser
    lesson
    lessons
    lessor
    lest
    let
    lethargy
    Letran
    Letter
    letters
    Letting
    Leucocytes
    Levant
    level
    leveled
    levelled
    levelling
    lever
    Levering
    Levi
    leviable
    levied
    levies
    Levis
    levy
    levying
    Lewis
    Lewiston
    LEX
    Lexicon
    Lexow
    Leyba
    Leyden
    Leyds
    Leydsdorp
    Leyte
    Lezo
    li
    liabilities
    Liability
    Liable
    Liang
    Liao
    Liaotung
    libel
    libellous
    libels
    liberal
    liberalism
    liberality
    liberalized
    liberalizing
    liberally
    Liberals
    liberated
    liberating
    liberation
    liberators
    Liberia
    liberties
    liberty
    libidinous
    Libog
    Librarian
    librarians
    libraries
    Library
    LIBRE
    Libyan
    Libyans
    libérateur
    libéré
    licence
    Licences
    licencia
    license
    licensed
    licensee
    licenses
    licensing
    licentious
    lichens
    licked
    lid
    Liddell
    lie
    Liebig
    Liebknecht
    Liechtenstein
    Liefsting
    Liege
    lien
    liens
    lies
    lieu
    lieutenancy
    Lieutenant
    lieutenants
    life
    lifeless
    lifelong
    lifetime
    lift
    lifted
    lifter
    light
    lighted
    lightened
    lightening
    lightens
    lighter
    lighters
    lightest
    Lighthouse
    lighthouses
    Lighting
    lightly
    lightning
    lights
    lightships
    LII
    LIII
    Like
    liked
    likelihood
    likely
    liken
    likened
    likeness
    likes
    Likewise
    likin
    liking
    Likipia
    lil
    Liliuokalani
    Lille
    Lima
    Limantour
    limb
    Limbancauyan
    Limbourg
    limbs
    lime
    limes
    limit
    limitation
    limitations
    limited
    limiting
    limits
    limply
    Limpopo
    Lin
    Linapacan
    Linares
    LINCOLN
    Linde
    Lindsay
    line
    lineage
    lineal
    linear
    lined
    linen
    Linens
    LINES
    Lingay
    Lingayen
    lingering
    Lingey
    Linivitch
    link
    linked
    links
    linotype
    Linton
    lion
    Lionel
    lioness
    lionised
    lions
    lip
    Lippett
    Lippincott
    lips
    Liquefaction
    liquefy
    liquefying
    liquid
    liquidated
    liquidating
    liquidator
    liquids
    liquor
    liquors
    Lisbon
    Liscum
    lisière
    list
    listen
    listened
    listening
    lists
    lit
    literacy
    literal
    literally
    Literary
    literati
    Literature
    litigants
    litigation
    Littell
    litters
    LITTLE
    Littmann
    littoral
    LIU
    LIV
    live
    lived
    liveliest
    livelihood
    lively
    liver
    Liverpool
    lives
    livestock
    Living
    Livingstone
    LIX
    LL
    Lloyd
    lo
    Loa
    load
    loaded
    Loading
    loads
    loafers
    Loan
    loanable
    Loanda
    Loango
    loans
    loath
    loathed
    loathful
    loathsome
    loaves
    Lobanof
    lobster
    lobsters
    local
    localities
    locality
    locally
    locate
    located
    location
    locations
    Loch
    Lock
    locked
    Locker
    Lockhart
    lockout
    LOCKOUTS
    Lockroy
    locks
    locksmiths
    Lockyer
    loco
    LOCOMOTION
    locomotive
    locomotives
    locus
    lodge
    lodged
    lodgers
    lodging
    lodgings
    lodgment
    Loengi
    loftiest
    lofty
    LOG
    Logan
    Logia
    logical
    logically
    logomachy
    Lohman
    loins
    Lokal
    Lokko
    Lokoja
    Lombardy
    Lombok
    LONDON
    Londoner
    lone
    lonely
    Long
    longed
    longer
    longest
    longevity
    LONGFELLOW
    longing
    Longitude
    Longmans
    longs
    Longstaff
    look
    looked
    lookers
    Looking
    looks
    loom
    looming
    loop
    loopholed
    loopholes
    loopholing
    loose
    loosened
    looser
    loot
    looted
    looters
    LOOTING
    Lopez
    Lorain
    Lord
    lords
    lordship
    lordships
    Lorenzo
    Loret
    Loreto
    Lorimer
    Lorraine
    los
    lose
    loser
    loses
    losing
    Loss
    losses
    lost
    lot
    Lothaire
    lots
    lotteries
    lottery
    lotus
    LOUBET
    loud
    loudly
    LOUIS
    Louisa
    Louise
    Louisiana
    Louisville
    lounging
    Lourenço
    lovableness
    love
    loved
    lover
    lovers
    loves
    loving
    lovingly
    low
    Lowe
    Lowell
    lower
    lowered
    lowering
    lowest
    lowland
    Lowry
    loyal
    loyalists
    loyally
    loyalty
    lu
    Luan
    Luang
    Luangwa
    Lubang
    Lubas
    Lubbock
    Luccheni
    Lucia
    lucid
    lucidity
    Lucien
    Lucifer
    luckless
    lucky
    lucrative
    Lucretia
    Ludgate
    ludicrous
    Ludlow
    Ludwig
    Lueders
    Lueger
    Lugal
    Luh
    lui
    Luigi
    Luis
    Luke
    Lukoja
    Lukou
    Lukouchiao
    Lukács
    lull
    lulled
    lumber
    Lumbini
    luminary
    luminescence
    luminescent
    luminosity
    luminous
    lumière
    Lummis
    lump
    Luna
    lunatic
    Lunatics
    luncheon
    Lung
    Lungchow
    lungs
    Lupao
    lurk
    Lusan
    Lushington
    Lushunk
    lust
    lustful
    Lutai
    Luther
    Lutin
    Lutz
    Lutzow
    LUXEMBOURG
    Luxemburg
    Luxor
    luxuriant
    luxuries
    luxury
    Luzon
    LV
    LVI
    LVII
    LVIII
    LX
    LXI
    lxxviii
    Lycée
    lying
    Lyman
    LYNCH
    lynching
    lynchings
    Lynde
    Lyne
    Lynn
    Lyon
    lyric
    LÈSE
    LÜBECK
    Länder
    Lèse
    légale
    Léon
    Lü
    Lübeck
    m
    Ma
    Mabini
    Macabebe
    Macabebes
    macadamized
    Macao
    Macarius
    macaroni
    MacArthur
    MACCHI
    MacCormac
    MacCracken
    MacDonald
    Macedo
    MACEDONIA
    Macedonian
    Macedonians
    MACEO
    maces
    MACHADADORP
    Machadodorp
    machete
    Machia
    machinations
    machine
    machinery
    machines
    machinâ
    Mackay
    Mackenzie
    Macmillan
    Macoun
    Macris
    macrogametocytes
    Mactan
    mad
    MADAGASCAR
    Madame
    Madder
    made
    Madeleine
    Madison
    madly
    madness
    Madras
    Madrid
    Madu
    Maeder
    Mafeking
    Mafia
    Magalang
    Magalhaes
    Magaliesburg
    magazine
    magazines
    Magellan
    Maghallanes
    magic
    magical
    magistrate
    Magistrates
    Magnalia
    magnanimity
    magnanimous
    magnate
    Magnates
    magnesium
    magnet
    magnetic
    magnetism
    magnificence
    magnificent
    magnified
    magnify
    Magnifying
    magnitude
    Maguire
    Magungu
    Magyar
    Magyars
    Mahan
    Maharaja
    MAHDI
    Mahdism
    Mahdists
    Mahmoud
    Mahmud
    Mahomed
    Mahomedan
    Mahometan
    Mahometans
    Mahommedan
    Mahommedanism
    Mahon
    Mahukona
    Mai
    Maibung
    mail
    mailed
    mails
    maimed
    main
    Maine
    Mainland
    Mainly
    mains
    maintain
    maintainable
    maintained
    maintainers
    maintaining
    Maintenance
    Mainz
    maison
    Maizar
    maize
    Majesfontein
    majestic
    Majesty
    MAJESTÉ
    majesté
    Major
    majorities
    majority
    majors
    Majuba
    Makaroff
    make
    makee
    maker
    makers
    makes
    makeshift
    maketh
    Makh
    making
    Malaboch
    Malabon
    Malacca
    Malaga
    MALAGASY
    Malakand
    Malalos
    malaria
    malarial
    Malate
    Malatia
    Malay
    MALAYAN
    Malays
    Malcolm
    malcontent
    Malcontento
    malcontents
    male
    malefactors
    malefic
    males
    Malet
    malevolent
    Malhou
    malicious
    Malietoa
    malignant
    maligned
    malignity
    mall
    Mallet
    Malolos
    Maloney
    malt
    Maltese
    Malthus
    maltreat
    maltreated
    maltreatment
    mamelukes
    mammals
    Mamprusi
    man
    manacles
    manage
    managed
    management
    Manager
    managers
    managing
    Managua
    Manchester
    Manchu
    MANCHURIA
    Manchurian
    Manchus
    Manda
    Mandaloyan
    Mandamus
    Mandano
    Mandarin
    Mandarindom
    mandate
    mandates
    mandatory
    Mandell
    Mandian
    MANETHO
    mangled
    mangrove
    MANHATTAN
    manhood
    mania
    manifest
    manifestation
    manifestations
    manifested
    manifesting
    manifestly
    manifesto
    manifestos
    manifold
    Manila
    manipulation
    Manishtusu
    Manitoba
    mankind
    manly
    Mann
    Mannaberg
    manned
    manner
    mannered
    manners
    Manoquin
    manor
    manors
    Mansion
    Manson
    Manteuffel
    Manu
    Manua
    Manual
    Manuel
    manufactories
    Manufacture
    manufactured
    manufacturer
    manufacturers
    manufactures
    manufacturing
    manumission
    manuscript
    manuscripts
    many
    Manzanillo
    manœuvre
    manœuvres
    Maoris
    Map
    mapped
    mapping
    maps
    Maputa
    mar
    Marash
    Marathon
    marauders
    marauding
    marble
    Marblehead
    Marburg
    Marcel
    Marcelino
    Marcelo
    march
    MARCHAND
    marched
    marches
    Marchiafava
    marching
    Marconi
    Marcou
    Marcus
    Marduk
    Margaret
    margin
    Maria
    Mariana
    Marianaje
    Marianas
    Marianne
    Marimba
    Marinas
    Marindugna
    marine
    Mariner
    Marines
    Marini
    Marion
    Mariotti
    Maripipi
    Mariquina
    maritime
    mark
    Marked
    market
    markets
    marking
    markings
    marks
    marksman
    marksmen
    Maronite
    Marques
    Marquess
    Marquez
    Marquis
    marriage
    marriages
    married
    marrow
    marry
    Marryat
    Mars
    Marseilles
    marsh
    Marshal
    marshaled
    Marshall
    Marshalmen
    marshals
    marshes
    marshy
    Marsovan
    Martens
    Marti
    martial
    martialed
    Martin
    Martineau
    Martinelli
    Martinez
    Martini
    Martinique
    Martinis
    Martitz
    marts
    martyred
    martyrology
    martyrs
    marvellous
    marvellously
    marvelous
    Mary
    MARYLAND
    Masai
    Masbate
    Mascart
    Maschin
    MASELLA
    MASHONALAND
    Mashonas
    mask
    Masoch
    Mason
    masonry
    Maspero
    MASS
    Massachusetts
    massacre
    massacred
    massacres
    massacring
    masse
    massed
    Masses
    massing
    massive
    Masso
    Massowah
    mast
    master
    mastered
    masterpieces
    masters
    mastery
    masts
    Mastuj
    mat
    Mataafa
    Matabele
    Matabeleland
    Matabeles
    Matadi
    Matamoras
    Matanzas
    match
    matched
    matches
    Matchett
    matchless
    Mateo
    material
    materially
    materials
    materiel
    maternity
    mathematical
    mathematically
    mathematician
    Mathematics
    Mather
    Matheson
    Mathew
    Mathias
    Mathilde
    Mati
    Matias
    Matignon
    Matin
    Matoppo
    Matou
    matrimonial
    mats
    Matsuda
    Matsugata
    Matsukata
    matter
    Matters
    MATTHEW
    Matthews
    Matthieu
    mattresses
    mature
    matured
    maturing
    maturity
    Matzen
    Mau
    Maud
    Maui
    Mauri
    Maurice
    Maurier
    Mauritius
    Mauser
    mausoleum
    Mavromichali
    Max
    Maxim
    Maximilian
    Maximo
    Maximoff
    Maxims
    Maximum
    Maxwell
    may
    Mayaguez
    maybe
    Mayen
    Mayer
    Mayflower
    Mayon
    Mayor
    mayoral
    mayoralty
    Mayors
    maze
    MAZET
    Mazrui
    Mazzella
    Maître
    McArthur
    McCallum
    McClellan
    McClelland
    McClernand
    McClure
    McCulloch
    McCutcheon
    McD
    McDonald
    McDougall
    McEnery
    McGrath
    McIlwraith
    McIntyre
    McKee
    McKeesport
    McKelway
    McKenna
    McKenzie
    McKinley
    McLaurin
    McMurdo
    me
    mea
    Mead
    meager
    meagerly
    meagre
    meal
    meals
    mean
    meaner
    meaning
    meanings
    meanness
    means
    meant
    meantime
    meanwhile
    measles
    measurably
    measure
    measured
    measurement
    measures
    measuring
    Meat
    meats
    Mecca
    mechanic
    MECHANICAL
    MECHANICS
    Mechanicsburg
    mechanism
    Mecklenburg
    medal
    medals
    meddling
    media
    median
    mediate
    mediating
    mediation
    mediator
    mediators
    Medical
    medicinal
    medicine
    medicines
    medieval
    Medina
    mediocre
    meditated
    meditation
    Mediterranean
    medium
    mediæval
    mediævalism
    medley
    meek
    meet
    meeting
    meetings
    meets
    megalithic
    Mehtar
    Meiji
    Meiklong
    Meinam
    Meishan
    Mekka
    Mekong
    Mekran
    melancholy
    Melbourne
    Melchite
    Meline
    mell
    Mellen
    mellow
    melodramatically
    Melouna
    melt
    melting
    meltings
    Melvil
    Melville
    member
    members
    membership
    membrane
    memoir
    memoirs
    memorable
    memoranda
    memorandum
    memorial
    memorialised
    memorialist
    memorialists
    memorialize
    memorialized
    memorializing
    Memorials
    memories
    Memory
    Memphis
    men
    MENA
    menace
    menaced
    menaces
    menacing
    Menam
    Mencius
    mend
    mendacity
    mendicant
    mending
    MENELEK
    Menes
    Mengtz
    meningitis
    mensuration
    mental
    mentall
    mentally
    mention
    mentioned
    mentioning
    mentions
    mentis
    Merawi
    Mercado
    Mercantile
    Mercedes
    mercenaries
    merchandise
    merchandize
    merchant
    merchantmen
    merchants
    Mercier
    mercies
    merciful
    mercifully
    merciless
    mercilessly
    mercury
    Mercy
    mere
    merely
    MERENPTAH
    meres
    merest
    merge
    merged
    Mergen
    Mergenthaler
    merging
    meridian
    meridional
    merit
    merited
    merits
    Merodach
    Meron
    Merriam
    Merrill
    MERRIMAC
    Merritt
    Merry
    Mersine
    mes
    Mesa
    Mesaba
    Meshed
    Mesopotamia
    message
    messages
    messenger
    messengers
    Messieurs
    messing
    Messrs
    mestizo
    met
    metal
    metallic
    Metalliferous
    metallism
    metallurgical
    metallurgists
    metals
    Metcalfe
    mete
    meteoric
    meteorite
    meteorites
    Meteoritic
    meteorological
    Meteorology
    Meteors
    meters
    Metford
    Metfords
    methane
    method
    methodical
    Methodist
    methods
    Methuen
    metre
    metres
    metric
    metropolis
    Metropolitan
    mewed
    MEXICAN
    Mexico
    Meyer
    Mgr
    miasms
    mice
    Michael
    MICHIGAN
    Michoacan
    micro
    microbe
    microbes
    Microcassettes
    microgametes
    microscope
    microscopic
    microzoa
    Mid
    midday
    Middelburg
    Middle
    middlemen
    Midi
    Midland
    Midlothian
    midnight
    midshipman
    midst
    midway
    midwinter
    Mieh
    Mier
    Mifflin
    might
    mightier
    mightiest
    Mighty
    Miguel
    Mihaileano
    Mihaly
    Mikado
    Milan
    Milanese
    Milburn
    mild
    milder
    mile
    mileage
    Miles
    Miley
    militaire
    militarism
    MILITARY
    militated
    militia
    milk
    MILL
    Millard
    Millennial
    MILLENNIUM
    millenniums
    Miller
    Millerand
    millet
    milliard
    million
    millionaire
    millionaires
    millions
    mills
    Milner
    Milouna
    Milton
    Milvart
    Milwaukee
    mimicking
    Min
    mind
    MINDANAO
    minded
    mindedness
    mindful
    Mindoro
    minds
    mine
    mined
    miner
    mineral
    Mineralogy
    minerals
    miners
    Mines
    Ming
    mingled
    Mingo
    miniature
    minimise
    minimum
    mining
    minister
    Ministerial
    ministers
    Ministries
    Ministry
    Ministère
    Minneapolis
    Minnesota
    minor
    minorities
    minority
    minors
    MINOS
    Minotaur
    mint
    mintage
    mints
    Minute
    minuteness
    minutes
    minutest
    minutiæ
    Miquel
    Miquelon
    miracle
    miracles
    miraculously
    mirage
    Mirko
    Miro
    Mirri
    Mirs
    Mirza
    misadventure
    misapprehension
    misbehaviour
    miscalculated
    MISCELLANEOUS
    mischief
    mischievous
    misconception
    misconduct
    misconstruction
    misdeed
    misdeeds
    misdemeanor
    misdemeanors
    misdoing
    miserable
    miserably
    miseries
    misery
    misfortune
    misfortunes
    misgiving
    misgivings
    misgovernment
    misguided
    mishap
    mishaps
    misinform
    misinformed
    misinterpretation
    mislead
    misleading
    misled
    mismanaged
    mismanagement
    misnamed
    misnomer
    misrepresent
    misrule
    misruled
    Miss
    missed
    missing
    mission
    Missionaries
    missionary
    missioners
    MISSIONS
    Mississippi
    Missouri
    mist
    mistake
    mistaken
    mistakes
    mistrust
    misunderstand
    misunderstanding
    misunderstandings
    misunderstood
    misuse
    misused
    Mitchel
    Mitchell
    mitigate
    mitigated
    Mitry
    mix
    mixed
    mixing
    mixture
    MM
    Mme
    moat
    moats
    mob
    Mobile
    mobilisation
    mobility
    mobilization
    mobilize
    mobilized
    mobilizing
    mobs
    Mochamera
    mock
    mockery
    Modder
    mode
    model
    modeled
    models
    moderate
    moderately
    Moderates
    moderating
    moderation
    Modern
    modernised
    modernizing
    modes
    modest
    modestly
    modification
    modifications
    Modified
    modify
    modifying
    modus
    Moeris
    Mohamed
    Mohammed
    Mohammedan
    Mohammedans
    Mohmand
    moieties
    moiled
    Moines
    Moisson
    molasses
    Moldavia
    molded
    mole
    Molecular
    molecules
    molest
    molestation
    molested
    molesting
    Molinos
    Molokai
    Molucca
    Moluccas
    Mombasa
    moment
    momentarily
    Momentary
    momentous
    moments
    Mommsen
    Mona
    Monaco
    Monaghan
    Monarch
    monarchical
    Monarchists
    monarchs
    monarchy
    monasteries
    monastery
    monastic
    Moncada
    Monday
    Monet
    MONETARY
    MONEY
    moneys
    Mongol
    Mongolia
    Mongolian
    Mongols
    monied
    Monier
    monitors
    monk
    monks
    Monmouth
    monographs
    monometallic
    monometallism
    MONOPOLIES
    monopolise
    monopolistic
    monopolize
    monopolized
    MONOPOLY
    monotonous
    Monroe
    Monseigneur
    monsieur
    Monsignor
    monsoon
    monster
    monsters
    monstrosity
    monstrous
    Mont
    Montalban
    Montana
    Montauk
    Monte
    Montefiore
    Montenegrin
    Montenegrins
    MONTENEGRO
    Monterey
    Montero
    Montevideo
    Montgomery
    month
    monthly
    months
    Montjuich
    Montluçon
    Montreal
    Montreux
    Montserrat
    Montsioa
    Montt
    monument
    monumental
    monuments
    Monza
    moods
    Moody
    Mooi
    Moon
    Moore
    moored
    moorings
    mooted
    Moral
    Morales
    morality
    morally
    Morals
    Moravia
    Morazan
    More
    Moreau
    Morelos
    Moreover
    Morgan
    Moritz
    Morley
    Mormon
    morning
    Moro
    Morocco
    Morong
    MOROS
    Morozugu
    Morrill
    Morris
    Morrison
    Morro
    morrow
    MORSE
    mortal
    mortality
    mortally
    mortars
    mortgage
    mortgaged
    mortgages
    mortification
    mortifying
    Mortimer
    Mortimore
    mortised
    mortmain
    Morton
    mosaic
    Moscow
    Moses
    Moslem
    MOSLEMS
    Mosque
    mosques
    Mosquito
    mosquitoes
    Moss
    Mossamedes
    mosses
    most
    mostly
    mot
    Motcha
    mote
    Mother
    motherland
    mothers
    motion
    motionless
    motions
    motive
    motives
    motley
    Motono
    motor
    motors
    motto
    mottoes
    Mouillin
    Moukden
    mouldering
    moulding
    mouldy
    mound
    mounds
    Mount
    Mountain
    mountainous
    Mountains
    Mounted
    mounting
    Mouravieff
    mourned
    mourning
    mourns
    Moush
    mouth
    mouths
    movable
    move
    moveable
    Moved
    movement
    Movements
    moves
    moving
    Mowbray
    Mozambique
    Mpanjakany
    Mr
    Mrs
    Msiri
    MSS
    Mu
    Mubarak
    much
    mud
    muddy
    Mudirieh
    Mudirs
    Muertos
    Muhammadan
    Muhammadans
    Muhlenberg
    Mujelibeh
    MUKDEN
    Mul
    mulatto
    mulattoes
    mulberry
    mule
    mules
    Mulhall
    Mulk
    mullah
    multiplication
    multiplicity
    multiplied
    multiply
    multiplying
    multitude
    multitudes
    multitudinous
    Mundella
    Muneris
    Munich
    MUNICIPAL
    municipalities
    Municipality
    municipio
    municipios
    munificence
    munificently
    munitions
    Munkacsy
    Munroe
    Muong
    mural
    Muravieff
    MURDER
    murdered
    murderer
    murderers
    murdering
    murderous
    murders
    Murdoch
    murmur
    Murphy
    Murray
    Mururuma
    muscle
    muscles
    Muscogee
    Muscovite
    muscular
    museum
    museums
    MUSIC
    MUSICAL
    musician
    musicians
    musketry
    Mussulman
    Mussulmans
    must
    mustache
    mustard
    muster
    mustered
    musters
    musty
    mutes
    mutilate
    mutilated
    mutilation
    mutineers
    mutinied
    mutinous
    Mutiny
    Mutsu
    mutterings
    mutton
    Mutual
    mutually
    Muzaffar
    Muzzle
    muzzled
    muzzles
    Mwanga
    Mwasi
    My
    Mycenae
    Mycenaean
    Myer
    Myers
    Mykenae
    Mykenai
    Mykenæan
    myriads
    Myself
    mysterious
    mystery
    mystic
    mystical
    mythical
    mythologic
    Mzerib
    Méline
    mên
    Möllner
    Müller
    N
    NA
    Nabonidos
    Nagada
    Nagasaki
    nagging
    Nagodan
    Nahua
    Naic
    Naikaku
    nailed
    nails
    naked
    Nam
    Namacpacan
    Namaqueland
    name
    named
    nameless
    namely
    Names
    naming
    Namwan
    Nan
    Nancy
    Nanking
    Nanning
    NANSEN
    Nanshan
    Nantes
    Naples
    Napoleon
    Napoleonic
    Narahara
    Naram
    Narbolpolassar
    Narbonne
    Nares
    narrate
    narrated
    narrating
    narrative
    narrow
    narrowed
    narrower
    narrowest
    narrowing
    narrowly
    Narâm
    nascent
    NASHVILLE
    nata
    Natal
    Natalie
    NATHANIEL
    Nathorst
    nation
    National
    Nationalism
    Nationalist
    NATIONALISTS
    nationalities
    nationality
    nationals
    nations
    Native
    natives
    Nativity
    natural
    naturalisation
    naturalise
    naturalised
    naturalist
    naturalistically
    naturalists
    Naturalization
    naturalized
    Naturally
    nature
    natured
    natures
    naught
    nauseating
    nautical
    naval
    Navarin
    navies
    navigable
    navigate
    navigated
    navigating
    Navigation
    navvies
    navy
    nay
    nays
    Nazarene
    naïvely
    nd
    ne
    Neal
    Neapolitan
    near
    nearer
    nearest
    nearing
    Nearly
    nearness
    neat
    Nebo
    Nebraska
    Nebuchadnezzar
    Nebuchadrezzar
    necessaries
    necessarily
    necessary
    necessitate
    necessitated
    necessities
    necessitous
    necessity
    neck
    necked
    necks
    necropoli
    need
    needed
    needful
    needing
    needle
    needles
    needless
    needlessly
    needs
    needy
    NEELY
    nefas
    negative
    negatived
    negatives
    negge
    neglect
    neglected
    neglecting
    negligence
    negligently
    negotiate
    negotiated
    negotiating
    Negotiation
    Negotiations
    negotiators
    Negras
    Negrito
    Negritos
    negro
    negroes
    Negros
    Negus
    neighbor
    neighborhood
    neighborhoods
    neighboring
    neighbors
    neighbourhood
    neighbouring
    neighbours
    Neil
    Neither
    NEK
    Nelson
    Nelspruit
    Nemi
    Nemitti
    neo
    Nepal
    Nepalese
    nephew
    nerve
    nerved
    nerves
    nervous
    nest
    nests
    net
    Netherland
    Netherlands
    Nethterland
    Netted
    Netten
    Netter
    network
    Netzahualcoyotl
    Netze
    Neue
    Neues
    neuralgia
    neurologist
    neurons
    Neutral
    neutrality
    neutralization
    neutralize
    neutralized
    neutralizing
    neutrals
    Nevada
    Never
    Nevertheless
    Nevis
    new
    Newark
    Newcastle
    Newchwang
    newcomer
    newcomers
    Newel
    newer
    newest
    Newfoundland
    Newfoundlanders
    newly
    Newman
    Newnes
    Newport
    news
    newspaper
    newspapers
    Newton
    Newtonian
    Newtown
    next
    Nezeros
    ngan
    Niagara
    Nicaragua
    Nicaraguan
    Nicea
    NICHOLAS
    NICHOLS
    Nicholson
    nickel
    Nicol
    Nicolas
    Nicolau
    Nicoya
    Nieh
    Nien
    Nietzsche
    NIFFER
    Nigel
    Niger
    Nigeria
    nigh
    night
    nights
    Nigra
    Niihau
    Nikola
    Nikolaefsk
    Nikolai
    Nikolaieff
    Nikolas
    Nil
    Nile
    Niles
    Nima
    Nimrod
    Nimrûd
    Nin
    Nine
    ninepence
    nineteen
    nineteenth
    Ninety
    Nineveh
    Ninfa
    ning
    Ningpo
    Ninguta
    Ninib
    ninth
    Ninthly
    nipped
    NIPPUR
    nitrates
    nitro
    nitrogen
    nitrous
    Niu
    Niuchuang
    NIUCHWANG
    Nizam
    no
    Nobel
    nobility
    Noble
    nobleman
    noblemen
    nobles
    noblest
    nobly
    nobodies
    nobody
    Nochistongo
    noes
    Nogales
    noise
    noisemaker
    noises
    noisily
    Noisy
    nomad
    nomadic
    nomads
    NOME
    nomenclature
    nominal
    nominally
    nominate
    nominated
    nominating
    nomination
    Nominations
    nominee
    nominees
    Non
    nonacceptance
    noncommissioned
    Nonconformists
    noncumulative
    None
    nonentities
    nonfulfillment
    nonpayment
    nonreceipt
    nonrecognition
    nonrecurring
    nonreservation
    nonresident
    nonsense
    noon
    noose
    nor
    Nordenfeldt
    Nordenfelt
    Nordenskïold
    NORFOLK
    normal
    normally
    Norman
    Norris
    Norrland
    Norroy
    Norte
    north
    Northeast
    northeasterly
    northeastern
    northeastwardly
    northerly
    northern
    Northumberlands
    Northward
    northwardly
    northwards
    NORTHWEST
    Northwestern
    northwestwardly
    Norton
    NORWAY
    Norwegian
    Norwegians
    nose
    noses
    Not
    notabilitles
    NOTABLE
    notables
    notably
    Notarbartolo
    notarial
    notary
    Note
    noted
    Notekeeper
    Notes
    noteworthy
    nothing
    nothingness
    Notice
    noticeable
    noticed
    notices
    noticing
    Notification
    notified
    notify
    notifying
    noting
    notion
    notions
    notoriety
    notorious
    notoriously
    notulenhouder
    Notwithstanding
    nourish
    nourishing
    nourishment
    Nous
    Nouvelle
    nouvelles
    Nova
    Novarum
    novel
    Noveleta
    novelist
    novels
    novelty
    NOVEMBER
    now
    Nowadays
    nowhere
    nowise
    noxious
    Noyes
    Nozaleda
    nozzles
    Ntonda
    Nubar
    Nubas
    Nubian
    nuclear
    nucleus
    Nueva
    NUFFAR
    nugatory
    nuggets
    nuisance
    nuisances
    null
    nullement
    nulli
    nullification
    nullified
    nullifies
    nullify
    nullifying
    nullity
    numb
    number
    numbered
    numbering
    Numbers
    numerals
    numerical
    numerically
    NUMEROUS
    numerously
    Nun
    Nunciature
    Nuncio
    nuns
    NUPÉ
    Nupé
    NUREMBERG
    nurse
    nursed
    nursemaids
    nurses
    nursing
    nurtured
    nutrition
    nutritive
    Nyanza
    Nyasa
    Nyasaland
    Nyassa
    Nyassaland
    Nâsr
    o
    Oahu
    oak
    Oakey
    Oakland
    oars
    Oath
    oaths
    oats
    Oaxaca
    Ob
    obedience
    Obedient
    obeisance
    obelisk
    obey
    obeyed
    obeying
    obeys
    Obi
    object
    objected
    objecting
    Objection
    objectionable
    objections
    objective
    objects
    obligated
    obligation
    obligations
    obligatory
    oblige
    obliged
    obliges
    obligingly
    obliquely
    obliterate
    obliterated
    obliterating
    Oblivion
    obnoxious
    obscure
    obscured
    obscurities
    obscurity
    obsequies
    observable
    observance
    observation
    observations
    OBSERVATORY
    observe
    observed
    observer
    observers
    observes
    observing
    obsidian
    obsolete
    obstacle
    obstacles
    obstinacy
    obstinate
    obstinately
    Obstruct
    obstructed
    obstructing
    obstruction
    obstructionist
    obstructionists
    obstructions
    obstructive
    obstructs
    obtain
    Obtainable
    obtained
    obtaining
    obtains
    obviate
    obviated
    obviating
    obvious
    obviously
    occasion
    Occasional
    occasionally
    occasioned
    occasions
    occult
    occupancy
    occupant
    occupants
    occupation
    occupations
    occupied
    occupier
    occupies
    occupy
    occupying
    occur
    occurred
    occurrence
    occurrences
    occurring
    occurs
    ocean
    oceanic
    oceans
    Oct
    octave
    OCTOBER
    octroi
    oculist
    odd
    odds
    Odell
    Oder
    odes
    Odessa
    odious
    odours
    Oesterreichische
    of
    Off
    offence
    offences
    offended
    offenders
    offending
    offense
    offenses
    offensive
    Offer
    offered
    offering
    offers
    Office
    officeholders
    officer
    officered
    OFFICERS
    Offices
    official
    officially
    officials
    officio
    offset
    offshoot
    offspring
    offsprings
    Oficial
    Ofoo
    oft
    often
    oftener
    Ogaden
    Ogadens
    Ogden
    Oh
    OHIO
    Oil
    oils
    Okhotsk
    Oklahoma
    Okuma
    OLD
    older
    oldest
    olds
    oligarchy
    Oliphant
    olive
    Olivecrona
    Oliver
    Olmsted
    OLNEY
    Olosenga
    Olutanga
    Olympia
    Olympian
    Olympic
    Omaha
    OMDURMAN
    ominous
    omission
    omissions
    omit
    omits
    omitted
    omitting
    omnipotent
    omniscient
    Omoso
    Omri
    Omsk
    On
    once
    One
    onerous
    ones
    onesided
    Onesti
    onlooker
    Only
    Onor
    Onslaught
    Ont
    Ontario
    onto
    onward
    onwards
    Oom
    Oorlog
    OPEN
    opened
    opening
    openings
    openly
    opens
    operate
    operated
    operates
    operating
    operation
    operations
    operative
    operatively
    operatives
    operators
    opinion
    opinions
    opium
    Oporto
    Oppert
    opponent
    opponents
    opportune
    opportunities
    Opportunity
    oppose
    opposed
    opposing
    opposite
    opposition
    oppress
    oppressed
    oppresses
    oppressing
    Oppression
    oppressions
    oppressive
    oppressively
    oppressiveness
    oppressor
    oppressors
    Optic
    optimistic
    option
    optional
    Options
    Oquendo
    or
    oracular
    oral
    orally
    Orange
    oranges
    orating
    orator
    orators
    ordained
    ordeal
    ORDER
    ordered
    ordering
    orderlies
    orderly
    Orders
    ordinance
    Ordinances
    Ordinaries
    ordinarily
    Ordinary
    ordinations
    ordnance
    ordre
    ore
    Oregon
    ores
    organ
    organic
    organically
    organisation
    organise
    organised
    organiser
    organising
    organism
    organisms
    organist
    ORGANIZATION
    organizations
    organize
    organized
    organizer
    organizes
    organizing
    organs
    orgies
    orgy
    ORIENT
    Oriental
    Orientalist
    origin
    original
    originality
    Originally
    originals
    originate
    originated
    originating
    originator
    origine
    Orinoco
    Orion
    Orlando
    Orleanists
    Orleans
    Ormescheville
    ornamentation
    ornaments
    Oro
    Oroté
    Orphan
    orphanage
    orphans
    Orsova
    Orthodox
    orthography
    Orton
    Oruro
    Osborne
    Oscar
    oscillate
    oscillatory
    oser
    Osiris
    OSMAN
    Ostend
    ostensibly
    Oswald
    other
    others
    otherwise
    OTIS
    Ottawa
    Ottmar
    Otto
    OTTOMAN
    Ottumwa
    ou
    Oudh
    ought
    ounce
    ounces
    Our
    Ourfa
    ours
    ourself
    ourselves
    ousted
    ousting
    out
    Outbreak
    Outbreaks
    outburst
    outbursts
    outcast
    outcome
    outcry
    outdone
    outdoor
    Outer
    outfit
    outfits
    outflanked
    outflow
    outgoings
    outgrew
    outgrowth
    Outlander
    Outlanders
    outlaw
    outlaws
    outlay
    outlays
    outlet
    outline
    outlined
    Outlook
    outlying
    outnumbered
    outpost
    outposts
    output
    outrage
    outraged
    outrageous
    outrages
    outraging
    outright
    outrival
    outs
    outset
    Outside
    outsider
    outsiders
    outskirts
    outspoken
    outstanding
    outstripped
    outward
    Outwardly
    outweigh
    outweighed
    outwit
    outwits
    Ouvrier
    oval
    ovation
    oven
    over
    overawe
    overawed
    overboard
    overburdened
    overcame
    overcapitalization
    overcaution
    overcharged
    overcoat
    overcome
    overcoming
    overcrowd
    overcrowded
    overcrowding
    overcrowds
    overdrawn
    overestimated
    overflow
    overflowed
    overflows
    overhanging
    overhauling
    overhead
    overhung
    overland
    overlap
    overlooked
    overlooking
    overlooks
    overnight
    overpowered
    overpowering
    overridden
    overrule
    overruled
    overrules
    overruling
    overrun
    overseers
    overshadowed
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    overspread
    overstated
    overstay
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    overt
    overtake
    overtaken
    overtaxed
    overthrew
    overthrow
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    overtime
    overture
    Overtures
    overturned
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    overwhelm
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    overwhelmingly
    overworked
    overworn
    ovum
    owe
    owed
    Owen
    owes
    Owing
    owls
    Own
    owned
    owner
    owners
    ownership
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    ox
    Oxen
    Oxford
    oxhead
    oxide
    Oxus
    oxygen
    Oxyrhynchus
    Oyapok
    Ozi
    P
    Pa
    Paarde
    PAARDEBERG
    Pac
    pace
    paces
    Pacific
    pacifically
    pacification
    pacified
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    pack
    packages
    packed
    packers
    packet
    packing
    packs
    PACT
    Pacto
    pagan
    Pagano
    pagans
    Page
    pageant
    pageants
    pages
    Paget
    Pago
    pagodas
    paid
    pain
    Paine
    painful
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    painstaking
    paint
    painted
    painter
    painters
    painting
    paintings
    pair
    paired
    Pakhoi
    palace
    palaces
    Palanan
    palatability
    Palatine
    Palawan
    pale
    paleolithic
    Paleontology
    Palermo
    PALESTINE
    palettes
    Palgrave
    palisade
    palisades
    Palizzolo
    Pall
    palliative
    palliatives
    palm
    Palma
    PALMER
    palms
    palpable
    palpitating
    paltering
    paltry
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    palæographist
    palæography
    palæolithic
    Pamir
    Pamirs
    Pamlico
    Pampanga
    PAMPANGAS
    pampas
    pamphlet
    pamphlets
    pan
    Pana
    Panama
    Panaon
    Panay
    pandemonium
    Pando
    pane
    panels
    Pang
    Pangani
    Pangasinan
    PANGASINANS
    Pangasinaus
    Panglao
    Pangmua
    Pangutaran
    panic
    panics
    Panique
    Panizzardi
    Panjah
    panned
    panniers
    Pannonia
    pans
    Panslavists
    pantomime
    Pao
    Paolini
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    PAPACY
    Papagayo
    papal
    Paper
    Papers
    papier
    papyri
    papyrus
    par
    parable
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    paradox
    paradoxically
    paragraph
    paragraphs
    Paraguay
    parallel
    paralleled
    paralleling
    paralyse
    paralysed
    paralysing
    paralysis
    paralyze
    paralyzed
    paralyzing
    paramount
    Paranaque
    parapet
    paraphernalia
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    parasites
    parcel
    parcels
    Pardon
    pardonable
    pardoned
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    Pardons
    parent
    parental
    parentis
    Parents
    Paris
    parish
    parishes
    parishioners
    parity
    park
    Parker
    Parkes
    Parkhurst
    Parks
    parlance
    parle
    parler
    parley
    parleying
    Parliament
    parliamentarian
    Parliamentary
    Parliaments
    parlour
    Parnell
    Parnellites
    parochial
    parodied
    parole
    paroles
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    parsimonious
    parsimony
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    parsoned
    Parsons
    part
    partake
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    parte
    parted
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    Parti
    Partial
    partiality
    partially
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    participate
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    participation
    particles
    particular
    Particularism
    particularized
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    particulars
    parties
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    partition
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    parts
    PARTY
    pas
    Pasay
    Paschal
    Pasco
    Pascual
    Pase
    Pasha
    Pashas
    Pasig
    Pasijan
    Paso
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    passages
    Passamaqnoddy
    passed
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    passers
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    Passion
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    passions
    passive
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    Passports
    past
    Pasteur
    pastime
    pastor
    pastoral
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    pasture
    pastures
    Patagonia
    patch
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    patchwork
    patent
    patented
    patents
    paternal
    paternalism
    Paterno
    Paterson
    patesis
    path
    Pathetic
    pathless
    Pathology
    Pathos
    paths
    pathway
    patience
    patient
    patiently
    patients
    Patmore
    Patriarch
    patriarchal
    patriarchate
    Patriarchs
    Patrick
    patrie
    patrimony
    patriot
    Patriotic
    patriotically
    patriotism
    patriots
    patrol
    patrolled
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    patrols
    patron
    patronage
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    Patrons
    Patta
    Patten
    pattern
    patterns
    Patterson
    Paty
    Paua
    Paul
    Pauli
    Paulists
    Paulus
    Pauncefote
    pauper
    pauperism
    pauperize
    paupers
    Pause
    paused
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    pave
    paved
    pavilion
    pavilions
    paving
    pawed
    pawned
    pax
    PAY
    payable
    payer
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    Paymaster
    paymasters
    payment
    payments
    Payn
    pays
    Pe
    PEABODY
    peace
    peaceable
    peaceably
    peaceful
    peacefully
    peacemaker
    Peacock
    peak
    Peake
    peal
    pearl
    pearls
    Pearson
    PEARY
    peasant
    peasantry
    Peasants
    Pecheli
    Pechili
    Peckham
    peculation
    peculiar
    peculiarity
    peculiarly
    pecuniary
    pedagogical
    pedantry
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    Pedro
    Peer
    peerage
    peeresses
    peers
    peg
    Peh
    Pei
    Peiho
    Peirce
    Peiyang
    Pekah
    Pekin
    Peking
    pelagic
    Pelasgian
    Pelasgic
    PELEW
    Pelham
    pell
    pellets
    Pellieux
    Pelliot
    Pelloux
    Peloponnesus
    Pelz
    pen
    Penal
    penalize
    penalties
    penalty
    penance
    pence
    pencil
    pendency
    Pending
    Pendleton
    Pendulum
    penetrate
    Penetrated
    penetrates
    penetrating
    penetration
    penetrative
    Peninsula
    Peninsular
    Peninsulars
    penitent
    penitentiary
    Penn
    penned
    Penniless
    PENNSYLVANIA
    PENNY
    Penrhyn
    pens
    Pension
    pensionable
    pensioned
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    PENSIONS
    pentelic
    peon
    Peonage
    PEONES
    PEOPLE
    peopled
    peoples
    Peoria
    Pepke
    Pepper
    Pepperman
    Pepy
    per
    Pera
    peradventure
    perceive
    perceived
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    percent
    percentage
    percentages
    perceptibility
    perceptible
    perceptibly
    perception
    percha
    Percy
    perdition
    perdu
    Pereira
    peremptorily
    peremptoriness
    Peremptory
    Perez
    perfect
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    perfection
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    performance
    performances
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    perfumes
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    Pergamos
    perhaps
    Perier
    Peril
    perilous
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    periodic
    periodical
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    periodicity
    periods
    peripheries
    perish
    perishable
    perished
    perishing
    peritoneum
    peritonitis
    Perivolia
    perjured
    perjury
    Perm
    permanence
    permanency
    permanent
    permanently
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    permeates
    permeating
    permissible
    Permission
    permissive
    permit
    permits
    permitted
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    Perouse
    perpendicular
    perpetrated
    perpetrating
    perpetrators
    perpetual
    perpetually
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    perpetuated
    perpetuation
    Perpetuationists
    perpetuators
    perpetuity
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    perplexities
    perplexity
    PERRY
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    persecution
    persecutions
    perseverance
    persevere
    persevered
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    PERSIA
    Persian
    persist
    persisted
    persistence
    persistency
    persistent
    persistently
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    person
    personage
    personages
    personal
    personality
    Personally
    personalty
    personifications
    personne
    personnel
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    perspective
    persuade
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    pertain
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    Perth
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    pertinent
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    perturbation
    Peru
    perusal
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    PESCADORES
    peseta
    pesetas
    Peshawar
    Peshawur
    peso
    pesos
    pessimism
    pessimistic
    pest
    PESTH
    pestilence
    pestilences
    pestilent
    pestilential
    pet
    Petar
    Petcha
    PETER
    Peters
    Petersburg
    Pethick
    Pethiek
    Petit
    Petition
    petitioned
    petitioners
    petitions
    Petrel
    Petrie
    Petriou
    petroleum
    Petrology
    Petrozicky
    pettiest
    petty
    Petuna
    Petunê
    peut
    pewter
    Peña
    pf
    Phaenician
    phalanx
    Pharaoh
    Pharaohs
    Pharisaic
    pharmacists
    Pharmacology
    pharmacy
    Pharsala
    phase
    phases
    Phelps
    phenakite
    phenomena
    phenomenal
    phenomenon
    Philadelphia
    philanthropic
    philanthropist
    philanthropists
    philanthropy
    Philip
    Philipp
    Philippe
    Philippine
    Philippines
    Philippino
    Philips
    Philipstown
    Phillips
    Philo
    philologist
    philosopher
    philosophic
    philosophical
    philosophies
    philosophy
    Phineas
    phlegmatic
    Phocaeans
    Phoenicia
    Phoenician
    Phoenicians
    Phoenix
    phonograph
    Photiades
    photograph
    photographed
    photographer
    photographing
    photographs
    Photography
    Phrabang
    phrase
    phrases
    physical
    physically
    physician
    physicians
    physicist
    physicists
    physics
    physiognomy
    physiological
    physiologist
    Physiology
    physique
    PHŒNICIANS
    Phœnician
    pianist
    Piazzi
    Picard
    Pichon
    pick
    pickax
    picked
    Pickersgill
    picket
    picking
    picnic
    Picquart
    pictorial
    picture
    pictures
    picturesque
    piece
    pieced
    piecemeal
    pieces
    Piedras
    pien
    pier
    pierced
    pierces
    Pierola
    Pierre
    piers
    Piet
    Pietersburg
    Pietrus
    piety
    pig
    pigeon
    pigment
    pigmy
    pigs
    pigtail
    pigtails
    Pike
    pikes
    Pilar
    pile
    piled
    piles
    Pileser
    pilgrim
    pilgrimage
    pilgrimages
    Pilgrims
    piling
    pill
    Pillage
    pillaged
    PILLAGER
    pillaging
    pillar
    pillars
    pillows
    Pillsbury
    pilot
    pin
    Pinar
    pinch
    pinchbeck
    Pinckney
    Pincus
    pine
    Pines
    ping
    Pinney
    Pinto
    Pioneer
    pioneers
    pious
    pipage
    Pipe
    pipes
    piracies
    piracy
    pirates
    Pistoia
    pistol
    piston
    pit
    Pitcairn
    pitch
    pitched
    pitching
    piteously
    pith
    Pithole
    pitiable
    pitiful
    pitiless
    Pitlogo
    pits
    Pitsani
    Pitt
    pittance
    Pittsburg
    Pittsburgh
    pity
    Pius
    pivot
    pivoted
    pièce
    placard
    placarded
    placards
    placated
    Place
    placed
    places
    placing
    PLAGUE
    plain
    plaine
    plainer
    Plaines
    plainly
    plains
    plaintiff
    plaintiffs
    plaited
    plan
    plane
    planet
    plank
    planless
    planned
    planning
    plans
    plant
    plantations
    planted
    planter
    planters
    planting
    plants
    plasm
    plastering
    plastic
    Plate
    plateau
    plateaux
    plates
    platform
    Platforms
    plating
    platino
    platinum
    Platt
    plausibility
    Plausible
    play
    Playa
    played
    Playfair
    playgrounds
    playing
    plays
    plea
    plead
    pleaded
    pleading
    pleasant
    please
    pleased
    pleases
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    pleasure
    pleasures
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    plebiscite
    plebs
    pledge
    pledged
    Pledges
    pledging
    plenary
    plenipotentiaries
    Plenipotentiary
    plenitude
    plentiful
    plenty
    pliable
    plied
    plodding
    plot
    plots
    plotters
    plotting
    plough
    plow
    plum
    plumage
    Plumer
    plumes
    plunder
    plundered
    plunderers
    plundering
    plunged
    plungers
    plunging
    Plunkett
    Plural
    plurality
    plus
    plutocracy
    Pluton
    plying
    PLYMOUTH
    Plébiscite
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    pneumonia
    Po
    Pobedonostzeff
    Pobiedonostzeff
    Poblacion
    pocket
    pocketed
    pockets
    poems
    poet
    poetic
    poetical
    poetry
    Poets
    Point
    pointed
    pointedly
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    points
    poison
    poisoned
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    poisonous
    poked
    POLAND
    polar
    Polare
    Polaveja
    Polavieja
    pole
    poles
    Police
    policeman
    policemen
    policies
    Policy
    Polillo
    POLISH
    polished
    polite
    politely
    politeness
    politic
    political
    politically
    politician
    Politicians
    POLITICO
    politics
    polity
    poll
    polled
    polling
    Pollock
    polls
    polluted
    polluting
    polychromatic
    polygamist
    polygamous
    polygamy
    polygonal
    polyphase
    polyphased
    polytechnic
    pomp
    Pompey
    Ponce
    ponchos
    Pond
    ponder
    Pondoland
    ponds
    ponies
    Ponson
    Pont
    Pontiff
    Pontiffs
    Pontifical
    Pontificate
    pony
    pood
    Pool
    Poole
    pooling
    pools
    Poona
    Poor
    poorer
    poorest
    poorly
    Poort
    POP
    Pope
    Popham
    poppy
    populace
    Popular
    popularity
    popularly
    populated
    population
    populations
    Populist
    populistic
    Populists
    populous
    porch
    Porcupine
    Porfirio
    Poro
    porphyry
    Porritt
    PORT
    portable
    Portal
    portant
    Porte
    portend
    portentous
    porter
    porters
    portfolio
    portfolios
    portion
    portions
    Portland
    Porto
    portrait
    portraits
    Ports
    Portsmouth
    PORTUGAL
    Portuguese
    posed
    Posen
    Poshan
    position
    positions
    positive
    positively
    positiveness
    Poso
    possess
    possessed
    possesses
    possessing
    Possession
    possessions
    possessors
    possibilities
    possibility
    possible
    possibly
    possumus
    post
    POSTAGE
    Postal
    posted
    posterity
    posters
    posthumous
    posting
    postmaster
    postmasters
    postmasterships
    postpone
    postponed
    postponement
    Posts
    postscript
    posture
    pot
    potable
    Potato
    potatoes
    Potchefstrom
    Potchefstroom
    potent
    potentates
    potential
    potentiality
    potentially
    potently
    pots
    Potsdam
    potted
    potter
    pottery
    pouch
    poultry
    pounced
    pound
    pounder
    pounders
    pounding
    pounds
    pour
    poured
    pouring
    pours
    pouvoir
    Poverty
    powder
    powdered
    Powders
    POWELL
    Power
    powerful
    powerfully
    powerless
    Powers
    pox
    Pozo
    Pozorrubio
    practicability
    practicable
    practical
    Practically
    practice
    practiced
    practices
    practicing
    practise
    practised
    practising
    practitioner
    Pragmatic
    Prague
    prairie
    praise
    praised
    praises
    praiseworthy
    praising
    prandial
    PRATT
    Praxedes
    pray
    prayed
    prayer
    prayers
    praying
    prays
    pre
    preach
    preached
    preacher
    preachers
    preaching
    Preamble
    prearranged
    precaution
    precautionary
    precautions
    precede
    preceded
    precedence
    precedent
    precedents
    preceding
    precept
    precepts
    precinct
    precincts
    precious
    precipitate
    precipitated
    precipitately
    precipitation
    precipitous
    precis
    precise
    precisely
    precision
    preclude
    precluded
    precludes
    preconcerted
    precursor
    predatory
    predecessor
    predecessors
    predestined
    predicament
    predicated
    predict
    predicted
    predicting
    predictions
    predicts
    predispose
    predominance
    PREDOMINANT
    preeminence
    PREFACE
    prefaced
    Prefect
    Prefects
    Prefecture
    Prefectures
    prefer
    preferable
    preference
    preferences
    preferential
    preferment
    preferred
    preferring
    prefers
    pregnant
    PREHISTORIC
    prehistory
    prejudice
    prejudiced
    prejudices
    prejudicial
    prejudicially
    prelates
    preliminaries
    preliminary
    premature
    premeditated
    Premier
    Premiers
    premiership
    premises
    premising
    premium
    premiums
    Prempeh
    Prenez
    Prentice
    preoccupation
    preoccupied
    preparation
    preparations
    preparatory
    prepare
    prepared
    preparedness
    prepares
    preparing
    preponderance
    preponderating
    prepossessing
    prepossession
    prepossessions
    preposterous
    prerequisite
    prerogative
    prerogatives
    PRESBYTERIAN
    prescribe
    prescribed
    prescribes
    prescribing
    prescription
    presence
    present
    Presentation
    presented
    presenting
    Presently
    Presentment
    presents
    preservation
    preserve
    preserved
    preservers
    preserves
    preserving
    preside
    presided
    Presidency
    President
    Presidentes
    Presidential
    presidents
    presides
    presiding
    press
    Presse
    pressed
    presses
    Pressing
    pressure
    prestige
    Preston
    Prestwich
    presumably
    presume
    presumed
    presuming
    presumption
    presumptive
    presumptively
    presupposes
    pretence
    pretences
    pretend
    pretending
    pretense
    pretenses
    pretensions
    pretext
    pretexts
    Pretoria
    pretorian
    pretty
    preuve
    preuves
    prevail
    prevailed
    prevailing
    prevails
    prevalent
    prevalently
    prevent
    prevented
    preventing
    prevention
    preventive
    preventives
    prevents
    Previous
    previously
    prevision
    Prevost
    prey
    Priam
    Pribilof
    price
    priced
    priceless
    Prices
    pricked
    prickly
    pride
    prided
    prie
    priest
    priesthood
    priestly
    priests
    PRIETO
    Prim
    primal
    primarily
    primary
    Primates
    prime
    primeval
    primitive
    Primo
    primordial
    prince
    princely
    Princes
    princess
    princesses
    Princeton
    principal
    principalities
    Principality
    principally
    principals
    Principe
    principle
    Principles
    PRINSLOO
    print
    printed
    printer
    Printing
    Prior
    priori
    priority
    Prison
    prisoner
    Prisoners
    Prisons
    Private
    privately
    privates
    privation
    privations
    privilege
    privileged
    privileges
    Privy
    Prix
    prize
    prizes
    Pro
    probabilities
    probability
    probable
    Probably
    probed
    probing
    problem
    problems
    procedure
    Proceed
    proceeded
    proceeding
    proceedings
    proceeds
    process
    processes
    Procession
    processionally
    proclaim
    proclaimed
    proclaiming
    proclaims
    Proclamation
    Proclamations
    proclivity
    procrastinate
    procrastination
    PROCTOR
    Procurator
    procure
    procured
    Procureur
    procuring
    procès
    procédure
    prodigious
    produce
    produced
    producer
    producers
    produces
    producing
    product
    Production
    productions
    productive
    productiveness
    products
    produire
    produit
    Prof
    Profane
    profess
    professe
    professed
    professes
    profession
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    revolve
    revolved
    revolver
    revolvers
    revolving
    Revue
    revulsion
    reward
    rewarded
    rewarding
    rewards
    Rey
    Reyna
    Reza
    reëstablished
    Rheinisch
    Rhenish
    Rhenoster
    RHINE
    Rhineland
    RHODE
    RHODES
    Rhodesia
    Rhodesians
    ribbons
    Ribot
    ribs
    RICA
    Rican
    Ricans
    rice
    Rich
    Richard
    Richardson
    richer
    riches
    richest
    richly
    Richmond
    Richthofen
    RICO
    Ricotti
    rid
    riddance
    ridden
    riddled
    ride
    rider
    RIDERS
    rides
    ridge
    ridges
    ridiculed
    ridiculous
    ridiculously
    riding
    Ridpath
    rife
    rifle
    riflemen
    rifles
    rift
    rigging
    Riggs
    RIGHT
    righted
    righteous
    righteously
    righteousness
    rightful
    rightfully
    righting
    rightly
    rightminded
    rights
    rigid
    rigidly
    rigor
    rigorous
    rigorously
    rigour
    Rikken
    riksha
    rilles
    rinderpest
    ring
    ringing
    ringleaders
    ringleted
    rings
    RIO
    Rios
    riot
    rioters
    rioting
    riotous
    riots
    riparian
    ripe
    ripened
    ripens
    Ripon
    rise
    risen
    rises
    Rishon
    rising
    risings
    risk
    risked
    risks
    Ristics
    rite
    Rites
    ritual
    Rius
    rival
    rivalry
    Rivals
    rive
    river
    Rivera
    Rivers
    Riverside
    riveting
    rivulet
    RIZAL
    Road
    roads
    roam
    Roanoke
    roar
    roaring
    roast
    rob
    robbed
    robbers
    robbery
    Robbing
    robed
    ROBERT
    Roberts
    Robertson
    robing
    Robinson
    robust
    Roca
    rocher
    Rochesterville
    Rochussen
    rock
    Rockefeller
    rocker
    rockers
    rockets
    Rockhill
    Rockies
    rocking
    rocks
    rocky
    rod
    rode
    Rodriguez
    rods
    Roell
    Roger
    Rogers
    Rohl
    Rohlfs
    Rojas
    role
    Rolin
    roll
    rolled
    rolling
    Rollins
    rolls
    ROM
    Romaine
    Roman
    Romana
    Romans
    romantic
    Romblon
    Rome
    Romero
    Romulus
    Ronald
    Roncadore
    Ronietta
    Rontgen
    roof
    roofed
    roofs
    Rooineks
    rookeries
    Room
    rooms
    Roosevelt
    root
    rooted
    rooting
    rootless
    roots
    rope
    Ropes
    Roraima
    Rosa
    Rosales
    rose
    ROSEBERY
    Rosecrans
    Rosetta
    rosettes
    Rosetti
    Rosmead
    Ross
    Rossi
    Rossia
    Rosthorn
    Rostofski
    rotary
    rotate
    rotating
    Rotation
    Rothschild
    Rothschilds
    rotten
    rottenness
    rotting
    rotunda
    Roubaix
    rouble
    roubles
    Rouge
    Rough
    roughed
    rougher
    roughly
    Roughriders
    Roughs
    roughshod
    Rougé
    ROUMANIA
    Roumanian
    Roumanie
    Round
    rounded
    Roundell
    rounding
    rounds
    Rounseville
    rouse
    roused
    rousing
    Rousseau
    rout
    route
    routed
    Routes
    routine
    routing
    Roux
    roving
    Row
    rowdies
    rowed
    Rowell
    rows
    royal
    royalist
    royalists
    royally
    Royalty
    rubbed
    rubber
    rubbing
    rubbish
    rubies
    ruble
    rubles
    Rud
    rudder
    rude
    rudely
    ruder
    rudest
    rudimentary
    rudiments
    RUDINI
    Rudolf
    Rudolph
    Rue
    ruffian
    ruffianism
    Ruffianly
    ruffians
    Rufus
    rug
    Rugby
    rugged
    ruin
    ruined
    ruining
    ruinous
    ruins
    Ruis
    Rule
    ruled
    ruler
    rulers
    rules
    Ruling
    rum
    RUMANIA
    Rumanian
    Rumanians
    rumbling
    rumor
    rumored
    rumors
    rumour
    rumoured
    rumours
    run
    Rundle
    runners
    Running
    runs
    rupee
    rupees
    rupture
    rural
    ruse
    Ruses
    rush
    rushed
    rushes
    rushing
    Ruskin
    Russel
    Russell
    Russia
    Russian
    Russianize
    Russianizing
    Russians
    Russias
    Russification
    Russify
    Russifying
    RUSSO
    Rustem
    rustic
    rustle
    Ruthenians
    Rutherford
    ruthless
    ruthlessly
    ruthlessness
    Rutledge
    ruts
    Ryan
    rye
    Rykovskaya
    RÖNTGEN
    règles
    régime
    régulièrement
    Ríos
    rôle
    Röntgen
    s
    Saatz
    Saban
    Sabbath
    Sabderat
    Sabine
    Saburo
    sac
    sacerdotal
    sache
    Sacher
    Saclemente
    sacrament
    sacraments
    Sacred
    sacredness
    sacrifice
    sacrificed
    sacrifices
    sacrificial
    sacrilege
    sad
    saddened
    sadder
    saddled
    saddler
    saddles
    Sadiki
    sadly
    Sadok
    Saenz
    safe
    safeguard
    safeguarded
    safeguards
    safely
    safer
    safest
    safety
    sag
    sagacity
    SAGASTA
    Sage
    SAGHALIEN
    Sagua
    Saham
    Sahara
    said
    Saigo
    Saigon
    sail
    sailed
    Sailing
    sailor
    sailors
    sails
    Saint
    saints
    Saionji
    saith
    sak
    sake
    SAKHALIN
    Sala
    salaamed
    Salaga
    Salamon
    Salaria
    salaried
    salaries
    salary
    sale
    saleable
    Salem
    sales
    salesmen
    Salic
    salient
    Salim
    Salinas
    Salisbury
    salivary
    Salles
    sallow
    Salonica
    Saloon
    saloons
    salt
    Salter
    saltpeter
    salutary
    Salutations
    salute
    saluted
    salutes
    saluting
    Salvador
    Salvadorean
    salvage
    Salvago
    Salvation
    Sam
    Samal
    Samar
    Samara
    Samaria
    same
    Samekh
    Sammun
    SAMOA
    SAMOAN
    Samoans
    Samos
    samples
    SAMPSON
    Samuel
    San
    sanatorium
    Sanciano
    Sancta
    Sancti
    sanction
    sanctioned
    sanctity
    sanctuaries
    sanctuary
    SAND
    Sandaken
    sandbags
    sandbank
    Sandeco
    Sandherr
    sands
    sandstone
    Sandusky
    Sandwith
    sandy
    Sanford
    SANG
    sanguinary
    sanguine
    sanguinis
    Sanial
    Sanitary
    sanitation
    sank
    Sannikoff
    Sans
    Sansing
    Sant
    Santa
    Santandar
    Santiago
    Santo
    Santos
    Saracco
    Sarajevo
    Saranguani
    Sarawakian
    Sarcey
    Sargent
    Sargon
    Sargonic
    sarra
    Sartain
    Sartinski
    Sarzec
    Sassaks
    Sassoun
    Sassun
    sat
    satin
    satins
    satire
    satirical
    satirically
    satisfaction
    satisfactorily
    satisfactory
    satisfied
    satisfy
    satisfying
    Satolli
    Satow
    Satrustegui
    Satsuma
    saturated
    Saturday
    saturnalia
    sauntering
    sausage
    sausages
    Sauter
    sauve
    savage
    savagely
    savagery
    savages
    Save
    saved
    Savile
    saving
    Savings
    Saviour
    Savornin
    savour
    Savoy
    saw
    sawed
    Sawyer
    Saxe
    Saxon
    Saxony
    say
    Sayce
    saying
    sayings
    says
    Scadding
    scaffolding
    scale
    scaled
    scaling
    scalping
    scamped
    Scandal
    scandalized
    scandalous
    scandals
    Scandinavia
    Scandinavian
    scant
    scanty
    scar
    scarce
    scarcely
    scarcity
    scare
    scarlatina
    scarlet
    scathing
    scats
    scatter
    scattered
    scattereth
    scattering
    scatters
    scene
    scenery
    scenes
    scenic
    scent
    scepticism
    sceptics
    sceptre
    Schaeffer
    Schalk
    Schedule
    schedules
    Scheil
    scheme
    schemes
    scheming
    Schenectady
    Scheurer
    Schillingsfürst
    Schleswig
    Schley
    Schliemann
    scholar
    scholarly
    scholars
    scholarship
    scholastic
    Schomburgk
    Schonborn
    school
    schoolboys
    schoolfellows
    schoolhouse
    schoolhouses
    schooling
    schoolmaster
    schoolroom
    schoolrooms
    schools
    schooner
    Schrader
    SCHREINER
    Schumann
    Schurman
    Schuur
    Schwan
    Schwarzkoppen
    Schwerin
    Schönerer
    sciemment
    science
    sciences
    SCIENTIFIC
    scientifically
    Scientifique
    scientist
    scientists
    Scimetar
    Scoble
    scoldings
    Scope
    scorching
    score
    scores
    scorn
    scorned
    Scotch
    scotched
    Scotia
    Scotland
    Scott
    Scottish
    scoured
    scourge
    scourged
    scouring
    scouts
    scramble
    scrambling
    scrap
    scraper
    scratch
    screen
    screened
    screw
    Scribner
    script
    scripts
    scrolls
    scrupled
    scrupulous
    scrupulously
    scrutinize
    sculptor
    sculptors
    sculptural
    sculpture
    sculptures
    scum
    scuttered
    Scythian
    Se
    sea
    seaboard
    seaboards
    seacoast
    seacoasts
    Seagoing
    seal
    sealed
    sealer
    sealers
    sealing
    seals
    sealskins
    seamed
    Seamen
    seams
    seaport
    seaports
    sear
    search
    searched
    searches
    searching
    seas
    seashore
    season
    seasons
    Seat
    seated
    seating
    seats
    Seattle
    Seaver
    seaward
    seawards
    Sebastian
    seceded
    Secession
    secessions
    seclusion
    Second
    secondary
    seconder
    Secondly
    secrecy
    Secret
    Secretariate
    secretaries
    Secretary
    Secretaryship
    secretion
    secretly
    secrets
    secrète
    sect
    sectarian
    sectarianism
    Section
    sectional
    Sectionalism
    Sections
    sects
    secular
    Secularist
    Secularists
    secundus
    secure
    secured
    securely
    secures
    securing
    securities
    security
    Sedalia
    Sedan
    Seddon
    sedentary
    Sedition
    seditionary
    seditious
    seduce
    seduction
    seductive
    sedulously
    see
    Seebohm
    seed
    seeds
    Seeing
    seek
    seekers
    seeking
    seeks
    Seeley
    seem
    seemed
    seeming
    seems
    seen
    sees
    seething
    Segan
    segment
    segregated
    segregation
    Seguin
    Seidl
    Seine
    seised
    Seiyu
    Seiyukai
    seize
    seized
    seizing
    seizure
    seizures
    Selborne
    seldom
    select
    Selected
    selecting
    selection
    selections
    selector
    selects
    self
    selfish
    selfishness
    Selkirk
    sell
    seller
    Sellers
    selling
    sells
    semblance
    Semerara
    semi
    semibarbarous
    semicircle
    seminaries
    seminary
    Seminole
    SEMINOLES
    Semite
    SEMITES
    Semitic
    Semitised
    Semitism
    senate
    senator
    senatorial
    Senators
    sence
    send
    sending
    sends
    Seneca
    Senefern
    SENEGAL
    Senegalese
    Senegambia
    Senior
    seniority
    Sennacherib
    Senor
    SENOUSSI
    sensation
    Sensational
    sensations
    sense
    senseless
    sensibilities
    sensible
    sensibly
    sensitive
    sensitiveness
    sent
    sentence
    sentenced
    sentences
    sentiment
    sentimental
    sentimentality
    sentiments
    sentinel
    sentinelled
    sentinels
    sentries
    sentry
    Seoul
    separate
    separated
    separately
    separates
    Separating
    Separation
    Sephardists
    September
    sepulchers
    sepulchre
    sequel
    sequence
    sequences
    Sequeros
    Serapeion
    Serbs
    Serene
    serenity
    serfdom
    serfs
    Sergeant
    sergeants
    series
    Serious
    seriously
    seriousness
    Serjeant
    Serjeants
    sermon
    Serpa
    serried
    serum
    servant
    servants
    serve
    served
    serves
    Servia
    Servian
    SERVICE
    serviceable
    services
    serving
    servir
    servitude
    servitudes
    serviçal
    Seslien
    session
    Sessions
    set
    Seth
    Sethos
    Seti
    sets
    setting
    settings
    settle
    settled
    settlement
    settlements
    settler
    settlers
    settles
    settling
    Seven
    seventeen
    seventeenth
    Seventh
    Seventhly
    seventies
    seventieth
    seventy
    sever
    Several
    severally
    SEVERALTY
    severance
    Severe
    severed
    severely
    severest
    severing
    severity
    Sevilla
    Seville
    sewage
    Sewall
    Seward
    sewed
    Sewerage
    sewered
    sewers
    sewing
    sex
    Sexennate
    sexes
    Sextant
    Sexton
    sexually
    Seymour
    Seyyidieh
    Señor
    Señorita
    Señors
    Sfax
    sha
    shabbiness
    shackle
    shade
    shades
    shadow
    shadowed
    shadows
    shaft
    Shafter
    shafts
    Shah
    Shahuo
    shake
    shaken
    Shakespeare
    shaking
    Shakir
    shall
    shallow
    shallowness
    shallows
    shalt
    sham
    shambles
    shame
    shamed
    Shameful
    shamefully
    Shamrock
    Shan
    Shang
    Shanghae
    Shanghai
    Shanghaikuan
    Shanhai
    Shanhaikuan
    Shanhaikwan
    Shankaikuan
    Shansi
    Shantung
    Shao
    shape
    shaped
    shaping
    sharaki
    share
    shared
    shareholders
    shares
    sharing
    Sharon
    sharp
    Sharpe
    sharper
    sharpest
    sharply
    sharpshooters
    Shashih
    Shatt
    shattered
    Shattuck
    Shaw
    Shawneetown
    shaykhs
    She
    shear
    shed
    shedding
    sheds
    sheep
    sheer
    sheet
    sheets
    Sheik
    Sheikh
    Sheiks
    Shelby
    Sheldon
    Shell
    Shelled
    shelling
    shells
    shelter
    sheltered
    shelters
    shelved
    shelves
    shelving
    Shen
    Sheng
    Shenking
    Shensi
    shepherds
    Sher
    Sheriff
    sheriffs
    Sherman
    Shetlands
    Sheu
    shew
    shewn
    shi
    shia
    Shiba
    shield
    shielded
    Shifalu
    shift
    shifting
    shiftless
    Shigoku
    Shih
    Shilka
    Shilkhak
    shilling
    shillings
    Shilluk
    Shimazu
    Shimonoseki
    Shims
    Shimti
    shin
    shine
    shines
    Shingking
    shining
    Shio
    ship
    shipboard
    shipbuilding
    shipmen
    shipment
    shipments
    shipowners
    Shipp
    shipped
    shippers
    SHIPPING
    ships
    shipwrecked
    shipyards
    SHIRE
    shires
    shirk
    shirt
    shirts
    Shiré
    Shishak
    shiver
    shivered
    Shoa
    shoal
    shock
    shocked
    shocking
    shockingly
    shocks
    shod
    Shoe
    shoes
    Shogun
    Shogunate
    shoot
    shooteth
    shooting
    shoots
    Shop
    shopkeeper
    shopkeepers
    Shops
    Shore
    shores
    shorn
    short
    shortcomings
    shorten
    shortened
    shortening
    shorter
    shortest
    Shortland
    shortly
    shortness
    shot
    shots
    Shou
    Should
    shoulder
    shouldered
    shoulders
    Shoushan
    shout
    shouted
    shouting
    shoved
    Show
    showed
    Showing
    shown
    shows
    shrank
    shrapnel
    shred
    shrewd
    shrieking
    shrieks
    shrine
    shrines
    shrink
    shrinkage
    shrinking
    shrinks
    shrouded
    shrunk
    Shu
    shudder
    shuddering
    shui
    Shuja
    SHUN
    shut
    shutting
    Shuy
    Shâsha
    Shê
    Shên
    si
    Siah
    Siam
    Siamese
    Sian
    siang
    Siaoheichan
    Siargao
    Siassi
    Siberia
    SIBERIAN
    Siboney
    Sibutu
    Sibuyan
    sic
    Sicilian
    Sicily
    Sick
    sickening
    sickle
    sickly
    sickness
    Siddons
    side
    sided
    sidedness
    sidereal
    sides
    sidetrack
    sideways
    Sidgwick
    Sidi
    Sidon
    Siege
    Sieges
    Sieleny
    Siemens
    sien
    SIERRA
    sifted
    sight
    sighted
    sights
    sign
    Signal
    signaled
    signaler
    signalize
    signalized
    signalled
    signally
    signals
    signatories
    Signatory
    signature
    signatures
    signed
    signers
    signets
    Significance
    significant
    significantly
    signification
    signified
    signifies
    signify
    signifying
    signing
    Signor
    signs
    Sikhs
    Silan
    Silang
    Silas
    silence
    silenced
    silencing
    silent
    silently
    Silesia
    Silico
    silicon
    silk
    silken
    silks
    silkworms
    Silvela
    silver
    Silvestre
    Simara
    similar
    similarity
    similarly
    simile
    similitude
    Simla
    simmering
    Simon
    Simonstown
    simple
    simpler
    simplest
    simplicity
    simplification
    simplify
    simplifying
    Simplon
    simply
    simultaneous
    simultaneously
    sin
    Sinaitic
    since
    sincere
    sincerely
    sincerity
    Sind
    sine
    sinful
    sinfully
    sing
    Singan
    Singapore
    singing
    single
    singled
    singles
    singly
    sings
    singular
    singularity
    singularly
    sinister
    sink
    sinking
    Sinminting
    sins
    Sioux
    Siquijor
    Sir
    Sirdar
    Sire
    Sisran
    Sissoi
    sister
    Sisters
    sit
    site
    sites
    sits
    sitting
    sittings
    situate
    situated
    Situation
    situs
    Siu
    Sivas
    six
    sixfold
    sixpence
    sixteen
    Sixteenth
    Sixth
    Sixthly
    sixtieth
    Sixty
    size
    sized
    sizes
    Siècle
    Skagway
    Skaugh
    skeleton
    skelter
    Skelton
    skepticism
    Sketch
    sketches
    skies
    skilful
    skilfully
    skill
    Skilled
    skillful
    skillfully
    skimmed
    skin
    skinned
    skins
    skirmish
    skirmishers
    skirmishes
    skirmishing
    skirt
    skirted
    skirting
    skirts
    Skouses
    skulls
    sky
    slab
    slabs
    slack
    slackened
    slain
    slandering
    slate
    slaughter
    slaughtered
    Slav
    slave
    slaveholding
    slavery
    slaves
    Slavic
    Slavo
    Slavonic
    Slavs
    slay
    slayers
    sledge
    sledges
    Sledging
    sleds
    sleep
    sleepers
    sleeping
    Sleigh
    slept
    SLESWICK
    slice
    slid
    sliding
    Slight
    slightest
    slightly
    slip
    slipped
    slips
    slipshod
    slogans
    slope
    Sloping
    slot
    sloth
    Slovak
    Slovenes
    Slovenian
    slow
    slowed
    slower
    slowly
    sluice
    sluices
    slum
    slumbered
    slumbering
    slumberous
    smack
    small
    smaller
    smallest
    smallness
    smallpox
    smartness
    smashed
    smeared
    smell
    smelters
    smile
    smiled
    smiling
    Smit
    smite
    smites
    Smith
    Smithmeyer
    Smithsonian
    smoke
    SMOKELESS
    smokers
    smoking
    Smollenske
    smooth
    smoothed
    smoothing
    smoothly
    smoothness
    smothered
    smoulder
    smouldering
    smuggled
    smugglers
    Smuggling
    Smuts
    Smyrna
    Smyth
    snail
    Snake
    snakes
    snap
    snapper
    snare
    snares
    snatch
    snatched
    Snead
    sneers
    sniper
    sniping
    Snow
    snows
    snowy
    SO
    soaked
    soap
    soapstone
    Sobat
    sober
    sobering
    soberness
    sobriety
    Socapa
    social
    socialism
    SOCIALIST
    socialistic
    Socialists
    socialization
    socially
    Sociedad
    Societies
    Society
    Société
    sockets
    sod
    Soden
    sodium
    soever
    Sofia
    soft
    Softas
    soften
    softened
    softening
    softens
    softness
    Sohm
    soil
    sojourned
    sojourner
    sojourning
    SOKOTO
    solace
    Solar
    sold
    soldered
    solders
    soldier
    soldierly
    Soldiers
    soldiery
    sole
    solely
    solemn
    solemnely
    solemnities
    solemnity
    solemnly
    Solent
    solicit
    solicitation
    solicitations
    solicitor
    solicitous
    solicitude
    solid
    solidarity
    solidification
    solidified
    solidify
    solidifying
    solidity
    solidly
    solitary
    solitude
    Solomon
    solution
    Solutions
    solve
    solved
    solvency
    solvent
    Somali
    SOMALIS
    some
    somebody
    somehow
    somersaults
    Somerset
    Something
    sometidos
    sometimes
    somewhat
    somewhere
    somnolence
    Son
    song
    songs
    Sonora
    sons
    Soochow
    soon
    Sooner
    soothe
    sorcerer
    sorcery
    sordid
    sore
    sorely
    Soriano
    sorrow
    sorrowful
    Sorrowfully
    sorrows
    sorry
    sort
    sortie
    sorts
    soshi
    Sosian
    SOUDAN
    Soudanese
    soufflet
    sought
    soul
    souls
    sound
    sounded
    sounder
    sounding
    Soundings
    soundness
    sounds
    source
    sources
    Sousse
    Soutcheou
    south
    southeast
    southeasterly
    southeastern
    southeastward
    southerly
    southern
    southernmost
    Southgate
    southward
    southwardly
    southwards
    Southwark
    SOUTHWEST
    southwesterly
    southwestern
    southwestward
    southwestwards
    Southworth
    souvenir
    souvenirs
    Sovereign
    sovereigns
    sovereignties
    Sovereignty
    sow
    sown
    Soziale
    space
    spaces
    spacious
    spade
    spadeful
    Spain
    span
    Spaniard
    Spaniards
    Spanish
    spanned
    spare
    spared
    sparing
    sparingly
    spark
    sparkling
    sparks
    sparred
    spars
    sparse
    sparsely
    spasmodic
    Spaulding
    speak
    speakee
    speaker
    speakers
    Speaking
    speaks
    spear
    spearmen
    spears
    special
    SPECIALISTS
    specialized
    specially
    specialties
    specie
    species
    specific
    specifically
    specification
    specifications
    specified
    specify
    specimen
    specimens
    specious
    spectacle
    Spectator
    spectators
    spectra
    spectre
    spectroscopic
    Spectrum
    speculation
    speculative
    speculators
    Speech
    speeches
    speechless
    speed
    speedier
    speedily
    speeds
    speedy
    spelt
    Spencer
    spend
    spending
    spendthrifts
    spent
    Speranza
    sperm
    spermato
    Sphakia
    sphere
    Spheres
    spherical
    spice
    spiders
    spies
    spill
    spilt
    spinal
    spindle
    Spine
    spinning
    SPION
    spirit
    spirited
    spiritedly
    spirits
    Spiritual
    spiritualistic
    spirituous
    Spiritus
    Spirogyra
    spit
    spite
    Spitzbergen
    Spitzkop
    splashing
    spleen
    splendid
    splendidly
    splendor
    splendour
    splenic
    splints
    split
    splitting
    spoil
    spoiled
    spoilers
    SPOILS
    spoilsmen
    spoke
    spoken
    spokesman
    spokesmen
    spoliation
    spongy
    sponsor
    sponsors
    spontaneous
    spontaneously
    spool
    spoon
    Spooner
    sporadic
    spore
    spores
    sport
    sporting
    sports
    spot
    spots
    Spouse
    sprang
    Spray
    spread
    spreaders
    spreading
    spreads
    Spreckles
    Spree
    Sprigg
    spring
    SPRINGFIELD
    springing
    springs
    sprouted
    sprung
    spur
    spurs
    spurt
    sputtering
    spy
    Spytfontein
    sq
    squadron
    squadrons
    squads
    squalls
    squandered
    Square
    squarely
    squares
    squaring
    squeeze
    squeezing
    Squiers
    SS
    Ssu
    Ssuchuan
    Ssü
    st
    Staal
    Staats
    stabbed
    stability
    stable
    stables
    stablished
    stabs
    stack
    stacked
    stacks
    Stadden
    stades
    stadium
    Stadling
    staff
    staffs
    stag
    stage
    stages
    staggered
    staggering
    stagnant
    stagnate
    stagnation
    staid
    stain
    stained
    Stainer
    staircase
    stake
    staked
    stakes
    staking
    stalwart
    Stamboul
    STAMBOULOFF
    stammered
    Stamp
    stamped
    stampede
    stamping
    stamps
    Stanard
    stanchest
    stanchly
    stand
    standard
    standards
    standi
    Standing
    standpoint
    stands
    standstill
    Stanford
    Stanley
    staples
    star
    starboard
    starch
    stare
    staring
    Starke
    starred
    Stars
    start
    started
    Starting
    startled
    startling
    startlingly
    starts
    starvation
    starve
    starved
    starving
    Stasts
    Stat
    state
    statecraft
    Stated
    Statehood
    stately
    statement
    statements
    Staten
    staterooms
    Staters
    States
    statesman
    statesmanlike
    statesmanship
    statesmen
    stating
    Station
    stationary
    stationed
    Stationery
    STATIONS
    Statist
    statistical
    statistician
    statistics
    Statistische
    Statsco
    statu
    statue
    statues
    stature
    status
    Statute
    Statutes
    statutory
    staunch
    stay
    stayed
    staying
    Stead
    steadfast
    steadfastly
    steadily
    steadiness
    steading
    steady
    steal
    stealers
    stealing
    steam
    steamboat
    steamboats
    steamed
    steamer
    Steamers
    steaming
    steamship
    steamships
    steel
    Steenstrup
    steep
    steeped
    steeple
    steered
    steering
    steers
    Steevens
    Stein
    Steindorf
    Steindorff
    stela
    stele
    Stella
    stem
    stench
    stenographers
    stentorian
    step
    Stephanus
    Stephen
    Stephens
    Stepniak
    Steppe
    steppes
    stepping
    steps
    stepson
    stereotyped
    sterile
    Sterkfontein
    sterling
    stern
    Sternberg
    sterner
    stethoscope
    Stetson
    Stettin
    Steubenville
    Stevens
    STEVENSON
    Steward
    Stewart
    Steyn
    stick
    sticklets
    sticks
    stiff
    stifled
    stifling
    stigmatised
    Stikine
    stiletto
    still
    stilled
    Stillman
    Stillé
    stimulate
    stimulated
    stimulating
    stimulation
    stimulus
    stinging
    stinking
    stipulate
    stipulated
    stipulating
    stipulation
    stipulations
    stir
    stirred
    Stirring
    stitched
    stitches
    stock
    stockholder
    stockholders
    Stockholm
    stocks
    Stoffel
    Stokes
    stole
    stolen
    stomach
    Stone
    stoned
    Stonehenge
    stones
    Stoney
    stood
    STOOL
    stop
    stoppage
    stoppages
    stopped
    stopping
    stops
    storage
    store
    stored
    storehouse
    storeroom
    stores
    storeyed
    storied
    stories
    storing
    storm
    Stormberg
    stormed
    storming
    storms
    Stormy
    Storrs
    Storthing
    story
    Stotsenberg
    Stoughton
    stout
    stoutly
    stoves
    Stowe
    stowed
    straggling
    stragglingly
    straight
    straightforward
    strain
    strained
    straining
    strains
    Strait
    Straits
    Stranahan
    strand
    strands
    Strange
    strangely
    strangeness
    stranger
    strangers
    strangest
    strangle
    strangled
    Stransky
    straps
    strata
    stratagem
    strategic
    strategical
    strategically
    strategy
    Strathcona
    stratum
    Strauss
    straw
    stray
    strays
    stream
    streamed
    streaming
    streams
    street
    streets
    STRENGTH
    strengthen
    strengthened
    strengthening
    Strenuous
    strenuously
    stress
    stretch
    stretched
    stretcher
    stretchers
    stretches
    stretching
    Stretensk
    strewn
    Stricken
    strict
    stricter
    strictest
    strictly
    strictness
    stride
    strides
    strife
    Strike
    strikers
    STRIKES
    striking
    strikingly
    Strindberg
    string
    stringency
    stringent
    strings
    strip
    Stripes
    stripped
    stripping
    strive
    striven
    striving
    strivings
    strode
    stroke
    strokes
    stroll
    strolled
    strolling
    strong
    stronger
    strongest
    stronghold
    strongholds
    strongly
    Strouts
    strove
    struck
    structure
    structures
    Struggle
    struggled
    struggles
    struggling
    strung
    Stryetensk
    Stuart
    stubborn
    stubbornly
    stubbornness
    Stubbs
    Stuben
    stuck
    studded
    student
    STUDENTS
    studied
    studies
    studious
    study
    studying
    stuff
    stuffed
    stuffs
    stultified
    stultifies
    stumbled
    stupa
    stupefies
    stupendous
    stupid
    stupidest
    stupidities
    stupidity
    sturdy
    Stuttgart
    Stuyvesant
    Style
    styled
    styling
    Su
    Suakim
    Suakin
    Suarda
    sub
    subalterns
    subbasement
    subcommission
    subcommissions
    subdelegation
    subdistricts
    subdivide
    subdivided
    subdivision
    subdue
    subdued
    subduing
    Subic
    subject
    subjected
    subjecting
    subjection
    SUBJECTS
    subjoined
    subjugate
    subjugated
    subjugating
    Subjugation
    subjugator
    Sublime
    sublimity
    submarine
    submerged
    submersion
    submission
    submissions
    submissive
    submit
    submits
    submitted
    submitting
    subordinate
    subordinated
    subordinates
    suborn
    subornation
    subscribe
    subscribed
    subscriber
    subscribers
    subscribing
    subscription
    subscriptions
    subsection
    subsequent
    subsequently
    subserve
    subserved
    subserviency
    subsided
    subsidence
    subsidiary
    subsidies
    subsidise
    subsidised
    subsidising
    subsidized
    subsidizing
    subsidy
    subsist
    subsistence
    subsisting
    subsoil
    substance
    substances
    substantial
    substantially
    substantiated
    substations
    substitute
    substituted
    substitutes
    substituting
    Substitution
    substructures
    subtle
    subtly
    subtracted
    subtraction
    subtropical
    suburb
    suburbs
    subvention
    subventions
    subversion
    subversive
    subvert
    subverted
    subverting
    Subway
    succeed
    succeeded
    succeeding
    succeeds
    success
    successes
    successful
    successfully
    succession
    successive
    successor
    successors
    succinct
    succinctly
    succinctness
    succor
    succoured
    succumb
    succumbed
    Such
    Suchow
    Suda
    Sudan
    SUDANESE
    sudd
    Sudden
    suddenly
    suddenness
    sue
    sued
    sues
    Suez
    suffer
    suffered
    sufferers
    suffering
    sufferings
    suffers
    suffice
    sufficed
    suffices
    sufficiency
    sufficient
    sufficiently
    suffocated
    suffocation
    suffrage
    suffrages
    sugar
    sugars
    suggest
    suggested
    suggesting
    suggestion
    suggestions
    suggestive
    suggests
    Sugita
    Sugiyama
    Sui
    suicidal
    Suicide
    suing
    suit
    suitability
    suitable
    suitably
    suite
    suited
    suitor
    suits
    Sukkur
    Sul
    sullen
    Sullivan
    sulphate
    sulphur
    Sultan
    Sultanate
    Sultans
    Sulu
    sum
    Sumatra
    SUMER
    Sumerian
    Sumerians
    summarily
    summarised
    summarized
    summarizing
    Summary
    summed
    Summer
    Summerall
    Summing
    summit
    summits
    summon
    summoned
    summoning
    summons
    summum
    Sumner
    sumptuary
    sumptuous
    sums
    sun
    Sunda
    Sunday
    Sundays
    sunder
    sundown
    Sundry
    Sung
    Sungari
    Sunk
    Sunken
    sunlight
    sunny
    sunrise
    suns
    sunset
    Sunshine
    superannuated
    Superannuation
    superb
    supercilious
    superficial
    superfluous
    superintend
    superintended
    superintendence
    Superintendent
    superintendents
    superintending
    Superior
    superiority
    superiors
    supernatural
    superposed
    superposition
    supersede
    Superseded
    superseding
    supersession
    superstition
    superstitions
    superstructure
    superstructures
    supervened
    supervise
    supervised
    supervising
    supervision
    supervisors
    supervisory
    supine
    Supper
    supplant
    supplanted
    supplanting
    supplement
    supplemental
    supplementary
    supplemented
    supplements
    supplied
    supplies
    supply
    supplying
    support
    Supported
    supporter
    supporters
    supporting
    supports
    supposably
    suppose
    supposed
    supposes
    supposing
    supposition
    suppositious
    suppress
    suppressed
    suppressing
    suppression
    suppuration
    Suprema
    supremacy
    Supreme
    supremely
    suprême
    sur
    Surat
    sure
    surely
    surest
    surety
    surf
    surface
    surfaced
    surfaces
    surgeon
    surgeons
    surgery
    surgical
    surgically
    surmise
    surmised
    surmising
    surmounted
    surpass
    surpassed
    surpassing
    surplus
    surprise
    surprised
    surprises
    surprising
    surprisingly
    surrender
    surrendered
    surrendering
    surrenders
    surreptitious
    surreptitiously
    surround
    surrounded
    surrounding
    Surroundings
    surveillance
    Survey
    surveyed
    surveying
    Surveyor
    surveys
    survive
    survived
    survives
    surviving
    survivor
    survivors
    Susa
    susceptibilities
    susceptibility
    susceptible
    suspect
    suspected
    suspects
    suspend
    suspended
    Suspending
    suspends
    suspens
    suspense
    Suspension
    suspicion
    suspicions
    suspicious
    suspiciously
    sustain
    sustained
    sustaining
    sustenance
    Sutcliffe
    sutlers
    Sutro
    SUWAROFF
    suzerain
    Suzerainty
    Suákin
    Svend
    Sverdrup
    Swallow
    swallowed
    swallows
    swamp
    swamped
    swamps
    swampy
    swarm
    swarmed
    swash
    Swat
    Swatow
    Swats
    sway
    swayed
    Swaziland
    Swazis
    swear
    swears
    sweat
    sweating
    Sweden
    Swedes
    Swedish
    sweep
    sweeping
    sweepings
    sweeps
    sweetheart
    sweetness
    sweets
    swell
    swelled
    swelling
    swept
    swerved
    swift
    swiftly
    swifty
    swim
    swimming
    swine
    swing
    Swinging
    Swiss
    switches
    Switzerland
    swollen
    sword
    swords
    swore
    sworn
    swung
    Sybel
    sycophant
    Sydney
    syllabic
    syllable
    symbol
    symbolical
    symbolized
    symbols
    Symons
    sympathetic
    sympathies
    sympathise
    sympathisers
    sympathize
    sympathizers
    sympathizes
    sympathy
    symptom
    symptoms
    synagogue
    Syndicate
    Syndicates
    Synod
    synods
    synopsis
    Syracuse
    Syria
    Syrian
    system
    systematic
    systematically
    systematise
    systematization
    systematize
    systems
    Szechuan
    Szechuen
    Szell
    Szilagyi
    Sérapeum
    T
    ta
    Taaffe
    Taal
    tabards
    Tabasco
    Tabellen
    tabernacle
    Tablas
    TABLE
    tableland
    TABLES
    tablet
    tablets
    tabooed
    taboos
    Tabora
    tabulated
    Tabulinga
    tacit
    tacitly
    Tacitus
    tacked
    tacking
    TACNA
    Tacoma
    tact
    tactfulness
    tactical
    tactics
    tael
    taels
    Taft
    Tagal
    Tagalo
    Tagalog
    TAGALOGS
    TAGALOS
    Tagals
    Tagblatt
    Tahiti
    Tai
    tail
    tailoring
    tails
    Taimoro
    tainted
    Taiping
    Takamori
    Takaungu
    take
    Taken
    takers
    Takes
    taking
    Taku
    Takutu
    Talajit
    Talana
    Talavera
    tale
    talent
    talents
    tales
    Taliaferro
    TALIENWAN
    talisman
    talk
    talked
    talking
    talks
    tall
    Talmud
    Tamasese
    Tamaulipas
    Tamayo
    TAMMANY
    Tampa
    Tan
    Tana
    Tanamo
    Tandubato
    tang
    Tanganyika
    tangents
    tangible
    tangle
    tangled
    tank
    tanks
    Tanner
    tanneries
    tantamount
    Tanu
    TAO
    Taoist
    Taotai
    Tapan
    tape
    taper
    tapping
    tardily
    tardy
    Tarfa
    target
    tariff
    TARIFFS
    Tarlac
    tarnished
    tarpaulin
    Tartar
    Tartary
    task
    taskmasters
    tasks
    TASMANIA
    taste
    tattered
    Tau
    Tauchnitz
    taught
    Taungs
    taunting
    Taussig
    taut
    Tawai
    Tawi
    tax
    taxable
    Taxation
    taxed
    taxes
    taxing
    taxpayer
    taxpayers
    Tayabas
    Taylor
    Tayug
    Tchad
    Tchernaieff
    Te
    tea
    teach
    teacher
    Teachers
    teaches
    teaching
    teachings
    tear
    tearing
    tears
    Tebet
    technical
    technicalities
    technicality
    technically
    Technology
    Teck
    tedious
    teemed
    teeming
    teems
    teeth
    teetotalers
    Teheran
    TEHUANTEPEC
    Telegram
    telegrams
    Telegraph
    telegraphed
    telegraphic
    telegraphing
    Telegraphs
    telegraphy
    Telephone
    telephones
    telephonic
    TELEPHONY
    telescope
    Telin
    Tell
    Teller
    telling
    Tello
    Telloh
    tells
    Tembuland
    Temistocle
    temper
    temperament
    temperance
    temperate
    temperately
    temperature
    temperatures
    tempered
    tempest
    tempests
    temple
    temples
    Temporal
    temporarily
    temporary
    temporize
    Temps
    tempt
    temptation
    temptations
    tempting
    Ten
    tenable
    tenacity
    tenancy
    tenant
    tenants
    tend
    tended
    tendencies
    tendency
    tender
    tendered
    tenderness
    tenders
    tending
    tendons
    tends
    Teneriffe
    tenet
    tenets
    TENNESSEE
    Tenney
    tennis
    Tennyson
    tenor
    tens
    tension
    tent
    tentage
    tentative
    Tenth
    Tenthly
    tenths
    tents
    tenure
    tenures
    Tepic
    Terai
    Teresa
    term
    termed
    terminable
    terminal
    terminals
    terminate
    terminated
    terminates
    terminating
    termination
    terminations
    termino
    terminos
    terminus
    terms
    terra
    terrace
    terrazzo
    Terrell
    terrestrial
    terrestrially
    terrible
    terribly
    terrific
    terrified
    terrify
    Territorial
    territoriality
    Territories
    Territory
    terror
    terrorise
    terrorists
    terrorized
    terrors
    tersely
    TESLA
    Test
    testament
    testamentary
    tested
    testifie
    testified
    testifies
    testify
    testifying
    Testimony
    testing
    tests
    Tetabiate
    tetanus
    Tetuan
    Teuffel
    Texan
    Texans
    Texas
    text
    textbooks
    textile
    textiles
    texts
    texture
    th
    thalers
    thalweg
    Thames
    than
    Thana
    thank
    thanked
    thankful
    thankfully
    thankfulness
    thanking
    Thanks
    Thanksgiving
    that
    thatched
    thatches
    Thayer
    THE
    theater
    theatre
    theatrical
    Thebes
    thee
    theft
    Their
    theirs
    them
    theme
    themselves
    then
    thence
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    theocracy
    Theodor
    Theodore
    Theodosius
    theologian
    theologians
    theological
    theoretic
    theoretical
    theoretically
    theories
    theorist
    theorists
    Theory
    there
    Thereafter
    thereby
    therefor
    Therefore
    therefrom
    therein
    thereof
    thereon
    Theresias
    thereto
    theretofore
    thereunder
    thereunto
    Thereupon
    therewith
    Thermometer
    Thermopylæ
    these
    Thessalian
    Thessalians
    Thessaly
    they
    thick
    thickened
    thicker
    thickest
    thicket
    thickly
    thickness
    Thiers
    Thievery
    Thieves
    thigh
    thimble
    thin
    thine
    thing
    things
    Think
    thinking
    thinks
    thinly
    thinned
    Third
    Thirdly
    thirds
    thirst
    thirteen
    Thirteenth
    thirtieth
    Thirty
    This
    thither
    thitherto
    tho
    Thomann
    Thomas
    Thompson
    Thomson
    thorn
    Thornhill
    thorns
    Thornton
    Thoroddsen
    thorough
    thoroughfare
    thoroughfares
    thoroughly
    thoroughness
    those
    thou
    Though
    thought
    thoughtful
    thoughtless
    thoughts
    thousand
    thousands
    thraldom
    thrash
    thread
    threadless
    threads
    threat
    threaten
    Threatened
    threatening
    threatenings
    threatens
    threats
    three
    threshold
    thresholds
    threw
    thrice
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    thrill
    thrilling
    thrive
    thriven
    thrives
    thriving
    throat
    Throndak
    throne
    throng
    thronged
    throttled
    Through
    throughout
    throw
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    thrown
    throws
    thrust
    Thun
    thunder
    thundered
    thundering
    Thurman
    Thursday
    Thurston
    thus
    THUTMOSIS
    thwart
    thwarted
    thwarting
    thy
    Tiber
    Tiberias
    Tibet
    Ticao
    ticket
    tickets
    Tidal
    tide
    tided
    tidewater
    tidings
    tie
    tied
    tien
    tiens
    Tientsin
    ties
    Tiflis
    tightly
    Tiglath
    Tigris
    Tila
    Tilden
    tile
    tiled
    tiles
    Till
    tillage
    tilled
    tillers
    Tillman
    timber
    timbered
    Time
    timed
    timely
    Times
    timid
    timidity
    timidly
    Timothy
    Tin
    Tinagua
    tincture
    Ting
    tinge
    tinged
    tingling
    tinned
    Tinneh
    tinsel
    tiny
    tirades
    Tirailleurs
    tired
    Tirol
    Tirolese
    Tiryns
    Tis
    tissue
    title
    titles
    titre
    titular
    Tiumen
    Tlaxcala
    To
    tobacco
    Tobago
    TOCHI
    today
    toes
    together
    Togo
    TOGOLAND
    Tohoku
    toil
    toiled
    toiler
    Toit
    Tokat
    token
    Tokio
    Tokiwo
    Tokyo
    told
    TOLEDO
    tolerable
    tolerance
    tolerant
    tolerate
    tolerated
    tolerating
    toleration
    Toll
    tolls
    Tolosan
    Tolstoi
    Tom
    Tomas
    tomb
    tombs
    Tommy
    tomorrow
    Tompkins
    Tomsk
    ton
    tone
    tones
    tong
    Tonga
    Tongaland
    Tongkew
    Tongking
    Tongoland
    tongue
    tongues
    Tonnage
    Tonquin
    Tons
    tonsure
    too
    took
    tool
    tools
    top
    topazes
    topic
    topics
    topmost
    topographical
    topography
    topped
    topple
    toppled
    tops
    TORAL
    torch
    torches
    torchon
    torment
    tormented
    tormentors
    torn
    Tornado
    Tornielli
    Torpedo
    torpedoes
    Torquemada
    Torquino
    torrent
    torrents
    Torres
    torrid
    tortuous
    torture
    tortured
    tortures
    Tory
    Toryism
    Tosa
    Toski
    TOTAL
    totally
    Totals
    toto
    touch
    touched
    touches
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    toughs
    Toulon
    Toulouse
    tour
    tourist
    tourists
    tours
    tousled
    tout
    toute
    toward
    Towards
    towed
    tower
    towered
    towering
    towers
    Town
    Towne
    Towns
    Townsend
    Townshend
    township
    townships
    townspeople
    toxic
    toxine
    toxines
    toxins
    trace
    traced
    tracery
    traces
    tracing
    track
    trackless
    tracks
    Tract
    tracts
    Tracy
    trade
    traded
    trademarks
    traders
    trades
    tradesman
    Tradesmen
    tradespeople
    trading
    tradition
    traditional
    traditions
    traffic
    trafficking
    tragedies
    tragedy
    tragic
    tragical
    tragically
    Trail
    trailing
    Traill
    Trails
    train
    trainbands
    trained
    Training
    Trains
    trait
    traitor
    traitors
    Traitre
    tramcar
    tramp
    trample
    trampled
    trampling
    tramps
    tramway
    tramways
    tranquil
    tranquillity
    tranquillizing
    trans
    transact
    transacted
    transacting
    transaction
    transactions
    Transbaikalia
    Transcaspia
    transcend
    transcended
    transcendent
    Transcendental
    transcontinental
    transcribed
    transcriber
    transcript
    transfer
    transference
    transferred
    transferring
    transfers
    transform
    transformation
    transformations
    transformed
    transformer
    transformers
    transforming
    transgression
    transient
    transit
    transition
    transitory
    Transkei
    translate
    translated
    translating
    translation
    Translations
    translator
    transliteration
    transmission
    transmissions
    transmit
    transmittal
    transmitted
    transmitter
    transmitters
    transmitting
    transmute
    transparent
    transpired
    transport
    transportation
    transported
    transporters
    transporting
    Transports
    transradiable
    transubstantiation
    TRANSVAAL
    Transvaalers
    trap
    trapping
    Trarieux
    Trave
    travel
    traveled
    traveler
    traveling
    travelled
    traveller
    travellers
    travelling
    travels
    Travers
    traverse
    traversed
    traverses
    traversing
    trays
    treacherous
    treacherously
    treachery
    treacle
    tread
    Treason
    treasonable
    treasure
    treasurer
    Treasurers
    treasures
    treasuries
    treasury
    treat
    treated
    Treaties
    treating
    treatment
    treats
    treaty
    Trebizond
    treble
    trebled
    trebling
    tree
    trees
    trek
    tremble
    trembling
    tremendous
    Tremont
    trench
    Trenches
    trenching
    TREND
    Trenton
    trephined
    trespass
    trespassers
    trespassing
    Trevelyan
    Treves
    tri
    Triads
    Trial
    trials
    triangular
    Tribal
    tribe
    TRIBES
    tribesmen
    TRIBUNAL
    Tribunals
    Tribune
    tributaries
    tributary
    Tribute
    Tributes
    trick
    tricks
    Tricoupis
    tridents
    tridominium
    tried
    tries
    Trieste
    trifled
    trifles
    trifling
    trigger
    Trikoupis
    Trim
    trimmed
    trimmings
    Trinidad
    Trinity
    trip
    tripartite
    triple
    Tripler
    tripod
    Tripoli
    tripping
    trips
    tritithons
    Triton
    triumph
    triumphal
    triumphant
    triumphantly
    triumphed
    triumphs
    Triune
    trivial
    Trobriand
    Trocadero
    trocha
    TROCHAS
    trod
    Troia
    Trojan
    trolley
    Tromsoë
    troop
    troopers
    troops
    trop
    trophies
    tropic
    tropical
    tropics
    trotting
    trouble
    troubled
    troubles
    troublesome
    troubling
    trousers
    Trowbridge
    TROY
    truant
    Truce
    trucks
    truculence
    truculent
    True
    truest
    truism
    truisms
    truly
    Trumbull
    trumped
    trumpet
    Trumpeter
    Trumpeters
    trumpets
    trunk
    trunks
    trunnions
    trussed
    trusses
    trust
    trusted
    Trustees
    trusting
    trusts
    trustworthy
    Trusty
    truth
    truthfully
    truths
    try
    trying
    très
    Ts
    Tsai
    tsang
    Tsao
    Tsar
    Tschiposan
    Tse
    Tseng
    Tshinovniks
    tsi
    Tsikalaria
    tsin
    Tsinan
    tsing
    Tsitsihar
    Tsu
    tsun
    Tsung
    Tsushima
    Tsz
    tsze
    Tszechau
    Tsü
    tu
    Tuan
    tube
    tuberculosis
    tuberculous
    Tubes
    tubs
    Tubuai
    tubular
    Tucker
    Tuesday
    TUGELA
    tugs
    Tui
    Tuileries
    tuition
    tumbled
    tumbling
    tumours
    Tumuc
    tumult
    tumults
    tumulus
    tun
    tundras
    tune
    TUNG
    Tungtschau
    tunic
    Tunis
    Tunisia
    Tunisian
    Tunisians
    tunnel
    TUNNELS
    Tupper
    turbaned
    turbine
    TURBINES
    Turbinia
    turbulence
    turbulent
    Turk
    Turkestan
    TURKEY
    Turkhan
    Turkish
    Turkistan
    Turks
    turmoil
    turn
    Turnavos
    turned
    Turner
    turning
    turnpikes
    turns
    Turpin
    Turrettini
    Tuscany
    tusks
    tutelage
    tutor
    Tutuila
    TWAIN
    Twan
    Twelfth
    Twelve
    twelvemonth
    twentieth
    twenty
    Twice
    twigs
    twilight
    twin
    Twiss
    twist
    twisted
    twitching
    Two
    twofold
    Tyler
    Tymovsk
    type
    types
    typhoid
    typhoon
    typhus
    typical
    tyrannized
    tyranny
    tyrant
    Tyre
    Tyrnavo
    Tyrol
    Tyrone
    Tzar
    Tze
    Tzetinye
    Tzrnagora
    tzu
    télégramme
    u
    uan
    Ubao
    ubiquitous
    Uchali
    Uganda
    ugly
    Uitlander
    UITLANDERS
    ukase
    ul
    Ulises
    Ulloa
    Ulster
    ult
    ulterior
    ultima
    ultimate
    Ultimately
    Ultimatum
    ultimo
    ultra
    Ultramontanism
    ULYSSES
    Umata
    Umba
    Umpire
    Umra
    Umtali
    Un
    unabated
    unable
    Unabridged
    unacceptable
    unaccountable
    unaccountably
    unaccustomed
    unacquainted
    unadulterated
    unaffected
    unaided
    unalterable
    unalterably
    unaltered
    unanimity
    unanimous
    unanimously
    unanswered
    Unappalled
    unapproachable
    unarmed
    unasked
    unassailable
    unassociated
    unattainable
    unattended
    unauthorised
    unauthorized
    unavailing
    unavoidable
    unavoidably
    unaware
    unbaked
    unbearable
    unbearded
    unbecoming
    unblemished
    unblushing
    unborn
    unbounded
    unbridled
    unbroken
    unburied
    unbusinesslike
    uncanceled
    uncaptured
    unceasing
    unceasingly
    uncertain
    uncertainties
    uncertainty
    uncertified
    unchain
    unchangeable
    unchanged
    unchecked
    unchristian
    uncivilized
    unclaimed
    uncle
    unclothed
    uncommon
    uncompromising
    unconcealed
    unconcerned
    unconditional
    unconditionally
    unconnected
    unconquerable
    unconscious
    unconsciously
    unconsciousness
    unconstitutional
    unconstitutionally
    uncontrolled
    uncovered
    uncovering
    uncurrent
    uncurtailed
    und
    undamaged
    undaunted
    undeceived
    undecided
    undeciphered
    undefended
    undefined
    undemocratic
    undeniable
    undeniably
    undenominational
    under
    undercutting
    underestimating
    undergo
    undergoes
    undergoing
    undergone
    underground
    undergrowth
    underlie
    underlined
    underlings
    Underlying
    undermined
    undermines
    undermining
    underpaid
    underrated
    underselling
    Undersigned
    understaffed
    understand
    understanding
    understandings
    understated
    understatement
    understood
    undertake
    undertaken
    undertakers
    undertakes
    undertaking
    undertakings
    undertone
    undertook
    undervalue
    underwent
    Underwood
    undesecrated
    undeserved
    undeservedly
    undesirability
    undesirable
    undesired
    undetermined
    undeveloped
    undexterous
    undignified
    undiminished
    undischarged
    undisciplined
    undiscovered
    undisputed
    undisturbed
    undivided
    undivulged
    undo
    undone
    undoubted
    undoubtedly
    undreamed
    undue
    unduly
    undutiable
    une
    unearned
    unearthed
    Uneasiness
    uneasy
    uneducated
    unemployed
    unequal
    unequaled
    unequalled
    unequally
    unequivocal
    unessential
    unexampled
    unexcited
    unexecuted
    unexpected
    unexpectedly
    unexpended
    unexplored
    unexposed
    unextinguishable
    unfailing
    unfair
    unfairly
    unfairness
    unfamiliar
    unfavorable
    unfavorably
    unfettered
    unfinished
    unfit
    unflagging
    unflinching
    unfolded
    unforeseen
    unforgettable
    unfortified
    unfortunate
    unfortunately
    unfortunates
    unfounded
    unfriendliness
    unfriendly
    unfulfilled
    unfunded
    unfurled
    ung
    UNGAVA
    ungenerous
    ungrateful
    unground
    unguarded
    unhampered
    unhappily
    unhappy
    unharmed
    unhealthy
    unheeded
    unhesitating
    unhindered
    unhistorical
    unholy
    unhoped
    unhurt
    unification
    unified
    uniform
    uniformed
    uniformity
    uniformly
    Uniforms
    unilateral
    unimpaired
    unimpassioned
    unimpeded
    unimportant
    unimproved
    uninhabitable
    uninhabited
    uninjured
    uninterrupted
    uninterruptedly
    union
    unionism
    Unionist
    Unionists
    unions
    unique
    uniqueness
    unirrigated
    unison
    unit
    unite
    united
    uniting
    units
    unity
    universal
    universally
    universe
    Universelle
    UNIVERSITIES
    university
    unjust
    unjustifiable
    unjustified
    unjustly
    unkind
    unkindly
    unknown
    unlawful
    Unless
    unlike
    unlikely
    unlimited
    unloading
    unlooked
    unmanageable
    unmarked
    unmarred
    unmarried
    unmeasured
    unmindful
    unmistakable
    unmistakably
    unmistakeably
    unmixed
    unmodified
    unmolested
    unmortgaged
    Unmoved
    unnamed
    unnatural
    unnaturally
    unnecessarily
    unnecessary
    unnerved
    unnoticed
    unobjectionable
    unobstructed
    unobtainable
    unofficial
    unofficially
    unopposed
    unorganized
    unostentatious
    unpaid
    unpalatable
    unparalleled
    unpardoned
    unpatriotic
    unperceived
    unpermissible
    unpitying
    unpleasant
    unpleasantly
    unpopular
    unprecedented
    unprejudiced
    unprepared
    unpreparedness
    unprincipled
    unproductive
    unproductively
    unprofitable
    unprofitably
    unpromising
    unpronounceable
    Unprotected
    unprovided
    unprovoked
    unpublished
    unpunished
    unqualified
    unquestionable
    unquestionably
    unquestioned
    unratified
    unreadiness
    unreasonable
    unreasonably
    unrecognized
    unrecorded
    unrehabilitated
    unremitting
    unrepresented
    unrepublican
    unreserved
    unreservedly
    unresisted
    unrest
    unrestrained
    unrestricted
    unrighteous
    unrivalled
    unroofed
    unruly
    unsafe
    unsanitary
    Unsatisfactory
    unsatisfied
    unscientific
    unscriptural
    unscrupulous
    unseat
    unseating
    unsectarian
    unseemly
    unseen
    unselfish
    unsettled
    unshaken
    unshod
    unsought
    unsound
    unspared
    unsparing
    unspeakable
    unstained
    unstaked
    unsteadiness
    unsuccessful
    unsuitable
    unsuited
    unsupported
    unsurpassed
    unsuspected
    unswerving
    unswervingly
    untamed
    untarnished
    untaught
    untaxable
    untaxed
    untenable
    until
    untimely
    untiring
    unto
    untold
    untouched
    untoward
    untrained
    untrammeled
    untrammelled
    untrampled
    untried
    untroubled
    untrue
    untrustworthiness
    untrustworthy
    untruth
    untruthfully
    unused
    unusual
    unusually
    unvarying
    unvexed
    unvindicated
    unwarrantable
    unwarranted
    unwavering
    unwelcome
    unwholesome
    unwieldy
    unwilling
    unwillingly
    unwillingness
    Unwin
    unwisdom
    unwise
    unwisely
    unworkable
    unworthily
    unworthy
    unwritten
    Unyoro
    Up
    upbraid
    upbuilding
    upheaval
    upheavals
    upheld
    uphill
    uphold
    upholder
    upholders
    upholding
    upholds
    uplift
    uplifted
    Upolu
    Upon
    Upper
    upright
    uprights
    uprising
    uprisings
    uproar
    uprooted
    uprooting
    upset
    upsetting
    upshot
    upward
    upwards
    UR
    Ural
    uranium
    Urban
    urbana
    Urga
    urge
    urged
    urgency
    urgent
    urgently
    urges
    urging
    Uribe
    Uriburu
    URREA
    Urrutia
    Uruguay
    Uruguayan
    Us
    usage
    usages
    Use
    used
    useful
    usefully
    usefulness
    useless
    uselessness
    USES
    ushered
    Using
    Usoga
    Ussuri
    usual
    usually
    usufruct
    usufructuary
    usurers
    Usuri
    usurient
    usurpation
    usurped
    usurper
    usurping
    Utah
    utilitarian
    utilities
    utility
    utilization
    utilize
    utilized
    utilizing
    Utman
    utmost
    Utrecht
    utter
    utterance
    utterances
    uttered
    uttering
    utterly
    uttermost
    v
    va
    Vaal
    Vaca
    vacancies
    vacancy
    vacant
    vacate
    vacated
    vacating
    vacation
    vaccination
    Vacherot
    vacuous
    vacuum
    vagabonds
    vague
    vaguely
    vagueness
    vain
    vainly
    Vakin
    Val
    Valdivia
    Valencia
    Valentine
    Valeriano
    Vali
    valiantly
    valid
    validated
    validity
    Valis
    Valladolid
    Valley
    valleys
    valor
    valorem
    valour
    Valparaiso
    valuable
    valuables
    valuation
    valuations
    value
    valued
    valueless
    values
    valuing
    valve
    valves
    Valérien
    Vamos
    Van
    Vancouver
    Vanderbilt
    Vandergrift
    vanes
    vanished
    Vannoffsky
    Vannovsky
    vanquished
    vanquishing
    vantage
    Varanger
    Vardö
    variance
    variations
    varied
    varies
    varieties
    variety
    Various
    variously
    Varipetro
    Varley
    Varona
    vary
    Varying
    vase
    vases
    vassal
    vassalage
    vassals
    Vassos
    vast
    vastly
    vastness
    Vatican
    Vau
    vaudeville
    vaudevilles
    Vaughan
    vaulted
    vaulting
    Vavau
    Vecchia
    Veeder
    Vegas
    vegetable
    vegetables
    Vegetarian
    Vegetarians
    vegetation
    vehemence
    vehement
    vehemently
    vehicle
    vehicles
    veil
    veiled
    vein
    veins
    Velasco
    veld
    veldt
    Velestino
    Veliki
    velocity
    vendetta
    venerable
    venerated
    veneration
    Venezuela
    Venezuelan
    Venezuelans
    vengeance
    vengefulness
    Venice
    Venosta
    vent
    ventilating
    ventilation
    venture
    ventured
    ventures
    Vera
    verb
    verbal
    verbally
    verbaux
    Verde
    Verdi
    Verdict
    Vereinigung
    Vereins
    Verfassungstreue
    Vergano
    verge
    verification
    verified
    verify
    verifying
    Verily
    veritable
    Verkauf
    Verlaine
    Vermilion
    VERMONT
    Vernon
    versa
    Versailles
    verse
    versed
    version
    verst
    versts
    vertebral
    vertical
    vertically
    vertretenen
    very
    vespers
    vessel
    vessels
    vest
    vested
    vestige
    vestiges
    vesting
    vestries
    vestry
    veteran
    veterans
    veterinarians
    veterinary
    veto
    vetoed
    vetoes
    Vetter
    vex
    vexation
    vexatious
    vexed
    VI
    Via
    viability
    Viatka
    vibrated
    vibration
    vibrations
    Vicar
    vice
    Viceroy
    Viceroyal
    viceroyalty
    viceroys
    vices
    vicinage
    vicinities
    vicinity
    vicious
    vicissitudes
    Vicksburg
    Vicomte
    Vict
    victim
    victimised
    victims
    Victor
    Victoria
    Victorian
    victories
    victorious
    victors
    victory
    vide
    Video
    vied
    Vienna
    Viennese
    vient
    Vieques
    VIEQUEZ
    view
    viewed
    views
    Vigan
    vigilance
    vigilant
    vigor
    vigore
    vigorous
    vigorously
    vigour
    VII
    VIII
    vilayet
    vilayets
    vile
    Villa
    village
    villagers
    villages
    Villalon
    Villaverde
    Villiers
    VINCENT
    vindicate
    vindicated
    vindication
    vindictive
    vindictiveness
    vines
    vinous
    vintage
    Vinton
    violated
    violates
    violating
    violation
    violations
    violative
    violators
    Violence
    violent
    violently
    violet
    violé
    Viper
    Virchow
    VIRDEN
    vires
    virgin
    VIRGINIA
    VIRGINIUS
    virile
    virility
    virtual
    virtually
    virtue
    virtues
    virtuous
    virulence
    vis
    Visayan
    VISAYANS
    Visayas
    VISCONTI
    Viscount
    visible
    visibly
    vision
    visionary
    visit
    visitation
    visited
    visiting
    visitor
    visitors
    visits
    vista
    vistas
    Vistula
    vital
    vitality
    vitals
    VIth
    vituperation
    vive
    Vivendi
    Vivid
    vividly
    vividness
    Vivien
    Vixen
    viz
    Vizcaya
    vizier
    viâ
    Vladika
    Vladikas
    Vladivostock
    Vladivostok
    Vocal
    vocation
    vocations
    Vogel
    Vogt
    vogue
    voice
    voiced
    voices
    void
    voir
    vol
    Vola
    volcanic
    volcano
    Volga
    Volkspartei
    VOLKSRAAD
    Volksraads
    Volksrust
    volley
    volleyed
    volleys
    Volo
    Vologda
    voltage
    voltaic
    volte
    volts
    Volume
    volumes
    voluminous
    voluntarily
    VOLUNTARY
    volunteer
    volunteered
    volunteering
    volunteers
    von
    Vonizongo
    Voorhees
    Vorarlberg
    vortex
    Vorwärts
    Vossische
    Vote
    voted
    voter
    voters
    votes
    VOTING
    votive
    votre
    vouched
    vouchsafe
    vouchsafed
    vous
    vow
    vowed
    vowing
    vows
    voyage
    voyages
    Vroublevsky
    Vryburg
    Vryheids
    vs
    Vuitch
    vulgar
    vulnerable
    vultures
    Vágó
    vérité
    W
    Wad
    WADAI
    Wade
    Wadi
    WADSWORTH
    Wady
    Wagandas
    wage
    waged
    wager
    wages
    waggon
    waging
    Wagner
    wagon
    wagoner
    wagons
    Wahis
    waifs
    wailed
    waist
    waists
    Wait
    waited
    waiting
    waive
    waived
    wake
    wakening
    Wakhan
    waking
    Waldeck
    Waldersee
    WALDO
    WALES
    Walfisch
    walk
    walked
    Walker
    walketh
    Walking
    walks
    Wall
    Wallace
    Wallachs
    walled
    Waller
    Walls
    Walpole
    Walter
    Wan
    WANA
    wander
    wandered
    Wanderer
    Wandering
    waned
    Wang
    wangtao
    Wano
    want
    wanted
    wanting
    wanton
    wantonly
    wantonness
    wants
    war
    WARD
    wardrobe
    wards
    Wardwell
    warehouses
    warehousing
    wares
    warfare
    Waring
    Warka
    warlike
    Warm
    Warmbath
    warmer
    warmest
    warmly
    warmth
    warn
    warned
    Warner
    warning
    warnings
    Warrant
    warranted
    warrants
    warren
    warring
    warrior
    warriors
    wars
    warship
    warships
    Warthe
    Was
    Washburn
    washed
    washhouses
    washing
    WASHINGTON
    washtub
    Wasp
    waste
    wasted
    wasteful
    wastes
    wasting
    watch
    watched
    watchers
    watchful
    watchfulness
    watching
    watchman
    WATER
    watered
    waterfalls
    watering
    Waterloo
    waterproof
    waters
    watershed
    waterspout
    waterway
    waterways
    waterworks
    Watson
    Watt
    Wattenbach
    Wauchope
    wave
    waved
    Waverley
    waves
    waving
    wavy
    way
    wayfarers
    Ways
    Wazir
    Waziri
    WAZIRIS
    we
    weak
    weaken
    weakened
    weakening
    weaker
    weakest
    weakling
    weaklings
    weakly
    weakness
    weaknesses
    weal
    wealth
    wealthiest
    wealthy
    weapon
    Weapons
    wear
    weariness
    wearing
    wears
    weary
    weather
    weave
    weaving
    Weber
    Webster
    wedded
    Weddell
    wedding
    wedge
    wedging
    Wednesday
    weeded
    week
    weekly
    weeks
    weels
    ween
    weep
    weeping
    WEI
    weigh
    weighed
    weighing
    weighs
    weight
    weighted
    weightier
    Weights
    weighty
    Weih
    weir
    weird
    welcome
    welcomed
    welcoming
    welding
    Weldon
    welfare
    well
    Wellington
    Wellman
    wells
    Welsh
    weltering
    Welti
    wen
    Wenamu
    wended
    went
    wept
    Were
    Weser
    Wesley
    Wessels
    west
    Westchester
    Westcott
    westerly
    WESTERN
    westernmost
    Westfälische
    Westlake
    Westminster
    Weston
    Westphalia
    westward
    westwardly
    westwards
    Wet
    Wetmore
    Wettek
    Weyler
    whale
    whaler
    Whaling
    wharf
    wharfage
    Wharton
    wharves
    what
    Whatever
    whatsoever
    Wheat
    Wheaton
    Wheedon
    wheel
    wheelbarrow
    Wheeler
    Wheeling
    wheels
    when
    whence
    whenever
    where
    whereabouts
    Whereas
    whereby
    Wherefore
    wherein
    whereof
    whereon
    whereto
    Whereunto
    whereupon
    Wherever
    wherewith
    whether
    Which
    whichever
    while
    whilom
    whilst
    whip
    whipper
    whips
    whirled
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    whiskey
    Whisky
    whisper
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    whistled
    whistles
    whistling
    WHITE
    Whiteboyism
    Whitehall
    Whitehead
    Whitelaw
    whitened
    whites
    whitewashing
    Whitewatersridge
    whither
    Whiting
    Whitman
    WHITNEY
    Whittier
    Who
    whoever
    Whole
    wholesale
    wholesome
    wholly
    whom
    whomsoever
    whose
    Whosoever
    Why
    Wick
    wicked
    wickedness
    Wickes
    Wide
    widely
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    wider
    widespread
    widest
    widow
    widowed
    widowhood
    widows
    width
    wielded
    wields
    Wiener
    wife
    Wiggins
    wigglers
    Wight
    wigwams
    WIIS
    Wikoff
    Wikoft
    Wilberforce
    Wilcox
    wild
    Wilde
    wilder
    wilderness
    wildest
    wildfire
    wildly
    Wildman
    Wilford
    Wilfred
    Wilfrid
    wilful
    wilfully
    Wilhelm
    Wilhelmina
    Wilhelmshafen
    Wilkes
    Wilkinsburg
    will
    Willard
    Willcocks
    willed
    willful
    William
    Williams
    willing
    Willingly
    willingness
    Willis
    Williston
    wills
    Willshire
    Willson
    WILMINGTON
    Wilson
    Wimereux
    win
    Winchester
    Winchow
    wind
    Windhoek
    winding
    windings
    Windom
    window
    windows
    winds
    Windsor
    Windt
    Windward
    wine
    wines
    Winfield
    Wing
    Wingate
    wings
    Winifred
    winking
    Winkler
    winning
    Winnipeg
    Winsor
    Winter
    Wintered
    Winterhalder
    wintering
    Winthrop
    wiped
    wiping
    wire
    wireless
    wirepullers
    wires
    WISCONSIN
    wisdom
    wise
    wisely
    wiser
    wisest
    wish
    wished
    wishes
    wishing
    wisps
    wistfully
    wit
    Witfontein
    with
    withdraw
    Withdrawal
    withdrawals
    withdrawing
    withdrawn
    withdraws
    withdrew
    withering
    withheld
    withhold
    withholds
    Within
    Without
    withstand
    withstood
    witness
    Witnessed
    witnesses
    Witt
    Witte
    Witu
    Witwatersrand
    wives
    Wm
    Wodehouse
    woe
    WOLCOTT
    Wolf
    Wolmarans
    Wolmeraans
    Wolseley
    Wolsey
    wolves
    woman
    womanhood
    womanly
    women
    won
    wonder
    wondered
    Wonderful
    wondering
    wonderment
    wonders
    WOOD
    Woodbury
    wooded
    wooden
    Woodford
    woodland
    Woodruff
    Woods
    woodsmen
    Woodstock
    woodwork
    wool
    woolen
    woollens
    Woolley
    wools
    Woolwich
    Woosung
    Worcester
    word
    worded
    Worden
    wording
    WORDS
    wore
    Work
    workable
    worked
    worker
    Workers
    workhouses
    working
    workingman
    workingmen
    workings
    workingwoman
    workman
    workmen
    works
    Workshop
    workshops
    workwomen
    world
    worldly
    worn
    worry
    worse
    worship
    worshipping
    worst
    worth
    worthily
    worthless
    worthy
    Wortley
    Would
    wound
    WOUNDED
    wounding
    wounds
    wrap
    wrapped
    wrath
    Wray
    wreak
    wreaking
    wreck
    wreckage
    wrecked
    wreckers
    wrecking
    wrecks
    wrest
    wrested
    wresting
    wretched
    wretchedly
    wriggling
    Wright
    wring
    writ
    write
    writer
    writers
    writes
    writhing
    Writing
    writings
    writs
    written
    wrong
    wronged
    wrongful
    wrongfully
    wrongly
    wrongs
    wrote
    wrought
    wrung
    Wu
    Wuch
    Wuhu
    Wurster
    Wyck
    Wynberg
    WYOMING
    Wên
    Wêng
    Würtemberg
    Würzburg
    x
    XCI
    XCII
    XCIII
    xi
    xii
    XIII
    xiv
    XIX
    XL
    XLI
    XLII
    XLIII
    XLIV
    XLIX
    XLV
    XLVI
    XLVII
    XLVIII
    XV
    xvi
    XVII
    XVIII
    xx
    XXI
    xxii
    XXIII
    xxiv
    xxix
    XXV
    xxvi
    XXVII
    XXVIII
    xxx
    XXXI
    XXXII
    XXXIII
    xxxiv
    xxxix
    XXXV
    xxxvi
    XXXVII
    xxxviii
    y
    yacht
    yachts
    Yafa
    Yakub
    Yale
    Yaloo
    Yalu
    YAMAGATA
    Yamagutchi
    Yamen
    yamên
    Yamêns
    Yang
    Yangtsun
    Yangtsze
    Yangtze
    Yankee
    Yao
    Yaos
    Yaqui
    Yaquis
    Yard
    yards
    Yarkand
    Yass
    Yauco
    Ybayat
    ye
    yea
    year
    yearly
    yearning
    yearns
    Years
    yeas
    Yellow
    Yells
    Yen
    Yendi
    Yenesei
    Yengtai
    Yenisei
    yeomanry
    Yerkes
    Yermak
    Yersin
    Yes
    yesterday
    yet
    Yeu
    Yezo
    Yi
    Yichow
    yield
    yielded
    yielding
    yields
    Yin
    Ying
    Yingkow
    Yint
    Ylin
    Yod
    yoke
    yoked
    yokes
    Yokohama
    Yokoi
    Yola
    Yonge
    Yonkers
    YORK
    you
    Youmans
    young
    younger
    youngest
    Younghusband
    Youngstown
    Your
    Yours
    yourself
    yourselves
    yourt
    youth
    youthful
    youths
    Youtsey
    Ypsiloritis
    Yu
    yuen
    Yugor
    Yukon
    Yukoners
    Yule
    Yun
    Yung
    Yungan
    Yungtsin
    Yunnan
    yuyu
    Yü
    yüan
    Yünnan
    Z
    zaggi
    Zambales
    Zambesi
    Zambesia
    Zambezi
    Zamboanga
    Zanardelli
    Zangwill
    Zanjon
    Zanzibar
    Zanzibarian
    Zaragoza
    zariba
    Zavala
    zeal
    ZEALAND
    Zealander
    Zealanders
    zealous
    zealously
    Zeebrugge
    Zeitoun
    Zeitung
    Zelaya
    Zembla
    Zenta
    zero
    zest
    Zeus
    Zeyla
    Ziegler
    zigzag
    Zina
    Zinc
    Zion
    Zionism
    Zionist
    Zionists
    Zionwards
    Zirpanit
    Zlatoust
    Zola
    ZONA
    Zone
    zones
    Zoology
    Zoshan
    Zoutpansberg
    Zukunft
    Zulfikar
    Zulu
    ZULULAND
    ZULUS
    zum
    Zurich
    Zurlinden
    Zygnema
    zygote
    zygotes
    É
    Éclair
    Éclaireur
    Émile
    Étienne
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    æsthetic
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